THE Mahumetane or Turkish Historie, containing three Bookes:

  • 1 Of the originall and beginning of the Turkes, and of the foure Em­pires which are issued and proceded out of the superstitious sect of Mahumet.
  • 2 Of their Conquests and the succession of the house of Ottoman, vn­till the present reigning of Mahumet the third.
  • 3 Of the warres and seege of Malta, which Solyman the great made to the great Maister and brothers of that order.

¶Heerevnto haue I annexed a briefe discourse of the warres of Cypres, at what time Selimus the second, tooke from the Venetians the possession of that Iland, and by reason thereof I haue adioyned a small discourse conteining the causes of the great­nesse of the Turkish Empire.

Translated from the French & Italian tongues, by R. Carr, of the middle Temple in London, Gentleman.

Dedicated to the three worthy brothers Robert Carr, William Carr and Edward Carr, in the County of Lincolne, Esquiers.

¶AT LONDON, Printed by Thomas Este, dwelling in Aldersgate streete: 1600.


The Right Honble. Francis North Baron of Guilford 1703

¶To the right worthy and worshipfull his louing cosen Robert Carr of Asuerby in the coun­tie of Lincolne Esquire, one in hir Maiesties Commission of peace there.

SIR the worthie estimation which first your Father, then your selfe with your Worshipfull Brothers haue gotten, and euer retained in your countrey; for hospitalitie and many other your much commen­ded vertues, together with the de­sire I haue alwayes naturally had to do that declining name: (arightly so cald if in you & them it decay, whom all the rest hop'te to haue seene the euerlasting propagators of the same, and in which number I a sapplesse braunch of that trunke am one) to whom I owe all seruice or aught which might adde therevnto reputation; hath drawne mee to make ten­der of these my traductions, from the French, Latin, and Italian tongues, of this Mahumetane or Turkish Hi­storie, to your saide selfe with your brothers, as true tokens of my deuoted minde, whereof to the vtmost of power you and they may dispose; Not for I thinke this Dedication or any other acte of mine, can giue aught to the fulnesse of your prayses whereof e­uery tongue that knows you plentifully speakes: But onely for I seeke in some honest office being an ad­mirer of your and their vertues, to make knowen my affection (though my selfe vnknowen) which in ma­ny [Page] meditations hath often wished any occasion, that in trew coullers to you and them might once make it appeare; And now not expecting longer any greater: (for what might he in occasion expect further whose valew onely consists in his minde) being importuned by the much intreatie of friends, that these my paines taken in this Historie might come abroad, I thought none so fit as well in regarde of my saide affection, as of your and their worthinesse to whom to consecreate these my lesse worthie labors. Wherefore to you sir the first both in time and place I present this first booke cōtayning the Originall of these Turckes with the foure Monarchies discended of them as the forerunner both in time and place to the other following, and not vn­fitly appertayning: Because this booke being furnished with much varietie of matter as translations of Empires, chaunge of gouernment, small things from their meane beginnings growing to great persection; great things by indiscretion and litle consideration, ruined, and o­uerthrowen: Occasions hapning and happely pursued, drawing estimation and aduancement; neglected, pul­ling on dissolation and distruction. I say these and such like in this euerie where appearing to whom might I commend then your selfe whose ripe age cannot but be freshly stored with multitudes of such good ob­seruations, gathered from presidents, and examples, foraine and domestique, both of these and former times: And surely when my selfe aright enter in con­sideration of these thinges (whereof these bookes are a rich store-house) let mee speake it with a reuerend regarde alwaies (and vnder controule of religion) I am in opinion often a Platonist, assigning all mortall affaires [Page] necessarelie a periode in theyr perfection, to which hauing attayned, they fall into a retrograde of decli­ning, vntill they be brought to the lowest degree which miserie, can alot: nor there long continuing, againe and againe reuiue and arise from foorth the ashes like to the Arabian Phaenix, (or as the Phisitions talke of the state of our bodies) alwaies either mending or impayring but neuer standing at one stay; So as houl­ding on this continuall course, the vtmost point euer of felicitie or infelicitie is conioyned in the selfe same instant to his next contrarie; which Macrobius well ob­seruing hath worthely depictur'd in these wordes.

Non possunt primi esse omnes omni tempore
Summum ad gradum claritatis cum veneris
Consistes egre, & citius quā discendas decides
Cecidi eg [...], cad [...]t qui sequitur, l [...]s est publica:

And as wee see in casting vp accompts those, and the same counters to fall in places now of poundes now of pence, without any certaine continuance o­ther then sorts to their course: So not vnlike is our condition heere, commaunded still with the chaunge either of better or worse, whereof Seneca according to his graue manner hath thus saide;

Nulla sors longa dolor & voluptas▪
I nuicem [...]adunt: breuior voluptas.
I ma permutat breuis ho [...]a summis:
Nemo confidat nimium secundis.
Nemo disperet meliora La [...]sis.

Which reasons whilst more narrowly I doe examine (though not so nicely as Plato to say that thorough the operation of the superior bodies in these inserior, or by the reuolution of the heauens in this or that [Page] time this or that shall fall foorth) haue beegotten in mee a beleefe for maintaining a second of his asserti­ons viz.

Omnes serui ex regibus & omnes reges ex seruis oriundi.

For if in the restlesse variation of things and progresse of time, vnauoydable ruine attend the succession of greatnesse, but aduauncement on the posteritie of mi­serie: who liues in so base and abiect fortune who may not chalenge his being from worthie auncesters, and assure himselfe in him or his to see the arising Sunne of bright shining honor; As on the contrarie, what other aduanced to the highest degree of dignitie, who may not suspect the meanes of his first beginning, and iustly feare in the weaning of his fortunes to what cōdition (by the violence of this currant) he or his may be brought; All this I say am I drawne more redely to leane too; by reason of this present historie, for behoul­ding heerein from how lowly and small beginnings the victorious & neuer degenerating race of these Ottamans, together with the inuincible nations of their Turkes are growen; that being but bare breach Tartars only, runne out of the caues of those horrid countryes of the Ri­fean and Caucasus mountaines, yet haue with glorious successe in their attempts ledde captiuitie captiue, made themselues now conquerours ouer the whole East; & in fine are become euen the terror of the West. Sacking infinit numbers of Citties and Countryes: dispoyling multitudes of Princes and high discended families of theyr liues, together with theyr crownes and king­domes: and this done in so few yeares space aboue all opinion, or what else before was euer executed by the antique world. It cannot be but to that which the [Page] course of things doth daylie cast vpon them; (if there be a course in things which is not my purpose further heere to dispute:) God almightie in his secret iudge­ments doth hasten their proceedings, to chastice the in­gratitude of vs Christians for the small thankefulnesse wee shew for so many his gratious benefits liberally, (though vnworthely) bestowed on vs. But my office is not of a diuyne, hauing in purpose to make knowē one­ly what they haue euen from the first done, and daylie doe, rather then the reason of the deede, how it is or can be done. In which I heere present you and your Worshipfull brothers with three bookes. This of their Originall, and the seuerall Monarchies discended from them; Another of their conquests and the succession of the house of Ottaman, whose greatnesse hath in manner drownd all the rest; The third of the small gainefull attempt giuen by Soliman (great Grandfather to Mahumet the third of that name who now reigneth) to the Isle of Malta, or Melita, defended chiefly by the forces of the great Maister, and the valiancy of the wor­thy brothers of that order. By which last booke I wold thus much inferre, that since the prowesse of so small a handfull was not onely able to withstand, but repell the furie and huge forces of so confident an enemie, puffed vp with pride & assurance of so many rich spoiles and gayned victories: O what then would the forces of Christian Princes vnited doe, so we might but once see the glorious beams of that bright shyning day appeare. To this I haue annexed likewise an abstract (borrowed frō the Italians) of such causes as are saide to giue great­nesse to the Turckish Empire a breuiate onely of a larger worke yet by me vnfinished, deuided into three bookes [Page] which by gods grace shal come forth shortly, shadowed with the fauours of you & your brothers names. These former in the meane time if it shall please you to respect with that kinde acceptance which from you they seeke, though not well deserue: I of my paines receiue a large requital, who desire nothing more; Lastly whereas seue­rally I assigne dedications of these books to you & your brothers, vpon my seuerall reasons in their Epistles set downe: it is not of any purpose to deuide you or them from the pleasure of any part, which I wish should bee common vnto all: but rather to expresse thereby your mutuall natures cōformities, for as these books though diuersly directed, yet thus together perticipate theyr content to all readers alike if they please, whereto the dedication giues no hinderance. So you of all liuing brothers (with the mightie admiration of men) in distinct bodies are sayde to haue in euerie good thing one and the same vnchangeable will & minde alwayes resident: where meum and tuum the worldes sole con­tentions neuer take place. Thus wishing to your Wor­shippe all content of your desires, and therein the full fruition of your health, with much affection prayed for by many, I take my leaue and to your good opinion commend mee; From the midle Temple this 20. of March. 1600.

Your kinsman in all faithfull seruice at commaund R. Carr.

I: S: To his kinde friend R. C.

THe well fed paunch, sound sleepes and proud attire
From face of men hath banisht vertue quite
VVhereby the course of natures free desire
Is cleane corrupt by customes foule despite.
So euerie light is spent which gratious heauen
Assignd▪ this lyfe our staggering steppes to stay
That now a worthie wonder it shall seeme
If any one shall glorious actes assay.
The Lawrell wittes reward, the Mirtle eloquent
Drownd in contempt with faire Philosophie
The gayning people hould for time mispent
And few folkes feete the strayter path doe trie
Yet gentle friend let mee of you require,
Pursue▪ the prayse due to your harts desire.

C: S: To his louing cosen & good friend. R. C.

I Speake no prayse to thee my Cosen kinde [...]
(For well of aught I know you seeke no prayse)
But ioy to see that these our better dayes
Shall bee adornd with beauties of thy minde.
O how I feard thy modest thoughts inclinde
To sit in silence musing mourning layse
In scorne of fame and all that honor rayse
would drowne the parts which heauen to thee assignd
I know thy worth and so shall many moe
(Vnlesse thy selfe and many moe thou wrong)
And since begoone to set thy selfe in shoe
Bring out thy store in darknesse hid too long,
Nor doubt not aught for if (as earst) I see,
That pleaseth others which once pleaseth mee.

R: M: To hiis friend. R: C:

NO little glorie gaine they I confesse
who fitlie fo [...]ein [...] tongues our language teach:
Yet he farre more deserues without impeach,
His owne braines birth who well dyd e'er expresse.
Then gentle friend make you your selfe not lesse
To post vs French and Latine in our speach:
But broach those quieres of rare conceit and reach,
Which I haue seene most worthie of the presse.
Those loue sick Sonets, those pleasing Comedies,
VVhich oft with much attention I haue heard;
That rich discourse, where loue in louing dies:
And of all wittes those, paradoxs preserd.
(O) let this age but some of these behold
And prayse thy pen writ in a veyne of gold.

The answere to his friend. R: M:

MY dearest friend I willingly confesse,
That I whose life should other lead & teach,
Am not deuoide of blame, and foule impeach,
VVhich (O,) I would no tongue could ere expresse.
Now for I haue my selfe in wotth made lesse:
Too stale a fable to the publick speach,
Is't not enough: but that I furthther reach
To blaze my follies in a printing presse.
No pardone no, both songes and Comedies,
And what besides pleasing applause hath heard,
VVithout remorse in their creation dies:
To byrth and buriall rites at once preserd.
Too much of these dyd men in me behold,
O would time past could be regaind with gold.

The Preface, To the curteous Reader.

IT is no small wonder vnto me gentle Reader, though the worth of the argument contayned in these bookes were lesse, why the examples of other nations (as in other things) should not so much preuayle wt our countrey men, as to stirre vp some, accor­ding to the presidents in many other languages (wherewith the world in large volumes is fraught,) to haue written somewhat of these Turkish affayres; For if wee regard the greatnesse of their attempts, their fortunatenesse in successe, their discipline, or what else may adde aught to militarie glorie: you shall finde them in my conceite not inferior but supe­rior farre in euery thing which hath giuen estimatiō to former ages, of which bookes we see euery hand and studie full, whilst these alone are hid from our people for want of some paine taking pen that might transfer so rich treasure from straungers vnto vs. If new things delight, (according to the naturall in­grafted condicion of man,) these are new; If benefit be expected in bookes, (& especially in histories,) for counsayle & forewarning mischiefs in the examples and harmes of others, frō what former historie may we reap greater then this: stored with so many and notable presidents of all sorts, fresh bleeding as it [Page] were before our eyes, (and which should be a greater motiue) telling of ensewing danger, not much deui­ded frō our owne doores, when daylie we lamenta­bly see our neighbours houses not farre of flaming. New fashioned clothes deriued from straungers, are euery day much esteemed, new fashioned man­ners, new fashioned wittes are affected: then either for the worth or fashion, let these French and I­talian traductions receiue your fauorable censures: I dyd propound no greater gaine in my paines, and hope of your curtesies to obtaine no lesse, which graunted shall encourage me to shew you yet some­what more worthie ere long in this argument, wherein I hauing first (for aught I know) broken the ice (sauing onely the Historie of Scanderbegg of the late Persian warres, & that of Tamberlain though exceding well done yet but perticuler parts of this discourse) shall be glad to heare of any companion▪ for further paines, to whom this subiect will afford enough of sufficient and worthie matter; And so cra­uing you would friendly correct what faults in the Impression haue passed either by me or the Printer, I take my leaue, and rest the seruant of euery well willing reader.

R. Carr.

The Originall and beginning of the Turkes, and of the foure Empires which are issued and proceeded out of the supersticious sect of Mahumet.

COnsidering that I haue the penne in hand, I make so mine accompt, that I were as good to make an ende as to staie, vntill you required of me, from whence the nacion of the Turkes are come, & what man­ner people they be, that haue bene so much vnknowen to our prede­cessors sauing about three hundreth yeeres agone, and that Pomponius Mela, and Pliny haue made some men­cion of them and numbered thē among the Scythians. But, to declare truely, their originall and beginning, it behooueth to beginne at the Sarazines, and than to write of the Empires, that haue beene engendered of their wicked and abhominable superstition and sect, as the Caliphe of Baudras, the Miramamolin of Aphrick, the Souldain of Egipt, the Assan or Sophie of Perse. For these are they from whom the Turkes are proceeded.

MAHOMET, (whom some doe call Muhamet, and the Turkes mehemet, that is to say, loued or praysed,) was an Arabian; & borne in a village (nigh to Mecque) called Itrarip, about the yeere, of our Lord & sauiour Iesus Christ 600. at such time as the Emperor Heraclius gouerned in Grecia, & king Dagobert reigned in Fraunce, his father was named Abdala, which word may be in­terpreted, the seruaunt of God, though in deede he was [Page] a Gentile and very Idolator. But Mahumet being an Orphan at the age of eight yeares, was left in the regi­ment of one of his vncles, named Abutaliph, who caused him to be instructed by a Iewe in the Mathematical and naturall Sciences▪ and after that to be married at the age of fifteene or sixteene years, and then instructed him in the trade of Merchandize, which hee practized both in Egipt and Sury, wher not a litle he frequented the com­pany of Iewes & Christians, but chiefely with a Moncke of the order of saint Benet called Iohn, (as the Bishop of Ptolomais or A [...]on reporteth,) as also with another Monck called Sergius an hereticall Nestorian, of whō he learned the holy Scriptures, & especially the old & new Testament. To which knowledge whē he had attaigned & cōsidered with himself, that it was no great difficult matter vnder the shadow of Religion, so to draw to him the Arabians being but grosse, rude, and Idolators: he therefore absented himselfe out of companie and remayned secret by the space of two yeares. And after that presented himselfe to the people saying, that all the while of his absence, he was with the Angell Gabriell who taught and gaue to him the law of God; and that to beleeue in Idols was foolish & vaine. But perceiuing, that at that time, his woords could obtaine small cre­dit, he inuented another policie. For which purpose he had an Esclaue called Zeidimy to whom he told that the will of God was, that all men should be free, & therfore dyd giue him immediatly his libertie, wherby frō euery part, all the Esclaues in a countrey repayred to Mehemet, and gaue him such credit, that whatsoeuer hee com­manded, they obeyed him: In so much as this com­panie, [Page 2] thus drawne togethers, brought no litle dread and feare to some great and welthie families in Mecque, as were the Caraxins, Haximins, and Benimitains, who vp­on the intelligence of the drawing togethers of this wicked packe, tooke armour against them. Whereof Mehemet getting intelligence, fled immediatly, and retired himselfe to the towne of Almedine, sithens cal­led Medinathalmaby, which is so much to say, as Medin of the Prophet, where he began in such sort to preach to the Iewes, that in steede to beleeue him, they beat him in sundrie fights and his Esclaues also. So as in one of these skirmishes Mehemet gat such a stroke ouerthwart his face, that not onely hee lost two of his sore teeth, but also was left for dead in a dike ther, wherin he was cast: though in the ende he ouercame the Iewes. And because the Arabians, (which indeede be discended from Ismaell the sonne of Abraham, and of Agar his wiues maide,) were called Agarins; hee caused to be ordained (in that it was not honorable for his peo­ple to carie the name of a woman seruant,) that from thence forth they should be named Sarazins, deducted from the name of Sara, the lawfull wife of Abraham, alledging that Ismaell was engendred of Sara and not of Agar hir maiden. The which name of Sarazins, so long endured, vnto such time as the Turkes dyd abo­lish both the name and the nation, as heereafter I will declare. Mahumet hauing thus crept into credit among ths ignorant and rude people, that hee was a Prophet and messenger of God, hee acquainted him­selfe with a Lady of no litle wealth and riches; named Tadiga or Cadiga being a widow, and so to the pur­pose, [Page] hee behaued himselfe towards hir, that hee mar­ried hir, although hee had three other wiues besides hir, whereof the one was called Anosse, the second A­hasse, and the third named Seick, or Zeich, whom he ra­uished from one that was one of his bringers vp, bee­sides a Concubine that he had called Marie a Christian woman of the sect of the Iacobits. And than he began to publish his damnable law that it was lawfull for any man to haue foure wiues. Howbeit, thorough the mar­riage of this Lady, Mahumet was wonderfull re'nforced and strengthened, in such sort, as that thorough his welth that hee dyd get, he was able to wage soldiours. Whereby partly by sorce, and partly by good oppini­on that was had in him, all his neighbours obeyed him, and so as his trayne growing to such a number thorough the multitude of Sarazins that repaired to him, the Emperour Heraclius (who at that time had vn­der his dominion, both the countries of Surie, Egipt, and Africk) serued himselfe with these people in his warres against the Persians. Howbeit, it so afterwards came to passe, that at a pay of the Emperours army, among whō at that time vvere certaine bands of the Sarazins, so as mony vvas not so plentie there at that instant, able to pay the vvhole army: And that hee, which had the or­der of the pay of the army among vvhom the bands of Sarazins also were attending for their vvages, vndes­cretly gaue ansvvere to the Sarazins, that the Emperor had not mony ynough, there to pay the Chrictians, that vvere Souldiours; and therfore they being but dogges, ought not to demaund for vvages. With vvhich aun­svvere, the Sarazins being not a little moued, departed [Page 3] from the seruice of the Emperour, and returned into Africk where they found Mahumet. The Emperour He­raclius, afterward sent into Africk to leuie his tribute there, which seemed to bee not a little greeuous to the Africans to be so much troubled with subsidies, as they were: they falling into a mutinie, (and stirred thereto also with the subtill perswasions of Mahumet, that told them, the pleasure and will of God was that each one should liue at liberty,) the Commissaries of the Empe­rour were there slaine, and the countries of Egipt and Africk reuoulted wholy from the obedience of the Em­pire; of which rebellion; Mahumet was chiefe and their Generall: Who by reason of the same was immediately pursued both by the Christians and Iewes. And albeit the Emperour did send against him a great army vnder the leading of one of his Nobilitie called Theodore, who fought sundry battelles with the Africans: yet in the end Theodore being ouerthrowne and slaine. Mahumet with his Sarazius after this victorie departed from thence, & inuaded the countries of Sury & Mesopotamia, and made conquest of the same. Thus then the Greekes, lost the countries of Sury, Egipt, and Africk, & other ter­ritories which the Emperours of Rome and Grecia, had euer in possession from the time of Iulius Cesar, sauing that part of Africk which the Vandalls held who were Christians, though Arrians, & there had continued from the time that the Romaines, suffered them to inhabit: And so Mahumet was crowned king in Damasco, about the yeere of our Lord God 630. and liued after about tenne yeeres.

After the death of Mahumet the Sarazins preferred [Page] to his kingdome one of his disciples & familiars, named Othamar whom▪ the Turks doe call Othmar. Howbeeit some affirme that hee that next succeded Mahumet was one called Bubacher, otherwise named Caliph which word signifieth enheritor or successor, beecause hee was placed in the rome & authoritie of Mahumet, and so after him were called all his successors, though some Italian authors doe call them Alipha. The chiefest place where the Caliph had his residence, was established at the citie of Baudars which the Italians call Baldat, & the Turks Bagdet, that sometime was the famous citie of Ba­bilon though others hold opinion that this Citie, was that, which in times past was named Susa, and is situated vpon the riuer of Euphrates. About this time the Sarazins conquered in a little space (vpon the Greekes) the terri­torie of Caramanie aunciently called Cilitia where the citie of Antioche standeth, and Pamphilia which at this day is called Scauri, and the towne of Selucia named by the inhabitants there Scandalor, and after that they made enterprize vpon the kingdome of Persia, which they call Pharsie and this was about that time when the Greekes did cut of the nose, and the tongue also, of the Empresse Martine and Heraclion hir sonne and of the Emperour Heraclius, beecause they enpoisoned Constantine the el­dest sonne of Heraclius begotten vpon an other wife at such time also the Lumbards entred into Italy. Of Persia, at this time, was king one called Hormisda, named also by Hayton (that writeth of these matters) Ascaiorth elec­ted king next after Adaesar, sonne of Syroe sonne of Cos­roe or Cosdroe whom the Emperour Heraclius tooke pri­soner when he recouered the city of Hierusalem. Hormis­da, [Page 4] hauing assured intelligence▪ that the Sarazins were comming to inuade him, [...]ought for succours at such as were his neighbours and chiefely of those of Turquesten who frontered vpon the Persians on the West & towards the East on the realme which Hayton calleth Tarsie, and vpon the famous riuer of Indus towards the North, and to the Corasmins and Med▪ on the South (which are the verie confines and limits which Plinie and Strabo doe appoint to the Parthes) whom the Turkes doe call Tur­guestain as Francis Freinston saith. This nation which sith­ens by the Frenchmen & other haue bene named Tur­guimans, and afterward Turks, (who among them at that time had no manner of law or policy, departed out of their countrie, to the number of six thousand fighting men, to come to the succour of king Hormisda. But bee­cause (according to their custome) they brought their wiues and children with them, they were the longer in comming, so as before they came, the Sarazins and king Hormisda had sought togethers, and Hormisda ouer­throwen and slaine, about the yeere of our Lord God 640. And so the Sarazins became Lords of Persia and of the whole countries about, sauing the realme of Abeas, which is in Georgia, & a part of the greater Armenie cal­led Haloen who were the refuge & receptacle of Christi­ans. The Turqui [...]ains being by this ariued, (in that part of Persia named Chor [...]e [...] or C [...]osley and by some C [...] ­roz [...]i [...]) they vnderstoode of the ouerthrow and death of Hormisda: for which cause, they staied there, and for­tified themselues in the best wise they could, and sent vnto the Sarazins, requesting to accept them as their friends, & withall that they would receiue tribuit from [Page] them, for vvhich alvvaies they vvould bee at their com­mandement to serue them faithfully in their vvars, if it vvould further vouchsafe the Sarazins to beestovv on them the place, vvhere they at that time vvere to inha­bit. The Sarazins receiued their ambassage curteously & accepted them as their friendes and offred Tributaries, hovvbeit they caused the Turks to lodge further of in a part of another countrie vvhich they appointed them; to thende that if they reuolted; they should doe the Sa­razins lesse harme. In this manner remained the Turkes or Turquimains, tributaries, & as it vvere subiects to the Sarazins, vvhose customes, lavvs, & maners, they quick­ly learned through continuall trade and frequentation vvhich they had a among the Sarazins; insomuch, as in the end ther vvas no manner of difference betwixt▪ thē, either in religion, law, or forme of life, which was very easie for the Turks to doe considering, that be ore they liued without any law, rule, or pollicie, which they wer sooner moued to embrace onely to be pertakers of the honours and riches which the Sarazins, of whom these Turks became familier companions and meruailously well beloued, for that they tried themselues to be euery where in their warres, their best souldiers. Thus they li­ued togethers about three hundred yeeres, that they were accounted in manner to be of one nacion. How­beit the Turquimains kept themselues alwaies a part by themselues and grew to bee of such wealth and might, that about the yeere of our Lord God 1400 they be­came maisters ouer the Sarazins, by occasion of discord growing among the Sarazins themselues, as hereafter shal be declared.

[Page 5]This first Caliphe, endured not very long, because ano­ther Sarazin named Ascaly, chased him from his place, purposing to haue vsurped his rome, howbeit he could not so attaine it, for he was slaine by the Sarazins, who preferred another (to that dignitie) called Haly.

Haly the second Calphe: was coosen Germain to Mahumet, & his sonne in law (as some affirme) hauing maried Fa [...]ma, (whom the Turks pronounce Fatma) the daughter of Mahumet, whose lawes Haly chaunged, or rather anulled, and made new of his ovvne inuenti­on, through vvhich innouation of religion, or rather supersticion, the Sarazins beecame meruailously deui­ded: Insomuch as those vvhich follovved Mahumet made a Caliph in Egipt. The others remained in Persia vvith Haly vvho alvvaies continued in such reuerence and estimacion as vvell among them as vvith the Turks at this day, that incontinently next to Mahumet vvhen they goe about any of their affaires, they say Alla, Ma­humet, Haly, God Mahumet and Haly. Thus the Sarazins began to be deuided among themselues the vvhich di­uision hath euer sithens continued and endureth yet: For albeit the Turks & the Persians also are in effect ve­ry Mahom [...]ists, yet differ they so in ceremonies, & other contrarieties of opinion, that the one do account the o­other very heretiques. The Caliphe doth execute his of­fice as though he vvere both their Pole and their Empe­rour. For these Caliphes doe ordaine gouernours and of­ficers through euery prouince vvhere they haue autho­ritie, vvhich they call Sultans, vvhich may be interpreted Prouosts o [...] gouernours▪ But by succession of time, this terme Sultan, [...]s conuerted to an [...]ppellation or name [Page] roiall, and signifieth the word king. At the time of thisAs the Latin word Impera­tor at the first was no name of Regall power and autho­ritie. first deuision there was a Sultan of Alexandrie named Selym that killed the first Caliphe of Egipt, and returned in obedience to the Caliphe of Baudras to haue fauour.

After this, part of those Sarazines of Egipt that would not come to the obedience of the Caliph of Baudras, passed into Africk & chased from thence the Vandales, which were Christians, but heretiques, maintaining the abhominable error of the Arrians, wher these Vandales had domination sithens the time of their king Genceri­cus, who with his nation being Vandales were chased out of Hispain by the Gothes (that were Arrians as they also were) and so arriued in Africk in the time of the Emperour Theodosius the yong sonne of Arcadius a­bout the yeere of our Lord God 410. and after were tributaries to the Emperours of Constantinople where they remained vnto the yeere of our Lord God 668, that the Sarazins (as aboue said) ther first entred; and established a generall to rule ouer them, whom they na­med a Miramamolin, which is so much to say as a ruler or lord ouer ye people, & ordained his residence & place of dignitie, to bee at M [...]r [...]hque, at this day called Tunes nigh to Cartage. Which name of Miramamolyn hath sithens beene chaunged: for at this day they call their king Moulee, as he that at this day reigneth at Tunys, is called Moule Assan that is to say, king or Seigneur Assan.

I would not discribe to you further at length what the Sarazins did, after their conquests of Persia & Afri­que. But will admit a little intermission vnto the yeere of our Lord God 1040. at which time they were subdu­ed by the Turkes or Tursquimains their tributaries. For [Page 6] otherwise that were against my purpose, determining ra­ther to make an Epitome or abridgement, than a whole large Chronicle of their dooings.

THE yeere of grace 660. Mehua (which signifieth suddaine or hastie) Sultan of Egipt, successor of Selym tooke the Isle of Rhodes, and carried away the famous Colosse or piller of Brasse that was esteemed on height three score and tenne elles, which an Earthquake ouer­threw as Plinie affirmeth.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 660. Abdalla (the Sul­tan of Egipt after Mehua,) came to Syracuses; where sometime was slaine the Emperor Constantins sonne to Constantine, whom his mother in law Martyn, wyfe to Heraclius caused there to be poysoned: where the Sa­razins sacked the towne with a great part of the riches of Rome which the said Constantins before had caused to bee brought thether to haue conueyed the same to Constantinople.

ABOVT the yeere of 690. Abimelech (which woord may bee enterpreted the father of the King) inuaded Hispain, with a nauie of 270. shippes, but was repulsed, and from thens, passed into Africk, from whence, againe the Sarazins were chased by the Emperor Iustinian the second: And so Abimelech was the first Miramamolyn a­mong the Sarazins, against whom, the Emperor Leonce sent a Captain of his, named Tiberius who by the armie was made Emperor, and so without executing further his charge, returned to Constantinople, against his Mai­ster Leonce, where after he had taken him, and cut of his nose; he cast him in prison in which the miserable Leonce remained all his life: These matters being done at the [Page] time, whan Sergius, the first of that name, was Pope. And Theodorick or Thierry sonne of Clouys reigned King in Fraunce.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 712. Sultan Selyman (which is so much to say as peasible) whom, some doe call QVLEMEN, the Caliphe of Baudraz besieged Con­stantinople, but thorough pestilence and famen, posles­sing his Camp, he was driuen to raise his siege, which before had beene continued by the space of two yeeres. And this was, at what time the Emperor Theodoxe had taken his pre [...]ecessor Anastasius & made him a Monck, when Giegory the twelfth was Pope, and Chilperick the last King of the line of Pharamonde reigned in France.

IN this time, also Mizza Miram [...]molin, successor of A­bimelech, [...]t the request of Iulian the Conte of Consuegra (who was sent as Embassador to him, fr [...]Rodrigo King of Hispain) caused twelue thousand men vnder the leading of his generall called Cariph, to passe into Hispain a­gainst the sayde King Rod [...]rigo to reuenge the iniurie done to the sayd Conte Iulian, in that Rodrigo had de­flowred the daughter (or as some doe say the wife) of the sayde Conte Iulian, called Caba, as the Chronicles of Hispain doe make mencion: Who landed at Gibraltar which place our auncients name Calpe and the Sara­zins, Gibelcariph (the Mount of Cariph,) and from thence marched alongst the famous Riuer of Bet is (and by the Sarizens named Guadalquiber) which is so called vnto this dav. Where nigh vnto the same, in a foughten battell the saide King Rodrigo, (who was the last king of the line of the Gothes) was slayne.

And taking hold of occasion the Sarazines so farre then [Page 7] proceded, that they conquered in manner the whole kingdome of Hispain, where they lost the name of the Sarazins and were called by the Spanierds, Moores of the name of the countrie in Afrique (from whence they came) called Mauritania.

THE yeere 725. Eudes Duke of. Aquitain, otherwise called the D [...]chie of Guien (discended from Alarie king of the Gothes, who in the yeere of our Lord 412. at such time as the Emperour Honorius reigned) dyd possesse the same duchie of Guien, from whence passing into His­pain, and from thence chasing the Vandales, as before I haue sayde, brought into Fraunce (against Theoderick brother of Chilperick, sonnes of Dagobert the second of that name: which Theodorick was the last king of the ligne of Pharamond.) Those Sarazins, (who at that time were in Hispain, conducted by Abderaman (whom the French Historiographers doe call Adramar) King of Cordoua, who after their entrie into Fraunce, tooke the townes of Bourdeaulx, Tholose, Narbone, Nimes, Arles and Auignon, Platina, Blondus, Sabellicus, and other Historio­graphers doe write that those Sarazins came euen to towres, where they were fought with, by Charles Martel, (father of Pipin,) and ouerthrowen so as all that euer was wonne by them before, was againe recouered by the same King Charles, and the Sarazins chased into His­pain, where after they remayned more than 700. yeeres. Vnto such time as Ferdinand the king of Aragon did win from them the Citie and Countrie of Granado: (which was in the yeere of our Lord God 1487.) Howbeit, ther tarried and remayned still sundrie townes and villages entier, peopled with the Sarazins whom the Emperour [Page] Charles (the fifth of that name) comming to his domi­nions in Hispain found ther dwelling, and caused to em­brace the christian faith, yet they could neuer bee cō ­pelled to chaunge their habit or the language of the Sa­razins, nor perhaps secretly their abhominable Mahometi­cal sect, what face outwardly so euer they shew.

In the yeere of our Lord God 500. the Sarazins of Africk, did take the Isles of Corsica and Sardinia, and two and twentie yeeres after they pilled and sacked the Isles of Candia and Sicilia, and so held them more than two hundreth yeeres: at what time Pope Leo was persecuted by the Lumbards, and succoured by Charlemain.

The yeere of our Lord God 837. The Sarazins vnder the leading of Sultan Saua wan the port of Ciuitauechia, in Italy and sacked the citie o Rome, and the Church of Saint Peter, with the Mont Cassin (otherwise called Saint Germain, which is the chiefe monestary or abbie of Saint Benet. And twentie yeeres after that they tooke the port of Ancona and ouer ran all the coasts on that side of the Golfe of Venice, and likewise those on thother side on the coast of Sclauonie: and this done in the reignes of Lotharie son of Lois le Piteux king of Fraunce, and Mi­chaell Emperour of Constantinople about the yeere of our Lord God 900. they likewise assailed the territories of Pulia & Calabria in the kingdome of Naples, & wan Mont Gargan, otherwise called Le Mont Saint Auge) when as Constantine sonne of Leo, who was sonne of Basilius. Emperour of Constantinople reigned and that Berengier (of the ligne of the Lombards) caused the eics of Lewes (who was last Emperour of the ligne of the French men and sonne vnto to the Emperour Arnold) to [Page 8] bee put foorth.

In the yeere 923. Roman the Emperour of Constan­tinople, did stir the Sarazins to inuade the territories of Pulia and Calabria which rebelled against him: How­beit the Sarazins were ouerthrowen at the riuer of Garriglian by the Marquiz of Tuscan named Aulbry or Alberic, at the especiall instance of Pope Iehan the ele­uenth of that name.

In the yeere 930. the Sarazins wonne the towne of Gennes, and spoiled all that coast of the Sea, when the Berengiers occupied the Empire, & fortified the towne of Fraxinet which they kept 100 yeeres.

Thus the Sarazins continued inuading and spoiling the sertile regions of Italy (while the controuersies were depending about the right of possessing the Em­pire, betweene the French, the Greekes, and Lombards, & the discentions were on foote betweene the Popes & the people of Rome in such sort, as they enioyed the most part of Pulia and Calabria which they kept euen vnto the yeere of Grace 990 or thereabouts, that they were chased both from thence and out of Sicilia also, by Tancred de Haulte Ville, or Haulte Fu [...]ille in Nor­mandy, (who first beegan with them) but ended by Guillaume Ferrabach sonne of the said Tancred, with the help of Maloch leiuetenant of Michaell Cathalau Emperour of Greece: And so they did bring back from the hands of the Sarazins Pulia, Calabria, and Sicilia, whereof the said Guillaume remained lord, in the time of Robert the French king, and of the Emperour Otho, the third of that name.

In the yeere of our Lord 1040. the number of Sul­tains [Page] or Soldains began to be many: For in euery Pro­uince, the Caliph) as I before declared) did institute one as at Damasco one; at Hames another; at Halep the third: in Egipt another, & the like in sundry other places; who falling at dissention one with the other, did in the end reuoult from the obedience of the Caliph. In His­pain likewise, euerie of the Moors that could get vnder his obedience a citie or towne, would immediately v­surpe the name of a king, as at Granado, Cordoua, To­ledo, Sarragosa, Ciuilia, and Valentia. In like manner was it vsed in Africk, as at Tunes, Tripolis, Bugia, Ma­roch, Fesse, and Tremessen and other places also there, so as in manner no kinde of amitie or friendship was maintained among these kings, but for the most part continuall dissention & wars. Wherof when the Turks had got intelligence (who as yet rested vnder the o­bedience of the Caliph who were meruailously this while encreased both in wealth & number of people) and withall perceiuing that the Sarazins were wonder­fully weakened and diminished through these intestine deuisions & wars thus among them selues; they made a king whō they called Sadoc (which name is so much to say as Iust) and inuaded the Sarazins whom within short time they ouerthrew, so as therby they made thē ­selues shortly dominators ouer whole Persia and Syria, alwaies with great reuerence regarding in no wise to touch the Caliph, for the high estimation that they bare him who was suffered still to liue quietly at Baudras. And at whose hands the said Sadocke would be named and created the Sultan of Asie, howbeit he liued not long afrer.

[Page 9]After Sadoc, his sonne Dogriz succeded, who did annex to the gotten Empire of his father the country of Mesopotamia which Diogines the Emperour of Con­stantinople had recouered from the Sarazins at such time as they had warres among them selues as likewise the whole countrie of Cilicia, which hee gaue to his cosen Arthot.

To Dogriz succeeded Aspalam his sonne; who a­bout the yeere of our Lord God 1080. did send his Nephew Solyman into Cappadocia (being than vnder the possession of the Greekes) to whom he gaue all there, that he could conquer: Who in such sort guided his af­faires, that he brought vnder his obedience the whole Asia the lesse; except the Sea coasts towards the South, and the Isle of Cipres: And this was that valiant Soliman that gaue charge vpō the famous Godefroy de Buillon and the army of the christians remaining in siege before the towne of Niece, in Asia the lesse, as before I haue shewed; which Solyman the said Hayton doth name Solimansa.

About this time a Gentleman of Hispain named Rodrigo de Vuiar, chased the Moors out of a great part of the realme of Valence in Aragon and from much ofVVhence [...] family of Mendoza in Spaine had their begin­ning. Castile, who was named by the Moores, through his excellencie, Cyd: (that is to say, Lord) and Cyd Ruy­das, from whom the noble & famous race of the Men­dozzas are descended.

To Aspalam succeded Melechla his sonne who sent Arthot the Sultan of Mesopotamia to Antioche, wher­vnto also by his commaundement, came the said Soly­man and tooke the same citie with all the country a­bout, [Page] and thus you see how the Greekes lost all Asia the lesse.

Belchiarot, sonne of Melechla reigned after his fa­ther, who liued whan as Godefroy and the christians passed into the holy land, and besieged the citie of An­tioche in Suria, being then vnder the dominion of the said Belchiarot, and by him committed to the defence of a Turk named Assan or Cassan whom in Antioche hee had ordeigned his Generall, to whom after he sent in succour one named (by Hayton) Cerbagat, and by the Frenchmen Corbadas, who ariued there when the chri­stians had already gotten Antioche, where vpon hee be­seeged them in the same citie a long time, but in the end Corbadas was fought with by the christians ouerthrowen & put to flight, as in the Historie of that iourny plainely appeareth, wherfore Corbadas now returning back into Persia found that Belchiarot was dead, & that his yong­est brother pretending right to the crowne was slaine. Now when the Turks of Persia could not accord and a­gree whom to make their King, but fought long among themselues thervpon, the fame of their dissention came to the eares of the Georgiens and Armenians their neigh­bours, being christians, who considering the great army of the other christians than remaining in Sury, immedi­ately inuaded the Turkes thus deuided among them­selues, and did beate & chase them out of Persia, so that such of the Turks as could escape some retired towards Solyman, and some to Arthot, and others of their nation, being than in Asi [...] the lesse. And this was in the yeere of our Lord God 1106. at such time as Baldouin bro­ther to Godsrey reigned king in Hierusalem. This Ge­orgiens [Page 10] after that they had thus chased the Turks out of Persia pilled and spoiled the country, & forbearing from farther pursuit of their good fortune (as they should) against the Souldans of Damasco, Halep, Hames, and others that remained in quietnesse. But with the Armenians departing from the realme of Persia, a cer­taine people among the Corasmins (whom some Latin Historiographers doe call Grossiones) neighbours to that prouince which diuers doe thinke to bee those whom the auncients doe name to be the Medes who vpon the East haue the Sea called Mare Caspium, Hircanum or Abucuth, and on the South Turquesten or Parthia, and vpon the North Cumania or Alania, and vpon the Occi­dent or West Persia and Armenie the greater) who had none other vocation, trade or condition of life, but li­ued like herdmen and keepers of cattell, hauing among them neither house or towne (howbeit very valiant in warres) these entred then into Persia, where, of very poore catiues, they beecame a rich people and made a King among them called lalaladin (which signifieth the gift or grace of God.) With this their king they became so hardy and bold as to inuade the Turks beeing in Asia the lesse: howbeit they were encountered by the Soul­dan of Turque named Aladin & ouerthrowen in a sore foughten fielde in which conflict lalaladin their King lost his life, & the rest that escaped did assemble them­selues in the plaine of Rohai [...], with purpose to haue en­tred into Sury. But the Souldan of Aleph did enbarre them of that passage, & chased them euen vnto the de­serts of Arabia, who from thence, trauasing the territory of Caldee or Assyrie, they passed the riuer of Euphrates [Page] nigh to a castell there named Cacabe, and entred into Iudea (otherwise called the Hierusalem) wher they cō ­mitted much outrage and damage. Howbeit in the end this multitude of disordered people could not long a­bide togethers considering euery of them would bee a ruler, so as their Captaine that should haue com­manded could not be obeied, and so they departed by troopes and companyes, whereof some retyred to­wards the Sultan of Damasco, others towards him of Halep, & some to him of Hames, but the most of them repaired to the Soldan of Egipt, to whom likewise re­payred their Captaine Bartat; seeing himselfe so aban­doned and forsaken of his owne soldiors. And thus de­cayed the force of this nation of the Corasmins (whom the writers of the passage and iourney of Godfrey doe call Hoarmins,) who maynteined their reputation but a litle time.

IN this manner the Turkes remayned in Surie, chiefe­ly the Corasmins. Now for the Sarazins they deuided themselues into litle realmes vnto the yeere of our Lord God 1240. or thereabouts, that the Tartares ouerthrew them as heereafter shall be declared; whilst in the meane time the Turkes daylie continued wars against the kings of Hyerusalem as followeth.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 1103. the Turkes tooke prisoner Boemund the Prince of Antioche (sonne of Ro­bert Guiscard surnamed Courbespine discended from Tancred, the Norman of whom beefore I made menci­on.) Who, three yeeres after, was redeemed by his ne­phew Tangrey.

IN the yeere 1105. the Turkes made head against [Page 11] Baldwyn the first of that name (King of Hyerusalem bro­therPtolemais Opp: nunc Acre. Laodicea Opp nunc, Licquee Berythus Opp: nunc, Baruth. of Godefray) as he besieged the towne of Acre, and were ouerthrowen, after which that towne (otherwyse called Accon and Ptolemais) was taken by Baldowyn toge­ther with the towne of Licquee, which the auncients cal­led Laodicea. And foure yeeres after that hee tooke the towne of Baruth sometime called Berythus, and so like­wise the towne of Sydon.

In the yeere of our Lord 1115 the Turks vanquished and put to flight king Baldwin the second of that name at Montreal.

In the yeere 1120. King Baldwin tooke Gazis (whom some doe call Gary,) from the Souldan of Damaz.

In the yeere of our Lord 1122. King Baldwin was taken prisoner by Balach (named by some Alaph)Gamela Opp: nunc, Hames. Souldan of Hames (aunciently called Camela or Gamela and Gaucamela.) which word Balach signifieth a destroi­er: So as he remained there prisoner by the space of one yeere.

The yeere of our Lord God 1128 King Baldwin dis­comfited Doloquin (of some named Baldoquin) and of others called Baldecan, Souldan of Damaz, who succeed­ed to the Souldan Gazes.

The yeere 1132 Foulques Daniou who maried the daughter of King Baldwin, & succeded in the kingdomeGeth: nunc Ybelim. of Hierusalem, ouerthrew the Turkes at Ybelim which Place holy Scripture calleth Geth.

The yeere 1140 or ther abouts, Alaph (or Balach) Souldan of Hames, tooke the towne of Rohaiz & there vnmercifully murdered a great number of Christians.

The yeere 1143 King Baldwin the third of that [Page] name, sonne of king Fulque discomfited at Hierico, the valiant Norradin (son to Baldecan,) Soldan of Damaz.

The yeere 1146. The Emperour Conrad and King Lewes of Fraunce, sonne of Lewes le Groz passed into Surie, where with king Baldowin they besieged the towne of Damasco, but could not take the same, and therefore they returned home into their Countries.

The yeere 1148 after the departure of these said two Princes, Norradin the Souldan of Damasco besieged Antioche, wher Raimond the Conte of Antioche is­suing forth in a skirmish was vnfortunately slaine, the Contes of Rohaiz and Tripoli taken prisoners, which Contee of Tripoli, after, was shamefully murdered by an Assassin.

The yeere 1160 Almery king of Hierusalem bro­ther to king Baldowin, tooke the towne Alexandria, & beesieged the great citie of Caire in Egipt.

The yeere 1170. Saladin the Souldan of Egipt began to inuade the holy land in the time of king Baldowin the fourth of that name king of Hierusalem, at what time likewise the Emperour Frederic made war vpon the Pope & the church in burning & destroying Italy.

The yeere 1174 king Baldowin discomfited the Soul­danTyberias Opp: nunc, Tabaria Saladin, at the towne of Tabaria (which sometime was called Tiberias) & after that ouerthrew a second time at the towne of Ascalone.

The yeere 1179 king Baldowin aforesaid fought a­gaine with the Souldan Saladin at Margelion nigh to the towne of Tabarie, where king Baldowin then was discomfited.

The yeere 1184 began that discention among the [Page 12] Christians in the holy land, which was the cause of the losse of the same: The originall of which was this Guy of Lusignen, hauing married the Lady Si­bil sister of the late king Baldowin (and widow of Willi­am Longuespee Marquis of Monferrato) by whom she had a son named Baldowin who at that time but suc­ked his Nurce to whom appettained the kingdome of Hierusalem; the said Guy of Lusignen father in law of the infant would needes haue his title and wardship against the will & minde of Bartrand Contee of Tripoly to whose tuition and gouernance the childe was giuen by force of the testament of king Baldowin, brother of the said la­dy Sibell, when in the mean time the infant died & ther vpon Guy of Lusignen named himselfe king in the right of his wife, wherwith the Contee of Tripoly was won­derfully wroth.

The yeere 1186 Saladin tooke prisoner Guy of Lusig­nen king of Hierusalem, with the maisters of the Templars and of the order of Sainct Iohn that came to succour the towne of Tabarie, which the said Saladin had then be­sieged, so as vpon restoring of king Guy, & the both a­forenamed maisters to their liberties, Tabarie, Lique, and Ascalone were rendred to Saladin, who in the end wan also the citie of Hierusalem, & after yt the towne of Acres.

The yeere 1147 the Templars reencountred Saladin, nigh to Casal Robert, where Saladin ouethrew them, & slew in fight the maister of the order of Sainct Iohn Hie­rusalem named Brother Roger dez Molins, which hapned the first day of May that yeere.

In the yeere of our Lord God 1149 ther passed to suc­cour the holy land the Emperour Frederic Barberossee, [Page] Philip the French King, and Richard King of England: Frederic tooke his way by land, and comming into Ci­licia, where thorough extreame heate, desirous to bath himselfe (or as some say in passing the riuer, which some doe call Cauno, and the frenchmen, the riuer of Salif, & the latins doe name Cydnus which passeth through the famous citie of Tharsus, at this present named Therasso) was vnfortunatly drowned. The two kings his confede­rates ariued in Sicilia, & frō the towne of Mossana they passed into the holy land, & came to the towne of Acre, which after two yeeres beesieging they tooke. King Ri­chard in his passage thether tooke the Island of Cypres which he gaue to king Guy of Lusignen in exchaunge for the kingdome of Hierusalem: But after the taking of Acre king Phillip being sickly returned into Fraunce.

The yeere 1204 Baldouin Earle of Flaunders and Henry Conte de Sainct Paul, with his brother Loys Conte de Sauoy, and the Conte Boniface & Mont ferrat, with a great company assembled themselues at Venice, to passe from thence into the holy land. To whom the Veneti­ans did graunt ships vpon condition that beefore they passed they should aide them to recouer the towne of Zara in Sclauonie (which before had reuolted from them) and so hauing done they after proceeded on their voy­age to Constantinople whereof they possessed them­selues in the Empire which remained in the french­mens hands about threescore yeares after.

The yeere 1210. Ichan de Brene, maried the daughter of Conrad of Montferrat, and the Lady Isabell daughter of king Amaulry: who was sister of Baldouin the Me­seled; and of the Lady Sibel that was wife to Guy of Lu­signen: [Page 13] Which said Ichan de Brene was made king of Hie­rusalem, & crowned at the towne of Tyrus (which com­monly is called Sur and Sor) by reason that it is situated vpon a rocke in the sea. But Alexander the great to the intent to winne that towne filled vp all that distance of the sea betwixt the same and the land with stone and earth, so as at this day the same remaineth firme groūd, which towne of Tirus, came into the possession of the said Conte Conrad who afterward was shamefullie, on a suddaine, murdered, by a couple of the sect of the Assas­sins.

In the yeere 1216. Pope Honorius the third of that name did send the Cardinal Colonne into Surie accō ­panied with Henry Contee of Neuers and Gualtier of San­cerre constable of Fraunce with others in a great nūber: who after their landing in Acre, discended into Egipt, & tooke there the towne of Damiat, which within sixe yeeres after, vpon composition, was surrendred to Cor­dier son of Saladin, Souldan of Egipt: whom the french­men doe call Le Admiral des Cordes; In which time also Iehan de Brene king of Hierusalem accōpanied with his brother Garin de Montaguae great maister of the order of Saint Iohns came into Fraunce, & in passing through Italy, the said king of Hierusalem gaue his daughter Yo­lant By what ti [...] the kings of Spaine cha­lenge the right of the crowne of I rusalem. in marriage to the Emperour Frederic (second son to Henry, who was sonne to Frederic Barberousse) with the whole interest & title which he had to the kingdome of Hierusalem, which the Kinges of Sicilia doe intitle themselues to & claime at this day.

The yeere 1229. the said Emperour Frederic depar­ted out of Italy giuing hopes that hee would passe into [Page] Surie, but incontinently hee returned againe as one ha­uing small deuocion to performe that voiage.

In the yere 1230 the aforenamed Soldan Corder cau­sed the vvals of Hierusalem to be ouerthrovven at such time as the Emperour Frederic persecuting the church, gaue beginning to the partialities of the Guelfs & Gibe­lins & therwith not contented; did call in the Sarazins of Africk to his seruice, and gaue to them the towne of Nucera in Italy (vvhich yet is called Nucera des Sara­zins) from vvhich aftervvard they vvere expulsed by the Frenchmen.

In the yeere 1237 Theobald king of Nauarre, Emery Contee of Mont fort, & Henry Contee of Campaign, & Barre vvith a great army passed through Hungary & Constan­tinople into Surie, and recouered sundry townes which the Sarazins beefore had wonne, but encountring with the Soldan Corder beetwixt the tovvnes of Acre, and Gazera (sometime called Gaza) there they vvere dis­comfited and ouerthrovven by the same Soldan.

In the yeer of our Lord God 1244 the christians were discomfited at a place called Forbye, where were taken the Maister of our order of Sainct Iohns called brother Guillaume de Chasteln [...]uf and the Maister of the Tem­plers named brother Herman de Pierresort, the Arch­bishop of Sury, and two sonnes of Signeur de Boteron, (which otherwise was called Botrus) with moe then three hundred Gentlemen; At which time likewise the cruell wars by sea began betwixt the Venetians, & the Geneuoys about the intrest & possession of the Mones­tary of Sainct Saba in the towne of Acre in Sury, which may wel be said another cause of y losse of the holy land.

[Page 14]In the yeere 1249 Lewes the French king, otherwise named Sainct Lewes, passed the Seas and was taken prisoner before the tovvne of Damiat in Egipt, by the Soldan Melechsalem, but after his atteined liberty hee recouered the tovvnes of Sidon and Iaffe aunciently called Ioppe before that time taken by the said Soldan. I am now come vnto the time that the Tartares inuaded the Turks or Turquimans, but to the end it may be bet­ter vnderstood how this came to passe, & frō whom this people of the Tartares haue their being, it behoueth me a little to turne back, & to begin a little before this time.

In the yeere 1231. in that country of Tartaria vvhich at this day is called Catay, (and the Orientall Scy­thia) at vvhich time the Tartares liued vvithout knovv­ledge of any law, or sorme of gouernment: there was one (by Hayton) called Cangy, and by Paulus Ve­netus, Chinchis, but by Michael a Michou, (Cin­guis) beegotten vpon a widdow during hir widdow­hood: who hauing other children by hir former hus­band, they would haue staine hir all for shee had con­ceiued this Cangy while shee was widdow: howbeit shee so wittely behaued hir selfe in hir words, that shee caused them beleeue, how she conceiued that birth by force of the beames of the sun; & other father in name the child had not, which opiniō so taking place, was not onely auaileable to the mother, but also afterwards to Cangy, who cōming to perfect age, brought this barba­rous people to beleeue that the almightie God, had sent him to bee their king; & to make them Lords of those o­ther nations to whom euen vnto that time they had ben tributaries, by reason they neuer had head to guide the.

[Page]And so prudentlie this Cangy can led himselfe that he subdued all his neighbours, and therefore was [...]u [...] ­named Cangy Can, (or Cham) hee reigned twelue yeeres, and died by the stroke of an Arrow which had wounded him in the knee at the aslault of a castell [...] his Cangy was the first that perswaded the Tartares to be­leeue in one God.

To Cangy Cham, succeeded Hoccata his son, who to know countries further of, sent ten thousand horse men to inuade the territorie of Cappadocia than pos­sessed by the Turks by whome these Tartares were o­uerthrowen: with vvhich losse Hoccata being not a lit­tle mooued, he sent againe, thirtie thousand men, whom hee called Tamachi (that is to say conquerers) against whom, vpon the fronters of Cappadocia (which the Turks call Genech) came Guijatadin king of the said Turkes, (whom Sabellicus doth name Goniat.) In whose army were two thousand christians (the remain­der of the forces, that before came into Surie) conduc­ted by two [...] aptains where of the one vvas called Iohn Liminad of the Island of Cypres, and the other Boniface du Chasteau a Geneuoys (Sabellicus calleth this Boniface, Boniface du Molin vvho he saith vvas a Venetian,) but in that daies deed Guijatadin and his Turks vvere discom­fited in the yeere of our Lord God 1239. about vvhich time also Hoccata died, leauing behind him three sons, the one named Cin (vvhom Paul the Venetian calleth Cui) and of others Guys & Guyscan,) the second vvas called Iochy, & the third Baydo or Batho (as Michaell of Michou saith.)

After Hoccata, his son Cin or Cui succeeded, vvhose [Page 15] reigne not long continued.

Next to him, Mango or Mongu whom (Sabellicus calleth Metho) cosen to the faid Hoccata possessed the Empire of Tartaria. This is that Mango Cham, to whom Pope Innocent the fourth, of that name, did send Frees Ascelin, (one of the order of the Freers Preachers:). in the yeere of our Lord God 1266. as Vincent the His­torial and Michael a Michou doe report.

IOCHY whom some doe call Iachis one of the sonnes of the sayde Hoccata tooke his way towards the West (being the countries of Turquesten and the Corasmins and part of the Region of Persia) euen vnto the riuer of Tygris which Hayton calleth Phison (but I beleeue that Phison is that Riuer which is called Ganges) where Io­chy remayned.

BAYDO or Batho, the third sonne of Hoccato passed thorough Russie, Cumanie, or Comanie, and Moscouia and entred into Polone, Hungary, & Austruhe burning and destroying the countries beefore him which after­ward thorough famin he was enforced to abandon and so, to returne into Tartarie Comanie, which is beeyond the sea Maior, (called Pontus Euxinus) but at this day Zauolha and Zahady. Some doe affirme that this coun­trie of Comanie is that which Strabo calleth Cataonia part of Capadocia, at this day called Cricassj. The sayd Baydo was called by the Polonians, Bathy & Zaim Cham, of whom Tamberlane the great discended (as Michael a Mechou saith, who did write of these great distructions in these North Regions done by Baydo) which was in the yeere of our Lord God 1263.

To Iochy in the orient, succeded his sonne (named [Page] according to Hayton,) Barath, and (after Paulus Venetus) Barachim.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 1250. or there abouts at such time as king Lewes (otherwise called S. Lewes) the French king passed the seas: The king of Armenie being a christian (& named Hayton, perceiuing that the Tartaires had conquered so many countries, and were entred into Natolie, purposed to enterteine amitie and league with the said Mango Cham or Mongu; VVho (as before) succeded to his cosin Gin or Cuj, son to Hocca­ta in the realme of Tartarie, onely to haue ayde against the Caliph of Baudraz and the Turkes of Damasco, Ha­lep, Haman & other places: for which he sent towards him the great Constable of Armenie named Sinebaud, but the yeere after, he went in person; where he obtained such fauor with the said Mango Cham, that the same Cham receiued the holy law of the christian faith & was baptized by a Bishop being the chancellor of Armenie, with a brother also of his whom Hayton (being cosen Germain of the said king of Armenie) calleth Haullon, and Paul the Venetian Allau. This Allau was sent by his brother Mango Cham with the king of Armenie afore­said, accompaned with a mightie armie to make war on the Turkes, who passed the riuer of Tygris and tooke the realme of Persia which remayned without gouernour sithens the Corasmins had inioyed the same.

After which hee inuaded and tooke the countrie of the Assassins (whom the Latins doe call Arsacides) ofArsacides. which people there is much mention made in the histo­ries of the passage of the famous Godefride de Boillon.

[Page 16]For which cause it cannot be much from my purpose if I declare partly wher this countrie of the Assassins lieth, and what people they be. This territorie being no great countrie is situated at the foot of the mountain Libanus towards the Orient (as Brocard the Monke affirmeth) beyond Antaradus otherwise called Tortosa, and fronte­reth vppon Persia towardes the North (which both the said Hayton & Paul the venetian doe call Mulete.) The Lord of this countrie was called Aloadin or Aladin which signifieth Diuine or of God.

THE Histories of the sayde passage doe name it le viel de la Montaigne (as also do Hayton and Paul the Venetian, who were then liuing.) This territorie is, as it were a plaine, enuironed round about with mountaines, into the which, was but one onelie entrie & passage: vpō the which, Aladin aforesayde caused a great fortresse to be builded named Tigado. All the sayd plaine na­turallyTigado. is very fertile and pleasant to the eye, by reason of the faire medowes, brookes, woods & groues, wherwith the same doth plentifully abound. Besides which naturall contents, this Aladin had furnished the said plaine euery where with beautifull Gardins, vergers, rich palaces, and houses of pleasure, in most sumptuous wise that could be deuised; and therewith caused the same to be enhabited with the fayrest young men & women of the best faces that any where he could finde. For which purpose too he waged certaine soldiors, to awaite and watch the getting of such young men and beautifull women. Hayton saith that this Aladin cared for no manner of Religion. Paul the Venetian sayeth that hee was a Mahemetist.

[Page]When Aladin had thus surprised any young man, hee was brought to this castle of Tigado, and within a litle time on some faire day when the sunne dyd shine verie cleere, one should come and bring this man (thus taken) a drinke, which would enforce him so strongly to sleepe▪ that he should so remaine a very long space without any manner of moouing or feeling as though he were plain­ly dead. Than would he cause him to be borne into this vallie and so thorough his faire palaices and gardens a­mong his beautifull women, and withall, to be clothed in rich apparell. So as, whan hee waked hee found himselfe an other man, & as though comde into a new world. In such his galantrie, hee was straight wayes enterteygned feasted with the Ladies there, and wonderfullie welcom­med, with the shew of all manner of pastimes and tray­ned to all kinde of pleasures: which youth and lust could desire, and this so long as all that day would endure. At night after a certain banquet prepared, whervpon to re­past, the like drink as before, to make him sleepe, againe was giuen him. Thus being made to sleepe; his sumptu­ous apparel was taken of, & his former garments put on, & so brough againe into the said fortresse from whence he went, and into such place as might be much vnlike to that which he had beene before. So as vpon his awaking, he should soone perceiue himselfe in an obscure & euill sented old chamber cleane chaunged, from the place, where he could not but remember he had beene before. When Aladin vpon conference with him, would de­clare that the place where hee had beene was Paradice, and that it was in his power to send him thether whan hee would, if therefore the young man had minde to [Page 17] continue such blessednesse for euer it was graunted vpon condition that he would take courage and hardinesse to aduenture his life and to die for him in such seruice as vpon occasion hee would commaund. To which num­bers of young men for recouerie of that felicitie and Pa­radize whereof before they had tasted, would soone giue their consent, as not esteeming any aduenture dangerous whereby to atteigne that which hee most desired, when Aladin to make these men the more feruent to execute his desires would cause them sundrie times to bee had to these places of pleasure and to tast thereof as beefore: And thus serued this pestilent Viel de la Montaigne for sending abroad his wicked Ministers to murder and kill Princes euen in their owne houses, who cared not of the losse of their owne liues in executing their dampnable purposes, so that they might atteigne their vain Paradize as they expected, before hand promised by Aladin. Of this pernicious band, were those Assassines, that had al­most killed Richard King of England in his owne Pa [...]i­liō being in the holy land, one of which likewise murde­red at Sur, Conrade the Contee of Montferrat; and an other that valiaunt Contee of Tripoly in his owne house, where­by I thinke the Italians doe call those to be Assassins▪ which we in our French tongue doe call Brigans, that is to say, spoylers and cut-throtes.

The saide Allau therefore besieged the same stronge fortresse of Tigado; where before he could get the same hee dyd lye there in siege the space of three yeeres. Hayton sayeth hee beesieged it by the space of seauen and twentie yeeres and in the ende for want and lacke of clothes to couer theyr bodyes (though they had [Page] victualls ynough) the Soldiors defendaunts yeelded the castle which afterward was razsed and laide leuell with the earth: while the siege thus continued Allau returned into Persia, & king Hayton into Armenye.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 1255. Allau with the king of Armenie returned and came against the Caliph of Baudraz, where they besieged him in Baudraz, which in the ende they tooke, with the Caliph also, and all his treasure, being of an inestimable value. Which treasure whan Allau had seene, he demaunded of the Caliph, why hee dyd not therewith, leauie & wage soldiors for his owne defence, considering his so great meanes. Where­vnto the Caliph aunswered; that vnto that time, hee al­wayes supposed, his owne subiects had beene sufficient ynough to haue resisted any [...]orreine enemie, which Allau vnderstanding, immediatly caused all that treasure to bee had into a tower and the Caliph there to bee set in the middest of the same treasure, prohibiting that any should giue him eyther meate or drinke, whereby hee miserably dyed thorough famin in the middle of his riches. And thus ended the Empire of the Caliphes of Baudraz which vnto that time had endured aboute sixe hunderd yeeres.

THE yeere of our Lord 1260. Allau and the King of Armeny againe did assemble their armies in the plains of Rohaiz, to the ende to recouer the Citie of Hierusa­lem and the residue of the holy land. Who when they had taken the tower of Rohaiz, they remoued to Alep, which was rendered to them, the ninth day after the be­sieging thereof, though the castle of Alep held foorth vnto the eleuenth day after that they besieged the Citie [Page 18] of Damasco, which also was rendered where the Soul­dains of these two places, beeing taken prisoners, were sent into PERSIA with theyr Wiues and Chil­dren.

The Prince of Antioche at that time was called Raymonde de Austriche, that married the daughter of the sayde King Hayton of Armenie, to whome were giuen backe all the landes and territories which the Turkes before had bereft him. And to the sayde king of Armenie was giuen the sayde towne of Alep and other places which were frontering and nigh to his dominions.

Howbeit, as Allau was nigh to Hyerusalem, there came intelligence that his brother Mango was dead: Wherevppon Allau, purposing to depart into Tarta­rie, leaft in Sury with the king of Armenie, a nephew of his called Guibogan (named by Sabellicus, Garbo­cao, and by others Guithboga) with tenne thou­sand horsemen. And so ALLAV departed out of Su­ry towardes the towne of Almalech where MANGO deceassed.

But there hee vnderstood, that the Tartaires had chosen to theyr King another of his brotheren named Cobila, (whome Paul the Venetian doth call Cub­lay) with which Cublay, the sayde Paul was verie familyar; by whome, the same Paule was sent into Fraunce vnto Pope Clement the fourth of that name in the yeere of our Lord God 1268. at such time as the French lost the Empire of Constantinople, and that Carles de Aniou brother of the king sainct Lewes, was made king of Naples and Sicilie.

[Page]Guibogan pursuing his enterprise, conquered a great part of Surie, with the help of the king of Armenie. Howbeit he would not vtterly driue forth the Turks, but onely made them Tributaries. Whereby it came so to passe, that the Christians of Sydon could not there abide the Turkes to bee so nigh their neigh­bours, inuaded certaine villages of the Turkes, theyr neighbors being tributaries to the said Guibogan; and spoyled them and tooke prisoners of them, and draue away their cattell: Such as escaped, came to Guibogan to complaine. Who immediatly sent to the Christians at Sydon for redresse: Howbeit in stead of amendes, the Christians slew the messengers of Guibogan. Wherevpon Guibogan gathered his power against Sydon, and in the ende hee ouerthrew the wall of Sydon, and the castle of Beaufort, and therwith also did set a side a great part of the amitie that beefore hee dyd beare to the Christians of Surye.

The Christians in Sury, being thus at dissention with Guibogan who also was a christian, and come vnto their aide: the Souldan of Egipt named Cathos, and sur­named Melechmees, that is to say, a King of people, made wars vpon Guibogan, so that in a battell, Gui­bogan was ouerthrowen and slaine, wherby the coun­trie of Surie remayned vnder the obedience of the said Melechmees sauing certaine townes which the christi­ans kept still; in the yeere of our Lord 1274.

At which time the towne of Damasco was shame­fully lost and beetrayed and sold by a Sarazine that had the same in garde, to Melechmees. Allau, this while being in Persia, and aduertised of this ouerthrovv of [Page 19] Guibogan and the victorie of Melechmees, & thereof giuing intelligence to the kinges of [...]ie, & Geor­gie, he raised a great army, that ioyning with the forces of these two kings, he purposed to haue entred into Su­rie, to haue recouered that which there was lost, and be­ing in readines to haue set forward, hee was sodainely taken with sicknes, wherof within a while after he died.

Abagan sonne of Allau succeeded his father & would not become a Christian, as his father was, but tooke vp­on him the supersticion of the sect of Mahumet, and made wars vpon his neighbours, whereby the power and might of the Souldans of Egipt began meruailous­ly to augment and encrease, insomuch as Bendecar o­therwise called Benedecadar whom Hayton calleth Be­nededar, and by himselfe named Melechdaer which sig­nifieth the aboundant or puisant king, being Soldan of Egipt, did winne the citie of Antioch vpon the christi­ans, with sundry other townes, and after allied himselfe with the sarrares of Cumdnie and Cappad [...], & after in­uaded Armenia, during such time as king Hayton the king of Armenia was tournied and gone to A [...]al [...] to­wards Cobila or Cublay cham. The two s [...] of the king of Armenia, vpon such inua [...] made by the Soul­dan, encountred [...]he Souldan with a great Armie, which consisted of twelue thousand horsemen, & fortie thou­sand f [...]n: [...] Souldan ouerthrew them & did [...] with the [...] of one of those sons of the king of Armenia, & the other so [...] led captiue into Egipt. Hayron hearing of this ouerthrow hastely [...] Armenia, & p [...]g that he could not [...] of Abagan to [...], he procee­ded [Page] [...] [Page 21] [...] [Page] no farther but fell to composition, with the Soul­dan Melechdaer, and rendred to him the towne of A­lep with Sangolassar a nigh kinseman of the said Soul­dan for the recouerie of his said sonne, beeing prisoner as aforesaid, who vpon the same conclusions was accor­dingly redeliuered to his said father. King Hayton vp­on the returne of the same his sonne did crowne him king of Armenia, whose name was Thyuon; & after that Hayton entred into religion, and named himselfe Ma­carie, which signifieth blessed, whē he had reigned ouer the Armenians fortie & fiue yeeres, & died soone after, how beit afore he died he pacified king Abagan with his neighbours the yeere of Grace 1273.

After the death of king Hayton, Melechdaer that had conquered Antioche & Cilicia, purposing further to enter into Natolye where were sundrie gouernours & Captains of the Tartares beeing subiect to Abagan, a­mong whom thene was a Sarazin named Paruana, who had secret conference with ye Soldan Melechdaer, wher of Abagan getting intelligence, raised a great army, and marched towards the Souldan, which the Souldan vn­derstanding, the Soldan would not abide him but fled, & Abagan folowed him into Egipt, so far as he could for the great heats of the countrie, which enbarred him to proceede any further, neuertheles in this chase he ouer­threw [...]oe than two thousand [...]emen pertaining to the said Souldan, and after Ab again returned into Nato­lie, & tooke Paruana, & caused him to be sawed in sun­der with a sawe after the manner that the Far [...]res doe vse, & so to be cut in go [...]i [...]s & pecces, wherewith they being serued at their table▪ they did [...]ated [...] [Page 20] as the same meat endured.

After that Abagan, had thus set in quietnesse the countrie of Natolie, hee offered to giue the same to King Thyuon of Armenia, but hee durst not receiue the same, through seare of the Souldan of Egipt, in excusing curteously himselfe & aledging that the realme of Armenia was big inough for him to go­uerne, so that to haue greater dominions were but fur­ther troubles to him, & therfore most hartely he thank­ed him of his most gentle offer; which he was bounden to remember vpon due occasion, vpon which refusall A­bagan committed the gouernāce & regement of Nato­lye to sundrie of his owne Captains, among the which one named Othoman was one, from whom the Princes of the Turks, that presently reigne, are descended.

Abagan returned into Persia, wher he staied a certaine time, and in the meane season he was stirred by the said king Thiuon of Armenia to make war vpon the Soldan of Egipt, named Melechsayt (that is to say the king de­sired) who succeeded next to Melechdaer & molested the said king Thiuon: for which cause Abagan did send Mangodanior his brother with thirtie thousand horse­men ioyned with the army of the same King of Arme­nia against the said Souldan Melechsayt, and came be­fore the towne of Hames, where they found encam­ped the armie of the Sarazins, and therevpon each side preparing to fight; they ordered their armie, and deuided them into three battelles, whereof the one was vnder the leading of Mangodanior, the second was guided by King Thiuon, and the third by a Captaine Tartarian named A [...]ech or Achmat, (which signifieth [Page] gracious) these two, so worthely behaued themselues with their battails against the like number of Sarazines, that those Sarazins were vanquished and put to flight. The meane time, Mangodanior who had no manner of experience (as it seemed) in wars, without giueing any manner of charge vpon the enemie, which towards him was readie to encounter against him, hee gaue himselfe shamefully to flie, & staied not a whit vntill he came to the riuer of Euphrates which they call Euphra, though hee was not pursued or chased at all by the third battell of the Sarazins, which consisted of those people called Beduins: who in the holy Scripture are named Madiani or Madianites, and to succour their companions that were ouerthrowen and fled, followed their fellowes so fast as they could; but the next day, when king Thyu on and Achmet vvere returned frō the chase to Hames, & perceiuing that Mangodanior vvas in such order depar­ted, they follovved him, and ouertooke him at the saide riuer; and instantly required him to returne, declaring to him hovv they had vvon the battaile & put the Sara­zins to flight, but for any thing they could say or aledge he vvould not returne but immediatly retired tovvards his brother into Persia, about the yeere of our Lord God 1282 Abagan beeing not a little displeased vvith the flight and cowardnesse of his brother, was purpo­sed to haue gone in his owne person against the Soul­dain, howbeit he was enpoisoned by a Sarazin and died leuing behinde him two sonnes, the one named Argon and Ragait.

Tangodor neuertheles succeded to his brother Aba­gan being elected by Tartares to be their king, this Tan­godor [Page 21] was sometime a christian, and at the time of his baptisme hee was named Nicolas, but through his to­much keping companie with Sarazins, he became a Ma­homatist and was named Mahumet, he caused to be de­stroied & ouerthrowen all the churches of the Christi­ans within his dominions, and entered in amitie and league with Melechsayt Souldan of Egipt, wherfore one of his owne bretheren together with his said nephew Argon, accused him before Cobila Cham of the afore­said crimes, wherevpon Cobila Cham sent him word and commaunded him to amend and redresse those in­iuries which he had done and from thence forth to liue in a better sort, or otherwise he would extremely punish him: but Tangodor, nothing amended with this aduer­tisement from Cobila Cham, in dispight, he caused his said brother to be apprehended, and to be put to death. Howbeit his nephew Argon, vpon this escaped from him, and fled to the mountaines, and after, with the aid and helpe of his friends and seruants of Abagan his faide father, he surprised and tooke Tangodor and cau­sed him to bee sawen in sunder in the middle after that he had reigned three yeeres in the yeere of grace 1283.

Argon after that hee had put to death Tangodor his vncle was elected king, but hee would neuer accept the name and title of Cham without the leaue of Cobi­la who perceiuing the same gladly thereto did condis­cend. This Argon was a christian and caused to bee re­edified & repaired the Churches which his vncle wick­edly before had destroyed. He vvas visited by the kings of Armenia and Georgia to whom hee promised hee would goe vvith them to recouer the holy land, but the [Page] meane time he died, as one that had not the leasure to performe that worthie promise, after that he had reign­ed three yeeres, at such time as Melechnazer Souldan of Egipt florished.

After Argon, succeeded Ragayt his brother, called by Sabellicus Queghat, and by others, Tagadayt, a man most vnprofitable to rule without either faith or law, hated of his owne, and vtterly abhorred of straungers, he had a son named Cassan Baydo or Bathy and accor­ding to Sabellicus called Bandon, and had a cosen also called Cassan which succeded him anno domino 1290. This said Cassan Baydo was a christian, and honoured the Churches of God, and prohibited that none should speake of Mahumet, which those that followed the sect, tooke it in meruailous euill part, and secretly aduertised the said Cassan or Assan which was sonne to the saide Argon that if hee would forsake the christian faith bee­ing also a christian, they would proclayme him king; vnto whom this Cassan, son to Argon accorded, & vn­der this promise & hope Cassan son to Argon raised war against his cosen Baydo, which Baydo hearing gathered his power togethers & encoūtred Cassan; & ioyning in battell Baydo was shamefully forsaken by his owne sub­iects being Mahometists, that reuolted to the part of Cas­san, & so Baydo ther was slaine.

After the death of Baydo, Cassan was called king, but at the first, he durst not declare what was resting secretly in his mind against those who brought him to this dignity by the meanes abouesayde. Howbeit when he thought himselfe assured and confirmed in his regall authoritie, hee beegan first to shew himselfe a friend to christians, [Page 22] and then hee commaunded to bee put to death those who counsailed him to denie the christian faith.

And after he addressed an armie against the Soldan of Egipt & the Sarazins of the which his purpose Cassan ad­uertised the kings of Armenia & Georgie, who with their armies came & ioyned with him at Baudras, and from thence marched to the towne of Hames which is situa­ted in the midst of Sury, where the Souldan of Egipt cal­led Melechseraph who had chased the christians out of Sury came against them with a great army & encamped in a great medow, thereby supposing to haue surprized the christians, and albeit he found the christians partlie in disorder, and so gaue charge vpon them, yet Cassan with the rest of the christians so manfully fought it out, that in the end the Souldan was there vanquished & put to flight: this battell was fought the seauenth day bee­fore Christmas day in the yeere of our Lord God 1300 At which battell the said Hayton (that was cosen to the king of Armenia) saith that he was present, & did put the acts & doings of the same in writing. Cassan pursu­ing his victorie marched vnto the towne of Casana, wher the Soldan had lodged a mighty deale of his treasure, in­somuch as Cassan tooke the towne with all that treasure there, & meruailed greatly what the Soldan meaned that in going to the wars he would bring so much treasure with him, which treasure Cassan tooke, and deuided it a­mong his souldiours. After that he marched to the citie of Damasco which was rendred to him, wher he sound that Citie was no otherwise furnishied but onely with victuall very plentifully, wher the whole army of Cassan staied forty fiue daies, sauing sortie thousand horsemen [Page] vnder the leading of their Captaine Molay vvhich pur­sued after the Souldan. Harton not a little meruayleth that in so little as this Cassan was, vvere resident so ma­ny vertues and valiaunt courage, though among thirtie thousand men, ther vvas not a worse shaped and defor­med person then he vvas.

Cassan being at Damasco, he receiued intelligence that one of his Cosens named Baydo vvas entred into Persia vvith a great army, to inuade him. For vvhich cause he returned into Persia to encounter Baydo, lea­uing behind him in Sury, one called Molay vvith tvven­ty thousand horsemen and at Damasco a Sarazins na­med Capehach to bee generall of the same, vvho some­time before vvas in meruailous fauour vvith the Souldan of Egipt & through certaine displeasures betvvixt them reuolted from the Souldan, and to obtaine his fauour againe this Capehach shamefully rendred to the Soldan the tovvne of Damasco, and other tovvnes therevnto adioyning.

Molay thus perceiuing vvhole Sury stirred vp into rebellion, he vvithdrew and retired himselfe into Me­sopotamia, and after gaue intelligence to Cassan of the troubles of Syria, who purposed the next winter ensu­ing, to retourne into Syria because through the feruent heat of the sommer then present there was noe grasse or other feeding for horses, how bee it the meane time Cassan sent an other Captaine named Cotuloze other­wise called Caroloz with thirtie thousand horsemen giuing him also in charge, to aduertise immediately the king of Armenia, and other christian Princes nigh to him adioyning of the iourney, who vpon the intelli­gence, [Page 23] with their powers repaired and chiefely Thyuon king of Armenia, Emery of Lusignen king of Cypres, the maister of the hospitall of Sainct Iohns Hierusalem, named brother Guillau de Villaret, and the Maister of the Templars, who all arriued by sea, at the towne of Sur, and from thence marched with their armie, to the towne of Tortosa aunciently called Antaradus: But the meane time Cassan fell sicke of a greeuous disease, that so as these wars for this time, proceeded no further, and euery of the saide princes with their powers returned home into their countries.

Two yeeres after Cassan determining to returne in to Surie, againe gaue intelligence of his purpose to the king of Armenia, & that he should meete him at the ri­uer of Euphrates, where he and his armie should abide for him, which armie of his, was so great, that the same occupied the grounds of three daies iourny in length. And as Cassan entred into Sury the said Baido inuaded the kingdome of Persia againe, out of the which, before Cassan sundry times had chased him, & therefore Cas­san made towards him, with so much expedition as hee could, leauing Cotuloz with the king of Armenia and forty thousand horsemen, to proceede in warres against the Souldan, who marched forward & toke the townes of Hames, and from thence went & besieged Damasco, where, Cotuloz and the king of Armenie had intelli­gence, how that the Souldain came to raze their siege: wherefore they leauing certaine bandes to continue their siege, with the [...]est of their army, they marched to­wards the Souldain, & finding him so strongly encam­ped in such a place where they could doe him small [Page] harme, and that the Tartares through scarcety of fresh water, departed from them by troopes: Cotuloz and the king of Armenia retourned to their siege of Damas­co, whereas in one night after, the waters about Damas­co, began in such sort sodainely to grow, & that the Sa­razins thereabouts brake in sunder the Sluses; that in lesse space then an houre, all the places where the army of the Tartares and christians encamped, was drowned and ouerflowen with water, which through the sodaine comming of the flud, and the darknesse of the night, was the more dreadfull to the whole armie, as those that did not fore-see that water and inconuenience, whereby many of the Tartares there were drowned, as ignorant of the passages to escape, considering the dikes that inuironed the place of their encamping were both deepe and filled with the ouerflow of this water, so as a great number of the horses of the Tar­tares there likewise perished, and all their baggage likewise: so as they that escaped had none other minde but in hast to retourne home into their countrey▪ and the truth to say, they beeing thus turmoyled with waters, they were not good or meete to abide any fight.

Considering aswell their bowes as arrowes (which are the chiefest weapons that they doe vse) were all to wet, and made vnprofitable thereby to serue: so as if the Sarazines that were very nigh them, had in this disorder giuen charge vpon the Tartares, they might haue had a [...]ight good market on them: How­beeit, the Sarazines as it seemed durst not issue vp­on [Page 24] them: so as the Tartares had leasure inough to escape, who stayed not much vntill they came to the riuer of Euphrates which they passed according to their custome (for Michaell de Michou sayeth, that euery of them that had a horse did packe and fasten his wife children and baggage vpon the horse, and than the husband would take the taile of the horse fast in his hand: and in swimming, the horse brought them all, so to land, and thus, they vsed to passe riuers, were they neuer so great or broad.

The Armenians and Georgians that were in this army were enforced to retire, as the Tartares did, though a great number of them also perished & were drowned, and durst not abide, through the great doubt, they had of the Sarazins.

Hayton the Historiographer beeing an Armeni­an borne, saith, that hee himselfe among others was in this army, when this departure chaunced, and al­ledgeth, that the whole fault of this disorder and de­parture was in Cotuloz, that would not bee aduised by the King of Armenia, but onely would follow his owne wilfull braine: But the King of Armenia mar­ched on to the Citie of Niniuie (which standeth on the riuer of Tygris,) called by Eusebius, Nicibis, vvhere most curteouslie hee vvas receued by king Cas­san, and at his departure Cassan commaunded tenne thousand horsemen, paied at his owne charges, not one­ly to attend and conduct the King of Armenia, into Armenia: but there to abide at the kings appointment, to garde and defend the dominions of Armenia: vnto [Page] such time, as hee the same Cassan could conueniently raise an other army to returne againe in person against the Souldain of Egipt, but (alas to the great infortunity of christendome) this valiant Cassan dyed soone after.

Some doe suppose that of him Sury, toke the name of Azamie, for that the Turks call Azam or Assam, As­samie: Howbeeit, it may bee, that this worde Aza­mie is deriued from the auncient name of Aram, son of Sem, who were sons of Noe, of whom, the same coun­try once was named, & by the Hebrux, Aram, yt is to say high or excellent, which they would pronoūce Aramie.

After this Cassan or Assan, succeeded Carbagan, whom some doe call Cerbagat, & the Frenchmen name Corbadan son of the sayd Cassan, who also was christe­ned & at his baptisme was named Nicolas, & so remay­ned a good christiā man during his mothers life, but af­ter his mothers decease, he wickedly fell into the abho­minable sect of Mahumet, which all his successors after him, did neuer forsake, and at this daye doe maintaine the same.

Of the said Cassan or Assan are discended the kings of Persia, who in honour of this Cassan, haue taken vp­on them the Surname of Cassan, vnto Vssun Cassan of whom otherwhere we haue made mencion.

But now, we name the princes of Persia, Sophies, for that Seichayder Sophi, maried the daughter of Vs­un cassan, & begat vpon hir, Ismael Sophi, who reigned a little before our time, & was father to Taamar Sophi, who at this day reigneth in Persia. The Turks doe call Persia, Pharsie: and the Persians, Quezelbach: that is to say red heads, as before of them I haue spoken, which [Page 25] Persians and Turks, are perpetuall mortall enemies one against the other, & very different in opinion touching their supersticious law and beliefe.

A little beefore, I haue made mention of the bee­ginning of the Empire of the Caliphes of Baudraz, vn­to their end. Likewise of the Miramamolins vnto their deuisions, and in such sort of the Persians so much as I could get knowledge of them. Of the Othmans I haue amply inough spoken before, so as I neede not, further so entreat of them, least I should passe and exceede the measure of a Summarie or an abridgment? I haue writ­ten also of the beginning of the Empire in Egipt, & therfore now it behoueth me to shew how the same fell in­to the puissaunce and dominacion of the Mamaluchs.

In the yeere 1160. that Almery king of Hierusalem besieged the great city of Caire as before I haue spoken, the Souldain named Quare who as then was also cal­led the Caliphe, perceiuing that he was not able to re­sist the christians, hee required succours at the Souldan of Halep, who sent him a Captaine named Saracon or Syracon, and by some called, Syrasson, who (by his nation) was a Corasmin: this Syracon hauing in such sort giuen aide to the Caliph that his countries were defended from the enemie, and therewith percey­uing how vnmeet the Caliph was to rule through his cowardnesse & to much feare in him resident; & consi­dering also how few friends he had to leane to him, in time of necessitie, he tooke the Caliph & put him in pri­son wher he died, and Saracon made himselfe Souldain of Egipt. Thus the Empire of the Sarazins or Arabians was transferred into the handes of the Corasmins or [...]

[Page]After Melechnazer, was Souldain, Melechseraph (which word signifieth the ardent or bright Prince) who did win vpon the christians the towne of Acre in Sury in the yeere of our Lord God 1293. and chased the christians out of all Sury, which he ioyned to the king­dome of Egipt: he was the first that caused to be coined in Egipt the Ducats of Golde, which are there called Seraphes. This Soldain is named by Sabellicus and o­thers Melecastraphus.

Thus proceeded the said Mammeluchs, to domi­nate and rule in Egipt, and did choose their Souldains either vpon christians that became renies or that were christians children, bought as abouesaid, and educated in that forme of religion & trained so, to the warres as a­boue is declared, albeit therwere none of these Māme­luchs that durst goe alone through the city wher they were, but by expresse commandement of their Emyrs, who were their superiors; they should goe two at the least togethers: and to bee briefe, these Mammeluchs had the authoritie and dominacion ouer all the people of Egipt & Surie, from the time they chased the christi­ans out of Surie vntill that Selim the great Turke, as a­fore is mencioned, vtterly ouethrew them & their name for euer.

Thus, the first of the law of Mahumet, that reigned in Asia, were the Arabians, whom the Hebreus and Su­riens doe call Saba, and the Greeks, Sab [...]i, & they themselues doe name Sarazins: after the [...] ▪ ther did the Tur­quimans or Turkes rule, who chased from thence the Sarazins: these Turks were Parthians as Hayton doth fronter and limit them. The Turks likewise were driuen [Page 27] from thence by the Tartaries, beeing Scithians orientall, who haue taken vpon them also the name of the Turks though they be none in deed, and at this present reign­ing vnder the name of the Turks, who of very truth are but Tartaires and Scithians by their discent, which, their maner of fight and weapon therewith that they vse, as their bowes made of horne, which our elders doe ap­point and attribute to the Scithians, sufficiently doe wit­nesse. Againe the language Tartaresque, and the Turks speech, are not much different: for Michael de Michou saith that the Tartairs who destroied Russia, and the regions thereabouts named in their language Tartaresque, the tops of steeples of Churches there, Altum Bachne, consi­dering those toppes of steeples were gilded▪ so in the Turks language this word Altum Bachne signifieth a head of gold or gilded. Wherefore according to the opinion of Authors, one may iudge that they are Scithians and Tartares to whom the name of the Turks are giuen at this day, whose elders, in that they possessed the coun­trey of Turquestan; of that region, they haue left the name of Turks, to the Turks that presently reigne, beeing their posteritie, which to others per­haps is vnknowne, being ignorant both of the difference of these two nations, so far of, and barbarous, and of the chaunges fortuned in their kingdomes.

Heere endeth the first booke.

To the VVorshipfull his very good Cosen William Carr of Stafford in the county of Lincolne Esquire, and one in hir Maiesties Commission of peace there.

SYR, to you who are the second possessor of my heere expressed rich will, though weake power: I commend this second booke of my French and Italian traduc­tions, concerning the succession of the great house of Ottoman, and those their fortunate armes whether in offence, or defence taken; The rather for that your selfe beeing resident in court where this argument (by reason of the present Hungarian wars and the often assemblies of the Germaine Princes to prouide some remedy for their feared harmes) is much spoken of▪ you may with others see the manner and growing of this continuing and admired felicitie, (heere by me deciphered) though the meanes how, by very few is seene, saue such onely as are true spectators and obseruers of high reaching pollicie; what my paines hath effected in this point, I freely giue as you may boldly chalenge it for your due; who de­sire nothing more then euer to be found the generall and per­ticuler seruant of your selfe and your most worthy brothers true iointenants by vndeuided moieties (as our lawiers terme it) of mee and what I may, whereof the suruiuor whilst I sur­uiue may dispose of the whole: And so with all duety done which may be demanded of a most affectionate kinsman and seruicea­ble friend: I take my leaue, from the middle Temple in London this 20▪ of March 1600.

Your worships of all others most at command R. Carr.

The second Booke
Of the conquests made by the Turkes, and the succession of the house of Ottoman.

I Supposed to haue ben acquited & dispatched from your earnest suits, and fully to haue satisfied your de­maunds, to the best of my know­ledge and power, touching the af­faires and matters concerning the Turks. Now you desire of me their progresse, and continuances, as it were from the father to the sonne, how they haue pro­ceeded & attained vnto the conquests of so many regi­ons, which at this day they possesse and keepe: Yet you consider litle the affaires, wherwith I am cōtinually oc­cupied, nor the imbesilitie of my memorie, that so rede­ly should write vnto you a Historie of matters that haue passed two hundred yeeres & more in Countries, so far of & sundry, full of vocables & names, both right strange and different, from our vulgar language. Wherefore in this request, if I satisfie you not in such good sort as your desire, yet you ought to accept my paines in good part, for be it well or euill, it beehoueth mee to▪ doe as you will haue me.

In the yeere of our lord God one thousand & three hū ­dred, at such time, as the Emperour Henry, the seuenth of that name, purposed to renew in Italie the partialities & diuisions of the Guelfes & Gibelins (at which time al­so reigned in France Philip le Bel,) there were in Natolie or Asia the lesse, certaine Captaines of the Turks (wher [Page] this nacion had continued euer sithens the passage and famous iourney of Godefroy de Bologne, duke of Boullon, and there had remained, euer since the time that they presented themselues against the army of the christians, before the citie of Nice, which we may name Victoire an­ciently called Antigonia, vnder their valiant generall na­med Solyman or Soleyman. After which passed an hun­dred yeeres & more, that not any did speake of this Na­tion, vnto such time (as I haue said) there were in Na­tolie sundry Captaines among the which, more famous than the rest, were Othman, Caraman, and Assan or Azam, called by way of dignitie Begy or Bey, which is as much, as Seigneur or Mounsi [...]ur, & in our English tongue Lord, howbeit the Turks doe abstract and withdraw from this word Begy, this letter y, and so doe call them Othmanbeg, Caramanbeg, & Assambeg. Othmanbeg (who was very va­liant and a man of great actiuitie) allied himselfe with two Greeks Reniez, and a third being a Turke borne, the one of these Greeks was called Michali, & the other Mar­co. Of the saide Michali, are discended the Michalogli of whom, there continue some at this day, as likewise such of the lignage of Marco, who are named Marcozogli, the Turke was named Aramy, of the race of whom, called Auramogly, none can be found, that any knoweth: the successours of this Auramy, are accounted and reputed to bee of the bloud royall of the Turks, and to them, the Empire of the Turks should appertaine, if euer the Oth­mans line should be extinguished. With the helpe & aid of these three, Othmanbag aforesaid became of meruai­lous credit & puissance, in such sort as he cōquered sun­dry cities & townes situated vpon the sea side of La Mer [Page 29] Maiour otherwise called in latin Pontus Euxi [...]us, & amōg them the towne of Syuas which the Greeks call Sebasie was one, which is named by vs, in fraunce Auguste. Cara­man did draw himselfe towards Cilicia, where he rested, & called that region according to his owne name Cara­mania. Assam repaired into Persia, which the Turks do call Pharsic, as also into Assiria which according to his name, he caused to be called Azamie. These last two and their successours haue euer sithens beene vnmercifully per­secuted by Othman and his posteritie: In such sort, as vt­terly they haue destroied Caraman his bloud, & gotten his countries. But Assambeg notwithstanding (which is called the Sophi) right valiantlie doth defend his owne, and liueth in continuall warres and enmetie with the Othmans. This Othman reigned twentie and eight yeeres vnto the beeginning of the reigne of Phillippe de Valloys the french King. Which Othman was so surnamed of a certaine towne or castle called Othmanach situated in Na­toly betwixt Synope and Trebisonde the famous cities, and left a sonne named Orcan, who succeded his father in his dominions.

Or [...]an the sonne of Othman maried the daughter of Caramanbeg, and after made cruell war vpon him, cau­sing to bee put to death his eldest sonne brother to his wife, whom before hee had taken in battaile: he tooke also the citie of Bursie, which the auncients named Pru­sias. At this very same time Andronico Paleologo, then Em­perour of Constantinople dieng, did leaue his sonnes named Caloiany and Andronico vnder the gouernance & regiment of Iohn Catacusan, who though hee very pru­dently, behaued himselfe during the time of this his re­giment, [Page] yet through the malice of the Patriarch, and of an other person of base conditions and birth (how­beit of meruailous credit after with the Emperour) Ca­tacusan was expelled, who notwithstanding found the meane, after, to returne againe to Constantinople more strong than beefore, and for the more assurance of him­selfe, he caused his daughter to bee giuen in mariage to the young Emperour Caloiany: howbeit they could not so long remaine in concorde, but that the Emperour se­cretly departed to the Isle of Tenedo, where an army of the Geneuois to the number of threescore Gallies came to succour him, who brought him backe to Con­stantinople and chased from thence Catacusan. Now he immediatly repaired for aide to the Venetians, through whose help retourning home assailed the army of the Geneuois riding with their Gallies in the Canall of Con­stantinople aunciently called Propontis: howbeeit the victorie remained to the Geneuois, and the Citie with Caloiany, who in recompence of their worthy seruice, rewarded them and their Captaine named Francis Ca­taluz, with the gift of the Isle of Methelin, in times past named Lesbos: Who continued the possession thereof vnto the time that Mahumet the second did winne the same from Nicolas Cataluz the last Duke thereof: This little deuision engendred after most cruell wars betwixt the Geneuois and the Venetians: which as it brought the Citie of Venice to such extremety, that it seemed readie to render it selfe to the mercy of the Geneuois, so in the ende it was cause by the alteration of fortune that the Geneuois (beeing in sundry fights and conflicts on the seas a [...]ter ouerthrowen by the [Page 30] Venetians) came to miserable ruine and seruitude, for thereby they were enforced to yeelde themselues, to the Archbishop of Milane whom they made gouernour of their Citie of Geanes, and to sell all their lands and Seigneuries to the communaltie and brotherhood of Saint George, which is within their Citie, and lastly to submit themselues to the french Kinges protection vnder whose subiection they remained a while, vntill hee gaue them to Iohn Duke of Calabre sonne to Reig­nard King of the realme of Naples, vntill they reuoul­ted to Philippe Duke of Milane, whom in the end they forsooke to, in such sort as (through their inconstan­cie,) they did not know well, to what good Saint, to vow themselues: howbeit the greatest mischiefe was, that this forenamed warres gaue an vndoubted occasi­on to the vtter losse of Surie & the realme of Hierusa­lem (& what was worse then that) the same opened to the Turks, the gate and entry to Greece and other parts of Europe, as heereafter I shall declare, all which was about the time that Lewes de Bauiere, & Frederic of Austrich contended about the obtaining of the Empire of Alemaign. The said Orcan reigned two & twenty yeres vnto the beginning of the reigne of Iohn the french king which was in the yeere of our Lord God 1350. leauing behinde him his sonne Amurath.

Amurath (whom the Hungarians and the Scla [...]nes doe call Ammarat, and the Turkes Moratbeg which is as much to say, as the Lord Morat, (but Frossart suppo­sing to pronounce this name, as they doe, calleth him Lamorabaquin,) entred to his dominions when as Catacusan, pursued the Emperour his sonne [Page] in law, through the aide of Mar [...] Carlouich the Despot ofDespot: what it meaneth. Bulgaria: this word Despot is so much to say in our Eng­lish tongue as Prince or Lord: and the Prouince of Bul­gariaBulgari [...] is that Country which anciently was named Gaetae and Gepidae. This Amurath was secretly fauored among certaine of the Nobility of Grecia, whom the Emperor Caloiaun hated, who finding that hee was to weake, to encounter with the Nobilitie that reuoulted, hee was constrained to demaund and require aide of Amurath, who forthwith sent him twelue thousand horsemen, through whose help, when the Emperour had pacified his affaires, hee gaue the Turks leaue to returne home. But they hauing seene & tasted the sweetnesse & beau­tie of the region of Grecia, after their returne perswaded (as it was easie to doe) Amurath to goe in person to in­uade Grecia. Which he so did, who accompanied with threescore thousand men, by the help of two great ships of the Geneuois (among whom he bestowed a three­score thousand ducats) Amurath passed the famous straits called by the ancients, Hellespontus (and now the straits of Calipoli or the Castells by reason of two castells whereof the one is situated in Asia, and the other in Eu­rop) wherin ancient time were also the townes of Ses­tus and Abydos. The french doe call these straits Le Bras de Sainct George, Saint Georgesarme, where the said A­murath wan the towne of Calipoli beeing on this side those straits in Grecia, & than tooke Adrianople and Phi­lippopoli aunciently called Olympias▪ and so▪ ouerran the Prouince of Romany, in times past called Thracia, vnto the Mountaine Rhodope, which the Greekes doe name [...] the Queene and Lady of those Mountaines, [Page 31] which some a so do call, the mountaine of Siluer by rea­son of the mines of siluer that are found in the same: and after ouercame in [...]attaile the aforenamed Marc Carlouich taking prisoner the Conte Lazaro of Seruia, which is Mi­sia Inferior, (whom Frossart calleth Le Conte [...]e Lazaran) whose head hee smote off, which was when Charles the fourth was letted from resisting the sonnes of the Empe­rour Lewes of Bauer to de [...]end himselfe against Frederic Marquiz of Misne & the Countie of Wittenberg his com­petiteurs, leauing the Empire after him to his sonne Lan­celot, who sold the Cities and Segneuries of Italy (as Mi­lane) to the family of the viconts and others. In the ende Amurath was slaine by a seruant of the said Conte Lazaro as reuenging the death of his saide Maister, the yeere of our Lord God 1373 after that hee had reigned 23 yeeres, about the beeginning of the reigne of Charles the fifth the french king, and left two sonnes Pasait and Seleyman.

Pazait or Basait as the Turks doe name him, who neuer pronounce this letter P. (and called by Frossart le Roy Basant, sonne of Lamorabaquin and sometime [...]mo­rabaquin, according to his fathers name. Enguerran & Ma­ster Nicol [...] G [...]les that collected the Annales of Fraunce call him the king Basaa [...]g. This Pazait was hardy, diligent and very couragious, he s [...]w [...]ia [...] battaile Marc Carlouich, where with him the whole Nobilitie of Seruia and Bul­garia ended their liues, and after did ouerrun the territo­ries of Thessalia and Macedonia, now called Thumnestie and Albanie. He wasted whole Grecia vnto Athens which at this day is called Cethine and spoiled the territories o [...] Bosna (which is called Misia Superior,) Crocia and Sclauonie (that are named aunciently Dal [...]tia and Li­burnia) [Page] and this at that time when the Emperour Lan­celot sonne of Charles the fourth liued so vertuouslie, that his subiects sundry times did enprison him, but in the end was deposed by the Alemans, who elected at one time two Emperours, the one called Ioce Nephew to Lancelot, and the other Robert of Bauiere otherwise cal­led Ruebrecht which is interpreted in their Alleman lan­guage Trouble Peace. But to returne to Bazait, who then inuaded Hungary, & there ouerthrew king Sigismond, (that afterward was Emperour of Alleman, called by the Historiographer Engerrant de Mountralet, Sagimont) in the renowned battaile of Nicopoli: the cause of the losse wherof was, for that the french men ther seruing would not bee aduised by the king Sigismond, nor frame themselues according to the pollicie of these wars as the Allemans also counsailed them, the which Frossart im­puteth likewise to the orgulitie and pride of the french, where was taken prisoner the Conte of Neuers, Iohn who afterward vvas Duke of Burgoign sonne of Philippe the first duke, Philip Darthois, Conte de Eue constable of Fraunce. Iohn le Maingre called Boucicault and sundrie others beeing men of estimation to the number of seauen or eight, vvho all vvere sent to Bursie, the rest of that nacion vvere slayne to the number of a thou­sand horsemen.

This battaile was foughten on Michaelmas euen Anno Domini 1396 and these prisoners, vvere after redeemed for no little ran some, in expedicion vvher­of great dilligence vvas vsed by one Iames Hely a gen­tleman of Picardie, vvho also vvas taken prisoner among [Page 32] them, and beefore had serued in the Court of Amora­baquin. After this battaile, Bazait beesieged the Citie of Constantinople, and had wonne it, if it had not beene that into Natolie was entered the great Prince of Tarta­ry called Tamerlaine or Tamburlaine, (but by the Turkes Demirling,) and by some French Historiographers (as Enguerrant) named Le Grant Tacon de Tartarye, but the Tartariens themselues doe call him Temircutlu, that is to say, the Fortunate Sw [...]ord or luckie iron, descended of the race of one Cham of Tartarie called Zaym Cham, of the Horde or multitude of Zauolba and Czahaday, which is towardes the riuer of Rha or Volha, which fal­leth into the Sea Dabacuth, by the latins named Mare Caspium and Hircanum, which Zaym was he whom the Polonians doe call in their Histories Bathy, the first Ma­hum [...]tist of all the Tartares. Tamerlaine, was afterward Lord of Tartarie Precopie, called by them Prezelzoph, situated betwixt the riuers of Tanais which they call Don, and Boristhenes called N [...]per and D [...]r [...]z, the which coun­trie of Precopie was in auncient time called Scithia In­ferior, now in possession of the Turke. This Tamerlayne was for the most part resident in the great Citie of Sa­marcand, which is toward the sea Caspium, who caused himselfe to bee called the Scourge of God, though his verie title of his dignitie was Vlucham, which is to say, the mightie Lord.

Bazait hauing intelligence of the entrie of Tamer­layne into Natoly, thought it requisit to raise his siege of Constantinople, and with all diligence, to encounter with the innumerable army of Tamerlayne, where nigh the city of Dangory, by our ancients called Ancira (not [Page] far from the mountaine Stella, which Enguerrant de Mon­strelet, doth call Appadi, where Pompeius Magnus ouer­threw the famous Mithridates,) the mighty armies en­countred, and cruelly did fight, in which conflict Bazait was vanquished and taken prisoner, whom Tamerlaine caused to bee bound and made fast with chaines of gold, and so to be put in a cage as though hee had beene a Ly­on, in which sort hee carried Bazait about with him, through euery region of Asia as he passed, so long as Ba­zait lined, which was not aboue two yeeres after or ther­abouts, who died Anno Domini: 1400 after he had reig­ned twentie seauen yeeres, about the twentith yeere of the reigne of Charles the sixth the french king. From this conflict escaped certaine of Bazaits sons, who sup­posing to haue passed into Europe, chanced to fall into the hands of the Emperour of Constantinople who cau­sed the seas surely to bee kept at that time. An other of his sonnes named Cyris, and by the frenchmen Quirici, whom some also doe call Calapin or Calepin escaped o­uer to Adrinopoli whose sirname beeing called Ciris Cheleby was but a little of dignitie and Noblesse giuen to the children of the great Turk, as Achmat Cheleby, Mahumet Cheleby, or Mustapha Cheleby, which is as much as to denominate a gentleman, according as the Spaniards doe name their Nobilitie Don Alonso or Don Rodrigo, and the frenchmen Charles Monsieur or Loys Mon­sieur, being appropriate to their blood roiall. Cyris reig­ned sixe yeeres or thereabouts, and left behind him a son named Orcan, when as his three bretheren named Musach, Mahumet, and Mustapha escaped out of Constantinople, while the Emperour was gone into Fraunce to the sayd [Page 33] king Charles to require succours against the afornamed Cyris, Musach slew Orcan his nephew, & for recompence himselfe was after slaine by his owne brother Mahumet: And than first began they to deuise how the one bro­ther might kill another, which vnto this time, they haue right well practized and put in vre.

Mahumet the first of that name, after he had slaine his brother Musach, vsurped the Empire, and recouered all the whole Countries of Natolie which Tamerlayne before had wonne of Bazait. This Mahumet remoued his seat imperiall from the citie of Bursie in Natolie, to Adrianopoli in Grecia. He made wars vpon the region of Valachie (which some french histories doe call Valaigne and other Blaquie, and of the ancients named Bessi and Triballi.) He also ouerthrew in battaile the Emperour Sigismond in the plaines of Selumbez and was the first of his nation that passed the riuer of Donaw or Danuby: hee subdued the countrie of Bosnia made war vpon Caraman and died the yeere of our Lord God 1418 and in the xxxviii yeere of the reigne of the said King Charles, after hee had reigned eighteene yeeres reco­ning therewith the yeares of Cyris (which some doe not) and left a sonne called Amurath.

Amurath the second of that name was in Natolie, when his father died, whereof so soone as hee was ad­uertised, passed into Europe; albeeit the Emperour of Constantinople did what he could to stop his passage, who sent against him Mustapha his vncle, sonne of Ba­zait, whom the said Emperour had kept prisoner sith­ens the taking of Bazait, as before I haue tolde: how­beit Mustapha beeing to weake, was vanquished & slaine [Page] in battaile by Amurath, who to reuenge himselfe vpon the Emperor of Constantinople▪ spoiled and burnt the whole territory of Thracia in Grecia: and tooke from the Venetians the notable towne of Thessalonica called now Salonichi, which Andronico Paleologo before had sold them in dispite of the Emperour Constantine his bro­ther: after that, the said Amurath entred into Seruia or Rascia & constrained George Vucouich the Despot or Prince of that country, to giue him in mariage his daughter named Irinye, surnamed Catacusine, notwithstanding which affinity hee afterward came against this Despot with an army, and enforced him to flie into Hungary, towards the Emperour Albert sonne in law to the late Sigismond the Emperour, leauing his sonne George for the defence of his said Countrie, this George was ta­ken by Amurath, who caused his eies to bee put forth, though he was his brother in law. After the death of the said Albert; Lancelot brother to the king of Pole was chosen by the Hungarians for their King, albeit that Al­bert had left his wife with childe, who after the death of hir husband was deliuered of a sonne, that at his Baptisme was also named Lancelot, who after, wa [...] nou­rished and brought vp vnder the keeping of the Empe­rour Frederic the third of that name, and was the onely cause, that the said Lancelot of Polen, durst make no ma­ner of enterprize against the Turks nor to inuade them, least in the meane time the Emperour Frederic should haue annoied him vpon some other part, and so haue set the other Lancelot (the true king in his realme of Hungary. During this time, Amurath who could not long rest, besieged Belgrado (which they call Nandoralba, and [Page 34] Alba Greca, and by the Hungariens, Chrieschisch, but by our elders Taurinum,) situated betwixt the riuers of Danubia or Donaw, and Sauus or Saua vpon a verie necke of lande, where those two riuers doe ioyne togethers, the which towne of Belgrado the said George Vucouich before had giuen in exchange for others to the said Emperour Sigismond for that it was the key and entrie to the king­dome of Hungarie: After which at the suit and perswa­sion of the same George Vucouich, the said king Lancellot raised a very great army against Amurath, and therewith recouered the territories of Seruia and Rascia, which he rendred againe to the said Despot George Vucouich: to re­uenge which wrong, Amurath leuied a great power, vn­der the leading of one Carabey who encountring with the Christians, nigh the mountaine Costegnaz (ancient­ly called Hemus) was there ouerthrowen, and Carabey taken prisoner. The which two victories, with sundrie others before and after, were obtained by the famous prowesse, and valiantnesse of Iohn Huniad called by En­guerrant de Monstrelet, and Philip de Comines, Le Blanc Che­ualier de la Velaign, and by the Hungarians Ianc [...] Ban, or Vaiuod, that is to say, Prince of Transiluania at this present Moldauia, and by the Hungarians named Sibenbourg, that is to say, Septemcastrum, but by our elders Dacia. This worthy Iohn Huniad was father to the valiaunt Mathias king of Hungary, who not long agone reigned there. After this battaile there was an abstinence from armes condicioned betwixt the Hungarians and the Turks, for two yeres, by reason wherof, & with the paiment of fif­ty thousand ducats of ransome, Carabey was deliuered: the which trewse beeing soone after broken by the [Page] said king Lancelot, at the instance and perswasion of Eu­genius the Pope, the fourth of that name, to king Lance­lot was very infortunate, for afterward he was slaine in the battaile soughten beetwixt him and Amurath nigh the towne of Verna, aunciently called [...]yonisiopolis vpon Saint Martins day, the eleauenth of Nouember Anno Do­mini 1444 wher the said Iohn Huniad was put to flight. Of this victory Amurath had small cause to reioyce con­sidering it cost him very decre both in losse of his▪ best friends, & choice souldiers: after this Amurath toke the towne of Sophie, beeing the head towne of whole Bul­garia, Scopie, and Nouomont, and ouerran all the territories of Acarnania (called at this instant, Ducat or Duche) and the Prouince of Cymera (aunciently called Epirus) where hee spoiled and wasted alongst the riuer of Ache­lous (at this day named the riuer of Pachicolan) vnto the mountaines Du Diable (in times past called Acroceraunii) which are part of the Mountaines called Pindus, hee tooke also the famous port towne, named Velone (some­time called Aulon) and passed the Gulfe of Larta, in la­tin called Sinus Ambracius, vnto the towne of Oricus (now named Rigo) and so went forward towards the Gulf of Cataro (which is called Sinus Risonicus) beeing fiue and twentie miles from the towne of Ragusa, (in ancient [...]me named Epidaurus.) Hee enforced Iohn Cos­ [...]i [...]th the Despot of Cymera to giue him the enpregnable towne of Croia with his three sonnes in hostage, and pledge of fidelitie, all which hee caused to be [...] come Turks the yongest named George Castrioth, at that time not aboue nine yeeres of age, was called by the Turkes Scanderbeg that is to say Alexander▪ the great, who after, [Page 35] became so valiant a Captaine, that for his worthie acts hee was comparable to the famous and most renow­med Pyrrus, and others his worthy predecessours, do­minators and rulers of Epirus: for hauing commaund vnder Amurath, he conquered Seruia, and did bring to the Turks obeisance the Countrie of Carmania▪ how be­it afterward this Scanderbeg retourning to the christian faith, caused Amurath to loose the territorie of Seruia, and then toke from him the strong towne of Croia with all the countries, townes, & castells that before belong­ed to his said father Iohn Castrioth, besides that in twen­tie or thirty battels, wherein valiantly he fought with the Turks, he alwaies caried away with him the victo­rie, so as Amurath had neuer iuster matter to obiect to this Scanderbeg, then to reproch him with vnkindnes, that beeing so carefully brought vp by him, in his ten­der age, should so without cause reuoult▪ calling him by sundrie letters the ingrate & vnthankfull sonne: how­beit Scanderbeg cared so little for Amurath, that vpon occasion he departed from his owne Countries, to suc­cour in person Ferdinand king of Naples against Iohn Duke of Galabre, which Ferdinand hee restored to his realme, & expelled the Duke from the same: for which deede Ferdmand afterwards, curteoushe receiued the spoiled and calamitous children of Scanderbeg (whom [...] the second, after the death of their father exiled and [...] of all their liuelihoode) & gaue them lands in the kingdome of Naples, so as they became Marqui­zes of Saint Angelo, and of Tripaldo: so as a worthy gen­telman of that race named Ferdinand Castrioth Marquiz of Saint Angelo was slaine, valiantly fighting on the im­periall [Page] part in the late battaile before Pauia. Amurath af­ter that did winne the countrie of Moree (which in latin by our elders is called Peloponesus) through the discord of two bretheren, the one called Thomas and the other Demetrius, Despots of the same country, being brothers of Constantine Paleologo last Emperour of Constantinople, who by reason that the Albanois moued warres against them, sought for succours to Amurath, and became his tributaries, but after denying to pay their promised tri­bute, Amurath draue them out of their whole countrie of Moree. Howbeit Demetrius afterwards retired himself towardes the Turque, but Thomas repayred to Rome, to the Pope where hee ended his life, leauing foure children, two sonnes and two daughters. Amurath bee­ing now become aged, and wearie both of the world and of his victories, withdrew himselfe among cer­taine Heremits and other Religieux, of his supersticious sect, pretending to leade the rest of his daies solitarilie and in quietnesse: & established in his place his son. Ma­humet being but yong of yeeres, to reigne and gouerne his Kingdomes, appoynting for his gouernour one Haly Bassa, called of some, Caly Bassa. Howbeit when the famous Iohn Huniades, with the Hungarians had gathe­red togethers a mightie army, to haue inuaded the do­minions of this young Mahumet. Amurath (at the great instaunce and suite both of his sonne as also of the sayd Haly Bassa (that could not bee obeyed) was enforced to take vppon him the administration and gouernment of the present affaires, who making head against the saide Hungarians in the ende, vanquished and put them to flight. After which Amurath inuaded [Page 36] the dominions of the valiaunt Scanderbeg, beesieged his strong towne of Croia, howbeeit hee could not winne the same. And in his retyring by the Moun­taynes there, hee was spoyled by the Paisaunts, and verie manie of his armie slaine, whereby Amurath en­tered into such a meruaylous melancholie and displea­sure, that what by disease therewith taken, and his olde age togethers hee dyed, in the yeere of our Lord God 1451. of his age seauentie fiue, and of his reigne thirtie two, and of the reigne of Charles, the French king the seauenth of that name twentie sixe. Thus Amurath was the first, that instituted the Ianni­saries.

MAHVMET, the second of that name, called by Enguerrand, and other french Historiographers Mor­besan, perhaps they would haue said Morbesalem, which is as much in the Surien or Moresque language, as these woordes in the Gospell, Vade in Pace, depart in peace. This woord Morbesan among the Turkes signifieth so much as Duke or Duchie. This Mahumet was sonne of the saide Amurath, and of Iriny a Christian wo­man daughter to George the Despot of Seruia, who be­ganne to reigne the one and twentie yeere of his age, and two yeeres after did winne by assault the Citie of Constantinople Anno Domini 1453. where the Emperour Constantinie was slayne, by which it so came to passe, that as one Constantine sonne to Helen, was the first Em­perour of Constantinople: so an other Constantine sonne of an other Helen, was the last Christian Emperour there. This Mahumet proued in the ende, neither Musulman or Mahometist, for in his infancye hee [Page] was instructed in the christian faith, by his said mother, and after by others in the Turkish supersticion, howbe­it, whan he came to age, he cared neither for the one nor other. In the beginning of his reigne, he caused two of his bretheren being but of very tender age (the one, of a yeere and a halfe, the other not passing sixe moneths olde) to be slaine: howbeit some doe affirme that the elder sonne was secretly saued, an other childe beeing put in his roome, who was caried to Venice, and from thence to Rome to Pope Calixt, who caused him to bee baptised and named Calixt Othman, vpon whom the Emperour Frederic afterwards did bestow great liuings.

Mahumet hauing thus taken Constantinople as I haue declared, did inuade the dominions of Hungary, and be­sieged Belgrado, from which, hee vvas repulsed by the worthie Iohn Huniades, that was then within Belgrado, with the Cardinall Angelo, and the famous gray Frier cal­led Iohn Capistran▪ From this siege Mahumet withdrew himselfe and his army with shame inough, for beesides his owne hurts & wounds, he lost wholy his artillerie & baggage, with his for euer hope to haue the realme of Hungarie: besides hee was compelled wholy to attend the recouerie of the dominion of Moree, which the Vene­tians had wonne from him, hauing repaired the Examilo ila. (which is a long wall of the length of sixe Italian miles extending from the Gulfe Patras, which the latines doe call Sinu Corinthiacus, vnto the Bay of Egino named in latin Sinus Megaricus, betweene which two Gulfs, (as it were in the midst of the Istmus, not passing sixe miles broad, being a peece of groūd comparable vnto a bridge tyeng the dominion and territorie of Peloponesus, vnto [Page 37] the maine land of Grecia) the Citie of Corinthe stood sometime of notable fame, but now reduced to a little village called Coranto) the which long vvall named the Examilo, Amurath in his life had caused to bee de­molished and cast downe, to the end to haue the more easie passage into Peloponesus: but when Mahumet came, the Venetians hoping they had beene strong inough, in a battaile which they fought vvith him, vvere cleane o­uerthrovven, vvhere a great number of Italian Cap­taines vvere slaine: so as Mahumet recouered the chiefe of the territory of Peloponesus, foorthvvith againe after vvhich in the very sight of the Venetians hee did vvinne from them the vvhole Iland of Negropont called also Euboea, ioyned to the firme & main land vvith a bridge, vvith the Ilands of Stalimene anciently named Lemnos, and Methelin called Lesbos, appertaining then to Nicho­las Cataluz a Geneuois: and so prosecuting his good for­tune hee tooke the Isle of Saint Maura (called Nerytus, and by some Leucas, & Leucadia) together vvith the Isles of Zante (aunciently named Zacynthus) and Cephale­nia, (called novv Chiphalonie:) Hee recouered the strong tovvne of Croya, after the death of Scanderbeg, spoiled the tovvne of Scodra called novv Scutare from Seigneur Aranith Comino, or Comnenus surnamed Golent father of Seigneur Constantine, vvho then go­uerned the Marquesdome of Montferrato, after the death of the Duchesse his niece, at vvhich time Charles the eight the French King retourned from Naples: after all this Mahumet inuaded the territorie of Bosne, and tooke the Despot thereof called Stephan Hierchec, and of some Historiographers the Duke Latic, and caused [Page] his head to bee smitten off, compelling a yong sonne of this Despot to be made a Renie, and to be circumsised, in surnaming him Achmath. Hee tooke from the Geneuois, their towne of Capha (auncientlie called Theodosia) si­tuated in Prezocopie, named by the Geographers Taurica Chersonesus: which is as though it were halfe and sland, as is Peloponesus, and hath on the one side the Gulf of Ni­gropila (called Sinus Carcini [...]s) & on the other, the Baye called La Mer Noir, named in latin B [...]cis Paulus, from which not very far distant is the famous Gulfe called Pa­lus Meotis commonly named the Gulf de li Tana, during which time of these his expedicions & exploits in war in countries so farre distant the one from the other; hee was assalted in Natolie by Piramet Caraman, who enfor­ced him to relinquish his further enterprises. Notwith­standing before his departure, he tooke the strong for­tresse of Mancup or Manlzup, situated in the Isthmus or strait peece of ground which knitteth or ioyneth Prezo­copie vnto the firme land called by the ancients Taphre, now Azan or Assou▪ standing vpon the shore of the Gulf▪ of T [...]na. That done, Mahumet retired into Natelie, and re­pulled from thence Caraman, inuading the countries of the same Caraman, whereof he did win a great part: and in his returne tooke the citie of Sinopes, the Metropolis of Pap [...]lagonia, which standeth vpon the coast of the sea called anciently Pontus Euxinus, & now La Mer Maiour, as also vpon the same coast▪ the renowned citie of Tra­pezonda, being the chiefe city of the Empire of Trapezon­da, where he did put to death the Emperour therof cal­led Dauid Conino or Comnenus, who was a Christian, dis­cended of the valiaunt Isaac Conino, who from a meane [Page 38] Captaine became Emperour of Constantinople, after the Emperour Michaell: all which troubles aboue said came to passe, when as the Hungarians, and those of Austrich moued wars against the Emperour Frederic to recouer Ladislaus (whom some doe call Lancelot) the sonne of Albert, to be their king and lord, whom Frederic had in keeping, yet would not restore him, though he was ad­iudged meete to reigne: while Mahumet became thus victorious, there did spring a new enemie against him named Vssuncassan or Assambeg the prince of Persia, who with a great power of the Persians (whom the Turkes doe call Keselbach, that is to say, red heads, by reason that they did weare red hoods) entered into Capadoce and Trapesonde, and fought two battailes with Mahu­met; in the first of which Mahumet was ouerthrowen, but in the second Assambeg had the worst, and therby lost sundry of his dominions. This Vssuncassan or Assam­beg was sonne in law to the saide Dauid Conyno Empe­rour of Trebisonde, of whom beefore I made mencion, who reigned in the yeere of our Lord God 1472. Ma­humet thus deliuered of his aduersarie, retourned into Caramany after the death of Pyramet Caraman, and en­forced Abraham his sonne to seeke for succours from the Christians, and chiefelie of Pope Pius the second of that name, who was determined in person to haue gone against the Turke, and for that purpose was re­payred to the Citie of Ancona, where hee had in readi­nesse a great army on the sea: but while hee stayed there for the Venetians that should haue accompani­ed him in the voyage, Pius dyed, without any further exploit done at that time.


[Page]Whereby it so came to passe, that this army being scattered, and the Allemans and the Hungarians continu­ing still at warres, this infortunate Caraman not able to resist Mahumet, was in the end miserablie slaine by him, and by this meane the race of Caraman was vtterly o­uerthrowen, and his dominions rested in the subiecti­on of the Othmans. Mahumet now assured and safe vpon this coast of Cilicia, sent Omarbey, the Sangiac of Bosnia, who was sonne of a Geneuois, to pill and ouerrunne the countrie of Istria (called Liburnia) as likewise to spoile the territorie of Carinthia (commonly called Crayn) & so to furrow the land of Stiria (anciently called Valeria, now at this day named Steirmarck) all which countries are comprehended vnder the name of Illirium. This O­marbey in executing his princes commandement, passed vnto the region of Frioll, (which in latin is called Fo­rum Iulii,) trauesing mightie and great riuers, both by foords and bridges made on boates as occasion serued, and ouerthrew the armie of the Venetians that came to debat his passage, in which conflict were slaine & taken a great company of notable good Captaines of Italy. Of another part Mahumet did send Athmath Bacha (surna­med Ghendich, that is to say with a great Tooth, sonne of Stephan sometime Despot of Bosnia, of whom I dyd speake beefore) with a great army by sea into Italy who tooke the towne of Otrant [...] (called in latin Hydruntus and of the auncients I [...]pigium) situated in the territorie of Apulia in Italie: a little beefore which Mesith Bacha Paleologo, discended of the race of the Emperour of Con­stantinople, did beesiege the famous citie of the Rhodes with a mightie army, from which hee was repulsed by [Page 39] the Christians that valiauntly defended the same. Now Mahumet not contented thus with these three Armies, in person went against the Soldain of Egipt, but being arri­ued nigh vnto Nicomedia (a Citie of Bithynia in Natoly, which Citie at this day is called Comidy, and of the Turks Nichor, Mahumet died in the yeere of our Lord God 1442 of his age 54. And of his reigne 31. About the ende of Loys the eleuenth, and the beginning of the reigne of Charles the eight the French king. This Mahumet was called by the Turks, Mahumet Boiuc, that is to say Mahumet the great, who left beehinde him, two sonnes the one called Pazait and the other Zizimy, which is to say loue, for Mustapha his eldest sonne, who was Gouernour of Icony called Iconium in Latin, dyed soone after the second battell fought as aboue saide against Vsuancssan, in which battell Mustapha had very valiantly behaued himselfe.

PAZAIT otherwise called Bazait the second of that name, and the yongest as was supposed of his three Bre­theren (thorough the aide and fauour of the Ianizares of whom their Laga or Captaine was his sonne in law,) sei­zed and atteigned the Empire. And Zizimy his brother, was planted in the Citie of Bursie wherewith and the do­minions of the same hee could haue very well contented himselfe. But Bazait would not let him rest so nigh, for which with the armie that was put in redinesse by his fa­ther to haue gone against the Soldan of Egipt he draue his brother Zizimy out of Bursie. So as Zizimy for succour, was enforced to repaire to the Soldain of whom he was aided both with men and money, yet neuerthelesse, after he had fought two battels and lost them both, hee was in the ende vtterly put to flight by Achmat Ghendich Bacha, [Page] and not knowing how to recouer himselfe, retired into the Isle of Rhodes to require succors of vs Christians, be­ing then of the age of eight and twentie yeeres. Where­of Bazait beeing aduertised sent great gifts and presents to the great maister and counsaile of the Rhodes, beesee­ching them to keepe well his brother Zizimy and for the maintenaunce of his estate and entertainment, he would cause yeerely to bee payde to them the summe of fortie thousand Ducats, as also during the time of his keeping he would make no manner of inuasion vpon the Christi­ans. For which this Zizimy, for saftie, and to keepe Bazait in continuall feare and subiection was sent, into the realme of Fraunce where hee continued very long in a house of the order of the Rhodes, called Bourgeneuf, but after hee was giuen to P. P. Innocent the eight of that name, and had to Rome where hee was resident, whan Charles the eight inuaded the Realme of Naples, who needes would haue Zizimy away with him, hopeing by his meanes to recouer the Empire of Constantinople but the P. P. Alexander the sixt of that name (perceiuing hee must depart with Zizimy whither hee would or no) enpoysened him in such sort (as was said) that after such his delyuerie hee dyed within three dayes at Tarracine. Baizait thus dispatched of his brother; beeganne to in­uade the Countries of Transyluania and tooke Moncastro standing on the Riuer of Neper called in Lattin Boristhe­nes, with the towne of Lithostomo at the mouth of the ri­uer of Danubye. After which, he caused to be put to death, his famous Generall Achmat Ghendich Bacha, comparable in valour to any excellent man of warre of his time. He was sonne to Stephan sometime Despot of Bosnia as bee­fore I declared. This being done, to pursue the entent [Page 40] and purpose of his father Mahumet against the Soldain of Egipt and partly to reuenge himselfe vpon the same Sol­dain for mayntaining of his brother Zizimy against him, hee sent a mightie armie into Sury. Of the which the Mammaluchs getting intelligence, assembled themselues at Antioche, marching towardes the Turkes whome they found encamped vnder the mountaine Amanus (now called Monte Negro) wher they couragiously encountred their enemyes betwixt the same mountain and the Golfe of Layasse (which is called in Latin Sinus Issicus. Where sometime also Alexander the great, discomfited king Da­rius) ouerthrew the Turkes armie, and tooke prisoner the Generall of the same, called Cherseogli sonne in law of Bazait whom they brought to the Soldain than being at his great Citie of Cair (which the Turkes called Mitzir.) But seeing I am thus chaunced to make mencion of these Mammaluchs I shall not much digresse from my matter, if first I shew you what these Mammaluchs are.

This woord Mammaluch in the Surienne tongue, (bee­ingMammaluch the common language vsed in Africk which wee call Moresque and the most enlarged and extended vulgare speech that at this day is vsed in the world▪) betokeneth or signifieth a seruiteur or soldior. This Soldain and the Mammeluchs were of one manner of Religion, and liued without marriage, as those that are of the order of the Rhodes & the knights of Malta doe, who aboue their other apparrell, vsed to weare a gowne of white Bocassin bright & artificially made to shine. And as the great Turk hath foure Visir Bacha exceeding the others in dignitie: So hath the Soldain foure Emir Quibir surmounting the restEmir Quibir in honour next vnto the Soldain.

[Page]For this word Emir betokeneth an Admerall and Quibir signifieth great. So as this woord Emir Quibir, is as much to say a great Admerall. Besides, they had in their society a great constable called in their tongue Derdard Quibir, whom Paulus Iouius calleth the great Diadaro. The Sol­dain being but a Mammaluch is chosen to that dignitie by the rest of the brothers, as they doe elect the great Mai­ster of the Rhodes, and most often hee is of one of their Emirs. Who being thus elected to be Soldain giueth to e­uery of the other Mammaluchs by way of reward a hun­dred Duckets for his welcome. All which Mammaluchs were Christians Renies, or sonnes of Christians as are the Ianizaries; (who in no case would receiue any Turke Moore or Iewe to be of their societie) being all Liuerous for so the Turkes doe name them. This Liuerous were aunciently named Hiberi and Circassi (whom they call Cercaz,) among whom the Colchi, Georgii, Albani, and o­thers Christians who were Iacobits and Nestorians, re­maining about the riuer of Phaso otherwise called Phasis) were accounted. This Circassi beeing young whan the Tartarians dyd surprise and take them, were carryed by troopes and solde to the saide Emirs, with whom they were brought vp in the exercise of armes but chiefely on horsback, who beecomming very valyaunt; were made Mammaluchs obseruing the Mahumeticall law. This order of the Mammaluchs beganne at such time as the king saint Lois was taken prisoner before Damyate (which some cal Heliopolis) among whom the first Soldain was named Me­lechsalem whom they dyd kill and was the cause that the sayd saint Loys was the more easily deliuered. But to re­turne to Bazait, this ouerthrow that the Turkes thus re­ceiued [Page 41] nigh to the Golfe of Layasse by the Mammaluchs, was the greatest calamitie that euer came to the Turckes, whereof Bazait hauing receiued intelligence, and per­ceiuing that his affaires had small good successe on that side, retired his force into Sclauonye, and there tooke the towne of Durazo (aunciently called Dirrachium) and Epidamnus perteigning to the familie of the Carlouichs who affirmed themselues to haue descended out of the house of the kings of Fraunce. That is to say from Charles of Durazo surnamed de le Faix sonne of Peter Duke of Grauyn sonne of Charles second king of Naples, and of Hungary in the right of his wife. The which Charles was sonne of Charles D'aniou king of Naples brother to the said king saint Loys.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 1493. Bazait sent eight thousand horsemen vnder the leading of Cadum Bacha to ouer runne the Countries lying betweene Hungarie and Sclauonie, against whom, certaine of the Nobility of Hun­gary Croace and Sclauony dyd assemble themselues and en­countered the Turckes nigh vnto the Riuer of Moraua (auncientlie called Moschus) where the Christians were ouerthrowen. Fiue yeeres after, Haly Bacha the Albaneze and Enuch with a great armie by sea made towardes the towne of Iara or Iadera situated on the shore of the Golfe of Venice in the coast of Sclauony. And albeit that the for­ces of the Venetians (which was very mightie on the sea,) pursued the Turkes yet durst they not charge thē, which Haly Bacha perceiuing, tooke at their noses the towne of Lepantho, aunciently called Naupactum.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 1500. Bazait came in person to Modon, that somtime was called Methones, in [Page] Moree and tooke the same. And after, when Lewes the twelfth, the French King ioyned in aliaunce with the Ve­netians against Ludouic Sforza the vsurper of the Duchie of Milayn, Bazait at the request of Sforza caused tenne thousand horsemen to inuade the territorie of Friol, in­somuch as they approched euen to the towne of Triuiso in the view of the Citie of Venice. For which the Veneti­ans prepared immediatly a great armie on the sea against the Turkes, with whom the Gallies of Fraunce vnder the charge of Seigneur Rauestaing, as also the Gallies of the king of Aragon vnder the leding of the famous Don Fer­rando Consaluo ioyned, with which armie they dyd win from the Turks the Islands of Cephalonia, and saint Mauro. But (vpon certaine conclusions of peace traicted by the meanes of Messire Andreas Gritti (who afterwardes was Duke of Venice) betwixt the Venetians & the Turkes) were againe surrendered, yet the Gallies of Fraunce, passed for­wardes to the Isle of Lesbos, (otherwise called Metheline) hopeing to haue subdued the same, but not able to bring their enterprise to passe, they returned home againe. A­bout this time beeganne the fame and renowne of Siach Ismael the king of Persia, by surname called the Sophie ac­cording to the name of his father, who was sonne to the Daughter of Vssuncassan, and of one Seich Ayder (that is to say the good Religioux) for he was reputed among the Persians to bee a very good and holy man, and a Prophet called Sophi, of that sect new begunne among the Mahu­metists, which they call Sophi or Sophilar, of the which I dyd speake beefore, according to the which hee ly­ued.

Some holde opinion that hee was called Sophi of [Page 42] the Countrey of Sophena which was vnder his domini­on. But neyther the Turkes nor yet the Persians know what Countrey Sophena is: The sayde Seich Ayder after the death of Vsuncassam was shamefully slayne by the commandement of Iacopbeg his brother in law, doubt­ting that the people of Persia (who meruailously were affected owardes Seich) would haue deposed the sayd Iacopbeg and made Seich to haue beene theyr King.

For which Seich Ismaell hearing of his fathers death beeing than not passing eyght yeeres of age, fledde to the towne of Leziam situated vppon the Sea of A­bacuth (commonly called Caspium,) where hee re­mayned vntill hee came to mans age, and than retur­ned into Persia, where finding meanes to assemble but three hundered men thorough theyr help hee tooke the towne of Sumach, and after, increasing his num­ber, hee wanne the Citie of Taurys in Armeny with the towne of Syras, where the good Armours are made.

Hee afterwardes vanquished and slew in fight Aluant sonne of Iacopbeg who made him-selfe King after the death of his father, who was sonne to Vs­uncassan (Vncle to the sayde Ismaell) and entered in league with the Prince Aladulad or Anaudule and the Soldain of Egypt by whome hee was drawne to mooue warre against Bazait, against whom he ob­tayned sundry victories. About this time Selym, the youngest sonne of Bazait, departed from Trebisconde whereof he was gouernour, and without the knowledge of his father, married with the daughter of the Cham of Tartarie Prezecopie.

[Page]Thorough whose aide and a great number of Horse­men, which his brother in law (called of the Turkes Cha­mogly or Canogly:) brought to accompany him, (hauing already gained the hearts of his fathers Iannizaries.) Hee enforced Bazait his father to leaue to him his Empire. Which Bazait, purposing to draw himselfe to the cost of the sea Maior otherwise named Pontus Euxinus and there to leade the residue of his yeeres in quietnesse, dyed in his going thither, empoysonned as was iudged by his sonne Selym, in that they did drinke togethers at their de­parture. Bazait reigned thirtie yeeres, lyued threescore and three yeares, dyed in the yeere of our Lord God, one thousand fiue hundered & twelue. And in the fourteenth of the reigne of Lewes the twelfth, the French king, leuing behinde him Selym, Achmat, and Corchuth.

SELYM, thus hauing attained to the Empire, through the meanes aboue declared, endeuored himselfe aboue all things to dispatch himselfe from the feare of his bre­theren. For which first hee caused Corcuth his brother to bee put to death, who before had fled to the sea cost ouer against the Island of the Rhodes and there had hidden him­selfe vntill hee might haue gotten shipping to haue past vnto the great Maister, but being shamefully discouered by one of his owne men, in the ende was strangeled with a bow string. Achmat his brother dyed by lyke death, be­ing taken in battell, accompanied with an able armie which hee had gotten togethers thorough the ayde of Siach Ismael, and of Campson Ciauri Soldain of Egipt. Yet through his fatnesse and vnweldinesse of body whereby hee was not able to abide labour on horseback and so to flye, was taken & put to death. Selym, being thus deliuered [Page 43] from his father & bretheren, deliberated to inuade the Sophy, aswell for the auncient enmitie that was betwixt them, as to reuenge himselfe of this new iniury, for ay­ding his brother Achmat, to make wars against him. Howbeit, that the more easely he might bring his pur­pose about, he found meanes first to make peace with Lancelot the king of Hungary, & than for his greater suer­tie, renewed the alliance & league that he had with the Venetiās: after which he set forward towards the Persiās, whome the Sophy met, accompanied with a great nūber of men at Armes, nigh to Assiria, wher these great Prin­ces with their Armies fought a wonderful sore battell, in vvhich the Sophy through the Turks Artillery had the worst, & was put to flight: forsomuch as the Persian hors­es vvere neuer frequented to the noise & thundring of artillery, which they could not abide to heare. This bat­tell vvas fought in the plain of Calderan, betwixt the ci­ties of Tauris, and Coy: which citie of Coy sometime hath bene called Artaxata. The maner of this battel is pain­ted in the counsail chamber at Venice, vvhich ther I haue seene, & is reported that Selym caused so to be done, & sent to Venice, to the Senat ther. After vvhich conflict the citie of Tauris came into the hands of the Turks, vvith a great part of the Realme of Persia: Howbeit the Turks had no long possession of the same: For Siach Ismael re­couered al that he had lost, right soone after. In such sort as Thomas the sonne of the said Ismael holdeth the same at this day. Selym now retourning out of Persia came to Trebizonda, where he taried all the winter, but the som­mer next ensuing he inuaded the prince Aladolus, other­vvise called Anardule, (vvho frontered vpon the Soldain [Page] of Egipt, towards a Towne of his called Alep, by the french men named Halappe, by the Turks Adelphe, & by our anciants Epiphania, supposed to be called Aleph, be­cause it is the first Towne which that vvay leadeth into Sury). Vpon an other coast, he bordereth on the Turks, toward the prouince of Icony, & vnto Armenia the lesse pertaining to the Persians. All this country of Anadule, vvas subdued by Selym, Anadule himselfe taken, and his head smitten off, by commaund. There rested now no mo in the contrary of Selym, but onely the Soldain of E­gipt, vvho vvith a great Armie vvas come against Cayth­by, the Emyr of Alep, vvho being subiect to the Soldain, had reuolted against him. The armie of the Soldain was supposed to be about eight & twentie thousand Horse­men, the most part of vvhich consisted of the order of the Mameluchs, vvho litle estemed the Turks, considering that heretofore they had encountred them in other vvars, & giuen them the ouerthrow, as before is decla­red. But Selym politickly feigning as though he purpo­sed to inuade the Sophy, vvhereof he made a bruit to runne: vvhan he vvas come nigh vnto the Towne of A­man, (called by our ancients Apamea, situated betwixt Alep and Damas,) vvas instantly required & prayed by the sayd Caithby, to giue him succours and ayde against the Soldain: Wherunto, Selym accorded right soone, as he, that found vvhat he desired, and a redy occasion, for vvhich he had long looked. Yet vvould he not vtter his thoughts therein, least the two armies of the prince and subiect, being ready in the feeld to fight, and perce­uing his purpose, (vvho in taking part sought so to ouer throw them both) should accord togethers against him. [Page 44] Wherfore immediately he raigned with the Emir Caith by, bidding defiance to the Souldain Campson Ciauri, with vvhom he fought in set field, vvhere the Souldain vvas slaine, and Caithby also as some doe say,) vvherby Se­lym remained Lord ouer all Siria, Damas. Hierusalem, & Iudea. The M [...]mcluchs vvho saued themselues in that battaile, returned into Egipt, vvhere vvith the others there, they chose an other Souldain named Tomombey, vvho before, vvas Emyr of Alexandria, hovvbeit Selym hotly follovving his fortune and victories, entred into Egipt, vanquished Tomombey in an other battaile, tooke the great citie of Caire, (vvhich of some, vvrongfully is called Carra) & named of other by more aparant rea­son Memphis,) vvhere vvhilst Tomombey vvould haue sa­ued himselse on the other side of the riuer Nyle, he vvas pursued by Canogly, vvho passed the riuer by ships, vvith ten thousand Horsemen, (the bridge that vvas made on boats ouer the same, being cloyed vvith Ianizaries, so as he vvas not able to passe that vvay,) by vvhich Canogly Tomombey, being taken and brought back to Selym, cau­sed him straight to be strangled, vvhereby the said Selym remained King of Egipt, Anno Domini. 1518. These victo­ries thus attained, Selym returned to Constantinople, and purposing to remoue to the Citie of Adrianople, died in his iournyeng, at a village called Chiorlich: vvhere before vvith his Tartarians, he did fight vvith his father Bazait, and vvas ouerthrowen. Thus he died in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred and twen­tith, of his reigne the eightenth yeere of his age the sixe & forty yeere: and of the reigne of the right Chri­stian king Erancis the French King, the eight yeere After [Page] that he had put to death three of his most worthy Ba­chas, Chenden Bacha, because he would haue mutined his Iannissaires, entring into Persia. Bostangi, otherwise called Constantin Bacha his sonne in law, for sundry exactions and spoiles that he had committed: & Ianus Bacha, wher of none could tell the cause, sauing that Selym thought him to be high minded. This Selym left but one sonne named Solyman, called by the Turks, Selyman: whom he recommended to the custody of Peribacha, who be­fore had gouerned him in his youth.

SOLYMAN came to his reigne the xxviij. yeere of his age, who the yeere next ensuing by the coūsail of Peribacha, beseged Belgrado, & did win it from king Lewes of Hungary (the son of Lancelot.) who at that time was very young, hauing the Princes & Lords of his Coun­trie at discord among them selues, about the Regimēt of their King and of his Realme: Whereby it came to passe that no maner of Order was foreseen, either for the defence or succoring of that famous Place.

The next yeere after, hee beesieged the Rhodes, espying alwayes after the custome of his elders, the discords & diuisions among Christian Princes, the which enterprice was cleerely against the minde and counsail of Peribacha, who accompted that Iourney very doubt­full and of no litle aduenture: Howbeit the same suc­ceded too well with him, as he desired.

In the yeere of our Lord God 1527. whan Italy was in wars & troubles, Solyman entred into Hungary in fauour, as he said, of Iohn de Ziphs, the Vayuod of Sibenbourg, who pretended that the kingdome of Hungarie dyd to him [Page 45] onely of right appertaine: wher it came to passe, that the young King Lewes, comming in person to the fight, was slaine: after which, the said Iohn attaining the kingdome, dyed, leauing a yong son, an Infant, behinde him, vnder protection of Solyman, with his Kingdome likewise.

The same Selyman in the yeare 1535. going in expe­dicion against Thomas king of the Persians toke from him the whole country of Mesopotamia, vvith the citie of Ba­bilon, and in 1538 continuing at Aulona hee gaue an at­tempt to the vvinning of the Isle of Corcyra. 1540 hee both besieged and tooke the strong fortres called Castell Nouo in Dalmatia. In the yeere 1541 Iohn de Ziphs king of Hungaria being dead as aforesaid, & his widdow calling Solyman to hir aide, who as then vvas besieged in the ci­tie of Buda, by Ferdinand king of the Romains. The said Solyman not onely came to releeue hir, but beating back the army of Ferdinand, tooke the said citie, placed therin a Bassa, and sent the vviddovv vvith hir infant son into Transiluania. The yeere following the same Solyman de­fended the city of Pestum in Hungaria against the vnited and assembled forces of the whole Germain Empire, and after toke from them the two strong holdes of Strigoni­um and Alba Regalis, and in fine concluded peace with Ferdinand king of the Romains and Hungaria, vpon con­dicion of a yeerelie pension (which they doe call a tri­bute) to bee paied him. In the yeere 1549 and 1550 hee vndertoke another expedicion against the Persians, and established a Beglerbeg at Vanum in the confines of Media and Armenia, after which he possessed himselfe of Tripo­lis in Africa, Temeswar in Hungaria, the which with the adioyning countries he committed to the defence of a [Page] new Bassa. In the yeere 1553▪ he commanded his eldest son Mustapha to bee put to death at Halep: gaue order though in vaine, that Zegethum in Hungaria, should be be­sieged & afterward enforced his son Baiaseth (desirous to succeed his father) hauing first ouercome him in bat­tell, to fly to the king of the Persians, where being appre­hended, he the said Baiaseth, with his foure sons, Solyman, his nephews, were cruelly slaine▪ 1560 the Turks gaue a great ouerthrow to the Christians, at the Iland of Garbe, while the saide Christians were desirous to recouer the towne of Tripolis, formerly taken, as is said by the Turks. After which the said Solyman attempted (but with small succes) the Iland of Malta, yet toke that of Chios belong­ing to the state of Genua. Lastly being againe recald into Hungaria by Iohn of Transiluania he died before Zegethum in the yeere 1566. and of his age seauentie sixe.

To whom succeeded his son Selimus the second, this Selimus made peace with Maximilian the Emperour euery eight yeeres to be renewed, toke from the possession of the Venetians, the Isle of Ciprus, & in the yeere 1571 recei­ued that memorable ouerthrow in that worthy sea fought battell at Lepanto. Hee likewise by Sinamus Bassa his generall, toke in the kingdome of Tunis in Africk, for­ty yeeres after that Charles the fift the Emperor had held it in his command, & caused that famous fort of the Gu­let, to be ouerthrowen & leueled with the ground: This Sinamus Bassa, is he who at this day is the great cōman­der of all [...] Turkish forces in Hungaria. And so the said Se­limus in the end of the yeer 1574 died. Who left behind him a son called Amurath the third, the which Amurath, for the space of 14 continued yeers, held wars both long [Page 46] some & variable with the Persian king called Mahemet Ho­dobende, (as much to say as the seruant of God,) which wars scarce determined he began to make head against the Christians & the Emperour Rodolphe, by whose soldiors the Bassa Bosnensis 1593 and others at Sisciam in Hungaria had ben slaine. This Amurath after many miseries inflic­ted vpon the poore remaynder of Hungaria, & the con­fines of Austria in the end of March, the yeere 1595 con­cluded his daies. To him succeeded Mahumet the third his son, who now reigneth, a yong man then of the age of thirty two yeeres, little more or lesse, of a great spirit, able body, & infaligable minde, who before the perfor­mance of his fathers funerall rites, caused xviii of his brothers, & fathers sons by seuerall concubines to bee strangled, all which with their said father he toke order should honorably in the same monument be enterred, seauen & twenty of his sisters he inclosed in the Seraglio, a place in manner of a monestary, deputed for the rety­ring of the great Senior his children, & the safe keeping of his concubines. This Mahumet is thought to prosecut the wars against the Christians, which his father left vnfi­nished, with more feruent desire & greater forces then any other before him. In this sort as you see, haue I for your content entred and finished this matter, which re­quired more largely to haue ben touched, & to haue bu­sied one of better knowledge, which things though but slightly run ouer, may suffice to make aparant, that since but meane princes in regard of the vnited Christian for­ces, haue thus encombred the course of their conquests it is not Impossible the like againe may be done, & grea­ter when God shall encourage vs thervnto.

The end of the second booke.

To the VVorshipfull his very good cosen Edward Carr of Sleford in the coun­tie of Lincolne Esquier, and one in hir Maiesties Commission of peace there.

SIR, one and the same loue and duetie, deriued from an infinit desire to serue and honour you, formerly protested to your worthy brothers, and now conti­nued towards you, hath drawen on this third booke, in such sort, as you see, not without some speciall reason, for heere­in beeing in most liuely and faire lines, laide forth, the perfect modells of true valour, and resolution, with many other parts of action and exact military discipline, admired presidents both for rule and example: I could not in my owne conceit better dispose of, then in commending vnto you, beeing as I heare, a man in action, and one whom your countrie hath built their better hopes, when seruice or the like occasion may call them therevnto: what I wish, and well hope, that the two first bookes haue obtayned from them, of fauou­rable acceptaunce and entertaining, my honest will according to my meaning: the same I would intreat most earnestly of you, for this: which granted shall engage mee ere long to some greater taske, better fitting your worth, and in conformety more fullie squared to my owne desire, till when I take my leaue and rest, for euer in what I can.

Your worships exceedingly deuoted R. Carr.

The third Booke.
The Historie of Celimus secundus: of the warres and siege of Malta.

WHO soeuer that complaine of the inconstance and imbecilitie of hu­maine affaires, & the estate of man­kinde, truely they doe it not with­out cause: for well obseruing they shall see all things, with the heauens themselues, sometime flow, & som­time chaunge, though not accor­ding to the face of the heauens, and the positions, mo­tions, and courses of the starres, (which in their times appointed, doe make returne,) the matters and state of mankinde are alwaies like, for neither mankinde it selfe, nor their worthie acts, pollicies, arts, regiments, and lawes, (whereof the most part are either at this pre­sent, chaunged, or els vtterlie decaied,) which any con­uercion or retourne of the heauens can come againe, whereof example vnto vs, are the Assyrians, Meds, Persi­ans, Aegiptians, Carthagians, Greeks, and Romains: For▪ time chaungeth and consumeth all worldly things, which had enfolded and vtterly ouerturned, the famous acts of these worthie nations, in the horrible darkenesse of obliuion and forgetfulnesse, if that an other (as it were a resplendishing and most bright sunne,) had not ben reserued from the first beeginning of mankinde, that should counteruaile such in constance and imbecilitie of humaine thinges, whereby not onely to prepare an im­mortalitie, to sliding and fluxible matters, but chiefelie [Page] which all wee mortall creatures ought to desire,) to shew the perfect way, to ioyfull felicitie. And that is, the memorie of the acts and dooings past of man­kinde, which wee vse to call and name a Historie: for when that in mankinde, there is by nature an engra­ued appetite and desire of that goodnesse, which is called felicitie, so as what soeuer wee thinke, we iust­lie doe any thing, wee refer it to that end of goodnesse and felicitie, but verelie that true goodnesse, and most certaine felicitie consisteth in this point, that we may bee assuredly ioyned and knit with almightie God, and to bee like to him, as hee hath appointed vs: Which vnfainedlie they may affirme, to haue attay­ned and gotten, who that hauing brought in obe­dience to reason, the desires of their mindes, and ap­petites, will found and establishe their vniuersall life vpon vertue, accordingly as to the perfect dignitie of mankinde is required: howbeeit, none there is, that would suppose to haue gotten certainlie and ab­solutely this felicitie, except hee will liue and be con­uersant in that kinde of societie and company of men, which by pollicie and wholesome lawes, being con­gregated and gathered togethers is rightly to bee cal­led a citie or common wealth, which truely, then shall be accompted happie▪ if that three things, (whervpon due felicitie consisteth,) shall aide and helpe the same, that is to say, That it may bee, that well it may bee, that Vt sit, et bene, et semper. alwayes in that stay it may bee: And for so much as there bee two especiall points, whereunto euery well ruled Citie or Common wealth ought to haue regard, that is to say, to peace and war, and that by peace, rather [Page 48] than warres, wee inioy and haue happie liues, con­sidering that warres ought to bee taken in hand to the ende, that wee may in peace liue quietlie: and such desire of peace is in mankinde, that no trauaile, no charge, no daungers and perilles will bee eschew­ed that peace may bee attayned and gotten, when as thorough the same, each necessarie matter for qui­et life is purchased.

But truely, of that kinde of peace I meane, nor whan armour is layed a part, wee stay from moo­uing of warres, and in the meane time rancour and malice to haue domination in our breasts: but ra­ther of such peace, I meane, that is grounded vpon the loue of God and beneuolence in the hartes of each good Citizen, to bee good vnto euery one. Al­beeit, Sapience and Wisdome must bee the Queene and vnfallable guide of vs mortall people, who if shee bee our guide to felicitie, shee is plaine and able inough, of hir selfe to accomplish the same, it is shee that hath Fortune in obedience, it is shee that giueth vertue, deligence, and other good acts, and the same can make fast to remaine in vs: but vnto hir ther be two waies addressed, the one by Philosophers and establishers of wholesome lawes, the other, by Historiographers, the one by generall precepts of good life & demonstrations of reason, the other, (by shew and declaration of wor­thie facts, comming to passe, and sequels of the acts and doings of mankinde, ioyned with varietie of examples, & matters of themselues.) leadeth & guideth vs to wis­dome, & so much this exceedeth the other, as the very acts & doings hath the superiority ouer words & sayings, [Page] and as it may be well perceiued of what force it consis­teth to alure the mindes of any, to the enbrace of the same: for this path way of history, both kings, generals in wars, and chiefelie rulers in common wealthes, cite­zins young, and olde, rich and poore, miserable, and for­tunate, ought to haue in price and estimation, in this to delight, this to loue, and of this to make to themselues a fellow, companion, and familiar, as it, which vnto euery age, degree, and fortune, is most apt, and replenished with euery kinde of examples, aswell of priuate as pub­lique fortune: for when we perceiue, how that fortune changeth or ouerturneth and abolisheth high, low, and meane, men, families, common wealthes, nations, Em­pires and kingdomes; if there bee any thing amongst men, that hath power to encounter and counteruaile fortune, and to stop hir of hir pretended course, it must bee either, onely history, or else none other art can be found, that with the consideration of the ends & exam­ples of the good and euill of all estates and callings, set before our eies, we may thereby bee brought vnto the desired port of felicitie: For in history, as a most pure and cleere glasse, or as a most ample and large Theatre, and high scaffolde, one may ponder and way, the course the race, and mutations of humaine affaires, the causes, and motions of the euents and commings to passe of the fortunate and infortunate, and of their prudencies and temerities: wherewith, except we be to much gui­ded with follie or slouth, wee may bee brought and led (as it were with hand) to the seate of quietnesse and felicitie: in which, onely tranquilitie, and aboundance of all things to bee desired, glorie and immortalitie is [Page 49] found. Wherfore hauing not a little considered of what valour, the memory of thinges done is, and how much vtilitie and profit the same bringeth to the affaires of mankinde: I haue (so much as in meelieth) not onely endeuored my selfe in much reading of histories, but al­so the same written in other languages, haue put in la­tin, and I my selfe likewise, to write the historie of the warres of Malta. Howbeit in the great plentie and abun­dance of the famous acts and doings of worthy persons as, that which pleaseth one, liketh not an other; so to me, though not a little it seemeth hard and difficult to giue due ornament of words, vnto the arts and doings of valiant seruiters, I haue taken in hand, to put in per­petuall memorie, the worthy warres done in the said I­land of Malta, of the which so briefelie as I can, I will shew vnto you the truth.

The warres, which Solyman the Emperour of the Turkes moued against the knights of the order of Saint Iohn, heeretofore founded in Hierusalem, & now resident in the Iland of Melita commonly called Malta, I purpose to write: not onely beecause the same seemed to bee meruailous cruell, and doubtfull to which of the parts the victorie would encline, but rather the worthie ver­tue and force of those excellent defenders, no lesse may vnto each one appeare, then likewise it may bee well perceiued, how much the force of Christian nations, ioyned togethers may preuaile, and which being son­dred and disioyned how little the same can doe: But before I make mencion of the beginning of the warres, it is requisit that I should touch somewhat of the ori­ginall and beginning of the knights of this order of [Page] Saint Iohn, & by what meanes they first came into this Iland of Malta, to the end that euery thing may the more easely & plainly be vnderstood & knowen. At such time as the christians of the Latin Church, moued wars against the Sarazins & Turks, & other barbarous nations, for ob­taining of Hierusalem & other cities of Syria: there were that vowed themselues, & all the goods that they had to serue in defence of the most sacred religion of our saui­our Christ: Among these, were some that builded Hos­pitals in Hierusalem, for receiuing and lodging of Pil­grimes, & that defended the waies and passages of Pil­grimes from the inuasions of the Infidels, who alwaies studied to annoy the christians [...] of these, some were cal­led Ioannits, some Templars, some Teutones. Howbeit the Templars (about CC. yeres agone (by meanes of Philip le Beau the french king, & Pope Clement the fift of that name condemning that order) were vtterly destroied, the or­ders of the Ioannits, and Teutones did remaine: Ne­uerthelesse the truth of the name of the Ioannits, is not according to the common fame, which supposeth that it tooke name in the honour of Saint Iohn the Baptist, but rather (as saith the Bishop of Tyrus, who at that time right grauely wrote the acts and worthy doings of the Christians in the Orient:) that the hospitall & house, (whereof the Ioannits doe account themselues to bee bretheren) was founded by the Amalphitans people of Italy, who traded about affaires of merchandize into the Orient, (at such time as the Egiptian Bishop whom the Egiptians called their Caliph ruled in the city of Hierusa­lem) and by them, their order was consecrated to Saint Iohn a Ciprian borne, Patriaroh sometime of Alexandria, [Page 50] who by reason of his great charitie towardes the poore people of God, was called Saint Iohn the Eleemozinar▪ But vnto those, that think the name to bee ascribed to Iohn Hircanus one of the Machabais, they seeme, they would craue authoritie from to much antiquitie: How­beit I will leaue the credit thereof, vnto the authors and inuentors of the same. Notwithstanding, it is most manifest, that the white Crosse, (which the Ioannits vse vpon black apparell,) the first toke of one Gerard some­time maister of the hospitall in Hierusalem: but their institutions & rules, (wherwith their order is gouerned) one Raimund [...] Poggio a Florentine (created with no little authoritie Magister Equitum, (according to the warlike order of the ancient Romains) did establish, & so in pro­cesse of time (both by the liberality of Princes, & other nacions) they encreasing with wonderfull wealth, & ri­ches, they builded to themselues (by vertue & good or­der,) such dominacion as it were another king do me, & attained therwith no little fame & glory, howbeit when as by the space o [...] CC. yeeres, they had worthely serued in Siria against the infidels: at the last when the infidels had taken Hierusalem, they retired themselues vnto Ptole­mais, a city in Phoenicia, & from thence, being expulsed by the Souldan of Egipt, then with a great nauie (which they gat together, partly by their owne wealth, and partly by the help & aide of the Templars, and other christian nati­ons, which succored them) they inuaded the Isle of the Rhodes, being possessed at that time by the Turks, whom they expelled from thence, where they & their posteri­tie remayned, vnto such time as by the aforenamed Solyman, with a great and meruailous nauie inuading [Page] and besieging the Rhodes (whan as with their owne one­ly force they could no longer resist, and were forsaken, as it seemed, of all other Christian aide and helpe) they were compelled to yeeld vp the Iland of the Rhodes into the hands of the Turkes, and so to forsake the same. This fortresse of the Orient in such sort beeing lost, and that the Ioannits, had retired themselues into the Iland of Si­cilia: than by the liberalitie of the Emperour Charles the fifth of that name, they obreigned the Iland of Melita commonly named Malta, in the yeere of our Lord God 1529. and there euer sithens haue staied themselues, which Island (as oportunitie shall serue when heereaf­ter in this historie, I shall entreate of the besieging of the fame, and of the counsailes and preparations of Soli­man,) I will at length discribe. The Ioannits, thus rested and setled in Malta, and their power not a little encrea­sed, they sea [...]ed not by all the waies and meanes they could to endamage and anoy the Turkes, aswell on the [...]eas to spoile the Turkes, as also in euery war that our Emperour moued against the Turkes, they euer ioyned their forces with the powers of the Emperour. With which so doings Solyman moued aswell by his vsuall insatiate appetite of dominacion and rule, as with his auncient hatred conceiued against Christian religion, was meruailouslie offended, and beegan to note and marke this their doings, and deuised with himselfe by what meanes he might driue the Ioannits, from the seas, and vtterly (if hee could) to destroy them: therefore with no little dilligence and hast, hee caused a great nauie to bee prepared and rigged forth, and so com­maunded to his Admirall and Captaines of his places [Page 51] on the sea costs, to be in a readinesse at the next spring, whan as, a litle after, in person hee had viewed part of such things as hee had before commaunded, and part by intelligence hee had vnderstoode, to bee in readinesse. Than calling his nobilitie together in counsaile, he vsed these kinde of woords to them (as was reported) which follow.

That, which by these fortie yeeres I haue alwayes de­sired,The woor Solyman, his Nobili that after myne other warres, I might get so much leisure, whereby I might once driue out from their nests these bosting Cruciats, glorying so much themselues, to bee the chiefest propugnacle and fortres of the Christi­ans. The same occasion, (mee thinketh) I haue now ob­tayned thorough the help of the great God and Mahu­met. For, as touching the attempts of the Persians I haue in such sort repressed, that they cannot harme vs. And as concerning the troubles fained to bee in Hungary, I trust to giue such orders in that behalfe, that our enemie ther, shall bee glad to get and hide himselfe in the furthest part of Germany, and to be fayne to demaunde & craue peace at our hands.

You, your selues, are not ignoraunt what complaints are daylie made vnto vs by our subiects and marchanuts whom those of Malta (whom rather pirats than soldiors I call) whan they get themselues to the Seas, they vtter­ly spoyle and reaue from them all that they haue. The iniuries of whom, and others vnto vs done, both Gods law and mans, doth mooue vs to reuenge. Nor truely there can be any thing more acceptable, or ioyful to me, or more aptly can purchase to me an Immortall fame, than that I might bring to passe (beefore I depart from [Page] this mortall lyfe,) two things, the one to winne the Island of Malta, the other is to haue whole Hungary and the landes and dominions of Sarmatia in subiection. Except some will thinke that it will bee greater difficul­tie to mee, to expell these Cruciats out of their Rocks of Malta, than to our elders that droue theyr predecessors both out of Hierusalem and whole Syria, and to vs also that after, expelled them out of the Isle of Rhodes. But this Island (you will say) is more nigh Itally, from whens ayde may soone come, and with their Nauies the easilier to bee defended.

Beeleeue and credit mee, that the Itallians dare not fight against vs on the seas; whan they remember how­oft they haue had the ouerthrow at our handes. As for any great garrisons, the place being so litle and straight, they cannot haue. And if they haue, they cannot feede them long. Wherefore for their affaires, wee entende this next Spring, to set forwards our mightie Nauie, and for that purpose wee haue already giuen in commaun­dement to euerie of our Captaines of the Seas, that with theyr Gallies and Shippes, they may bee in a readynesse to depart.

The King of Arger will bee there to serue vs. Our Garrisons remayning at ALEXANDRIA, in EGIPT are in readinesse. The Nauie of Dorgutes, are lykewise rigged foorth to serue vs, by my meanes. To this great and mightie Nauie of ours, wee doubt not but that the force of the Occident wil [...] giue place: Which with the ayde of the grear God and Mahumet, and your inuin­cible courage, I firmely hope will come to passe.

There resteth no more, but for you to thincke, [Page 52] how these warres may conuenently proceede, and to giue to vs your faythfull aduises and counsayles in the same.

Which that you may the better doe, beeholde heere beefore your eyes the plat of the whole Island of Malta, and of euerie fortresse in the same, which I receiued from certayne friendes of myne right ex­pert in discryuing of such matters. The woords ofThe sheweth counsai [...] of the of Mal [...] Solyman thus declared, and throughlie considered by those, to whome both the Island and the order of the same, was right well knowne, and by them de­clared, what, conuenientlie was in that beehalfe to bee done.

It was fullie resolued and concluded, that the Na­uie so in a readynesse at the appoynted tyme should set forward, and to depart. And so the Nauie bee­ing vitailled, and the Soldiours shipped, tarryed one­lie for windes. Of these proceedings of the Turke, Seignior Iean Valet, a French man borne, and at that tyme great Maister of Malta, both by letters and Es­pialls getting intelligence, for that hee had at Con­stantinople such friends, as most prudently gat know­ledge of the secret counsaile and doings of Solyman, as one not affrayde but alwayes thincking that victo­ries remayned in the handes of God, and that the part of a prudent Generall and others at his com­maundement, is to bee alwayes vigilant, dilligent and to woorke by Counsyle, and therefore hee called togethers a Counsayle of the Knights of the order, to whom in few woords hee dyd speake to this effect following.

[Page]What, Solyman the Turke (most noble and valyauntwoords let the mastar to [...]ann [...]ts. knights) prepareth, and how great and mightie warres hee entendeth to mooue against vs, I thincke of late you haue vnderstood, so well, as I doe, whereof to make any long circumstance of woordes to you, [...] neede not. The enemie is knowen, his insatiat desire of dominatiō and rule is knowen, his might and force is knowen, yea, & his continuall hatred against vs & the Christian faith is no lesse knowen to you. But now rather let euerie of vs, doe our endeuour to haue first almightie God to be our friend, and than to prepare euerie thing for the warres. Almightie God would be our friend, and we assuredly shall please him, if wee doe two things. One, if wee from hence foorth, amende our liues, the other is, if wee honour him with pure religion and to haue a firme hope & trust in him, which is called Pietie. With these vertues, our famous elders, obtained innumerable victories against the infidells, in the Orient. And there is no doubt, but, if with the like vertues, we be furnished, wee shall giue ouerthrow to the cruell purposes of this bluddie Tyrant. Howbeit, for so much as Almightie God is ready to aide such as would be circumspect & apt to doe well, and not the slowthfull, and cowardes: Let vs therefore prouide for those necessaries as both our profession requireth, and order of warres, willeth. Whereof part, in our selues consisteth, & part in other Christian Princes remayneth. As for victuall, money, armour, and other things which order of warres desi­reth, wee shall so prouide for the same, that you shall well vnderstand, that money, in necessaries, I will not spare, and much lesse, labour, where I may enploy it.

[Page 53]In these affaiers I will bee ready to spend all that I can make. And for any safegard of my lyfe, I will not eschew any perill. As touching other Princes, I cannot beeleeue, that (vpon such waightie occasions whereof the perill no lesse toucheth them, than vs,) they would bee negligent to giue vs ayde. As for the Popes holynesse, the Emperour, and the king of Hispain, I doubt not (for the Pietie and godlynesse in them re­mayning) but that they will succour and aide vs to the vttermost, and that also they will mooue others to doe the lyke; And as for you, most worthie lampes and lights of Christians and others of our most louing bretheren knights of this sacred and martiall order, I doubt not but that you all, will so couragiously and valiauntly fight against this most cruell tyrant, subuer­ter & ouerturner of the true religion of God, and op­pressor of all good conditions, manners, Artes, and dis­cipline, in defence of our Christian Religion, liues, goods, and glorie of the Latin Church, that the view of the glorious Crosse of ours, (which this vile dog) so much abhorreth and contempneth) may bee seene to his perpetual care in Constantinople (where he dwel­leth.) Wee haue not now affaires in the Isle of Rhodes, farre from our aydes and succors out of Asia, Europ, and Aegipt, compassed about, with the enemie, both by land and sea: but rather in the view and face of Ita­lie & strong fortified places, wherby the enemy may be easilie ouerthrowne. That it may so bee, let vs make ernest prayer to almightie God. When the great master had thus giuen ende [...] his most prudent woords. The Knights of the order which than were present, [Page] with one voyce aunswered, that sooner theyr liues should take ende, than that so comman a cause for want of theyr endeauours should quaile, or that they on liue, to come into the handes of that cru­ell tyraunt Solyman.

After common prayers and generall processions, commaunded to bee done in euerie Church in the Island of Malta: there were immediatlie of the order of the Knights, three chosen, to bee Tribuni or ge­nerall surueiours, whereof one an Italian by surname called Imperadore; the other a French man borne, na­med Bornye; the third, a Spaniard, borne in Aragone, called Quatrius, gentlemen of great prouidence, fore­sight, and right expert in knowledge of warres. Who according to theyr prudence hauing considered euery thing meete to this warre, they immediatly dyd put the same in readinesse. For they, considering, that the suburbs and trees, nigh vnto places of fortification would not a litle bee an anoynce to the fame, they im­mediatly caused them to bee cast downe. Thus the forti­fications being viewed, and the Garrisons of euery for­tresse there, augmented, and the same aboundantly victu­alled according to the considered necessitie thereof. Let­ters were immediatly sent from the great master both to the Popes holinesse and other Princes, together with diuerse messengers into sundrie places, that might giue intelli­gence heereof as well to the knights of this order remai­ning among other nacions, as to others. Of which let­ters, one written to Pius the fourth of that name, Pope of Rome, that of this, the others may bee well considered, this (as followeth) is the Copie.

WHile that I endeauored my selfe with the force ofThe Letter frō the great mai­ster of Malta to Pope Pius the fourth of that name. this our order to withstand the great Turkish na­uie now in readinesse to approch towards vs: I found my selfe in manner vnarmed from euery necessary, which of my selfe I colde neuer haue furnished, if your excee­ding goodnesse (most holy father) both with your Let­ters, money, and one Ensigne of valiant Soldiors had not ayded me. So that otherwise I had not knowne, how wel to haue done.

For considering by reason of the sundrie threa­tnings which the Turcke made these sundrie yeeres past, against this place and order; I haue beene brought to such intollerable charges that I know by no meanes, how to come out of debte, of the money that I haue bo­rowed, besides the interest daylie thereof encreasing.

Howbeit a greater matter encombereth my mynde, which is, (whether this armie of the Turkes eyther shall proceede, or stay,) whan I perceiue, him, beeing our ge­nerall enemie, so dilligent to set forward his Nauie and continually busie about his other afayres of warres, and wee of this order, to bee put to these intolle­rable charges.

Will not any thinke, that, right great is the folie of vs Christians, that will suppose, that whan the power of the Christians is such, that scarce it bee­ing able to defende themselues: The Turke will feare to receiue any detryment at our hands. What cou­rage will hee conceiue, when none of vs encountereth his intollerable pride.

[Page]Besides hee well knoweth, that if he might get but togethers his onely pirats that remayne heere in the Ponent or West parts, hee were able, of them, in mine opinion to make a greater Nauie and Armie by sea, than that we Christians with no litle difficulty made against him the other yeere. Which the like againe, this yeere, I would bee right glad to see. Howbeit who is so ignoraunt that if such a Nauie and force may bee made of his onely Pirats, what if a great part or the whole power of his Countries in the le­uant and Orient, were ioyned togethers, may not hee than doe vs a greater detriment, if God of his good­nesse doe not stay him, vnto such tyme as Christian Princes haue cōuenient space to gather themselues to­gether to encounter so puissaunt and mightie an ene­mie.

And whan as it seemeth that the Princes of the Christians so much neglecteth the fauour of God, that with no detriments and with no infamies, they will awake from their too long sleepe and slouth, it is to bee feared that God will take of his hand and to let slip to this cruell tyrant, occasion and power to accomplish his long desired minde and furie vpon all vs Christians, that no power which heereafter shall bee against him made, can bee able to withstand his crueltie.

Which inconueniences, I doubt not, but that your holynesse, long, beefore this time, hath considered, and that worthie minde of yours is enflamed with the de­sire of so holy and Godly reuengement as is to bee done vpon so common a cruell enemie & hethen dog. [Page 55] But I feare to seeme to much arrogant, in your holy­nesse sight, that haue taken so much boldnesse vpon me to intreat vpon such affaires so rudely with your holy­nesse, to whose diuine prouidence these things are bet­ter knowne than to mee. Neuerthelesse whan as such things, which by eies are seene, doe a great deale more moue vs, then that which we heare with our eares, then I hauing these thinges continually before mine eyes, am so afected, that I cannot in such waightie affaires hold my tongue, but most humbly and lowlie doe be­seech your holinesse, not for this sacred order of knights sake, onely, which alwaies is and shalbe ready to liue & die for the defence of the Christian religion, (conside­ring by our profession no kinde of death must be refu­sed, where due occasion shall be ministred,) but also in the name of whole christendome that so much already hath tasted your most godly and paternall zeale and loue towards them, that for the publique tranquilitie of the same touching matters of faith, you laied aside all your owne priuate commodities and affaires, calling together of late a counsaile generall: now that you would vouchsafe, to call some other counsaile togethers (being a matter of no lesse importance, to repaire the wofull ruines of long times past, and to eschew worse to come) whereby Christian princes gathering them­selues togethers may conuert and turne their powers against this pestiferous serpent; and to driue him into his auncient limits, that no longer, hee haue power to deuoure such multitude of Christians; as to the great shame of Christendome he hath done: For so far wee haue seene him spred his deadly poison, that now hee [Page] hath in maner compassed the little limits of the christi­an kingdomes: now considering that all domesticall and ciuill warres beeing vtterly extinguished, and assu­red amitie and peace by the prouidence of God bee­ing resident among Christian princes, it beehoueth vs now to awake. For if by misfortune our prin­ces againe should fall to any new vvarres among themselues, this importunate beast would not sleepe, but would seeke how hee may worke our vtter ru­ine. Truely most holy father, for the great pietie and singuler prudence in your holynesse remaining, I hope that so great an occasion of laude and perpetuall glo­ry (whereby you may deserue well towards both God and man,) you would leaue to no successor of yours: With this hope I will comfort my selfe, trusting before I shall depart fro this mortall life, to see this saored [...]our­ny to bee aduanced against our cruell and commonee­nemie of Christes religion, beesides which, nothing can happen to mee more ioyfully, or bee to mee a greater felicitie: If therefore in these matters, I haue beene either longer, or more liberall of writing, than to mee hath appertained, I hope that of your fa­thely clemency, you will giue pardon vnto me, whom no little care of our Christian religion rather then rashnesse hath mooued mee thus to wright: And for my part for your perpetuall goodnesse or rather pietie towardes this our order, I most humbly render to your holynesse immortall thankes, and so will continue to doe during life, and so doe beeseech almightie God to preserue your holinesse in good and prosperous life. About this time Dom Garza di Toledo, the Vice­roy [Page 56] of Sicilia, vnder Philip king of Hispain, and gouernour of all his graces nauy in those parts, fearing that the na­uie of Solyman, vnder coulour to seeme that hee would inuade Malta, would straight passe to the Gulet, a Castle standing in the straites and entering of the poole or stagne of Tunes, and to beesiege the same, therefore he passed ouer to the castle of Gulet, both to furnish the same with new supplie of Garrison, and other necessa­ries thereunto appertaining, and in his way, the Viceroy touched at Malta, and there landed to confer with the great master, touching the warres pretended against Malta: But they hauing intelligence that the nauy of Solyman was departed from Constantinople, so as by rea­son of small time, they could not tarry so long toge­thers as the waight of the cause required, Dom Garza immediatly departed from Malta, vnto the castle of Gu­let in Barbaria, which when he had viewed, and furnish­ing the same with such necessaries as it lacked, hee re­tourned with all possible diligence into Sicilia, to rig & set forward ther the kings nauy. But the meane time, the1565. The 22 of March the Turks nauy vnlosed from Constantino­ple. nauy of Solyman the xxii. of March in the yeere of our sa­uiour Christ M. D. lxv began vnloose from Constantino­ple, & the next day after departed from that port towards Peloponneso, & so came to Methone. Ther Mustapha Bassa a man of the age of lxxv yeres, being appointed to be ge­nerall of the Turks army by land, ther mustered his army where of his horsemen called Spachi, which came out of the lesser Asia, were seauen thousand, hauing to their captaine a gentleman of the same prouince of Asia, with two liuetenants. Out of Cilicia came v. C from the Iland of Mitilena came also iiii. C yt of euery of their prouinces [Page] had captaines from whence they came: he had also of olde souldiers, whom they call Ianizers, foure thousand fiue hundred, to whom Solyman himselfe appointed two Captaines to bee their leaders, considering that their generall whom the Turkes (in their tongue) call Aga, neuer departeth out of Constantinople: Beesides this, there be among the Turkes, a kinde of souldiers that liue of the fruits and stipends of their spiritualtie, of these in this army were thirteene thousand, who at Con­stantinople had vowed thēselues to serue for the defence of their faith and Emperour. There came also out of Thrasia and Peloponneso two Captaines, and one liuete­nant with a thousand two hundred horsemen, & three thousand and fiue hundred other souldiers that came from diuers places, voluntary to serue for wages: there likewise, did Pial Bassa the Turkes Admirall, muster his nauy wher he found to be a hundred & thirtie gallies, eleauen ships of burden of the lesser sort, a eleauen ships of burden of the greater making, beesides a great ship that was broken beesides Methone, in which were then sixe thousand barrells of gun pouder, thirtie thousand shot, and sixe hundred Spachi, of the which scarce two hundred were saued. There came also from the Island of the Rhodes ten gallies, vnder the guiding of Haliport a man of the age of threescore and tenne, two gallies from Mitylene vnder the leading of Salach, brother to the king of Alger, that newly was dead, also there were othersoists & pirats ships, about the number of seauen­teene. With this great and mightie nauy, the Turks de­parted from Methone the thirteenth day of Maie, and a­riued at Malta the eighteenth day of the saide moneth [Page 57] of Male, and tooke first port at the North cast part ofThe 180 Ma [...] the Nauie of the Turks ari­ued at Malta. the Island, which the inhabitants call Marzasirocco. But the Turkes perceiuing that they had not a safe rodested there, they remoued from thence to an other rodested of that Island, called Maiaro. All this time the famous pirate Dorguta was not come, it was said, he was tarieng in the Island called Meninges, commonly named Gerbas, with his ships, and in readinesse to come, and that hee had sent to the king of Tunes, foure peeces of artillery of brasse, and other things, which hee gaue to him, to the end that the king should not aide the Christians in these wars, but rather to help the Turks with a certaine porci­on of victuall according to the agreement made bee­twixt them, and for these and other causes it was fay­ned that the Turks would first goe vnto the Gulat, or else of purpose these newes were sowed, to the ende that those of Malta crediting the same, should at vna­wares be surprised: But the great maister of Malta (be­ing a man of a meruailous quicke and ingenious wit, and therewith right expert in the act of warres, and al­so wonderfull constant and circumspect against the practises and pollicies of the enimie) did fore cast these deuises and counsailes of the enimie, and right well did espie their purposes on euery side in his gentlemen and souldiers all, there was espied to rest an assured con­stancy and meruailous liuelinesse to serue in so worthy and most honorable cause: how beeit beefore I further proceede, this place requireth, to discriue vnto you the situation of this Island called Melita otherwise Malta. & of the especiall places thereof (wherein so many wor­thie acts were done,) to make mencion. The Island [Page] Malta is placed beetwixt Africk and Sicilia, and doub­teddescript [...] ▪ Malta. whether it should belonge to Africk or Europe, if it had not ben that the ancient inhabitants of Melita time out of minde, hauing vsed the common language of those of Africk, ha [...]e alwaies reputed the Iland to bee a member of Africk. This Iland from the North east to the North west is drawen in length twenty miles, & in breadth twelue miles, & from the place wher it is broa­dest, it proceedeth to be strait & narrow vpon the south towards that part of Africk, where those famous quicke sands remaine that are called Sirtis Minor, vpon the cost whereof is situated that towne which is named Leptis Parua, & vpon the North faceing Silicia, being more to­wards the Promontory or lands end therof, called Pachino than vnto Lilybeo, & in compasse and circuit threescore miles the Carthagians first inhabited this Iland, & after, as I vnderstand one Battas, the first builder of the famous citie of Cyrenes, did reigne there in the time of Dido, which afterward came againe in subiection of the Car­thagians & so remained vnder their dominion vnto such time as the same in the second wars of the Carthigians, that they with their nauy on the seas, being ouerthrow­en came into the hands of the Romaines: at which time those of Malta were supposed to be very wealthy by rea­son of the repaire & much concourse of s [...]ndry nations, through trade of marchandize that frequented thether, and famous, through sundry notable artes there vsed, & also of their notable Cotton which is very soft & white, there growing, of which sundry garments are made by those of Malta and had much in estimacion. This Iland is well replenished with hony there growing, whereof [Page 58] some suppose this Iland to haue the name, and also ve­ry famous with the growth there, of sweet roses: the trees there, haue fruit twise in the yeere, and oft times two haruests there, in one yeere, chiefely of barly flax & Cotten: How beit the ground ther euery where, is sto­ny, vneuen, as heere an hill, there a valie, very vnfruit­full for trees, albeeit there groweth, the figge tree, Aple tree, Almonde tree and Vines planted with the much labour and diligence of the inhabitant, they haue wilde date trees but vnfruitfull, they haue exceeding plenty of great thistles, which they vse for their fewell and fire. In this Iland of Malta is meruailous scarcetie of sweet water, which neither the skies (by reason of little rayne there) giueth, nor yet the grounds there, yeeldeth.

And [...] for such fountaines and wells that there bee, [...]y I beeleeue that it is the rayne that falleth in winter [...]t maketh them, and yet they bee halfe [...]alt and brackish, and drie in sommer. The Inhabitants through the exceeding heate of the Sunne are so [...]an­ned, that they looke in colour much like to the A [...]thi­opians so that rather in winter each thing that there groweth, seemeth to bee more pleasant to the view & sight. The men of this Iland for the most part are very healthfull of bodie, of sclender diet, very diligent and painefull rather than apt to wars, whom old age so­ner than disease and sicknesse, doth take them from this life: Their forme of buildings (except their citie which is situated in the midst of the Iland somewhat more to­wards the South which also is called Melita) hauing cer­taine suberbs about the same, are long & low not much [Page] vnlike the sheepe cotes of Barbaria, couered with reede or thacht: the little and prety dogs called the Miletean Dogs, are supposed to come forth of this Island, which Pliny rather ascribeth to the other Island likewise called Malta, lying in the gulfe of Venice, betweene the Island Curs [...]la and the shore of Dalmatia. In this Island of Meli­ta called Malta, some affirme that Saint Paule the Apostle after shipwracke there did land: howbeit let them bee­ware, it be not the other Malta, in the gulfe of Venice that Saint Luke makes mencion of, when as Saint Paule in the the sea Adriatico otherwise called the gulfe of Venice, was tossed too and fro with cruell tempests of weather, but that he came out of that sea, into the other sea of Mediterraneum, where the Iland of Malta standeth, it ap­pereth not in Saint Luke. And as to that, which they say, no venemous beast neither there is engendred, nor, if from any other place, any venemous beast be brought into that Iland doth harme, and the same so hath continued there, sithens that time Saint Paule, did cast of from his hands the viper and adder, that would haue stung him: howbeit it may be thought that this Iland hath naturally had that property, as likewise those Ilāds therabouts called Gaulo, Galata, and Clupea, at this day haue the like vertue by nature, & sundry other Ilands in that sea of Mediterraneum, as others other wher: for the Iland of Candye nourisheth no manner of venemous beast, as England hath no Wolues, nor Ireland any Ser­pent, considering both the aire of the places and nature of the grounds, are contrarious to the same: but touch­ing this matter, as sundry haue their diuers mindes, so, that which hath seemed to make against the common [Page 59] opinions by any probable maner, I haue thought good by the way not to let passe but to my purpose I will re­turne. Malta vpon that part, which is towards Sicilia, is bowed and croked into sundry bayes and rodesteids meet for the riding of shippes: as for hauens and ports this Island of Malta hath two, besides the hauen vpon the East part of that Island, called Marzas [...]acco▪ and be­sides also the rodested of Saint Thomas, and an other which is not far distant from the same, called Seal or Scala: of these two aforenamed hauens or ports, there is one which st [...]heth from the South to the North, alongest the side of a long peece of ground of the said Island, in forme like vnto halfe an Island, and this hauen of the inhabitants is called Marzamusetto, the other hauen stretching from the East to the West is likewise named Porto Maior. Vpon the vttermost part and front of this halfe Island is situated a Castle or fortresse right stronglie fortified both by nature and art, called Saint Elmo, whom heereafter I will name Saint Hermes. To him that entreth into the other hauen called Porto Ma­ior, there doe appeare vpon the left hand thereof, foure long peeces of ground towards the sea, as it were cer­taine little halfe Islands or promontories, with as many rodesteds or baies for ships thervnto appertaining: vp­on the first of these said foure promontories is situated a certaine Gallos, being the common place of execution for offenders: vpon the second promontorie is planted an exceeding strong castle vpon an incredible high and ragged rocke of stone, called the castle of Saint Angelo, nigh vnto the which, there is adioyning a towne se­uered from the castle but with a dike and wall called [Page] B [...]rgo, and sometime the new towne, cut and made out of a rocke right well fortified both with the sea, and art of the souldiour. In the Castle of Saint Angelo, the great Maister of Malta remaineth, & in the towne, the knights of the order are resident. Vpon the third promontorie there is a towne also called B [...]rgo, and a Castle called Saint Michael. The fourth promontorie is vninhabited: hauing a mightie baie in the same, stretching to the water of Marza, and in manner to halfe the Island as beefore I haue said. Againe from the hauen or port of Musetto towards the West, there appeareth an other ro­dested, which is dedicated to Saint George, and an o­ther called Benorrat: beyonde lieth the port of Saint Paule, not much lesse then that, which is on the Orien­tall part of the Island, after, is the rodested called Saly­narum. Vpon the other side of the Island which is to­wards Africk is the rodested called Miliaria: there bee also sundry other little Islands not farre from Malta, as the Island of Gaulos, which some suppose to be C [...]sira, at this day called Gozo, in compasse thirty miles, towards the West of Malta, not passing fiue miles distant, by sea from Malta, which Islande of Gozo, in the yeere of our Lord 1551 was taken and wasted by the Turks and sixe thousand captiues, out of that Island were taken & had away, at such time as the towne of Tripolis in Africke, (which sometime was called Leptis Magna,) was wone by the Turkes, from the knights of this order. Betweene Goza and the West side of Malta, there lieth two o­ther Ilands, whereof the greater, commonly is called Cumino, and the lesser Cuminetto, seuered the one from the other, with the sea, beeing there verie narrow.

[Page 60]At the South and by West part of Malta, there is anAd Eurotio­tum. other little Iland called at this day Piper: All which Ilands are in obedience to the great Maister of Malta, the rest for the mos [...] part are compassed with huge rockes, and raging seas, thus of Malta and the inha­bitants thereof, (somuch as appertaineth to the know­ledge of this present matter,) I thinke there is inough saide. The meane time, what power and army Mounsier Valet the great Maister of Malta, had to withstand the Turks ariuall, I will shew vnto you first of all. In the Iland were a thousand and three hundred souldiers, that tooke wages: of a thousand of those, some were Spaniards, some French men, and some Florentines, the rest were Neapolitai [...]s: There also were a thou­sand, that frequented the seas, pertaining to the Na­uie of the Knights of Malta, and fiue hundred in the towne of Saint Angelo: Of the inhabitants of the I­land were about fiue thousand, that were trained for the warres, and were retired from their Countrie habitations to Borgo, where the great Maister was re­sident. There were also fiue hundred Knights of the order, beesides the Priests and esquires, for there bee three sortes of them, that in this order of Malta are called bretheren: And this was the vvhole number that defended the Castles and Tovvnes of Saint Hermes, Angelo, and Michael, into the vvhich the souldiers vvere distributed, accordingly as each place was thought requisit to bee defended. In the Citie of Malta (vvhereof beefore I mencioned,) vvere pla­ced two hundred souldiers besides the citizens, & foure hundred chosen out of the rest of the vvhole Iland, [Page] and three hundred, also that serued on horsebacke, vnto this garrison of the citie of Malta, was appointed to be generall, one SorIo▪ Vagno a M [...]ncalerio, a gentleman borne in the countrie of Piemont: besides these things, was prepared a meruailous furniture of victuall, armour, weapon, and necessaries, which vsually was to be pro­uided, meet for abiding of a long siege and other wants, and aboue all other, that which is to be desired against euery infortunitie, there was planted in euery one that there serued, an inuincible courage, which oft times maketh the ouerthrowen to be victorious. Things bee­ing in this order and readinesse, and vnderstanding thatThe Turkes landing in Malta. seauen and twentie of the gallies of the Turkes had ta­ken the port of Marzasirocco, and had landed certaine of their souldiers: Immediatly Gyon the Captaine of the nauie of the order of Malta, a right diligent and for­ward gentleman accompanied with fiftie Arquebusiers was sent to view the enemie, and in so much as he could to endeauour to draw the enimie to some open places: But the Turks espying them, right quickly retired to their gallies againe: at an other part, where the greater part of the Turks nauie rode, ther were landed two hundred Turks, & vpon them gaue a charge, one Riuier a gentle­man of france, accōpanied with eight other horsemen, who hauing his horse slaine vnder him, and with the losse of one of his companions, came into the handes of the enimie. While these matters were in doing, a christian man a captiue among the Turkes slipt from them, as they rode in the port of Vulturno, and fled in­to the citie of Malta, and discouered there to the gene­ral, the purpose of the enimie, saying that the deuise of [Page 61] Mustapha the generall of the Turkes army was, that the most part of their army should land with their great artillery, and to besiege and giue batterie to the fortified places, whose opinion Piale Bassa, the Turks Admi­rall, did vtterly mislike, saying that if he so did, he should but come to his manifest destruction, considering they had not passing eight thousand Ianizers, and ten thou­sand Spachies, besides a rude and vntrained companie of mariners to be left in the shippes, wherefore vnto such time as Dorguta should come, who euery houre was loked for hee would enterprise nothing▪ at whose com­ming, hee would then agree, that the castle of Saint Hermes should first bee beesieged. For Solyman the Emperour of the Turkes, did commaund that nothing should bee done without the aduise and counsaile of Dorguta, such confidence and credit had this barbarous prince in the warlike knowledge and practise of Dorgu­ta: But whether this intelligence were true or fayned, the Turks neuerthelesse riding in the port of Vulturno, landed twentie thousand of their souldiers, with fiue field peeces, and encamped themselnes right stronglieAzorbar. in a place, which those of Malta call Azorbar: that done Pial Bassa accompanied with seauen thousand with him departed to view the situacion of the fortresse of Saint Michael, vpon that part which loketh towards Saint Ka­therines Church, and durst not approch nigher, bee­cause the artillery of the fortresse began to shoote of a pace, against him and his company, besides, certaine of the garison of the fortresse, made a salie and issue vpon the enimie, and in such sort behaued themselues that one named Curfeline, by surname called Prata a gentle­man [Page] of right singuler worthines, hauing in his company but one onely Spaniard, valiantly berest an ensigne from the enimie, & killed a Sangiaco, and certaine others of theConsultation of the Turkes. Turks. So the Turks retired to their campe, vvher among the Princes of the same, consultation vvas had, vvhe­ther it were better, that battery should be first layed to the fortresse of Saint Hermes, or to the towne of Saint Michael: Finallie it was concluded that the for­tresse of Saint Hermes should first bee beesieged. So the Turkes to view the fortresse, mounted vpon a hill, who beeing perceiued by those of the fortresse, issue and salie was made, and therewith a skirmish on both sides beegan, and after a few slaine on each part, each side retired. Matters in this sort growing hotte, the Prince of Malta, hauing in memorie those thinges that were to bee done, thought it most conue­nient to vrge and stirre the Viceroy of Sicilia, in hast to set forward his Nauy, that then was in rigging. Therefore hee commaunded a gallie to bee with all diligence, set in a readinesse to depart towards Sicilia, for the conuaying of one named Saluago, a knight of that order, for the exploit of such matters of charge, wherewith he then commanded him. The meane time the Turkes began to erect a Mount, of intent both toVallum ex [...]u­unt. Pa. 40. batter the fortresse of Saint Hermes, & to anoy the ships of Malta, as they rode in the port, that therby they might open a more safe entry for their galies that were abroad. Howbeit the fortresse of Saint Elmo otherwise called S. Hermes, so troubled them with the strokes of their great artillery, that the Turkes were saine to forsake that peece of fortification, before the same could take end, which [Page 62] partly discouraged the boldnesse of the Turks. During which time, the Turk Ochial with sixe ships hauing in the same nine hundred souldiers deducted, out of the gar­rison of Alexandria in Egipt, came as a supply to the encrease of the force of the Turkes. Therefore the Turks beegan an other fortification vpon an higher plat of ground then before they did, whereby, not onely they wonderfully annoied, the port where the ships of Malta had their rodested, but also troubled with their great shot, the castle of Saint Angelo, and besides with entren­ching they gate night the Castle of Saint Hermes, albeit, at the first they had much to doe therewith, considering they of the fortresse did what they could to enbar them, notwithstanding in the end the Turks with much labour and diligence wherein they exceede all other nations, they accomplished their trench. Wherefore the Turkes, with no little expedition, in such sort and place planted their great artillery, that they determined, both the ca­stle of Saint Angelo & Saint Michael, should be encombe­red with the stroke of their Canon. This while, there was in the Campe of the Turks, a Spaniard, a gentleman,A fugitiue. albeit a slaue, he, when he had assuredly learned a part of the pretences of the Turkes, gaue intelligence of the same to Mounsier Valet the prince of Malta by a Christian that was a fugitiue, which when the prince vnderstood, he sent two ensignes of Spaniards into the castle of Saint Hermes, vnder the leading of the valiant captaines Cerda and Miranda, to supply a certaine want ther▪ which after was to the great defence of the castle of Saint Hermes, & detriment of the enimie. This season ariued Dorguta the Turk, the general of Tripolis accompanied with thirteene [Page] ships and one thousand sixe hundred souldiers in them, after him also came tenne Brigantines, which broughtDecem B [...]e­mes. two ensignes of men of war, from the towne of Bona in Barbaria, and out of the Island of Meninges. The meane time Saluago (a Genuan borne, a knight of the order and a very forward gentleman) who (as before) was sent into Sicilia, arriued at the citie of Messana, who (af­ter hee had declared to the Viceroy, his charge, and the state wherein Malta was,) was commaunded to ship himselfe againe in a barque that was prepared for him to depart, for whose safe conduction two gallies vnder the regiment of the Captaines Cornissone and Santalo, knights also of that order were commanded to accom­pany him, who left him not vntill hee was nigh the I­land of Malta, and then retourned backe into Sicilia, but Saluago, not without meruailous daunger of his person, and but with losse of one of his men, passed with his ship through the middest of the enimie into the towne of Burgo, about three of the clocke in the morning. This while, the Turks seemed to change their deuise, where they once determined to haue besieged both Saint Hermes and Saint Michael, but now encamped themselues at the water of Marza, beeing a fountaine there, which made the entrie of Saluago to be more dif­ficult and perillous: Howbeit after Saluago had decla­red to the great Maister his charge, from the Viceroy of Sicill, immediatly the great Maister caused him to depart into Sicilia againe, and to shew to the Viceroy, that they had great neede to haue more aide of souldiers, and that for the time hee would vouchsafe to helpe them with the supplie of an other ensigne or two of chosen [Page 63] souldiers, that the better they might withstand the furie of the enemie vntill further ayde came. Saluago neither sparing labour, or dreading perill, immediatly gat him­selfe to the sea, and in short time landed in the Port of Sarragosa▪ in Sicilia, where hee found those two Gallies, whereof I tould you before, and in them caused foorth­with to bee shipped (as was appoynted) foure hundred souldiors, among whom, were sundrie knights of the order of Melita, and with them also were sent certaine expert Gunners and Cannoners.

These so shipped, Saluago gaue aduise that they should eschew the West part of the Island Melita, and compas­sing about, should endeauor themselues to draw towards the East part thereof, and so to get vnto the South coast of the Island, and there to land at the port called Miliare, and from thence by night to conduct the souldiors (by places of couert,) vnto the Citie of Melita which from their landing place was not past foure miles distant, and so from thence easilie to get vnto the Castell of Saint Michaell. Which aduise so giuen Saluago departed to Messana, and there shewed to the Viceroy the furie of the warres in Melita, and the great lacke of souldiors there, and required that hee might haue but a thousand foote­men beesides those which hee had already sent, and than hee verilie hoped that the furie of the Turckes should for a time bee endured, vnto such time as the Viceroy with his nauie should giue further succour.

While these matters were putting in redinesse, which might haue had more hast, if that our Christian Princes in so weightie and daungerous causes had not seemed to haue slept too much: the third day of the moneth of [Page] Iune, which was the holy day dedicated to saint Hermes, The first assalt. the Turkes sodainely went to assault the fortresse of saint Hermes, supposing to haue gotten by scaling of short lad­ders that part of a new fort which the Christians had builded ioyning nigh vnto the conterscarpt of the Ca­stell. But the Christians with the help of a new Casemact made strong and large in the dike, with faggot & earth, (which before had no manner of defence there) and by the ayde of the Castell also, worthelie withstood the e­nemie; In such sort as that they filled the dike of the fort with the dead bodies of the Turkes. The Turkes not­withstanding (by reason of their multitude, wherewith rather than manhoode they obtaine the victories that they get) dyd meruailously stand to their marke, in such sort, as yt with very force (though late at night) they dyd win that part of the fort which vieweth ye port of Mussetto, and immediatly there, with a meruelous expedicion they entrenched thēselues with a new work, to the ende they might not bee endamaged by the Christians. For by the help of the Turks artillerie which were planted vpon the other side of Marzamusetto they were not a litle ayded to entrench, considering vpon that part, their Artillerie in such sort scoured, that our men durst not abide there, in that part of the fort to resist, wherwith also the corner of a bulwarke & the curtaine of that part of the fort were likewise beaten in sunder. Whereof though the height and greatnesse was very troublesome to the enemie; yet was the same litle profitable to vs, because the sides thereof was not bending & crooking ynough that ther­by both the same might the better haue ben defended, and the enemie more conueniently haue beene beaten [Page 64] on the flanke. But for as much as the night approched on, the Turks to the number of fiue thousand remained ther still, for about nine thousand gaue the assalt) & the Christians were compelled to retire themselues out of the fort into the fortresse, & to leaue the fort to the Turks that wan the same. The Turks through the benefit of the darknesse of the night with pokes stuffed with okam and earth, filled that part of the dike, that was vnder the ram­per, that the breadth and deepenesse of the same, vpon the approach, might lesse annoy them. In this aslalt, a­boue eight hundred Turkes were slaine, whereof part were Ianizaries, & part of the Spachies, besides not a fewSpach [...], qui ser­uent auec trois ou quatre che­ualls chascun, et aut 200 du­cats per An, et sont tous Aza­moglan et es­claux dudict grand Turc. that were hurt, of whom a good part remained in the dikes, halfe dead & halfe aliue, for that part of the dike which was filled with them, did stop both them and vs from comming to help them, considering there was no passage to them, but onely that one which was in the front of the rampire, wherefore those that so remained hurt, of very force must needs perish, when none could come to helpe them. Of vs christians at the first encoun­ter, were slaine about xlv, of the which were certaine knights of the order of the Ioannits, as Gaurdamps borne in Auern in fraunce, Masius of the prouince of Narbon in france, Contilia a Spaniard, Somatia a Florentine, & Ninecas a German, & certaine wounded, as Captaine Motta, who afterward dyed in the fortresse, of his hurts. The great Maister thinking requisit, as reason was, that a supplie of soldiers should be sent to succour the fortresse, to the aide therof, immediatly he sent not onely ii C soldiours but also ii C gentlemen of his owne, that were knights of the Ioannits, who if they had ben moe, together with [Page] the foure hundred that were in the castle, perhaps they might haue beaten the enemie both from the walles & the vtter forts also, & to haue defended the place longer time: But because the great Maister lacked soldiors, ther­fore he did send Saluago into Sicilia as before is declared, that he might obtaine but fiue hundred souldiors for the time. And in the meane season hee would abide the mal­lice of the enemie and to eschew no labour or perrill: Albeit he thought that he had no litle occasion to la­ment the infortunitie of christian Princes, that by their long stay, the apparant occasion to ouerthrow so cruell an enemie, should bee ouerslipt.

Howbeit hee dyd greatlie meruaile that hee heard of no manner of ayde out of Sicilia, nor of the two Gal­lies furnished with souldiors, which Saluago (as before) dyd send: but the Gallies thorough the fault of one of the Marriners kept not their appoynted course; For whereas they were commaunded to eschew the West part of Melita, and to keepe course towards the East, they dyd not so, but sayled onely towards the West vn­to the Island of Gozo, which onely was thorough the de­fault of the Marriner affirming that hee dyd see cer­taine Gallies of the Turkes riding in the port of Miliare for the defence of the same. Which (as it was after well knowen) was vtterly vntrew, whan in deede, the Marry­ner onely thorough feare (which oft times not a litle hindereth notable enterprises) durst procede no further. Whereby the great maister wanted his most necessarie ayde, which meruailosly grieued as well the Viceroy and others, as chiefly Saluago, for they euidently dyd see, that if the Turkes dyd winne the fortresse of saint Hermes, [Page 65] being the chiefest hold of Melita, the rest of the places there not onely should be brought in meruailous daun­ger, but also those of the Island Melita should bee vtterlie debarred from their entrise to haue succors. It was not impossible but that the fortresse might be easilie wonne and gotten, considering that the enemie had gotten one of the Bulwarks of the fortresse, and that the fortresse beeing but narrow of it selfe, was in manner on euerie part continually assalted, which beeing considered by those, that could skill in warres, dyd greatly mooue them, chiefely when they perceiued that ayde so secretly came. The meane time by the commaundement of Pope Pius the fourth of that name, certaine souldiors were ga­thered to the ende that by his example, other Princes might the better bee encouraged to giue succors to the order of the Ioannits, and therefore hee commaunded that one hundreth pound of golde should bee giuen to Cambiano, Lieuetenant of that order in Rome, and cer­taine furniture of ponder to bee deliuered to him out of the Castall of sainct Angelo at Rome, that nothing should on his part seeme to want, that possiblie he could doe. For, vnto his holynesse souldiors, which were in number sixt hundereth, hee appoynted Pompeio Colono to bee Captaine, and Camillo Medices to bee Lieuetenant. After this bande, followed manie voluntarie souldiors that both vowed themselues to serue in so holie a cause, and also to winne immortall fame, proceeding with such ardent and couragious mindes, that euery litle stay, seemed to them to be an whole yeere.

Therefore they departing vnto Naples, found there Ioan Andrew Auria, with a leauen long shippes, and the [Page] Prince of Populonia with nine, Lanicio Prouano with three, and so many other that were rigged foorth at the charges of other priuate persons. Into these ships that came from Rome, all the bandes of footemen there, were shipt and carried ouer into Sicilia, to the Citie of Messana, where the kings nauie was in rig­ing.

While that the Christians, considered not that the perill was so great as it was in deede. The Turks not ignorant of the same, determined to proue the vt­termost, beefore that the powers of the Christians should augment, thinking that if they could get the fortresse of Saint Hermes, the rest were easily to be had, first thereby they should be onely maisters of Porto Mu­setto, wherby they should gaine a safe and sure rodest­ed for their nauie, so long as they liked. Besides, to haue all that peece of land, betwixt the two ports, both for the beating of the fortresse of Saint Michael, and that no ship should enter, or goe forth out of the hauen of Porto Maiore, without their leaue. These things and others, when the Turks had pondered, they beeganne to giue a terrible batterie to the fortresse of Saint Her­mes, in such sort, as the great artillerie seafed not to thunder by the space of foure daies continually. The next night after, the Turks sodainlie assalted the breach with ladders, and almost had gained the toppe of the curtaine, when as our Christians desiring nothing more then to come to hand strokes, couragiouslie gaue charge on them, that in the end the Turks, were in such sort repulsed, that neuer after (vntill they wanne the for­tresse) they durst rayse a ladder against the same.

[Page 66]While on this side these matters were in dooing, the souldiours of the Turke Dorguta, puffed vp with a certayne pride, as though they would seeme to ex­ceede the rest, gathered themselues togethers at Mar­tia Scala, beeing a little baie, beetwixt the place of ex­ecution and the rodested of Saint Thomas, whom whan the garrison of Borgo perceiued, they imme­diatly issued, and so hotte handeled them, that after the killing of a great number of them, the rest of those Turks were compelled to retire from whence they came.

In which conflict was slaine Bonnemio a gentleman of Fraunce a knight of the order of the Ioannits, with seauen others.

At that time, Monserrato was sent into the castle of Saint Hermes, to bee Captaine there in the place of Brolio, who beefore, there was Captaine, and thorough his intollerable watchinges and trauayles, about his charge, was fallen verie sicke. Which Bro­lio oft times beefore did write to the great Maister that the fortresse of Saint Hermes, was in such sort fortified and furnished, with euery thing thereunto appertaining, that hee thought that it was in manner impossible that the enimie should get it, for the knights of the Ioannits and others that there serued, tooke such encouragement by his worthy exhortacions, that comming to hand strokes they fought it sorth aboue all mens expectation, nor the Turks though they had these repulses, left off so, but beegan a new batterie with their artillerie by the space of certaine daies, and assalted most suriously the fortresse, with all the ingins that they could deuise.

[Page]Among which they had inuented a meruailous bridgeA Bridge of mastes. framed vpon mastes, of such a bredth that tenne persons might easily fight on front thereupon, and of such a length, that it ouerreached the dike and rested vpon the cortaine of the fortresse: Besides they placed foure thou­sand harquebusars alongst the dike, to beate the top of the Cortaines that none within should approch to the defence thereof, and than caused all their nauie to come neerer the shore of Saint Georgis port in landing theyr whole force.

And whan as by the space of eighteene dayes they had battered this poore fortresse, and had cruelly rent the bulwarks and Cortains thereof with thirteene thou­sand shot, and in assured hope to haue wonne the for­tresse. Beeholde one Baragamo a Biscaian borne, one of the order of the Ioannits, accompanied with Captaine Medrano a Spaniard, and sundrie other valiaunt seruitures repayred to this dreadfull Bridge, and to the great mer­uaile of all that dyd see them, there incountred the Turkes.

The fight on both sides was meruailous vehement, and in such sort the Turkes manfullie beehaued them­selues that they had planted one of their Ensignes vp­on a Bulwarke there, which when as Captaine Medrano, had worthilie bereft, and held in his hands, and depar­ting therewith, both hee and Baragamo, with the shot ofThe death of Medrano and Baragamo. harquebuses were slaine. At that time those three hun­dred souldiors whereof I told you beefore, which were sent thether from the great Maister, shewed themselues, in dooing notable seruice: For so soone as they percei­ued the fortresse to consist in that apparant daunger, [Page 67] some of them hurled wilde fire vpon the bridge, some burning pitch and brimstone, another sort of them tumbled mighty great stones vpon such as would haue entred, another part of them, kept the enimie occupied with continuall shot, that they durst not come nigher.The bridge of Masts, burnt. So that after a dreadfull fight this new deuised bridge of the Turks was burnt in sunder, & with the ruine ther▪ of perished eight hundred Turks, the remnant, so well as they could (whereof few escaped vnhurt, and the most part very sore wounded,) retired to their shames, leauing behinde them whether they would or no, two of the chiefest ensignes they had, the one pertaining to Mustapha, the other to Dorgutes, which our Christi­ans to the great griefe of the Turkes, fixed vpon the height of the Cortaine. During this cruell assalt vpon the one side; the Turkes vpon the South West part of the fortresse, gaue another vehement charge, in such fort, as they had wonne the Va [...]mure of the same, which when the garrison that remained in the Castle of Saint Angelo did perceiue, and thinking that with their artil­lery they were able to driue the Turkes, from the place which they had gotten, they vnbended at the Turkes, a great peece of artillerie, and in steede of them, taking one for an other, seauen of our Christians, beeing on the Ramper of the fortresse, were pittifully slaine, which when they had perceiued, and to amend their former errour, they caused another great peece to bee blowen off, with the stroke whereof, were torne in peeces foure of the Turkes most notable Captaines, and twelue o­ther of their best and hardiest souldiers, that the Turks had. While thus furiously that the fight continued, the [Page] Turkes entrenched vpon that part of the fortresse of Saint Hermes which is towardes the Castle of Saint Angelo. But our men espying their dooing, with pots filled with wilde fire and burning pitch, hurled among them, caused the Turkes right soone to depart. The Turkes (thus beeing expulsed by the valiant hardinesse of our Christians) retourned carefully, into their campe, leauing beehinde them dead in this terrible assault about two thousand of their souldiers, where two hundred of our men were slaine, & as many hurt. In the day of this assault the great Maister espying oportunitie caused a foist to bee prepared, and to bee had ouer a peece of a ground vnto Martia Scala, and one therein with cer­taine Marriners to passe into Sicilia, with letters to en­forme the Viceroy, and the Popes holynesse also, of the manfull defence of the fortresse of Saint Hermes▪ and in what extreame daunger, the same remained excepte speedie aide and succour, were giuen to the same: the tenor of which letters written to the Viceroy, is as follow­eth, hauing of purpose thought conuenient not to set forth vnto you the contents of the Popes letters, when as the effect of both the letters being one, the rehearsall of the letters of the Viceroy may well inough suffice.

To Dom Garza di Toled [...] Viceroy of Sicill and High Admirall of the Kings Mauie, most bartie greeting.

SIthens Saluago departed hence, I haue sent vnto your Grace two seuerall letters, which were conn [...]i [...]d [Page 68] through the citie of Malta, vnto the Ilandos Good, which I would of god, that they had come to your hands. But after, perceiuing that neither messenger nor yet let­ters came from you, I commanded one of my men with certaine letters, to be put in redinesse to depart vnto you, vnto Messana▪ who after that hee had prooued to get foorth, sundry nights, and at last escaped, hee had not fully passed two miles on the sea, when hee was espyed by the Turkes Nauie, that in all hast made towa [...]d [...] ▪ him, which when my messenger perceiued, with all the speede hee could, retired from▪ [...] de par­ted, and so ranne his ship on land, [...]d with the losse of his letters hurled into the sea, saued himselfe and his company from the handes of the Turkes.

Albeeit perceiuing now that the Turkes haue brought their Nauie out of the Port of Vulturno, and thinking with my selfe, how much it is requisit that your Grace should haue intelligence of matters heere already passed, I haue therefore caused a foist to bee set in readinesse at Martia Scala, while the Turkes were occupied vpon an other part of this Iland, so as now I hope these my letters may shortlie and with safe­tie come vnto your handes. But what I haue thought conuenient, your Grace should vnderstand, are these. The fifteenth day of this month, the whole Nauie of the Turks, about night passed this port, and because the night was darke, wee could not perceiue the inconuenience of their nauie, for we learned so much after that their gal­lies though they were left in manner vnarmed, they could not well bee towed from the place they had them, [Page] and chiefely for lacke of water, they were enforced to departe from the port of Vulturno, and perhaps the feare of your Nauie, which they vnderstoode (as I was enformed) to be a hundred and fiftie ships riding at an ancre in the port of Messana, was likewise the cause that they would not ride in the port of Saint Paule, but plant­ed their ships aboue Porto Musetto, and a good part of their gallies at Saint Georges, howbeit their ships & gal­lies are not so farre in sunder, but if your Graces nauie should come at the sudden, in the feare that they are in, they would make speede, a pace to their nauie, if they were further off distant. At the port of Vulturno, appea­reth not one Turcke, as for their first encamping places at Saint Katherines, and Saint Iohns, after the burning of the villages, they haue forsaken: and now the Turks haue their nauie riding, whereas I tolde you, and their army on land lieng before the fortresse of Saint Hermes, which as almightie God hath hetherto defended, so I hope, he will still conserue the same, and the more it is to bee hoped, in that (as yesterday) it so came to passe, that after a most furious assalt continued by the Turkes, by the space of foure houres, with foure charges giuen, and valiantly sustained by our worthy souldiours, with the ouerthrow of a bridge, which the Turkes had plan­ted ouer the dike of the fortresse, the Turkes had the re­pulse not without some losse of our Christians, where among others Captaine Medrano, (to my great care) was slaine: with this victory our christians are so in­couraged, that I hope with Gods helpe, the fortresse (vntill your Graces comming) may bee defended, chiefelie, in that the enimie hath partly deminished the [Page 69] feruent heat of their vsuall shot of their great artillerie, so as if I had now any aide or supplie of souldiers from your Grace, or mine owne two gallies that are with you, furnished with souldiours, I am in assured hope that the enimie should neuer get the fortresse from me, for the defence whereof, while I loke euery houre for suc­cour, both the souldiours and municions, which I had, in maner are consumed, determining not the lesse, with that little number which is left, to continue in the de­fence thereof, though it should cost vs all our liues, vn­till such time your Grace shall send aide, who (as wee assuredly hope) for the pietie and famous vertue in your Grace remayning, you would not forget vs in this distresse, but rather your Grace considering the great danger that we are in, (which must needes be the ruine of vs all, if you defer any longer,) you will help vs out of hand, with some supplie of souldiours, when so easilie you may now send them, for the Turkes are de­parted from the East part of this Iland, so as those which you will send may without any perill land at a place in this Iland called Saxa Nigra. In your Grace (after Al­mightie God) is situated our health or hope, therefore wee most hartely beseech your Grace, forsake vs not in our imminent dangers, for vnto your approued wise­dome & pietie, we commit all that we haue, and so fare your Grace most hartely well. From Malta this seauen­teene of Iune.

The Viceroy hauing receiued these letters, and con­sidering the great daunger, of the besieged fortresse, was as it appertained wonderfully moued therewith, and shewed a meruailous desire to set forward the kings [Page] whole nauie against the Turks, howbeit because the ships that should come vnto him from Geanes, was at that time not arriued, it was thought expedient, that his Grace should not aduenture to fight with the Turkes, vntill their comming: therefore it pleased his Grace to send Signore Giouanni Cardono, with foure long shippes called Galliaceis, of the which two pertayned to the knights of Malta. Vnto Cordono the Viceroy ioy­ned a gentleman called Robles, with an ensigne of Spa­niards, beeing chosen souldiours. There were shipped, also with these about foure score knights of the order of the Ioannits, that onely at Messana, tarried for passage into Malta, among these of the order of the Ioannits, were Signore Parisoto the nephew of the great master of Malta, Vincentio Caraffa, Boninsegna, and Maldonado, both Spaniards, Centio Aquitano and others, who though through tempests and foule weather, they came not timelie inough to the Island of Malta, as was desired, yet their comming was a meruaylous great helpe to the other Christians. Which new supplie if the same had come beefore the losle of the fortresse of Saint Hermes, perhaps therewith the fortresse might haue ben saued. These foure Galliaceis departed from Messana the seauenteenth of Iune. But the Turks, the meane time (not caring for their great losse of souldiers, no more then they had ben beasts gone to the slaughter house, deter­mined desperately to renew their fight,) beegan their furious batterie againe, with the great artillerie, continu­ing the same, both day and night, vnto such time as such breaches were made, as conuenientlie were to assault, then the Turkes gaue so furious a charge with such a [Page 70] multitude, and courage therewith, that vnlesse the most valiaunt vertues of the defenders, ioyned with con­tempt of death, and hope of immortall glory, had had the superioritie of the apparaunt terrour: truelie, the Turkes had either put our Christians to flight, or else to haue compelled them to yeeld willingly the fortresse. Right hot was the fight on each side, in such sort, that both parts seemed to bee so desprate in fight, the one to win the fortresse, & the other to defend the same, that it appeared that day would haue giuen end to those wars: fiue houres it was furiously fought, so that in the end the Turks through the worthinesse of our christians were re­pulsed, howbeit the Turks the night following rested not, but still beat at the fortresse with their great artillery, that therwith the curtaines being so torne & rent, our christi­ans had much a doe to stop the enimie from scaling, a­ [...]o [...] th [...] which our christians had meruailous proui­d [...]. In this terrible conflict, were slaine of the side of the christians two hundred, & of the Turks part, an innu­merable sort, among whom the famous Pirat Dorguta, The famous pirat Dorguta wounded to death. while he executed no lesse the part of a prudent captaine, then also the function of a worthy souldior, through the stroke vpon his head with a great stone at this assalt, was wounded to death, and so within two daies after died, and his dead body from [...]n [...]e, honourablie was tran­sported to Tripolis in Barbaria. But with this worthie Constancie, and valiaunt acts of our Christians, the Cap­taines of the Turkes (beeing made more furious and raging, then beefore they were) collected all their Nauie into one place, and commaunded that the for­tresse on euery side, both by land & sea, should be assalted [Page] and that euer fresh souldiers should continually be sent, vntill the fortresse were wonne by assault. Therfore the Turks immediatlie caused, both bridges, ladders, ingins, weapon & other necessaries meet for the assault, to be with all diligence put in readines which when Mounsier Valet being then in the castle of Saint Angelo perceiued, fearing (as reason was) that the fortresse was not able to abide & beare the furious charge that was in prepa­ring against the [...]me, therefore about two daies before this last assault, hee called together the counsaile of the order of the Ioannits, shewing them, that they all didThe counsell of the Ioannits perceiue, so well as hee, in what meruailous daunger, those rested, that were defenders of the fortresse, nor he doubted but that euery of them, for the pietie, & God­ly harts in them remaining, had no little compassion of the perill of the rest of their bretheren, and other wor­thie souldiours, there yet remaining, no less [...] then if the cases of the defenders were their owne, and there­fore required, to shew their best aduise, what were re­quisit for the safegard of such valiant persons. The mat­ter being throughly considered, the counsell gaue im­mediateThe sentence of the coun­s [...]l. resolution, that forsomuch as the fortresse no longer could bee kept, that the liues of the defenders should be saued, and that for the bringing awaie of the defenders, twelue foists should be sent. For which cause there was elected, three knights of the order, that they in the night following should passe ouer to the fortresse and not onely to declare to the defenders, the determi­nation of the great Maister and counsell, but also to sur­uey, in what state euery thing in the fortresse were, af­ter so many cruell assaults suffered, and that, if there [Page 71] were cause, to forsake the fortresse, then the waters ther to be poisoned, and the whole artillerie, to be cloied vp with nailes. For executing of which embassade foorth with departed Medina a spaniard, Rocca a frenchman, & Con­stantino Castriota an Italian, not without meruailous dan­ger of their persons, considering the Turks espying thē, charged at them sundry shot of the harquebuze, & after their ariuall in the fortresse, they expressed to the defen­ders, the pleasure & determinaciō of the great maister & counsell of the order. The defenders vnderstanding, theTh [...] answere of the worthie defenders. great care & thought, that the great Maister & counsell had for their safetie, most humbly gaue thanks to them all, for the same. Then so much as concerned the estate of the fortres, if the straitnes therof, the small number of the defenders, & the great number of the enimie, should be considered, truely the fortresse were in meruailous daunger, chiefely in that the enimie was purposed to giue of new another desperate assalt, howbeit insomuch as hetherto, they had tasted of the mercifull aide of al­mightie God, that vnto that time had defended them, from the rabious furie of so terrible an enemie, in that the place as they thought was defensable, with muni­tion inough, there yet remaining, and that chiefely they had required of the great Maister the honour of the charge in defending of the peece or place if they knew all to loose their liues, they intended to defend the for­tresse, to the death, perhaps such occasion of most ho­nourable defence, neuer would come to them a­gaine, therefore they were vtterly determined to spend their liues, for the glory of almightie God, and his holie religion. [Page] The race and cource of this britle life is but short, but the glo­ry of eternall life, is perpetuall. And considering that to each one there is an appointed death, it is to be desired of euery good man, that this life of ours beeing subiect to casualties, might rather be emploied about the seruice of Almightie God, and his common wealth, than to be reserued to the extremitie of olde age. And if their chāce should be that there were none other way but to dye, they hoped to leaue such victory to the enemie, that the ioy and pleasure, which they would gaine therby, should cost them the best blood that remained in the worthi­est Soldiours that the Turks than had. And therfore they required the messengers to shew to the great Maister, what they had vowed, and to continue his good opinion in them, as pertained to haue, in worthie Seruitures: & chiefely of such as had giuen themselues to that order of Knighthood.

The three Messengers hauing thus receaued the de­fenders answere, containing greater courage than good hap, returned to the great Maister, who calling again the Counsail togethers, & hearing the valiant answer of the defendours, was likewise desirous to heare the opiniōs of the messengers, Castriota was of opinion, that insomuch as the defendours were yet Maisters of the dikes, the for­tres might be kept, & that he Castriota, (if he were com­māded) would take the defēce of the Fortres in charge, and that rather he would lose his life, than to forsake the place. But Rocca the French man was of contrary minde, saying, that he verely beleeued, the Fortres was not able to be kept, if Iulius Caesar were on liue, & had the defence therof, & saw to what extremities, the place was brought [Page 62] vnto, & that euery Bulwark ther for the most part, rent in sunder by the enimies artillery, & hurled downe, & com­passed with such number of desperate enemies; he would neuer suffer, that the liues of so many worthie soldiours should, through inconsidered partinacitie, haue end, but rather to forsake the place, and to reserue the liues of so many valiant Seruitures for other places of greatet im­portance. It is a valiant & worthie mans part, to doe that which a man may doe, and not to stretch beyond that, which a man cannot doe. And, that to be done, which as he thought, was vsed to be considered in diseased mem­bres incurable in mans body: that for the safegard of the life & the rest of the whole bodie, it was meet the incura­ble member to be cut away, and not to care of the losse therof.

The Spaniard agreeing in opinion with Castriota, thought conuenient, that the place should not be for­saken; for that the dikes and Rampers of the Fortres for the most part were yet not beaten in sunder, and that a meruailous vnitie of mynde was resident in the defendours, ioyned with a liuely courage and desire to come to hand strokes with the enemie, which in manner promised an assured victorie to the defen­dours.

The seuerall opinions of these three Messengers be­ing throughly considered, it was thought good, by the most part of the Counsaill, that the defenders should continue in their charge for certaine dayes: For that it was neuer the vsage of that order, to forsake with ease such places, as once were committed to their gard: but rather to cōtinue in defēce of the same to the death; [Page] to thend that the barbarous enemie might vnderstand, with what kinde of men he had to doe, to the repressing of his temerarious arrogance and pride: Least, in forsa­king the place, the enemié would perhaps think it were done through feare. Whereby the courage of the ene­mie would encrease, and the auncient honour and esti­macion of this sacred order would abate.

The Turks this while, minding to put in effect, whichThe last assalt giuen by the Turks to the castle of Saint Hermes. they before determined, the three and twentith of Iune, with their whole Armies both by land and sea, about my dnight, assalted cruelly the Fortres on all sides, erec­ting their ladders, bridges, and other Ingins meet for that purpose. First vnbending at once two and thirtie great Cannons, that with the furious strokes thereoff, that which remained vp of the fortificacions, were vt­terly throwen downe. The Christians on thother side manfully stode to theyr defence, some they ouerthrew into the dikes, some they repulsed, & some they slew, but a great deale being more couragious, to vvound & annoy the enemie than to looke to their owne safetie: insomuch vvere the greatest concourse and thrust of the enemie vvas, there vvere the Christians euer ready to shew theyr force and prowesse. The noyse of each side vvas great, mixed with vehement exortations, ioies and mournings: the face & countenance of the fight vvas variable, ambiguous, incertain, horrible, and piti­full to behold. Thus it vvas foughten vnto three of the clock, vvhan yet vvas doubted to vvhat part the victorie vvould encline. And except the Turks had be­gun againe furiously to vnbend continually their great Artillerie, (vvhereby they ouertbrew all the Courtains [Page 73] and Bulwarks vnto the hard Rock vvhereon the Chri­stians stoode:) the Christians might vvell ynough haue sustained for a few daies more, the furie of the enemie, but the Rock thus made naked both of the defendours and vvalls, and more than foure hundred of the gar­rison slaine, rested nothing vp, scarce that could hide the head of the Souldiour: So as none, could once mount or shew himselfe, to stand to the defence, but immediately he vvas torne in peeces vvith the shot of the Canon, that neuer seased. And now Monserrato the Generall of the Fortres, together vvith one Garas, ru­ler of Euboeae, vvith one bullet vvere miserably slaine togethers, gentlemen of like vertue, pietie, and vvorthi­nesse, vvho for this short lyfe, and most honorable bee­hauiour in the same, haue now togethers gained eter­nall glorie. Neuerthelesse, the other. that remained on liue, and that stoode manfully to their charge, nothing discouraged vvith the losse and slaughter of their com­pagnions, but rather as such as seemed to haue recea­ued new force and strength out of Heauen, they en­countred the enimie most couragiously, in tearing and rending the Ensignes, vvhich the Turks had fastened vpon the Fortres, and killing the Ensigne bearers, Cap­taines and others, of the chiefest of the enemie. So that the Christians looked for none other thing than to giue vp theyr lyues, for the Religion of Christ, to obtaine eternall lyfe.

Now the Sunne in his race, had ascended the mid­dest of the Heauens, vvhereby vvas such raging heate, vvearinesse, and continuall thundering of Artillerie, a­gain the multitude of the enimie so great▪ that still sent [Page] fresh men to renew the assalt. On the other part, the lit­tle number of our Christians lest on liue, weakened with meruailous labour, watchings, drought, & wounds. The Turkes at last gayned by force the fortresse of SaintThe Fort of Saint Hermes wonne. Hermes, but with such an incredible losse of their soul­diours that it was wonderfull that so great a multi­tude of the Turkes, could bee slaine by so little a num­ber [...] of the Christians: thus our Christians valiauntlie fighting were euery one slaine.

Heere I cannot let passe, to touch the vnmercifull crueltie of these Turkes, exercised against the knights of the order of the Ioannits, whereby one may vnderstand, of what nature & propertie Cruelltie is of, which euer shew­eth, what will it hath still to reuenge, when the death of the person cannot suffice. For after the winning of the fortres, the Turkes finding there, certaine knights of the order, beetwixt death and life, caused most cruelly their harts to be cut out of their breasts, & their bodies inuest­ed with their scarlet cassocks, & white crosses (for that the knights of the order of the Ioannits, in warers doe euer weare scarlet, & in peace black) to bee hanged vp by the feet to the number of a thirtie of them, in the sight of the Castles of Saint Angelo, & Saint Michael, but when this beastly crueltie seemed not to be inough to Mustapha, he also caused these dead bodies to bee tyed togethers, and to bee hurled into the sea, howbeit the sea being moued as it were with greater mercie, then was in the Turks, the next day after did cast the dead bodies fleeting into Porto Maiori, where the great Maister knowing who they were commanded that the corses should be taken vp, and bu­ried honorably, with no litle lamentation made for them.

[Page 74]In such sort that the great Maister straightlie com­manded that from thence forth no Turkes should be ta­ken, but immediatlie to be slaine, whereby such as alrea­were taken, by and by were put to death, and their beads throwen ouer the walles. From the beeginning of the siege, vnto the winning of the fortresse of Saint Hermes, there were slaine of that garrison, the number of a thousand three hundred persons of the which there were a hundred & thirtie knights of the order of the Io­annits. The great Maister Valet, hauing thus lost the fortresse of Saint Hermes, though he had (as reason was) a carefull hart, yet in dissembling the same, hee shewed outwardlie a good countenaunce, to the end, that hee should not discourage the rest of his souldiours. Saying that nothing hath chanced but that almightie God hath prouided the same, for such is the fortune of wars, and the will of God, that sometime one, and sometime a­nother, may suffer ouerthrow. It is onely cowardnesse and not the worthie vertue and immortall courage of these valiaunt seruiters, beeing dead, that should cause vs to make care and mourning, nor, for all this the enimie ought so much to bee dreaded, considering his losse in deed, that rather it seemeth hee should accompt himselfe to haue receiued the ouerthrow then to bee named victorious. And as to such of our christians as are dead in this worthie seruice, let vs firmely beleeue, that they are recompenced with glory & immortallitie in the kingdome of heauen, which ought to enflame the harts of euery good man, to serue as they haue done, & as for himselfe, hee had not yet laied aside his hope of as­sured victorie to bee gotten of the rest of the enimies, [Page] rather by the help of almightie God, then by his owne power, and that hee supposed, all there beeing pre­sent, to be of like minde, and so to be and continue, hee required them. These words beeing spoken, the great Maister being readie against all extremities of Fortune, departed from the rest, and after much deuising with himselfe alone, he determined with himselfe in the end to write to Petro Mesquito generall of the citie of Mal­ta, and to aduertise him, and the bretheren of the Ioan­nits at Messana, together with the Viceroy, of the losse of the fortresse of Saint Hermes. The copie of whose letters I haue thought expedient to discribe to you, to the end that the meruailous prouidence of Valet the prince of this order of the Ioannits, may the more appeare vnto you, which is as followeth.

DVring such time as the knights of the order, abidingThe letter of the great Mai­ster to Mes­quito. at Messana, are preparing their passage hether, the miserable ouerthrow and taking of the fortresse of Saint Hermes hath chanced, which as you ought to know, hath left vnto mee no little care, so I assuredly thinke, the [...]ame hath fortuned, not without the secret permissi­on of almightie God, which I take in such good part, that rather the father of Heauen, will correct vs by this losse, then vtterly to suffer vs to perish. And albeit in mine opinion, it is not requisit, to doubt any wise of his mer­cifull goodnesse and mightie power. Yet I cannot but complaine that it hath seemed, I haue beene forsaken of those, that should not haue becommed them so to haue done, that in the space of seauen and thirtie daies, wherin our most worthie Christians now dead, susteyned such [Page 75] furious charges of the enimie, (as rather a meruailous matter done by God, then man,) of our owne (who of duetie ought to haue regarded vs) wee haue beene succoured with no manner of aide, which sundry times in this space, they might haue done, how beeit as I per­ceiue, we must hope no longer of mans help, consider­ing that neither our letters, diligence, earnest requests, admonicions, or commandements, can in any wise take place with them, whom duety rather ought to haue mo­ued to obedience, then negligence to haue staied them all this while. Lacke of time will not permit me, to write as I would to the Viceroy, but rather your part shalbe, to giue intelligence as well to his grace, as to others our bretheren there of the occurrants of this Island. Which our bretheren, if they had obeied our commandements as had appertained, or else had sent vs any aide at all, perhaps we had not lost the fortresse of Saint Hermes, a­bout the defence wherof, so valiant & worthy seruitures as euer liued, haue lost their liues therin. Wherefore ex­cept the Viceroy make hast to deliuer vs, I feare hee shall come to late to doe vs good, chiefely if we be besieged, before we haue the litle succours, which as I dreame, are in comming to vs, & as I feare scarce will come in time. Neuerthelesse we doe not mistrust of the loue & proui­dence of almighty God towards vs, but that the deuine vertue of the Viceroy, within few houres, to be moued & stirred vp by the holy ghost, will with speede deliuer vs. The meane time, the enemies hath gotten together all their nauie into the port of Musetto, & are very dilligent in purging of the places of the fortresse, & reedifieng of the rampers & bulwarks which with the strokes of their [Page] artillerie they did cast downe. Therefore vpon the sight heereof, I require you to send to vs, the captaines Catha­rinensis, Belcarensis, Belmestio, and Zoric, with their bands, that in our necessities, we may vse their faithfull and va­liaunt endeauours. So requiring of God to send vs aide from some place, fare you hartely well. From the ca­stle of Saint Angelo the foure and twentith day of Iune.

MEsquita the generall of the Citie of Malta, after that hee had read the letters of the great Maister immediatly caused a foist to be rigged to the sea, & in the same sent one Masio Co [...]onello, to whom hee gaue both the great Maisters letters to him sent, and also other letters of his owne of like effect directed to the knights of the order of the Ioannits remayning at Messana, re­quiring Masio with all the hast hee could, to passe into Sicilia. The meane time, Mustapha Bassa sent a messenger to Mounsier Valet, and with him an old Spaniard, a prisoner to the which prisoner Mustapha promised libertie vppon condition that he would goe to Borgo with his messinger, commanding them both that they should practise with Mounsier Valet to yeeld himselfe, and the whole Island vp­on any reasonable appointment. Who after they had ari­ued at the towne, the Turk remained without, & the chri­stian entred in & was brought to the prince, to whom he disclosed the charge & commandement to him giuen by Mustapha. When Mounsier Valet heard the Spaniard once name appointment & yelding, he began to enter into such a choler, that if he had not beene a christian man, he had commanded him immediatly to haue ben hanged, there­fore he gaue the Spaniard choise, whether he would tarry [Page 76] still among the Christians in Borgo, or else immediatly to depart, & to tell to the Turke that came with him, except he did get him away in hast, he would cause the artillerie of the castle to constraine him to speed him away. The Turke with this answere retourned to the campe, where­with Mustapha fell in such a rage, that hee openly sayde that from thenceforth hee would vse all the crueltie that hee could against the Christians. At this time with Mus­tapha Philip a Turke a noble man reuolted and came to the Christians. was a gentleman named Philip, discended of the noble familie of the Lascares in Greece, who at such time as hee was a childe, was taken by the Christians, when as they wonne the towne of Patras in Achaia.

During which time, that hee was a prisoner, hee was so curteously vsed by them, that euer after hee bare meruailous affection and good will, towards Christians. This Philip beeing priuie to sundry counsailes of Musta­pha, (moued as it seemed by deuine inspiration from Heauen) thought that hee might meruailouslie aide and profit the Christians, if hee should come to them, and therfore determined with himselfe to passe to the fortres of Saint Michaell.

Which as hee prooued many times to doe, so in the ende in the Calends of Iuly, hee did cast himselfe into the sea (considering hee could not get to the ca­stle by land) and so did swimme to the castle, not with­out great daunger of his life, for he being espied by the Turkes he was shot at, with sundry arrowes and arquebu­ses. Vpon his landing, he was immediatly brought to the great Maister, to whom not onely he discouered sundrie counsells of the enimie, but also shewed, what ought to bee done at a corner of the fortresse of Saint Michaell, [Page] to the end to make frustrate certain deuises of the ene­mies, which they purposed to practise against that place, and of sundry other things which afterward turned to much commoditie of the christians. Who also, as opor­tunitie serued, right valiantly, after, fought against the Turks: So as, that after the siege, and Malta being de­liuered, he repaired to Rome, with meruailous commen­dacion of the great Maister, where the Popes holinesse courteously entertained him, and for his vertue and good seruice done aswell towards those of Malta, as towards vvhole Christendome, he rewarded him vvith sundry guifts. Where likewise, be dyd forsake his Tur­kish faith, vvherein he vvas brought vp, vtterly detest­ing the same, and from Rome he repaired to King Phi­lip, to vvhose Maiestie he discouered likewise certaine pretences of Soliman the Emperour of the Turks. While these things (as aboue) vvere done, Colonello (of vvhome before, as I shewed you, that vvas sent into Sicilia) ariued safe at Messana, vvher he found the Chri­stian Nauie not as yet readie, so that the afflicted af­faires of Malta could not out of hand be succoured. For neither the ships that should come out of Spaine vvere than come, nor yet Gouianni Andrea Auria, vvith his eight & twentie Galliaceis, vvho staied to enbarque foure thousand footemen, vnder the leading of Capino Vitellio, that vvere collected in Etruria.

The knights of the order at Messana considering this tedious tarieng, and vvhat perill vvould ensue vppon longer staie, fully determined vvith Gods helpe, to succour their bretheren of the orderin Malta. And vvith such power as they had gotten togethers, [Page 77] vnder the leading of two notable gentlemen, knights of the Ioannits, the one of the house of Messana, & the other of Baroleto; they purposed to passe into Malta. Al­beit before their departure, they repaired to the Vice­roy: & in consulting vvith him, they required his Grace, to call to memory vvhat seruice the knights of the Io­annits had done, not onely for the King of Hispain, but for all Christendome; and vvhat charges the Ioannits vvere at the other yeere, at the vvinning of Pinon de Be­les, vvhere they neither spared victual, artillerie, or ships, nor yet theyr owne proper liues; vvhere theyr seruice might either profit the Kings highnesse, or any part of the Christian common vvealth. And besides this, that he vvould vouchsafe to consider vvith himselfe, that the losse of the Iland Malta, not onely should touch the Ioannits, but vniuersall Italy, and chiefely the Iland of Sicilia; by reason it should be a neighbour to so mightie an enimie as the Turk.

For vvhich causes and others, that shortnesse of time prohibiteth to report, they required of him foure thou­sand footemen, vvith vvhome all the knights there, of the order of the Ioannits, accompanied also vvith sundry noble personages and other voluntary soldiors, vvould passe ouer into Malta, to succour their brethe­ren there: vvith vvhich supply, they sayd they assuredly hoped, if at the least, they could not repulse the enimie or vvinne againe the lost Fortres, [...]et to stay the fur­ther procedings and pretences of the furious enemie, vnto such tyme as the vvhole Christian Nauie bee­ing in a redinesse might inuade the Turkish Fleete, and also (as they trusted) vtterly to destroy the same.

[Page]Vpon these words, vvhile the Vice Roy, deliberated with himselfe vvhat he should doe, there came a messenger out of Hispain, but vvhat the effect of his letters vvas, vvhich he brought, though some iudged one vvay and some an other, none certainely could tell: but so it came to passe, that through his comming, the Vice Roy gaue a briefe answere to the Ioannits, saying, that he could not satisfie their request, considering the same vvere an vtter vveakening & diminishing of the force of the kings na­uie. vvherby it should come to passe in so doing as they requested; that he could not giue them such succors, as shortly he pretended to doe. Howbeit if they vvould transport all the Ioannits that were at Messana (vvith a part of the souldiors vvhich the Popes holinesse sent) into Malta, in those two Galleaceis vvhich they had pre­pared; hee himselfe vvould furnish an other Galliace to bee sent vvith them.

The knights hauing receaued this determined answer, vvhan as they otherwise could not amend themselues, they tooke the offer of the Vice Roy. While these ships vvere making readie to depart; the foure ships vvhere­of before I made mencion, vvhich transported the 600 Soldiours, & foure score knights of the Ioannits, by the space of twentie dayes vvere on the Seas, tossed vvith meruailous tempests, & other stops and staies, that they could not attaine to Malta. And chiefely they had com­maundement giuen them, they should not land, except they knew certainly that the Fortres of Sainct Hermes, vvere still in possession of the christians. But approching to Malta, they sent their spiall on land, & promised him, to tarry on the Sea, vnto the next day for his retorne. [Page 78] The meane tyme the Seas by tempestious vveather began so to grow, that the Spiall could not retourne at his appointed tyme. Wherefore the shippes that dyd a­bide him, dreaded that either he was perished in the tem­pest, or else come into the enimies hands. Whereby, they sayled back to Pozalo, a place on the coast of Sici­lia, to the ende to learne somewhat there, of the state of Malta. Where, vpon their arriuall they certainely dyd know, that the Fortres of Sainct Hermes was yet vngot­ten by the Turks: Which whan they had learned, they departed to the seas againe.

But comming within sixe miles of Malta, wher at their place determined, they were apointed to land, they spied a fier from land, as a signe made vnto them, wherby they iudged, both that their former Espiall was taken by the enemie, & that some Ambush was there layed for them. Wherevpon they retourned to Pozalo againe, at which place, they learned of one of the Knights of the Ioan­nits, a French man, that came out of Malta, of purpose to them, that the forenamed fire by his commandement was made, that they being instructed by that signe, might safely proceede to their landing place in Malta. Vpon the vnderstanding whereof, they all with speede dyd get them to the Seas againe, and failed to Malta, where at a place called Saxa Nigra, (which is situated in that part of Malta, which is towards Lybia,) they landed in a quiet night, the nine and thirtith of Iune, & so being not seene of any others, marched without im­pediment, to the Citie of Malta, where, with incredible Ioy they were receaued, and there tarried vnto the tyme they knew the further pleasure of the Great Maister.

[Page]The meane time there grew about Borgo, and the other places thereabouts such a mist, being not oft times seene there, that none in maner could see therabouts, when as a boy scarce of the age of twelue yeeres, loke­ing out at a window of the castle, and all afraied, cried immediatly, that he saw the Turkes marching towardes the castle o [...] Saint Michael, which being perceiued, and certaine of the knights making towards that part, in their way, they gate a certaine Grecian borne that dwelt at the citie of Malta, who being brought backe to Borgo, and straitly examined of the cause of his departure from thence, considering he had no pasport, without which, it was lawfull for none, to stray abroad, in the end this Grecian confessed, that he was purposed to haue fled to the campe of the enimie, and to haue giuen him intel­ligence of the ariuall of this new supplie, to the end that the Turks, might in the marching of this supplie towards the great maister, surprise them by some ambush. Wher­vpon the Ioannits considering, that by some occasion heereafter, this fugitiue; might worke to them no little detriment, they caused him to bee cut in foure peeces. Three daies after, this new supplie of souldiours that came out of Sicilia, about night sa [...]elie came to the great maister, sauing two or three lacques, that were charged with certaine armour and other fardels, who came into the hands of the enimie. It is in maner, incredible what courage was augmented in the hartes of the beesieged Christians, through the comming of this new supplie, and chiefely Valet, the great maister, seeing beefore his eies, assembled, the flower of the Ioannits, and other most worthie seruitures sent to him by the prouidence [Page 79] of Almightie God, saied (vvith teares in his eies for Ioy) I thank thee humbly, most mightie God and hea­uenly King, that of thy mercifull goodnesse doest heare my prayers, and doest not forsake this pitifull flock of thine; trauailing vnder my charge, being compassed (as thou assuredly knowest) vvith these most raging and fu­rious vvolfes; What shall I say more? but these are the works of thine onely parpetuall goodnesse, apparant omnipotencie, and inscrutable vvisedome.

This new supply, that vvas come to the great Maister, vvere earnest sutors, that it vvould vouchsafe the great Maister to graunt them that benefit, that they might serue in the Fortres of Sainct Michael, the great Maister praising their valiant courage, did condiscend to theyr request; vvithout changing at all, there, the ancient gar­rison. The next day following, such of the garrison of Sainct Michaels, as had desire to come to hand strokes vvith the enemie, issued forth, & meeting vvith the ene­my at Saint Margarets; so vvorthely behaued themselues that they killed aboue 200 of the Turks, & hurt as ma­ny of them, that none of the garrison retourned home to the Fortres, vvithout blood drawen of the enemie; yea and vvithout losse of any of their company, at that time. Which vvhē Mustapha parceued, he knew right wel that it vvas the new supply come to the Fortres of Saint Michael, therefore he found meruailous fault vvith those that had the charge by sea; that by their negligence, this supply gate landing & entrie: So as they, to vvhose charge the vtter parts of the Iland vvere cōmitted, came in vvonderfull suspicion of Mustapha. Whose suspicion also vvas augmented through the departure of three [Page] Gallies of Argire, that stole away, vvherby he had small credit to the rest of the Argirians there, and much lesse confidence to the Renegants that vvere Christians, and there seruing the Turke. Wherefore hee ordayned that none of those persons should tarry on land out of their shippes vpon paine to be thrust through on stakes, and to bee burnt to ashes, and so in chaunging that watch, hee appointed the gallyes, of Salach the Turke, to take the custody of the Iland, that no supply should enter. And to the end that neither of his owne, nor any Chri­stian should surprise theyr Nauy, he caused sundry of his owne shippes to be set a longst the breadth of the port of Musetto, and the one to bee chayned to the o­ther. And forsomuch as that the blody flixe and other diseases had inuaded his campe, he ordained for the sick three kindes of places, one for the wounded, at the wa­ter of Marza, vnder the gard of 2000. Turks, another on shipborde, for the voluntary souldiours, & the third vp­on scaffolds deuised betwixt ship and ship for the Rene­gants. At which time Mustapha made Ochial the Turk, ge­nerall ouer Tripolis in Barbaria, who passing thether with fiue Galliaceis ro take possession of his charge, & after set­ting euery thing in order ther, he returned to the campe in Malta. And for the better furniture of bread for the campe, the Bassa caused two ships frayghted with wheat to be transported to the towne of Leptis, and there to be made and baked beecause the campe of the Turkes had much neede of bread. Likewise Mustapha sent to Solyman the Emperour Zaloth the Turke, to shew him how he had wonne by assault, the fortres of Saint Hermes, and bare with him the plat of the Iland, as he found it at his entry [Page 80] there, & to declare to him that he found those of Malta▪ better prepared, & more strong, then he hoped in the be­ginning, to haue found them. And that it his pleasure wer, that he should continue the wars ther in that Iland it were not a little requisit, to aide him with a great sup­ply of men, victuall, and more furniture of municions. Which if he send, he trusted to win the remnant of the fortresses of Malta, though not so sone, as perhaps would be loked for. And in the meane time while he receiued aunswere hee would foreslow and protract no time, to proue by assalt & otherwise, to gaine the fortresses if he could. And because, he should seeme, not to haue writ­ten vaine matters to his Prince, Mustapha had beegun his battery with seauentie great peeces of artillery, (a­mong which, were three mighty Basiliscoes,) in foureteen seuerall places, insomuch as from the Promontory of the place of execution vnto the water of Marza, and from thence vnto the fortres of Saint Hermes, where they had placed 300 Ianizaries in garryson, they entrenched and fortefied all that compasse of earth right warlike, with meruaylous strength. With which cruell battery, con­tynuing day and night, they tormented the townes of Borgo and Saint Michael, that the walles, bulwarkes and houses were there wonderfully [...]ndammaged, so as none knew well where to bee safe, whereby at the first, both women and children were meruaylously annoyed. And the Turkes themselues were driuen to keepe within their fortefied campe, nor durst issue abroad without great multitude, and for all that they escaped not home againe to their campe all free, for the horsemen of the Garrison of the Citie of [Page] Melita, now & than scouring the countrie, vvould charge them on the back and kill many of them.

Whan the newes of the losse of the Fortres of Saint Hermes came to Rome; the Citie was replenished with meruailous care and feare for the tydings: insomuch, as some there, mourned to see that auncient glorie of the Latin Name vvas in such sort diminished. An other sort, was in no little dread that the calamitie of Malta vvould redownd to Rome.

There were also an enuious and detracting kinde of men more liberall with carping tongues, than expert in knowledge of warres, that layed the vvhole blame of the losse of the Fortres vpon Mounsier Valet the great Maister: vvhome, both his Inuincible courage, and no lesse the valiant and noble personages there accom­panyeng him, than also this Historie making mencion of all theyr most vvorthie Actes, vvould parpetually deliuer him from such infamy and sclaunder. But such, as care not for theyr owne estimacion, by lykelihood would not spare to defame the Renome of an other. For as Ignorance cannot Iudge well of the Pollicies and Inuencions of the learned sort. No more can Coward Varlets rightly discerne of the vvorthlie Acts and valiant doeings of Couragious olde and practi­zed Soldiours. But to retourne to the matter of our History, before we told you how three Galiacies were in preparing, at Messana, and what diligence they v­sed about the same that had the charge thereof; in such sort as the seuenth of Iuly, they departed out of the Port of Messana. There were in those three ships beesides the Knightes of the Ioannites, sixe hundred [Page 81] Spaniards, and three hundreth of the Popes Soldiours, vnder the charge of Pompeio Colona, among vvhom, wer some that voluntary rowed, & some that vver constrai­ned. To the constrained, libertie vvas promised if they vvould doe their endeuours, to bring thē into the port of Borgo, they should, after, be aduanced to roomes of Soldiours as the others vvere. So as not onely their purpose was to succour those that wer beseeged, with men, but also vvith victuall. For vvhich cause, they shipped 250 Medimni of Wheat, besids Gun pouder, Sall-peter, and Leade, meete for Artillerie and like vses.

And albeit they supposed it very difficult, to enter the Port, being so strongly garded by the Turk: neuerthe­lesse such desire rested in the mindes in the Ioannits pre­sent in those Shippes, that they made accompt the en­trie might easely be brought to passe, both to them and thother.

Whan they approched nigh vnto Malta, these shipps made foorth a Fragot to see if any signe from the Ca­stle of Saint Angelo could be espied, vvherby they might vnderstand, vvhether the ships might proceed to enter or retire. Whan the Fragot vpon his proceeding, parce­uing a signe that he should retourne back, retourned to the shipps shewing the signe of retyring: though the Turks vvhan they prouided the signe dyd vvhat they could to obscure the signe by shotte of great Ar­tyllarye at the same, vvhereby they replenyshed the Skyes vvith meruailous obscurities, as though the same had bene thorough darke Cloudes; vvhich the shippes vnderstoode vvell enough: and so retourned backe into Sicilia.

[Page]In deede, it was not thought meet by Valet that most curteous prince, that so many worthy knights of the order, and so many noble personages and valiaunt fouldiours, beeing togethers in those ships, should bee brought in manifest danger, for hee did see apparauntly how that certaine of Turks ships, lay by night, at the in comming of Porto Musetto, at a place called Arenula to enbar all entrie and issue, to and fro Porto Maiore, with­out their leaue. At which time, when as the garrison of the citie of Malta, had intelligence what good successe the new supplie had vpon their issue made (as before) against the Turkes, they taking courage thereby; made likewise asalie vpon the enimie, that spoiled abroad in the Iland, as they wer driuing certain cattell, which they had taken, & in such sort they of the citie valiantly beha­ued themselues, that after sundry of the Turks, by them slaine, not onely they recouered the cattell, but draue the rest of the Turks to their shippes. The campe of the Turks understanding the chase to come towardes them immediatly stroke a l'arme, and repairing to the pauili­on of their generall Mustapha, seased for that time, the battery. Which matter, caused the Prince Valet to sup­pose, that the Turks was marching to giue assalt at the breach▪ and therefore the prince fully determined with himselfe to be ther present at the defence of the breach, thinking thereby that his presence should not a little encrease the courage and hardinesse of the garrison of Saint Michaels. For which purpose, immediatly he caused a bridge vpon boates to passe both the halfe Ilands to Saint Michaels to bee made. But knowing what the a [...]arme ment, he returned to the castle of Saint Angelo.

[Page 82]There were some that indged this dooing of the Prince to bee meruaylous bolde & couragious, but not voyd of great daunger occupyeng such a place & function, as he dyd, and therfore was worthie to be blamed for the same: Alleadging, that matters of great waight & importance, ought rather to be put in effect by the force of the mynde, counsail, & direct order; giuen by the Generall, than by any force of body by him to be shewed. Vnto which affaires, though the Generall be absent, yet by his prudent orders established, he may be present among his soldiours. For the decay of the Ge­neral (which if he come to handstrokes may easely hap­pen the ruin of the rest wherof he had charge, may like­wise ensue: as we dayly see, whan the lyfe is gone, the body is dead. Other again affirmed that the prince Valet, was worthy of much commendacion, Iudging that the presēce of the General was most necessary in perils, cō ­sidering that the Soule cannot rightly gouerne & direct the bodie, except it be present, yea, in the body: For in such doeing hath but followed the examples of ye most prudent Generals Alexander, Themistocles, Caesar, Marius, and sundry others vsing these kinde of words in effect following: Ego met in agmine, in Praelio, consultor idem & sotius pericul [...] vobis cum adero: Me vos (que) in omnibus rebus iuxta geram. Both, in the Esquadron & fight (O worthy soldiors) you shal haue mee present a Counsail & com­pagnion in all perills: Wherein, as your fortune shall be, the same shalbe myne.

Who is so rude of witt, that if the same be requi­sit in other things, in Peace, it is much more to be de­sired in warres.

[Page]The presence of the Maister oft times causeth his af­fayres, with dilligence and greater facility to haue fortu­nate proceedings. Nor truely the prudent Poet (discri­uing the wars beetwixt the Latins and the Ruteli,) was of other minde, sayeng Vrget Praesentia Turni, the pre­sence of Turnus prouoked the courage of his souldi­ours, by which most euident reasons it was iudged that Valet the prince of the order of the Ioannits should haue done both manfully and most prudently according to his function, if according to his determination hee had ben present at the defence of the breach among his sol­diours, if the Turks had assalted the same. The same time the king of Argire with seauen gallyes & ten other ships, in which were two thousand and two hundred souldi­ours, came to the aide of the Turks army in Malta. Who seeming to be very sory, that he was not there at the be­ginning of the warres, required of Mustapha, to haue so much honour shewed him, that both for the declaration of his good will, for the exployt of some notable seruice & to proue what courage rested in his owne souldiours he might haue the formost place with-his souldiours to assalt the fortres of Saint Michael, which not onely was graunted to him, but also Mustapha caused two thousand chosen soldiors of the army of the Turk, to be ioyned to him, which being granted to him, about 90 small ships were commanded to be brought from Porto Musetto, vn­to the water of Marza, for that vpon that side the king of Argire purposed vpon the water to giue the assault vnto the fortres. Which when the Prince Valet did perceue, as also, hauing had intelligence of this the Turks preparati­on & deuise, by a certaine fugitiue that came out of the [Page 83] campe to him. Immediately he called before him two of the best practised & faithfull pilots, that were in Borgo, & of them demanded by what meanes the Turks might be enbarred from the approching to the foote of the wall of the sortresse. The pilots answered that their opinions were, if of masts of ships, and other timber ioyned to­gethers at the ends with ringes of Iron, and thereof as it were a long chaine to be made, and the one end ther of to be sastned from the corner of the castle of Saint Angelo, vnto the other side, where the enimie with their boates were determined to enter, the enimies deuises should bee vtterly stopped in that behalfe. This pollicie liked the great Maister in such sort, that in the night following, the chaine was ended, and placed according­ly. The Turkes in the dawning of the morning, seeing this chaine placed to enbarre their pretences, were sto­nished, not knowing how to land the souldiours: but while the king of Argire and his company were in this mase, a fugitiue a Christian, a man of meruailous hardi­nesse, (to which kinde of persons, rashnesse serueth for vertue, and desperation in stead of constancy) came to the king, and promised that he would breake this chaine afore aid. Wherevpon (taking an axe with him) did enter into the water, after whom followed two or three others, to aide and help him, and so swimming to this chayne, this fugitiue began to strike at this chayne with his axe. Which when the Christians in Borgo, did per­ceiue, about fiue or sixe of them with their swords draw­en did on their part by and by swimme likewise to the desence of the chayne, where, after killing two of that company, those Christians did put the other to flight. [Page] After that, none was so bold to put in proofe the like againe: Neuerthelesse, the king of Argire, dyd not leaue his purpose, for the xv day of Iuly, at the breake of day, he proceded to the assalt, both by land and vvater.

The Christians perceuing the pretence of the Argiri­ans, had prepared the most part of their Artillerie to be laied towards that place vvhere the Argirians came to giue the assalt. So as, vpon the repaire of the Turks, the Artillerie of the Christians vvere vnbended with such vi­olence by the space of three houres, during the time of the assalt, that with the bullets of the Canon & other Artillerie, about two thousand Turks were torne in pe­ces & drowned, with twelue of their ships. Howbeit the most part of their ships approching to the Chaine, & perceauing the same to enbarre them to land where they purposed, they turned the shipps vpon an other part towards the Fortres of Saint Michael, but doeing nothing, they likewise vvere enforced to retourne. Vpon the land, likewise, it vvas meruailously fought, so as many Turks vvere slaine, and two hundred of our Christians vvanting, among vvhome Frederic, the sonne of Dom Garza, Viceroy of Sicell, vvas torne in pee­ces vvith an Iron Bullet, also one Gordio a French­man: Francis Senoghera, vvith his Neuew Iohn, Hispa­paniards borne, and knights of the Ioannits, Medina, there, likewise was vvounded to death, vvho after­ward dyed of the same.

But the Prince Valet, perceauing in what perills the state of vvhole Malta should stand in, if many such battailes vvere often fought, vvhan as, those that were vvearie, both day and night should continually haue [Page 84] to doe with the fresh and new Soldiours of the Turks, and to haue no maner of supply of soldiours, sent to succour them. Therefore the seuententh of Iuly, he sent a messenger into Sicilia, who by swimming pas­sed from the Castle at the vtter bay: leading to the water of Marza, and from thence escaped vnknowen through the middest of the enemies, vnto the Cittie of Malta, and so from Malta taking shipping, came with diligence to Messana. To this messenger, Valet, gaue letters, by the which he required that he might haue those two Gallies of his owne, there remaining, and the same to be furnished and sent with those number of knights of the Ioannits, as were remaining at Messa­na, and with so many other soldiours as might fill and replenish those Gallies. And that, vpon their com­ming nigh to Malta, they should abide a loofe before the Port, vnto such time they had a conuenient signe made vnto them whether they might safely enter the Port yea or no.

At which time that the messenger of Malta, came to Messana, there came thether a fleet of ships out of Spain that brought in the same sundry knights of the order of Ioannits, of diuers nacions. Whan as the Viceroy purposed to send away to Malta, the two gallies written for, he first thought meet to write to the great Master certaine letters Ciphered by two seuerall little shipps, wherby he signified to the great Master, that with those he sent the two Gallies for yt which he wrote howbeit he required that the Gallies might haue assured signe made vnto them, whan they came in sight of the Iland, whether they might enter without euident peril or no.

[Page]These two litle ships, thus departing from Messana to­wards Malta, (whereof the one was furnished with sun­dry simples and medicaments pertaining to Phisick & Surgerie, dyd not both keepe one course of Sayling▪ Whereby the bote that had the Medicaments for Phi­sick and Surgery, came into the hands of the Turks, as afterward vvas learned, the other arriued▪ safe in Malta. Neuerthelesse because, a few daies before, all the waies betwene Saint Michaels and the Citie of Malta, vvere vt­terly enbarred by the Turks, and that three Christians vvhich vvere vsed to goe and come betwixt those pla­ces, in their passing vvere surprised & taken by the Turks, and most cruelly put to death. And besids, the entries of the Ports vvere vigilantly garded, that none vvith­out the knowledge of the Turks could vvell enter. Whereby the knights of the order, resting at Messana, could not tell how to send safely the two Gallies a­way to Malta. Notwithstanding considering that the great Maister so earnestly vvrote to haue them, & that they thought, Vbirerum agitur summa, vnius particulae pe­riculum, minus esse metuendum. Where the vvhole affaires rest in daunger, the perill and losse but of a part & par­ticle thereof for the conseruacion of the rest ought the lesse to be regarded and feared, they determined vvith themselues to commit the two Gallies to the guiding of Fortune; alwaies aforeseeing, that all those knights of the order, should not passe in that hazard, but onely fortie of them ioyned vvith a good number of soldi­ours, that furnished vp the two Gallies. With these passed Captain Salazar, an Hispaniard, in a bote towed by the Gallies, into the Iland of Goza vvho after from [Page 85] thence passed▪ into Malta to espie both the state of the Citie, and the Turks Armie. The meane tyme, the Turks not forgetting, the great ouerthrow and repulse that they receaued at their late assalt at Saint Michaels, and not a litle desirous to reuenge the same, therefore they began vvith terrible sury theyr batterie againe, against the Fortres of Saint Michaell, in such sort, as that so much as the defendours repaired vp in the night, the Turks by day by their Artillery ouerthrew and brake.

While the enemies Artillerie, dyd their feate, the Turks deuised theyr bridge, vvhich they finished, and dyd sett ouer the dyke before the Sunne rysing, the twentith of Iuly, vvhereby they might come to hand strokes▪ vvith our Christians. Which being perceaued by the defendours, and considered, vvhat detriment the bridge vvould import, if the same vvere suffered▪ Immediately seignior Parisoto the great Maisters Ne­uew, and Agleria, knights of the Order, vvith a good company of other soldiours, issued forth of entent to haue burned the bridge. Who in such sort vvere re­ceaued by the Turks, that vvithout executing the mat­ter, they came for, all those that issued together vvith Parisoto and Agleria, vvere vtterly slaine. The Turks (this space) seased not to continue the sury of their Artille­ry▪ in battering the walls; vntill the xxviij. day of Iuly; So as, that afternone, they couragiously assalted the For tres on sundry parts thereof; and thrise did send fresh men, to supply the roomes of their soldiours that were either vvery in the fight or ouerthrowen in the assalt, & so manfully the Turks stood to their mark, that they doubted not to gaine the Fortres that day.

[Page]But our Christians on their part with no lesse valy­ant courage resisted them, & with very force, what by Gunshot, arrowes, wildefire & handstrokes, at last they compelled the Turks to retire from the assalt, with incre­dible losse. With this victory, the harts of the defenders in such manner encreased that they cared nothing for the malice of the enemie. And because there was not so often skirmishing on our side, as was wont, and that the artillery of the Christian side, began to stay from shoting, the Turks supposed, that there was few souldiours left on liue in the fortres, & that their furniture of pouder, shot, and other things, were spent. Which stay from skir­mishing & shooting, was rather done of purpose by the counsaile and deuise of the Prince Valet, then for any want of those matters in the fortres, & for a good cause, considering that he heard of no maner of certaine aide, at that time, & that euery day more & more the enemies fury & malice did grow the greater, hee thought it not requisit, to consume his garrisons & other furnitures i­dely & to no purpose. But the Turks perceyuing, that by these often assalts of theirs, theyr pretences toke litle ef­fect, they determined with themselues to prooue what they could by myning, and one mine they had in maner brought to passe, beefore our Christians did perceiue the same, & to the end they might blinde the eyes of the de­fenders, they caused two gallyes towards the water, to aproch the wals of the towne of Saint Michael, & to beate at the same with theyr artillery, supposing by the same that the garrison to haue forsaken their charge, & to haue aided the rest, would haue neglected the custody of the wals of the castle, & so by this mine, to haue entred into [Page 86] the fortres. But the defenders, vnderstanding the subtile pollicies of the Turks, by the meanes & prudence aswell of certaine of the garrison, as chiefely of one of the en­signebearers ther, brought vtterly to naught the mine of the enimy, by a contermine. For the ensigne bearer first entring the mine of the enemy, with a lanterne in hand, & casting certain arteficial fire among the enemies in the mine, that whether the enemy would or no, hee draue them out of the mine. For which good seruice done, the great master rewarded this worthy ensigne bearer with the gift of a chaine of gold wayeng fiue pounds, & be­cause that Virtus virtutem parit, ea (que) in arduo sita est, one vertuous act, allureth another to do the like, though the same be very difficult to attaine vnto. The next day after which was the first of August, certaine of the garrison of the fortres issued forth, & with pouder burnt to peeces the bridge which the Turks before had deuised & layed ouer the dike, which worthy deed so done, turned to the whole fortres a wonderfull commodity. For the next day after, at the Sun setting the Turks assalted agayne the fortresse, vpon that part which was garded by Caro­lo Roffo, where by the space of three houres, it was valiauntly foughten on each side, but in the ende the Christians repulsed the Turkes, leauing beehinde them three hundred slaine. And on the Christian part remay­ned dead, Roffo himselfe with one Bareso, and certaine other souldiours.

This while during the assalt the Turks in such sort ex­ercised their great artillery with continuall shot, that none of the defenders durst scarce shew his head to looke into the dike, but immediatly he was dispatched, [Page] but for all that, where occasion of any worthy seruice was at that instant to be shewed, the souldiours of the fortresse would not spare his life, to execute the same. As well appeared in Calderonio the Hispaniard, who when hee doubted that the enimy was breaking that part of the wall of bulwarke, called the bulwarke of Castile, hee issued immediatly to espy and know the same, but in a moment hee was slaine with the bullet of an arquebuse. Whose infortunity as to some it would haue beene a terrour and feare, so was the same not the lesse an en­couragement of the rest, to endeauour to doe the like seruice. For when they perceiued that the enemy did what they could to fill vp the dike of the fortresse, they of the garrison determined rather to ende their liues with honour, then to come into the handes of a most cruell enemy, and therfore concluded togethers to issue forth that night vpon the enemy, and to enbar them of their purpose.

Wherevpon a hundred of the garrison issued forth, part where of were Ioannits and part souldiours that tooke wages, and so worthely gaue charge vpon the e­nemy, that they enforced them to forsake the dikes and to flie away a pace, leauing behinde them slaine foure­score Turks, and ten killed of our side, among whom of the Christian part remayned dead two knights of the order Giouanni Cantabro, and one Macrino, whole heads the cruell Turks had cut from their bodies, and planting them vpon speares, did set them in the valie of Saint Sauiors▪ to be viewed of the fortresse. That day at night, those that were in the citie of Malta▪ made many bone fires, and therewith shot of their arquebuses, shewing [Page 87] thereby a great token of reioyce: Which both those that were beseged, and the Turks also hard very well, whereby the Turks supposed, that either the Nauie of the Christians began to approch the Iland of Malta, or else such supply of Christians were landed, that was ha­ble to encounter with the Turks Armie there. But it was none of those two matters, and onely of pur­pose done, aswell to shew their owne courages, as to make the Turkes estonished vvith the newnesse of the matter.

The Turks the meane time filled the dike of the Bul­warke of Castile, which thing caused that neither the Turkes could be endamaged by the Casemacts of the dyke being cloyed vp▪ nor yet by the Flankers from the Bulwarke of A [...]rne. Whereby the Turks without any maner of impediment, might easelier enough as­salt the breach which they with their Artillerie, before, had made. Also from their Mount placed vpon the right hand of Saint Sauiors, they began to beate vehe­mently, with two brasen peeces there planted, so as, that at the first stroke, they beat in at a window made for the shooting out of Artillerie, vvherwith the ene­mie vvas vvont to be encombered, of the vvhich place one Francis Castilia had the charge: so expert vvere the Canoners of the Turkes part.

Also one Giouanni Barnardo Godineto a Spaniard, and knight of the Order, vvith the stroke of an Arquebuze ended his lyfe. That day Francis Aquila [...]es, a Spaniard, one of the Garrison of Saint Michaell, hauing vvife and children in the Isle of Gozo, allured by two vvicked counsaillours, that is to say, Feare and Hope, shame­fully [Page] fledde out of the Towne of Saint Michaels, vnto the Enemie, counsailing the Enemie to Assault the Towne againe, saying, that vvithout all doubt, they should vvinne the Towne, if they vvould attempt the same againe, because there vvere scarce foure hun­dred Soldiours left, and yet vvhat with extreme la­bors that they had suffered during the seege, and vvhat by their hurtes and vvounds, they vvere not able to endure longer, as for the rest of the Soldiours that vvere ther, they vver vtterly consumed & dead. Where­fore the Turks perceuing, that such breaches alredy wer made, by their Artillery, in the townes of Borgo & Saint Michael, that Carts vvere able to passe thorough them, they purposed to assalt both those townes at once, and to proue vvhether there rested in the garrisons of those two townes such courage and force, as vvere able to giue them such repulse againe, as before so often they had receaued.

Therefore vpon the seauenth of August, at one instant houre, the Turks assalted Borgo at the Bulwark of Castile, and the Fortres of Saint Michael, vvith such a fury and multitude, that the vvhole earth thereabouts vvas couered vvith the enemie. And such vvas the thunder of the great Artillerie, the haile of the Har­quebuze shot, the noise of Armour, the faufare of Trū ­pets, the sound of Drummes, and cries of men of each side, that Heauen & Earth seemed to beate togethers.

Which vvhan the bands of Horsemen that vvere in the citie of Malta heard by the thundering of the great Artillerie, and saw the Skies obscured vvith the smoke of the same, and doubting that the Turks vvould not [Page 88] leaue the assalts, vnto such tyme they had vvonne the Townes, as they dyd, before Sainct Hermes: Imme­diately all the Horsemen most valiantly issued out of the Citie of Malta, and to the ende to turne the ene­mie from the Assault, they gaue charge vpon those bands of Turkes that garded the sick and vvounded persons resting at the vvater of Marza. Who thus being assailed vpon the sodaine, fled, and our Horse­men chasing them in killing and ouerthrowing them meruailously.

The noise, and cryes of such as fled, being perce­ued by those Turks (vvho all this vvhile vvere occu­pyed in the assalt of Sainct Michael) they were enfor­ced at that tyme to leaue the fight, and to come to succour the rest that fled. Thus vvere the Turks re­pulsed from both the Townes, leauing behinde them slayne, aboue 1500 Turkes beesides those that were slaine by the Horsemen of the Citie of Malta, before they had succours from the Campe. Of the Christian part of both the Townes vvere slaine more than an hundred, and as many wounded: both the assaults continued more than fiue houres.

Heere Mounsier Valet, beeing thus deliuered that day, and many other, from such euident perills, cau­sed generall Prayer to bee made to Almightie GOD, and hee him selfe vvith the vvhole Townes men, re­paired to the Church about the same.

While these things, vvere thus in doeing, Dom Gar­za the Vice Roy of Sicel, had secret intelligence out of Calabria, that Soliman the Emperor of the Turks had cau­sed certaine ships to be set in a redines at Constantinople [Page] which were furnished vvith soldiours, victuall, & other necessaries appertaining to the vvarres, to be sent to Malta. Wherefore to meet with them, the Viceroy sent the Lords Altamira and Gildandrada, accompanied with fiue Galleaceis: vvho departing to the Seas, and sailing vntill they came vvithin xxx. miles of Malta, they could not see nor heare of the ships that they sought for; but onely of a Gallie and a little Barque of the Turks. The Gallie vvas taken, and the Barque escaped away to the Turkes.

This vvhile, Mustapha thinkeing there vvas none so strong, but that continuall labour and vvatching vvould in the ende breake and vveaken him vtterly, he thought conuenient, to keepe the defendours oc­cupyed vvithout giueing them any maner of rest, in all that he could: therfore he commaunded that the For­tres of Saint Michaell, should be assalted againe at the breaches before made by the Artillery. But the Turks by the valiant defenders vvere quickly repulsed: vvith no litle destruction of the enemie.

These often assalts, this Bassa dyd not make, in that he had any great hope to vvinne these Places, but ra­ther to shew him selfe to execute the function and of­fice of an expert Generall, and to satisfie the minde of his Prince Solimane, vvho had commaunded them, ei­ther to winne the places, or else there to losse their liues about the same.

But also the Bassa had dispatched and sent a litle Bar­que away vvith Letters to Solimane, by the vvhich he gaue him intelligence of the state of his Nauie, vvith what meruailous inconueniēces his army was afflicted, [Page 89] what small hope he had to win the places of the Chri­stians, and what preparation the Christians were in ma­king to giue succours to Malta, & other such like things. The meane time the two gallies of Malta, departed from Messana, and came to Sarragoza, where they tarryed one day, while the ship of Salazar was set on ground to tal­low, to make hir more swift of saile, and that the better the next day after they might passe togethers, the fa­mous promontory and lands end of Sicilia, called Pachi­no. The next day, as they departed out of the hauen of Sarragoza, they encountred a boate that came from Po­zalo, hauing in the same one of Malta, beeing very sore wounded, who beeing demaunded, who had in such sort euelly entreated him answered that when as he & a companion of his, that other night, ariued nigh that port, and so required by two Sicilians, that had houses vpon the shore, to come on land, and to lodge with them that night, which they did, sodainely the night being quiet, fiue Turks landed, by whom the two Sici­lians were taken, and his companion slaine, and he him­selfe hurt, as they did see, which two Sicilians that were taken also told those Turks, that in the port were riding two gallyes, hauing in the same sundry knights of the order, with other souldiours, to passe in Malta, by whose words the knights of the order, in those two gallyes well perceiued, that theyr going into Malta, was disco­uered to the enemy, whereby they knew it was either most dangerous for them, to enter the port of Borgo in Malta, or else vtterly impossible. Neuerthelesse they dread not to keepe on their course towards Malta, tow­eng at their sternes the boate of Salazar.

[Page]While these two galleyes thus sayled they per­ceiued not farre beefore them two other Gallyes, and a little Barque, who espying the two Gallyes of the Christians to follow them, made all the hast they could towardes Malta from them, whereby the Christians thought, that without doubt, they were the Gallyes that had sent the fiue Turkes on land, who had done those hurts, which hee of Malta, beefore recounted to them.

Howbeeit the two Christian Gallyes continued theyr course vnto Pozalo, from whence by theyr let­ters they gaue intelligence to the Viceroy, of occurrants to them happened in theyr voyage. And forsomuch as they could not proceede on their course, in that the South and Southwest windes, were so much contra­rious to them, they retyred with their Gallyes to Sar­ragoza agayne, and so to proceede as the Viceroy should further aduise them. About the which, immediatly a knight of the order, was sent from thence to Messana, to the Viceroy, whose counsell was, that the two gal­lyes should stay at Sarragoza, for the rest of the whole Nauy, that right shortly would come and accompany them into Malta.

But Salazar being brought to Pozalo, determined in his boate to continue forward his course, and albeit at the time, that hee departed from Pozalo, the seas were meruaylously troubled with windes, thunders, & other stormes, the other daies following wer so quiet & calme that within a short time, Salazar ariued safely at the ci­tie of Malta, and there taking apparell of a Turk vpon him, and like weed for a companion of his, that could [Page 90] speake the Turkish tongue as hee could, by night they departed thence into the Campe of the Turkes to espy the estate of the Turkish armie, where they espy­ing that, they came for, they perceyued that the whole number of the Turkes left on liue in theyr Campe, amounted scarce to foureteene thousand men, wher­of many of them were [...]urt, and very sicke, the resi­due, were but an vnmeete and vnwarlike company, considering that their former fights and assaults had consumed their best souldiours, and after hauing se­cretly viewed the manner and forme of theyr encam­ping, Salazar vvith his companion retourned backe to the citie of Malta againe.

The next night after, Salazar vvith one Pietro Pa­ccio a Spaniard a gentleman of meruaylous hardinesse and courage, repayred to a place nigh vnto the beacon or vvatch place called Maleca, vvhich place when hee had thoroughly considered, hee left Pietro there, and keeping in memory the signes and tokens of the ci­ties of Gozo and Malta, as Pietro shewed him, to the ende to declare the same to the Viceroy.

Salazar taking passage in his owne boate againe, found fortune so much to bee his friend, that short­ly after hee ariued at Messana, vvhere hee discouered to the Viceroy, vvhat hee had seene, amongest many talkes, hee shewed how vveake the Turkish Nauy re­mayned, how slender theyr Armie on land was, voyde of good souldiours, and weapon, that theyr whole number of Turkes were not able to encounter, with tenne thousand Christians.

[Page]To affirme the wordes of Salazar to bee true, at that time returned one of the two little shippes, wher­of I told you beefore, that were sent to bee espialls in Malta, bringing with him a Spaniard, and a fugitiue out of the Turks campe, beesides, also retourned foure gal­lyes that before were sent from Messana, who brought with them foureteene Turks, whom they had taken a­bout Malta, who all approued the words of Salazar to be true, that is to say, that the Turks army was meruai­lously diminished, and that with beatings, they could not be compelled scarcely to aproach to the walls, for which cause the Bassa, had slaine sundry of them. And the thing that made the Turks so affraied, was that they saw neuer any of them whom the Christians wounded, but hee lost his life.

Besides that, they said, they did see the Christians, with incredible hardinesse defend their places, & that no peece of artillery of the Christians side, was at any time vainely blowen of, wheresore the Turks affirmed, they had right good cause, to bee weary and repent & to detest such wars, which made them to eschew vtter­ly to fight, and vtterly to flie away, and chiefely such as were Renegants, that had forsaken the Christian faith and become Turks. For which cause there was right strait watch set by the Bassa, and commandement giuen by him, that either they should winne the towne, or else to loose their liues all, for so had Soliman their prince commaunded. These words and such like (which the Turks that were taken did tell to the Viceroy,) made the Viceroy to set forth his nauie in a readinesse more soone then otherwise peraduenture he would. In the Fortres [Page 91] of Borgo, this vvhile, vvas one Francis Giuara, a Captain, a very hardy gentleman and vvonderfull Ingenious, he a litle from that place vvhere the enemie vvith Artille­rie had beaten downe a part of the vvall of the towne, builded a peece of Fortificacion, contayning in length fiftie paces, & in bredth [...] paces, vvith two flanking Corners: vvhich being finished vvithin two nights, turned afterward to a meruailous help and ayde of the defendours of that Towne.

The enemies, the meane tyme, vnder the corner of the Dike vvhere Boninsegna the Spaniard, a vvorthie Knight of the Ioannits had his charge, began to myne, vvhich vvhan the defenders perceued, they encoun­tred the same vvith an other myne, & thereby brought the myne of the enemie to none effect.

During this tyme, vvhile a Fugitiue vvas comming from the enemie towards Borgo & swimming the vva­ter, the Turks tooke him, vvhich vvas meruailous hin­derance to the Christians that vvere vvonderfully desi­rous to know of the estate of the Turks Armie, and of their Counsaills. But the enemies seeing the small successe of their purposes, vvould yet proue further deuises, and therefore caused two mynes to be made, one towards a Bulwark of Saint Michael, and the other to the Bulwark of Castile, into the vvhich Mynes for doeing of the feate, vvere certaine Barrells of Pow­der bestowed.

Howbeit the pretences of the Turkes could not so prudently be vvrought, but through the vigilances of the defendours, the same vvas espyed, and so came to passe, that theyr Mynes came to none effect, and [Page] the Turks slaine in their owne Mynes, vvith losse also of such barrells of Pouder, as they had layed there, vvhich the Christians recouered from them.

With these offences and difficulties, the hopes of Mustapha and Pial, the Bassas of the Turks, being vtter­ly ouerthrowen, they vvith the residue of the Cap­taines entred in Counsaill to know vvhether it vvere expedient to tarrie any longer, or else to retourne home: Whereof the most part, vvere of aduise, that they should depart. But Mustapha vvas of an other opinion, saying, that hee thought conuenient they should tarry vntill the Gallie vvhich he sent to Con­stantinople to Solimane their prince, vvith letters, re­tourned againe. Whereby they might vnderstand vvhat the pleasure of the Prince vvere for them to doe in such behalfe: and in the meane tyme, by force or guile, to seeke some good Fortune of victorie. Which in deede the Enemies prooued and attempted more often, than that they gained thereby.

For as they themselues vvere vnquieted, so they purposed not to lett bee in rest the poore Christians, sometime in exercising their vsuall fury vvith Artille­rie, sometyme either myning, or entrenching, or fil­ling the dikes, or else assalting some breach to theyr owne losse: howbeit, all vvhich that they dyd, they executed the same vvith meruailous diligence and in small time. Therefore vvhan as, Robles Maister of the Tents, in the night came to view the ruine and ouer­throw of a part of the vvall, he vvas suddenly smitten in the head vvith a bullet of an Harquebuze, and im­mediately dyed, to the great lamentacion of all such [Page 92] as had knowne him. For in him vvere resident sun­drie good artes; vvith vvhich he profited much those that vvere beseeged. Wherefore the Great Maister sent a notable gentleman right expert in the vvarres, that vvas Coronell of the Fautery (vvhome vnto that time he kept about him selfe;) to be generall of the Fortres of Saint Michaells, vvho vvith such singuler prudence guided his charge, vvith vvatching, coun­sailling, and prouidence, that so often as the Enemies gaue attempt to that peece, they vver alwaies repulsed, vvith no litle detriment & losse. The meane time those two gallies vvith thother ships of the Turks (vvhich (as before I did tell you) vvere espied by the two Christian gallies of Malta,) arriuing among the Turks Nauie, shewed vnto Pial Bassa, the Admirall, that the Christian Nauy vvas in redinesse to come to Malta, vvho dreading the sodaine comming of that Nauie, commaunded 70. of his long ships to be put in a redinesse, leauing 40. ships in the Port of Musetto, being the residue of his Nauie, which vver vtterly out of furniture, & vnarmed both of men & tackle: the masts of which 40. ships, wer cōsumed about making of bridges, & other necessaries, for the as­salting of the places in Malta, & the men therof likewise wer spent with sūdry diseases, & fights wherin they ser­ued: Therfore Pial, for certaine daies, abode all the day time nigh the shore of Malta, about a place ther called Maiaro, & in yt time he staied abrode vpon the high Sea; abiding the comming of the Christian nauie. But he per­ceuing none to come, he landed his company again: & forsomuch as that the furniture of powder began to decaie in the Turkes Campe, therfore vvas giuen that [Page] of euery thirty barrels of Pouder, in euery ship twen­tie or fiue & twenty barrells according to the appoin­ted porcion should be taken. Whereby the Turks, vvith greater fury than euer they did before, battered the vvalles of both the Townes, vvith such great peeces of Artillery as are called Basiliscois: vvhereof euery bullet shot out of the same waieth two hundreth pound, and in compasse seauen spannes. With these peeces of Ar­tillerie the vvalls of the Fortres of Saint Michael, vvere throwen downe and made flat. Likewise at that time, Mustapha Bassa, in such sort at Borgo beat the Bulwark of Castile vvith Artillery, that in maner the same vvas ouerthrowen. Whan as the enemies perceaued that both the townes vvas vtterly made voide, both of their vvalls and other peeces of Fortificacion, so as the Turks might looke vpon the Christians, and the Christians on them: vvithout further tarrieng: the Turks vpon the eightenth of August, at noone tyme of the day, vvith their vniuersal armie gaue charge vpon both the towns, at the vvhich the Enemies, vvere three times put back, and thrise returned, and in the end the Turks were vt­terly repulsed, after fiue houres fight.

In this most dreadfull assalt, the inuincible courage of the Prince Valet, was apparant to each one, who ar­med with his Curace, and formidable with his Picke in hand, was seene beefore the rest of the Christians most valyantly fighting. Whose manfull presence, not onely gaue courage to his soldiors ther, but also moued vp the harts of the boies & women in such extremity to doe notable seruice. For so it commeth to passe oft­times, Magis homines mouentur exemplis quam verbis. [Page 93] That men are more stirred forwards with examples of well doeing, then by onely doeings. Of this great num­ber of the Turks, a part of them had gotten downe into the dikes of Borgo, and there tarried, and to the end they should not bee damaged with the flankers of the bul­warke of Castile, they fortefied themselues on the flanke with earth and fagot, which they accomplished right quickly. And for this purpose they did the same, that they might vnderminde and sape the walls, about the which they had occupied the space of fiftie yards.

When the garrison of Borgo vnderstoode the polli­cy of the Turks, who thus had gotten into the dike, they immediatlie caused certaine of the great artillery to be shot off, alongst that part of the dike, wherewith & with fire also hurled into the dike, a great sort of the Turkes with theyr fortyfication in the dyke, were destroyed. The next dey after the enemyes renewed at the same places, their fights agayne, euer supplyeng the places of their wearied souldiours, with fresh men. But first of all, ensuing theyr vsuall custome, they beat at both the townes with their artillery vntill night, then about mid­night, when the Moone shined vpon the earth, this fu­rious assalt with raging cruelty and force began, which at the first made our Christians somewhat afraied, who hauing yet memory of their former manhoode, & ver­tue, so behaued themselues, with their wilde fire, shot, & other weapons, that the enemyes were enforced to de­part right euelly handled, into their campe, after three houres fighting.

That day, another mine of the enemyes was found made towards the fortyfication of the bulwarke of Ca­stile, [Page] in the which were perceyued to bee a hundred Turks, who vvere all slayne, and the mine broken. Nor for all that, the day following the enemy was quiet, but seauen times inuaded those places agayne, and sending fresh souldiors, who not onely with vveapon, but also with bags of pouder and fire, continued their fight. At the which Boninsegna hauing his face burned, lost an eye. Likewise, at that instant the enemy assalted the fortres of Saint Michael, at a place called Sperone, assayeng at that part, to haue entred the fort, wher Centio Aquitano, vvith an inuincible courage, mounting on the ramper, vvith his Picke most manfully fought to the ouerthrow of such of the enemyes, as enterprised to ascend the ramper, & after killing one of the enemies, to the feare of the rest, beeing shot thorough one of his armes vvith the stroke of an harquebuze, and retyring himselfe, vntill hee had dressed his wound, manfully hee retourned againe to his place, & from thence he departed not vntill such time as the enemy forsooke the assalt, & hee remayned victorious. Thus the Turks at both the places, with mer­uailous losse of their souldiours were repulsed, leauing the victory to the Christians, of which our Christians were then slaine, to the number of an hundred, wher­of the most part were torne in peeces, with the Turks artillery. Among whom at the ruine of the bulwarke of Castile, was slaine one Frago, and at the fortres of Saint Michael, Scipio Prato, Giouanni Baptista Soderino, Paulo Bo­niporto, Marino Fagiano, Ruffino, all knights of the order of the Ioannits, and sundrie others, worthie of longer life. The Turks againe wrought an other mine, at the fortres of Saint Michael, which when the defenders per­ceiued, [Page 94] they so prouided for the same that the mine tooke none effect.

With such and many attempts and fights, certaine of the knights, & not of the lowest sort of them, fearing that, which so often is assalted, at the last may be got­ten, said to the great Master, that they thought good that all the bookes of good learning and tables, and reliques of Saints, and other matters of religion, were meet to bee had out of the towne into the Castle of Saint An­gelo as into the most sure and safest place. The great ma­ster though hee knew right well, that all which they spake proceeded of a right good zeale & minde, neuer­thelesse nothing moued therwith, he answered them in this sort, that this their aduise, was none other thing thē an vtter discouragement of the minds of all the Christi­ans ther, who vnto that time had shewed them so valiāt, a great deale aboue any mans expectation, therefore he was fully purposed to saue all, or loose all: & to the end that none should haue further confidence in the castle Angelo, he was fully determined to bring forth the garri­son there, to ioyne them with the rest to fight against the enemy, & to leaue in he castle onely gunners to beat at the enemy as neede should require. An aunswere right worthy giuen of such prince, & to bee commended to perpetuall memory of posterity, for how should the sol­diours hope, when he seeth his generall in dispaire, or to doe any hardie act worthy of commendacion, wher the generall is full of vaine feare. While the great master, thus with this answere, not onely made them ashamed that gaue him this said aduise, but also renewed the harts of some that feared, with further courage.

[Page]The Turkes determyning with themselues that, that day (no lesse than the other three dayes were before) should not bee voyde of some fight, furiously assalted be times in a morning, those two townes, with greater force, then hee dyd before, chiefely at the ruines of Ca­stile, wher Sanromanus of Aruernia defending that quar­ter, lost this britle lyfe, gayning immortality for the same. At Saint Michaels, Adornio, a knight of the order, with one Fagio, and sundre others, were wounded, for the enemy tarryed not long at the assault, but retyred. When as immediatly the enemy began the vsuall thun­dering of his artillery agayne, that therewith the whole Island seemed to tremble, & the Skyes to be set on fire. The meane tyme Valet beeing weary with the morning fight, departed for the time, to recreat himselfe, when sodaynely a Spanish Priest, with his hands holding vp [...]o heauen, ran, and met with the Prince Valet, sayeng & cryeng out, Malta alas is lost, for three or foure ensignes of the enemyes, are already entred the towne, in at the ruynes of Castile. Which when the Prince Valet heard, forthwith hee did put on his head his Burganet, & with his Picke in his hand, came among his souldiours say­eng. Beeholde most worthy companions the houre is now come, wherein you must shew your selues valyant defenders of the Christian religion, for if you still haue with you that noble courage, which you haue alwayes hetherto shewed in the former assaults, there is no cause why you should doubt in this extremity, for you see but the same enemy, and we haue still our former God with vs, who as hetherto hee hath mercifully saued vs, so he will now defend vs. Therefore most worthy sons [Page 95] all, come on with mee; & let vs couragiously giue them the charge. With these words, Valet him selfe gaue the onset, fighting stoutly wher the greatist peril remained, after him, mansully followed his Soldiours, yea, the townesmen, children, women & old men, right fearsely striking at the Turks that were entred. Where the fight on each side was exceding cruel & perillous, some stop­ped the enemies from further entring, some killed them entring, some gaue them the chase in wounding & dri­uing them forth againe. The Turks resisted meruailous­ly, and thus it was couragiously fought on each part: within and without the grounds was couered with all sorts of weapon, dead bodies, and blood.

The Great Maister as cause serued, was alwaies pre­sent, prouiding euery necessarie: some he praised, some he encouraged, some he monished, & he himselfe right liuely fought, executing sometime no lesse the act of a worthie Soldiour, than also the function of a most pru­dent Generall. At last, with the Sunne set, this cruell conflict ended: and the Great Maister remained vic­torious, but not vvithout losse of two hundreth of his men. Where, of the enemies were slaine to the num­ber of two thousand, besids those that entred, vvhereof none escaped. These vvere foure of the sorest conflicts that the Christians vvhich vvere beseeged, had vvith the Turks. During this time, the Viceroy of Sicel, for setting forward his Nauie into Malta, staied for none other maner but onely for the retourne of Giouanni Cardono, vvith his twelue long shippes that before vvas gone to Panhorm, to conduct and bring vvith him foure Shippes there vvith victuall.

[Page]But perceuing that he tarried too long, he sent a Post to him to byd him come away vvith all the speede he could, and if he could not bring away those ships vvith victuall by towing them, for their better speede, than to shippe theyr victualls in his owne shippes, and leauing the others behinde at Panerme, to make hast away, his owne selfe.

Therefore the Viceroy vvith his Nauie of 72. Gallies the xx. of August, departed from Messana, and came to Sarragoza, bringing vvith him in his Nauie ten thou­sand chosen men, among vvhom vvere 200, and moe, of the knights of the order of the Ioannits, and about fortie knights of the new order of the Stephanits, which order of knighthood vvas lately founded by that most prudent Prince Cosmo Medices, Duke of Florence, in the yeere of our Lord 1561. In this they differ from the Ioannits, vvhere the Ioannits vveare the White Crosse, the Stephanits vveare a Redde Crosse, vvritten about vvith Gold▪ againe the Stephanit, may be once married, vvhich cannot be permitted to the Ioannit.

The Iland named Ilua, anciently called Aemathia, ly­eng in the Sea called Tuscum, is the place of their re­sidence, but vnto such time as their new Citie called Cosmopolis, be finished, being in building by the Duke of Florence, being likewise the Great Maister of the same, as hee is the founder thereof. The knights of the Stephanits, remaine at Pisa, a Citie in Italy, vnder the dominion of Florence. And in that they be called Ste­phanits, it is not that they deduct or haue their name of Saint Stephan the Prothomartyr, but of one Saint Ste­phan, sometime Bishop and Patron of Florence; Cano­nized [Page 96] amongst the nūber of Saints. Besids the knights of th [...]se two aforenamed orders, there vver in the Chri­stian Nauy sundry Noble men, as Ascanius Cornia, the Marquis of Pescaro, and his brother Annibal Estensis, Her­cules Veraus, Aeneas Pius, Capinus, Vincentius, of the Fa­milie of the Vitelli [...], and sundry others of Noble pa­rentage, and famous in the vvarres.

The Christian Nauy being thus arriued in the Port of Sarragoza, the Viceroy sent immediately D'auri vvith a Gallie and a litle boate into Malta, to the end he should land some person, and to speake vvith Pietro Paccio vvho (as I shewed you before) vvas left at the Watch place of Malta in the Iland, and of him to learne vvhat he had spied, sithence the departure of Salazar. From vvhome he vnderstoode, that no shippe, that vvay, vvas seene in the Seas, sithence Salazars depar­ture sauing a Foist vvhich the one and twentith of Au­gust in the morning made towards Gozo, and that, that day at night (as he receaued intelligence from the vvatch of Malta,) sixteene Sales of Shippes came and rode at the rodested of Salinas, but vvhether after they went, he could not thorow the darknes of the night obserue the same. Our Christians (this vvhile, right trimly fortified themselues nere the Ruins of Castile, in sundry places thereof couched their Artillery in such sort, that both it was able to beat the enemie on the flank, & to scoure also alōgst the rampers ioining to the bulwark of Boninsegna. The Turks, meaning again, to assalt both the towns of Borgo & S. Michael, they first deuised as it wer aPluteum. scaffold made of Timber & boards able to hold ye nūber of 30. soldiors, & these to be set at ye breach of S. Michael, yt [Page] thorough the Artillery that should be shot from that scaffold, none of the defenders should be able to shew or mount vp his head to defend the place. Which our Christians perceuing, they thought the same to be intol­lerable, and immediately made issue forth, and putting to flight the Turks that garded the scaffold, and setting fire in the scaffold, did burne the same. In like maner, vvere the Turkes reiected from Borgo, that at the ruins of Castile, had prepared such an other scaffold, vvhich likewise by the defenders there vvas burnt in peeces. The next night after, our Christians that garded the ru­ins of Castile, issued vpon the Turks and not onely de­stroyed the enemies Fortificacions towards that part, but also killed those that had the keeping and custodie of the same, and vvithout losse of any one of the Chri­stians, safely retourned into their charge againe.

And albeit that daye and others after, the enemie prooued both vvith theyr Scaffolds againe, and re­pairing their Fortificacions that vvere cast downe, and other Ingins, to driue the defenders from the vvalls: yet all their pollicies and labours, through the vigi­lancies and vertues of the Defenders, came to no­thing.

The Christians deuised a Myne vnder the Ruins of Castile; and in the same couched an eight barrells of Pouder, that if the enemies made attempt againe, that vvay, they vvould giue fire to the trane, and so blow them vp. And vvhile the Christians vvere thus vvork­ing, the Turkes vvas likewise myning towardes that part: But the Christians perceauing the same, dyd get vnto the Turkes Myne, and not onelye getting [Page 97] from them certaine barrels of Pouder, and putting the enemyes to flight, but also destroyed the Turks mine, performed their owne mine. In this manner things pas­sing on both sides, Mustapha the generall, being very fa­mous & right expert in the art Militarie, considering that the most part of the sommer was spent, and that longer he could not well abide, and that stifly to stand & con­tinue against an enemie, openeth oftentimes an assured way vnto victory, hee determined therefore with his whole power to assault agayne the Fortres of Saint Michaell, wherefore he caused to bee brought forth the chiefe standerd of Solyman his prince, vpon the top wherof was a globe of fine gold, and commanded with the same, the souldiours to giue the assalt, and with force to enter the towne, thorough the ruines there made. The souldiours of the Turks therwith gaue the charge, and the Christians right couragiouslie resisted, a doubt­full conflict was on both sides. And when the Turkes were twise repulsed, Mustapha in person came vnto the trenches, with his souldiours, & perceiuing them to re­maine discouraged, he began to require & exhort them not to faile him at that extremity, for that day should performe their former trauailes and victories, and not to permit his enemies, in manner ouercome, to spoile them of their long hoped victory, for the Christians haue not a peece of fortyfication left to couer themselues, all are cast downe, and that neuer a good souldiour of them were then left on liue, sauing a few wearyed & maimed sort of them, that were not able to abide the sharpe edges of their swords, with such pertinacie and stifnesse, they gat at last the castle of Saint Hermes. Then [Page] according to the vocation of each souldiour, Mustapha promised either mony or honours, mixing threatnings to some, & gentle words of desire, to others. The Turks through Mustaphais pretence, whether they were stirred vp vvith his fayre promises, or enforced through his threatnings, they ran freshly againe to the assalt, where the conflict of each part was vvonderfull furyous, but in the end the Turks vvere enforced to retire. For our Christians had made a dyke, and in the same had cou­ched two field peeces, with vvhich they beate on the flanke, a scaffolde couered with ravv hydes against bur­ning, which the enemyes had gotten in there. And at the first stroke, the scaffold was beaten in peeces with the artillery, and forty Turks vnder the scaffold vvere al­so torne in peeces, with the bullets of the same. And the same night those Christians that garded in Borgo, the bul­warke of Castile, issued forth vpon the Turks, and brake downe all the places of defence of the enemy, nigh vnto the bulwark, & besides wanne a ramper from the Turks, vvhich exceeded in height any peece of fortyfication that the Christians had left to defend themselues, and from the same ouerthrew the Turks, and dyd put them to flyght

By this, the Christians vnderstoode right well, that the Turks had no great will to fight, and that theyr courages deminished, for at that ramper for the garde of the same, were left in manner three hundred Turkes, and our Christians that gaue the charge vvere not aboue twenty fiue persons, and yet those three hundred as it seemed durst not abide our twenty fiue. Again our Chri­stians had made a myne nygh vnto the ramper of Castile, [Page 98] and perceyuing that a certaine number of Turks vvere come to that place to reedefie the places of strength vvhich the Christians did before cast downe, the Christi­ans gaue fire to the place, vvherby sixty Turks ther being were blowen vp and slayne. Whyle these things, thus vvere in doing, Dom Garza the Viceroy of Sicel with his whole Nauy departed from Sarragoza, and hauing conuenyent windes, kept his course vnto the promon­torie of Pachyno, whan a great shippe was espyed in the sea, which by foule weather as afterward was learned) was brought to that place. That ship came out of the I­land Meninges, and was fraighted with victuall, gunpou­der, and a great number of shot to haue beene conuey­ed to the Turks campe in Malta. The great ship espyeng the Christian fleet, yeelded hir selfe. Which the Viceroy in changing hir marriners sent backe to Sarragoza, when he with the rest of the fleet kept forth his course towards Malta, but the winde changing vpon him, and blowing with such a fury, he with the whole Nauy was driuen to the Island Aegusa, being 220 miles towards the West from Malta. Now was the first of September come, when the letters of the Viceroy came to the great Maysters handes, by the vvhich hee signified vnto him that hee would shortly bee with him with his vvhole Nauy, that a Christian, a prisoner, escaping out of the Turks shippes, gate in to the towne of Borgo, and told that very few Souldiours meete for any conflict was left on liue in the Turkes campe, and that the most part of that army, left on liue, with wounds, famine, & sick­nesse was wonderfully weakened, & that daily innume­rable of them dyed, saying further that the Turkes were [Page] purposed to lay siege to the citie of Malta, and had for the same put in a readinesse fiue great peeces for the bat­tery, and for the drawing thereof thether, they had got­ten first twelue horses, and then foure, which sometime pertayned to garrison of the citie of Malta.

In the meane time the Viceroy with the Nauy of the Christians, which by tempest was put vnto Aegusa, ha­uing conuenient winde to retourne, came backe againe into Sicilia to Drepano, and from thence did set saile to­wards Gozo. In sayling, the two gallyes of the Ioannits espying two foists of the Turks gaue charge vpon them, and tooke them, and so the fifth day of September came to Gozo. But the Viceroy espying no signes out of Malta, for conuenient and safe landing there, returned to Po­zalo in Sicilia againe. After whom Auria followed, and shewed that he had seene most certaine signes, out of Malta for safe landing there, to whose vvords the Viceroy giuing credit, came the day following in the morning betimes with his whole Nauy to Gozo.

That day a fugitiue a Christian, stale out of the Turks campe, and came to Borgo, sayeng hee came of purpose to bring him glad tidings, that the Turks, the day follow­ing would proue an assalt at Saint Michaels fortres, and if they sped well, they would abide, and if not, to giue vp the siege and depart. And to the end that the Turkes should haue the better courage to serue, hee promised to him, that first worthely would sasten his ensigne vp­on the walls, he should haue the reward of fiue talents of gold, and to promote him also to the higher roomes in the warres.

The great Master thinking (as alwayes hee did) [Page 99] that almighty God euer prouided such men to giue him intelligences, he gaue most humble & harty thanks to God, and then caused euery thing to bee set in a rea­dinesse, to ouerthrow the purpose of the cruell enemy.

The Turks all that day, with their great artillery, bett at the houses in Borgo, & at the ships riding in the port, wherewith a great ship there, was sunke. But Dom Garza, in the morning betimes departed with the Chri­stian Nauy from Gozo, and passing the straits ariued in Malta, and there landed his Army sercretly by point of day. And while his shippes stayed for him, he marched forward with the army about a foure furlongs, shewing to the Captaynes and their lieuetenaunts, what they should doe, and admonished them all, vnto such time as they came to the great Maister of Malta, euery edict and commandement that generally should bee made among them, to passe in the name of the king of His­pain, and than at their comming to the great Maister to obey him as they would doe vnto the king, if hee were in place. And in the meane time, commaunded the army to bee vnder the regiment of Ascanio Cornia, and hee to be aduised as the most part of the counsaile there should order. And so with exhortation of a few words, leauing the army marching towards the citie of Malta, the Viceroy about noonetide of the day came to his ships againe, and with the same sayled towards the East part of the Iland, and stayed in the sight of the Citie of Malta, beeing but three miles on the South from the sea.

Whom when the citie espied it is not to be demanded if they were ioyfull, for in an assured signe and token of [Page] gladnesse, they vnbended the whole artillery of the citie.

The Viceroy agayne hearing the same, caused the gun­ners of the whole nauy, to answere the citie, with blow­ing of, twise of all the artillery in the Christian fleet. That done the Viceroy returned into Sicilia, to receiue into the Nauy, the bands of the duke of Vrbine, and of certaine Spaniards, that were stayeng at Messana & Sarragoza, and with them to returne towards Malta, to follow and per­secute the Nauy of the Turks, which in manner was vn­armed. The Turkes this while, that purposed to assault the fortres of Saint Michael agayne, & so to proue if they could win the same, a few dayes before the comming of the Christian nauy, had begun to packe, and gather toge­ther their necessaries, but vnderstanding of the arriuall of the Christian fleet, and landing of the Christians army, immediately some sounded the alarme, some crying to remoue, and so meruaylous fearefull, euery one seeking for the coūsell that was thought best▪ some began to fly away, some to take weapon in hand, but the most part of the Turks marching to the trenches retired theyr ar­tillery, and did set fire in the forty fications that could bee burnt, and so with as much expedytion as they could they drew their artillery and the rest of their bag­gage into their ships.

Which when the garrison of Borgo perceyued they manfully issued out, and gaue charge vpon certayne bands of Turkes that were at a place called B [...]rmola, garding a great and mighty peece of artillery.

The Turks hauing no lust to fight, fled away a pace leauing the great peece in the possession of the Chri­stians, [Page 100] which the Christians with force drew into Borgo, and if at that time, the new supply of the Christians had beene there in a readynesse, and to haue giuen charge on the backe of the enemyes, while they were thus in hasting to theyr shippes, either they had o­pened to themselues a manifest path way of victory ouer the Turks, or else to haue spoyled them of the most part of their great artillerie.

But I thinke if the new supply had bene there pre­sent perhaps they would rather haue followed the an­cient, opinion of famous men of warre saying, Hosti abeunti viam sternendam esse, pontem (que) vel argenteum faci­endum, giue way to a flying enemie▪ yea and if you make for him a bridge of siluer. Albeit the garrisons of Borgo and Saint Michael, (by reason of their fresh victu­all & other necessaries appertayning to further besieg­ing if neede were, which through the vnequallitie of the wayes & lacke of horses, was verie difficultlie and with much labour on foote brought to them from the citie) thought not requisit to trouble the flying enemie, with further skirmishes. Wherby the Turks shipped their car­riage artillery, and the most part of their army, without great let or impediment. So the xi of September the Tur­kish nauy departed from Porto Musetto, when a fugitiue a Genoua born came to the prince Valet saying, that 10000 Turks were landed againe, & marching towards the citie of Malta, to fight with the armie of the Christians, which were comming towards Borgo. Which when the great Maister heard immediatly hee sent certaine bands, to seaze the sortresse of Saint Hermes, and there to fixe the ensigne of the sacred order.

[Page]Who accordingly forthwith departing, tooke the pos­session of the Fortres vvherein they found foure and twentie peeces of Artillerie, great & small: vvhich the Turkes (hauing no further leasure) could not take away vvith them.

The Nauie of the Turks this vvhile departing from Porto Musetto, passed vnto the Port of Sainct Paule, and there dyd set on land seuen thousand Turkes, vnder the leading of Mustapha, their Generall by land. Who had intelligence giuen him that the vvhole Armie of the Christians vvhich newly vvere come, exceeded not the number of three thousand soldiours. And there­fore being the more bold to fight, by reason of the lit­le number vvhich he supposed that vve vvere of, he marched on proudly towards the Citie of Malta, and in his vvay thetherward, Mustapha discouered the Armie of the Christians. Who espyeng the Turks, and ready to fight, marched forward couragiously against them, and encountering vpon a hill, the Christians valiantly gaue charge vpon the Turkes; at vvhich first encounter few vvere slaine of either side. But in the ende by reason that our number vvas both greater and our force ther­with the more, the Turks gaue back and fled, the Chri­stians followed, killing and ouerthrowing them, vnto such tyme the rest vvere driuen to their shippes, but vvhilst each one clustered to get to their nauy through to much hast, there perished in the sea about foure hun­dred Turkes, and a thousand and eight hundreth slaine on the land. So as if our Christians had bene expert of the places, and knowne the land, there needed not one of the Turkes to haue escaped away on liue.

[Page 101]The Turks beeing thus beaten into theyr ships, stay­ed still with their Nauy in the port of Saint Paule, all the next day following, & a great part of the next night then before day in shoting of a warning peece being a signe of their departure, they set sayle and departed towards Grecia, leauing the Iland of Malta, shamefully wasted and enpouerished.

Thus the Turks beeing driuen out of Malta, to their notable calamitie and ouerthrow, the Prince Valet made victorious with immortall glory, caused generall proces­sions and prayers to bee made to almightie God for his infinit benefits to them shewed in this carefull time, as­crybing the chiefest cause of this victory to his inexpres­sable goodnes, then Valet distributed to the worthy ser­uitures, that honorably had behaued themselues al this while, condigne rewards, in praysing openly euery one according to his demerits with continuall thankes to them all for their great paines, and trauayles passed. Vnto the wounded and sicke he had such tender regard for the restitution of their health, as though it had ben to himselfe. Hee lamented much the destruction & wa­sting of the country of Malta, and earnestly deuised for the repayring thereof againe. Amongst all these things he did not forget to learne, which way, or whether, the enemy this while passed, & what he pretended, which many, in the middes of theyr victory, letteth passe, for which cause euery one hath giuen this worthy Valet the name of a most prudent, valiaunt, and courteous prince, and as one prepared of God, to remaine on the earth, to the defence of his sacred religion, that during his life, euery thing vnder his charge, cannot but remaine [Page] fortunate and prosperous. About this time Soliman sent a mightie Armie to inuade Hungarie, vvhich, the Spring time after, he himselfe in person followed: tho­rough vvhose comming, vvhole Germany (as it had good cause▪) vvas meruailously afraied, and gathered themselues together.

The Germans of auncient tyme haue, vvith other nacions, rather for glory than their owne safegarde, made warres▪ But vvith the Turks rather for their owne safetie they haue alwaies foughten, than for any glory that they haue sought thereby. Howbeit Maximilian the Emperour gathering together a great Army against Soliman, proceded and layed seege to a place [...]led Vespe [...], and dyd by assalt vvinne the same from the Turks. But Soliman vpon an other part vvan [...]om the Emperour Segest and Iula, being two places of no litle importance.

Whan as the fifth of September, Anno 1566. Soliman the Emperour in the course and rase of his victories ended his lyfe in the famous▪ Citie of▪ Quinque Eccle­sie: vvhich of fiue Churches in the same is so called. To vvhome his sonne Silimus succeeded in his Em­pire and dominsons▪ vvho if he were like in condici­ons, either to his father Soliman, or to his grand father Selymus▪ and Germany to continue in his Intestine and inward contencions and diuisions, as it still doth, it is to be much▪ f [...]a [...]ed▪ but that it vvould happen to Ger­many [...]vvhich alredy [...]ath▪ chaunced to the infortunate countries of Thracia, Dacia, Maesia, and the most part of their vvofull and miserable neighbour the Kingdom of Hungary.

[Page 102]For it is an assured and very true sayeng that Nul­la tam magna tam (que) firma potentia est, quam discordia non comminuat et perdat. There is no Kingdome or Pow­er, be it neuer so great and mightie, vvhich discord and ciuill discencion in it selfe, doth not distroy and bring to confusion.

The end of the third Booke.

To the three worshipfull brothers wor­thy Patrons of vertue and all good Arts, Robert Carr, William Carr, and Edward Carr, in the Countie of Lincolne Esquiers: Raffe Carr their most affectionate kinsman wisheth all content.

HAuing Right worthy Gentlemen, for­merly made knowne to euery of you: by such simple remembrances as my power could aford, how much I desire & day­ly studie in perticuler to serue & ho­nor you: I thought it now not amisse, treating of one argument comd of the same kindred, & deriued from the general obseruations which euery where with profit in these three first bookes are to be gathered, thus ioyntly to you all to perticipate this common good: For if the vse which euery one ought arightly to make in the reading of Histories, be grounded chiefely in the electi­on of taking, or leauing, the better, or worse, of such things as by examples are faithfully propounded: which vpon occasion should be applied either to the well gouerning of a priuate life, or to the inabling of our vnderstanding for counsell in our countries seruice: In either part I say I know none, (of many who haue had these Turkish affaires with the perpetuall feli­citie in consideration) to whome with more credit a man may giue beleefe, then to Hubert Folieta the Genuoys, whilst with much wisedome, grauitie, and discreation, he handleth though briefely, the causes of the greatnesse of the Turkish Empire, to his deere friend the famous Captaine Marcus Antonius Columna. A treatise I suppose to euery conceauing man, or such whome the care of a common good doth possesse very ac­ceptably. [Page 103] This same therfore for the former alleged reasōs, haue I heere annexed▪ so faithfully as I could persuade the nice Ita­lian tongue to speake our proper language. To which I haue fur­ther added, (that the occasion of this discourse might the bet­ter be apparant,) the narration of the war of Ciprus, held be­twixt the Turk and Venetians, some xxx. yeeres agoe. In which their wars, the Venetiās being excedingly ouerborne, (notwith­standing that notable victorie obtained by them and their con­federates in the Gulfe of Corinth,) made priuely their peace, without knowledge giuen therof either to the Pope, or king of spaine, who in these wars had ben their associats: whilst Marcus Antonius Columna, Pope Pius quintus general, alwaies in opinion against the same, persuaded to his power the contrary: & that so worthy an occasion of further victory, should not so vnworthely be relinquished. Of which matter imparting his mynde to his friend Folieta, it became the subiect of this en­suing discourse: wherin Folieta not intermedling with what the Venetians had done, onely layes downe in general such cau­ses, (as by great reason may be thought) of those fortunate suc­cesses which hourely attend the Turkish Ensignes. To which I had rather remit you, then longer to deteine with the harshnes of an ill pleasing Epistle. And now hauing for the present done that due obseruance to you all, of me long both determined, and desired: I most earnestly beseech you to take my boldnesse in good part, void of all saucie presumption: my meaning as it is, clothed in a sincere will alwaies to serue & honor you: & my request as I shall deserue, for euer to be preserued in your good opinion. Wherwith if you shall so much grace me, I protest there can no one thing giue more fulnesse to much of that happinesse which in this world I affect: wherof nothing distrusting, though meanely deseruing, I take my leaue and rest.

Your most bounden for euer Raffe Carr.

¶THE NARRATION of the warres of Cyprus, held betwixt the Venetians, and the Turks, [...] during the yeeres. 1570. and 1571.

CYprus, so called by reason of the rich Copper Mynes therein contei­ned, plentiefull, and abounding in excellent Wynes, Wheate, Oyle, & Suger: being in deed that true Me­carian Isle vnder xxxv. degrees of the Poles eleuation: standeth in the Gulfe Issicus, distant twentie German myles from Syria, conteining in length fiftie miles, of the sayd German measure, but in breadth ten or twelue at the most, and in diuers places lesse.

Salamis, the Citie of Cyprus, built by Teucer Aea [...]ide: held for their Kings for many discents: the same Teu­crians, of vvhich race Euagoras, and Nicocles vvere, men celebrated and made famous by Isocrates Orations: To these Teucrians succeded the Ptolomees: to them the Ro­mans: vnder vvhose gouernment, although much and grieuously vexed by the Saracines, they cōtinued firme and constant, vnto the time of Andronicus Commenus, and Henry the sixt Emperors: For about the yeere 1190 Richard the sonne of Henry the second, King of Eng­land, sayling towards Palestine, and put from landing in that Island, by Isaac Commenus then the gouernour; tooke the same by force: vvhich afterwards he gaue to Guy of Lusignan, (sonne in law of King Almerick, vvho had lost the Citie of Hierusalem) in exchange, [Page 104] for the bare tytle and name to him and his posteritie, of the sayd Crowne of Hierusalem.

The issue and lyne of vvhich Guy, enioyed the sayd Kingdome of Cyprus 250. yeeres, vntill the tyme that Peter reigned, vvho vvas taken prisoner by the Soul­dan of Aegipt, but afterward vpon Tributarie condici­ons restored, to vvhich Peter succeded Peter the sonne, vvho at the death of his Father, being very young, vvas afterward married to Haelena Paleologa, and by hir had issue Carlotta, married first to Iohn, King of Portugall. But lastly to Lewes, Duke of Sauoy, vvhich Lewes for a small time reigned King of Cyprus.

This second Peter, [...]ad likewise a bastard issue, called Iames, vvho by the help of the Souldan of Egipt expel­led from the kingdome of Cyprus the sayd Lewes of Sauoy. Iames tooke to vvyfe Katherin, the daughter of Marcus Cornelius, adopted by the state of Venice, vvho being vvith childe by hir husband, (and he before hir deliuerie dyeng, in the yeere 1470.) The said Common vvealth, tooke to their charge, both the mother, child, and Kingdome. But shortly after the enfant dyed, sup­posed to haue bene poisoned by the practise of that state: vvho solely thereby possessing themselues of the kingdome, reduced the same into the forme of a Pro­uince: Katherin the mother being brought back to Ve­nice, vvho liued to the yeere 1510. Now Selymus the first Emperour of the Turks, after the vtter oppressing of the Souldans, and taking of the kingdome of Egipt, caused the yeerely reuenue vvhich beefore vvas accustomed to be paied to the said Souldans by the kings of Cyprus, of all such merchandise as were brought in or transpor­ted [Page] thence, to be set in certaine 8000 Duckets, vpon condicion of which paimēt by way of a yeerely tribute he freely graunted to the Venetians as to his vassals, the possession of the said lle: which paimēt of 8000 ducats▪ the Venetians onely would suppose to be graunted as an honorable reward, or gratuitie, & in no sort as a tribute▪

But Selymus the second demaunding of the said Vene­tians by a Harrauld, the Fee & possessiō of Cyprus, which hetherto hee alleadged they had held vnder condicion of a yerely tribute, affirmed their whole right, (so they had any) to be extinguished, & the Intrest to be deuol­ued, & comd back to him, as the superior & Paramont Lord: Because contrary to the allegance due to the lord of the Fee, the said Venetians had giuen harborough, and receit, vnto certaine Spanish Pirats, enemies to the sayd Selymus, who by the licence of the Venetian Magistrates, had brought into Cyprus, & ther made sale of great pil­lage & certain booties taken out of Cilicia:

And although diuers other of the Turkish Emperours had tollerated the said Venetians to vvith-hould vvhat vvas not their right, yet he the said Selymus had in de­termination to haue his due: vvith vvhich if in good accord they vvould be content to depart. he vvas not in any sort to violate their bonds of amitie, or breake the peace, but vvould endeauour in euery degree to ad­uance the estimation of that common vvealth.

If otherwise, yet he the sayd Selymus, vvas not to for­goe his right, vvose meaning vvas to recouer the same by force.

The Venetians vpon this message, although (by the scarcitie of prouision and vittailes vvhich for diuers [Page 105] yeeres before they had endured, as likewise by the firing of their Arsenall, (wherein the yeere precedent, their whole sea preparation had ben consumed,) they were mightely perplexed and amated, yet with noble resolu­tion they returned aunswere, that the sayd Selymus had no iust cause why to bereaue them of their iurisdiction in Ciprus, which now for a hundred yeeres, in right of inheritance they had peaceably possessed, and that the yeerely pension accustomed to be paid to the Soldans of Egipt, was no tribute dew to him, as to the superior lord, but onely an honorable gratuity, whereby the kings of Cyprus were accustomed to acknowledge their thankful­nesse vnto the said Souldans, as to their benefactors and friends, by whose help Peter sometimes the king there had recoueted the same. In which their good cause they made no doubt of gods asistance. by whose aide and help, they had decreed & nothing doubted with force of armes to repell the violence and iniuries of Selimus: and to defend Ciprus.

This answere returned to Constantinople, all the mar­chants of Venice trading there, were presently apprehen­ded, their goods seased, and Pial Bassa Admirall at sea, with a nauy, Mustapha Bassa with an army by land, (con­ducted through Asia and Cilicia) were sent against Ci­prus. Whilst in the meane time at Venice, Petrus Laure­danus duke of that common wealth, by griefe and dis­content dyed, during whose gouernment many heauie mischances, and calamities, had beefallen that state, o­thers more daungerous daily ensuing. To this Laureda­nus with great applause of the people, Lodouicus Mocine­ga succeded. The generall appointed for this war of Ci­prus, [Page] was Hieronimus Zanius an old man, high fourescore yeeres of age, yet of much viuacitie and abilitie in body, who slowly coasting along Iadera and Corcyra, made thereabouts, whilst the rest of the Nauy should approch, an idle and vnprofitable aboade, but in the end houlding course towards Creet, hee there continued, as he had in commaund expecting the ayding forces of the Pope, the king of Spaine, & of Cosmus duke of Florence.

But now whilst these affayres, were in this sort car­ried by them, Piall Bassa the Turkish Admirall, first put­ting a strong garrison in Rhodes, aryued at Micarium in Ciprus, vpon the Calends of Iune, whether Mustapha Bassa had likewise transported both his foote and horse for­ces, without any worlds resistance. Now the Venetians a little beefore had fortified the citie of Nicosia (distant from the sea coast seauen Germain myles, and which in formerages had both ben the seat of theyr kings & an Archb [...]shops s [...]a,) with eleauen bulwarks & a garrison of two thousand soldiors, vnder the gouernment of Ni­ch [...]us Tond [...]us & Astor B [...]leonius. This city Mustapha (be­ing without impeachment master of the field) besieged, erecting round about the same many fortes and scon­ses; which hauing by a whole month both battered & often assalted, was in the end taken by force, where hee repayring the ruins of the said fortifications, and plan­ting therin a garrison, enforcing the course of his fur­ther victory, vpon the 16. of September, the same yeere he began to laie siege to Famagosta.

On which day, the Christians who had lingered all this while about Creet, with a nauy of 200 ships, wholie ignorant what things had hapt at Cyprus, and now set­ting [Page 106] sayle from Heraclea Sentia, not far of encountred Lo­douicus Bembus, who recounted the losse of Nicosia, wher­vpon the generals of the fleete Hieronimus Zanius, Iohn Andreas Auria, & Marcus Antonius Columna, with others calling a counsaile of war, through different & delaying opinions, whervnto may be added the misfortune of a horrible tempest which dispersed the fleet, lost both op­portunity, & the aduantage of executing any honoura­ble attempt. In which their consultations it was chiefely argued, that now the haruest being far spent, & the win­ter drawing neere, the nauigation of the Pamphilian seas would be exceeding dangerous, besides if ought should fall out otherwise then well, there was no where therea­bouts safe harborough for the ships. That the Turks now becomd insolent through the successe of their late vctio­ry would fight with greater courage then before, hauing besides all the hauens & other harboroughs friend vnto them, whom it was not now possible by any meanes as matters were fallen forth, to expel from Ciprus. The con­federates further alledging that they were sent onely in ayde of the Venetians, not to recouer things once lost, but to giue let least ought shold be lost, which occasion since it could not be holden, it was thought most conuenient againe to returne [...]o Creet & the gulfe of Venice. Andreas Auria likewise alledged for himselfe, how he had in cō ­mand from the king of Spaine his Maister to come back with his nauy in the end of September, wherevpon this Christian captaines casting away both hope, & counsell, of recouering Ciprus: & retyring backe were before they could recouer Creet, with great stormes of winde, they and their whole fleete miserably afflicted.

[Page]Now when they were ariued at Creet, Andrea Au­ria craued lisence to depart, that so he might obey his princes command, from whom hee had in charge, for the reducing of his fleet to Messana in Sicilia▪ which the generall of the Venetians did not deny him. Whom Hie­ronimus Zanius himselfe, within few daies followed, lea­uing behinde him with the charge of the army & chiefe command Sebastian Venerio, but the said Zanius ariuing at Corcira, the senate of Venice, with much contempt did there abrogate his authority, and from thence sent him to Venice prisoner.

So this yeere thus vnprofitably spent, and with in­finit charge wastfully cast away, this Christian fleet fur­nished of euery thing requisit, as souldiours, captaines, munityon, mony, victualls, and in deede what not, who had in admirable expectation of some worthy exployt drawen the eyes of all Europe, most by their variable, different, and deldying counsells, partly by tempests & the pestilence, which in short time had consumed ma­ny numbers of gallie slaues, and marriners, became vt­terly frustrate.

When Pialis Bassa (who by spyes had vnderstoode of the departure of Auria, and the Venetians from Creet) passing by Rhodes, and after by the [...] Ilands, re­turned to Constantinople. But Mustapha. Bassa, that had ta­ken Nicosia, and now enforcing the course of his victory, had besieged Famagosta, hee I say leauing in the harbo­rough and other parts of the Iland sufficient strength against incursions, drew the residue of his forces to winter in other garrisons.

Now the Venetians hauing theyr Nauy thus retur­ned [Page 107] vvithout aught vvorthelie executed: created a tri­umuitate Capitall, for the finding forth and punishing of all such as arightly might be sayd to haue bene faul­tie in that fleet, vvhereby that expedition had no bet­ter successe, their vvars prouision to so small purpose spent, and so great an ouerthrow, vvith derogation to the honor and reputation of the Venetian name, had happened.

They likewise laboured to compounde a Peace vvith the Turks, for vvhich cause they sent to Constan­tinople, Iacobus Ragazonus, to deale vvith Mahomet Bassa, vvhom they vvell hoped to haue found fauorable and better inclining thervnto, then the rest.

But all this in vaine, therefore vvith great care and industrie they procure the contract of a league, or con­federacie betwixt themselues: the Pope Pius Quintus & Phillip king of Spaine: by sundrie extraordinarie meanes they leuie huge [...]summes of monie, and repaire vvith larger prouision, their vveather beaten and vnarmed Gallies of Corcyra. Committing the vvhole charge and commaund of these affaires to Sebastian Venerio, then Gouernour of Creet, vvhilst in the meane time Pertai Bassa made by Silimus high Admirall of all the Turk­ish forces by Sea, landith in Cyprus, a new power, and Mustapha Bassa, chiefe Generall of all the Armie by land, vvith much extremitie, as hardly beseeged the Citie of Famagosta: vvhan the vvorthie Captaines Marcus An­tonius Bragadenus, Astor Beleonius, Lodouicus Martinigus, and Laurencius Tenpolus, most valiantlie for the said Ve­netians defended.

The Citie Famagosta, is seated in the East part of that [Page] Isle towards the Syrian sea, not farre from Constanti [...], famous for that vvorthy Bushop Epephanius, vvhich is supposed to be the same Salamis antiently inhabited of those kings of Teucria. This Citie of Famagosta, vvas built and enlarged by Henry of the Famely of Lusig­nana, King of Cyprus, about the yeere of Christ 1295. at vvhat tyme Ptolemais vvas lost, (vvhich vvhilst it was possessed of the Christians, vvas that famous Staple vvherein the trafficke of all commodities comming either from the East or West continents, vvas exerci­sed.) But Famagosta although both by Nature and Art strongely fortefied, beeing beefeiged and assalted by this huge Armie of the Turkes, with all meanes which open vvarre, or secret pollicie, could deuise: at length after eleauen monthes defence, vveakened vvith ex­tremities, and voyde of all hope or ayde, vvas brought to those difficulties, as they vvere enforced to ren­der the same to Mustapha, vppon composition, that so their liues, goods, and the vse of Religion to those Christians that would remaine ther, should be free: & to the rest not willing, passage might be had & safe cōduct to depart.

But the perfedious Turke, (litle regarding his faith, or Soldiours assurance formerly giuen) vvhen the said Captains and Magistrats, accompanied vvith a trayne of their valiant & vvarlike companions, (to whom by name he had giuen their safe conducts) approched his tent, gaue order all, should be kild, Anthonius Bragadenus onely excepted, to whom after three seuerall cōmands in his presence to haue his head cut of, yet changing his purpose for the greater ignomenie, permitted his nose [Page 104] onely & eares to be lopt away.

And vvheras three hundreth besids of the Christians, vvere come forth into the Camp vpon securitie of the peace, these as the rest, he bid should be pittifully slain. And for such as were gone abord the ships in hope to haue sailed for Creet, he caused them besids the dispoi­ling of their goods, to be made all Gally slaues. After which, Mustapha the next day entring the Citie, Teupolus by his command was strangled. And Anthonius Bragade­nus ye cities gouernor thus deformed & dismēbred in his nose and eares, after he had by way of mockery carried in show about the most special, & famous parts of the citie, reuiling him with all kinde of villanies, caused his skin whilst he was yet quick, to be fleane of: the which torment Bragadenus with great constancie endured, cal­ling God for witnesse & reuenge of so monstrous cru­eltie, and perfedious brech of faith.

These things thus executed in Cyprus, the Turkish nauie on purpose to vvith-hould the Venetians from at­tempting aught for the regayning of the sayd Is [...]e, en­tred the Gulfe of Venice, persecuting all such Cities on the coast of Dalmatia, both by sea and land, as vvere vnder the obedience of the sayd Venetians.

Whilst in the meane tyme the confederate Na­uie of the Christian Princes verie leasurely vvere as­sembled at Sicilta▪ The Generall whereof vvas Don Iohn de Austria, the base begot▪ sonne of Charles the fith, and brother to Phillip King of Spaine, vvho enbar­king at Barcilona, brought vvith him along to Genua, Rodolph, and Ernestus, the sonnes of Maximilian, the se­cond, then Emperour.

[Page]From whence goeing to Naples, and thence sailing to Messana in Sicilia, he there expects the rest of the associ­ate leaguers, vvhich vvere one hundreth and eight Gal­lies of the Venetians, from Creet, and elsewhere, thirtie from Naples, twelue from Panormos, twelue from Genua, vnder the conduct of Andreas Auria: twelue from the Pope, vvhose Captaine vvas Marcus Antonius Columna, foure from Malta, vvith some others out of Spaine which all of them should ther meete together. Where now though late, being assembled vpon the fourth of Sep­tember, they vveyed their Ancors in Messana Port: and coasting the Salentine, and Lacinian promontorie, they passed the Ilands of Corcyra and Cephalenia, and came to the Gulfe of Corinth, vvhere they vnderstood that the Turkish fleete at the Ilands Echinadas, vvere then re­mayning.

In this Turkish Nauie, vvere chiefe of commande: Hali Bassa the Admirall, Pertai Bassa, Lusalis King of Algier, Hamsam sonne of Barbarussa, the Sir [...]ch of Alex­andria, vvith others to vvhome the great Seignior had giuen command, that in any case the Christian fleete should not alone be fought vvith, but ouercome.

Where ioyning in Battell vvith the Christians, in the sayde Gulfe of Corinth, vpon the Nones of Octo­ber, GOD giueing vs the victorie, the Turkes vvere vvhollie discomfited and enforced to flye.

Their great Admirall shippe taken, Haly Bassa slaine, and some thousands of Captiue Christians vvho wer slaues in the Turkish Fleet, sett at libertie.

For vvhich Victorie, generallie thorough Europe there vvas thanks publickly giuen to God, vvith other [Page 109] spectacles & shewes of ioy, [...]et for all that those worthy captaines left no sooting of any other memorable ex­ploit or trophe puld from the empire of the Turkish ty­ [...]ant, as was well supposed they might, who notwith­standing the same, held no [...] onely the whole Isle of Ci­prus, but many townes besides in Dalmatia before taken, amongst which Vlcinium and Docleum wonne by force were not the least.

In the yeere 1571 then next following the Veneti­ans both feeling and fearing the forces of that mightie enemy, wherwith they were well nigh opprest, made preparation againe for all things needefull to these wars. But vvhilst nevv stirs in the lovv countryes, and borders of France, did seeme to encomber king Philip: the suc­cours from the confederates long in comming, Don Iohn de Austria, about the Calends of September repayred to the place of appointment, and the associates vvith their fleet, scarce shewing themselues to the Turkes at Pelopo­nesus, without ought else worthie of that preparation, had retired to their places of vvintering. The Venetians I say, supposing themselues forsaken, and left to them­selues, without the priuity of any other their confede­rates priuely made peace with Selymus.

Of vvhich vvhile diuers men, diuersly did dispute according as affection or fancy led them, Marcus Anto­nius Columna Admirall of the Popes nauie (who in this expedicion vvas a companion and associate to Iohn de Austria, the chiefe generall) amongst others was in o­pinion cleere against and improuing the same peace, condoling the deed, and constantly affirming so noble a victory thus got against the Turks, vvas to haue beene [Page] prosecuted with all might and mayne, which not one­ly in his publike and familier conferences, hee had osten protested, but likewise had affirmed by his let­ters, (writ to his auncient friend Hubert Folieta of Ge­nua,) wherevnto whilst hee the said Folieta returnes aunswere, and his opininion withall, hee further takes occasion therevpon, to touch some causes of the greatnesse, of the Turkish Empire, with their perpetu­all felicitie and good successe in those their warring af­fayres, the which for that it is most worthy to be read, as well for the excellent wit therein contayned, as for the great profit, and pleasure which thereby may be conceyued, I thought it not vnbeefitting heereunto to haue it annexed.

¶ The causes of the greatnesse of the Turkish Empire, vvritten by Hubert Folieta of Genua, to the famous Captaine, Mircus Antonius Columna.

YOV write most worthy Columna, what great griefe you conceiue, in considering this peace, thus concluded betwixt the Turks and Venetians, being ashamed as you say, of the condicion of vs Christians, that notwithstanding the memorable sea victory gotten a­gainst them by the confederate princes, (wherein your selfe, with that most fortunate prince, Don Iohn de Austria was both a counsellor and companion in command,) then which since the suppression of the Romain empyre, there was neuer seene or heard any more famous, yet notwithstanding the great ioy, thereon conceiued is sodaynely setled, the hopes from so happy beginnings which had enflamed good mens mindes in short time vanished, and the preparations of so high and excellent counsells comd to naught.

For my owne part (sir) I am in opinion, that not onely the griefe but the shame is to all noble mindes, as to your selfe in common. What the determination of the Venetians was therein, as I doe not well know, so if I did, it is not needefull that I should detect it. For there are some as it is well knowen to you, vvho mightely disalovv of vvhat is done, and are much dis­content, that they through pusilnanimity, and sodaine [Page] dispaire should so giue vp their friends, who for theyr sakes alone, had thrust themselues in the dangers and charge of those wars, to which opinion I perceiue you specially inclining. Others thinking otherwise and ex­cusing them doe aunswere that the Venetians perceiuing it lay not in their power, alone to manage these warres with sufficient might, and seeing few other of Christian prouinces and princes, ought prouoked by so worthie and good beginnings, or happy successe, whereby to take part either in paynes or charge, or to lay hould with the said confederates of so sayre an occasion, to conioyne the forces, and to reuenge so many iniuryes, in all former times receaued, now especially when it was suppoled, that the Turkes were vtterly dispolyed and left naked, both of friends, ships, or sea forces, and thereby had opportunitie to expell them, from forth whole Europe.

But chiefely the Germaine princes fayling, whom the many attempts of the Turks, against their state hath continually, with offens [...]ue armes vexed, afflicted with infinite losses, and nearest of all others, to the dan­ger had beene in these affayres, for theyr owne safetie to haue giuen them furtherance. All which motiues to others, smally auayling the said Venetians, and therefore destitute vtterly of hope, nor daring to support them­selues, in the succours of their confederates, knowing what enemy, they had in hand, they were compelled to prefer wholesome & commodious counsell, rather then plausible, and so without obstinacy to their destruction, (as was supposed) to prouide for theyr piuate affayres. Thus these thinges in both parts, diuersly disputed, ac­cording [Page 111] as euery man his affection or passion per­swades him thervnto. My selfe vvill leaue of vncertaine estimation, indifferent, to euerie mans ovvne peculier Iudgement, vvithout interposing myne, especiallie when the matters handled are to small purpose, the deede done not to be vndone, and that euerie expo­stulation is friuolus, vvhich is vvithout fruit.

But rather lett mee communicate with you, my honorable friend, in that whereof your Letters giue good occasion, and which may perhaps, bring with it to vs, both some profit, detecting such my cogitaci­ons, as often and long haue encombred my secret thoughts, and manifesting therein my opinion, which without some gaine, I hope shall not retourne againe. For if what my conceit is herein shalbe allowed by you, a man of so great estimation for wisedome, and ac­customed to the managing of high affaires, then shall I think my selfe assuredly protected from the calumi­nations of all maligners: or if not allowed, yet shall I giue occasion by my writing, wherby you may remoue the errour, which for long hath taken possession in my minde, and so in both these parts, it shall draw mee aduantage.

The effect whereof is, that as I haue alwaies houl­den these Turkish affayres to be both fearefull and pre­iudiciall to the good estate of all Christian Prouin­ces, yet now more then at any time am I driuen in­to a vvondefull admiration of the same, vvho hauing so great a Nauie vanquished, consisting of a huge num­ber of Shippes of vvarre, vvhereof part were sounk at sea, part taken by our men, together vvith so great pro­uision [Page] of munition and all other things befitting the vvarres, deuoured by the deepes: besides no small number of vvorthie vvarriours, Captaines of famous memory, expert Nauigators, (vvhereof there is great scarcitie euerie vvhere) vvhich in that battell perished▪ all of them being such things as by any accident once lost are hardly to be recouered in many yeeres conti­nuance, yet such and so great is found the forces and faculties of those Turkes, as notwithstanding all these losses vvith indaunted courages, forthwith they haue fitted a nother Fleet, litle inferiour to the first, vvhich prouided and at all points furnished, against the be­ginning of the following Sommer, sett sayle to Sea, daring to shew them selues in sight of our victorious Fleet, vvith semblance not to yeelde one foote to flight, so ours hadde bene so aduenturous to haue comd on.

Of vvhich matters vvhilst often I haue reasoned vvith my selfe, and searcht vvhat vvere the causes of so much greatnesse, vvhat artes & meanes had brought them to so much estimation, and how they could at­taine such excellent perfection in euery millitarie func­tion. Together how it comes to passe, that so many of our men should continually reuolt, and abiuring all Christian rites, becomes affect [...]rs of that impious Mahumetane sect, vvhilst on the other part vve finde none or very few of those repayring vnto vs.

Of these things I say, vvhilst vvith my selfe▪ I often argue vvhat I conceaue, may it please you heere to see sett downe,

[Page 112]First I hould that in both parts this case giues ra­ther cause of pittie, then admiration:

For beholding so manie Nations and People con­ioyned vvith vs in the indissoluble bondes of Chri­stian Charitie and Religion, vvho to our and a num­ber of Christian Princes shames, are dayelie borne downe vvith the heauie burthen of captiuitie, vvhilst vvee neither vvith care enter into the consideration of these things, or harbour the least thought in our hartes, to make them succour:

I say it is to be lamented, that so much blindenesse should haue thus possessed our mindes, vvhen in deed the miseries of our opprest brothers, ought no lesse moue vs to commisseration, then if the like daunger vvere discending vpon our owne heads.

We see this dayly increasing flame, catching hould of vvhatsoeuer comes next, still to proceed further, no [...] that the insatiable desire of dominion in these Turkes canne vvith any riches be content, or vvith the gay­ning of many mightie and vvealthie Kingdomes be so settled, but of vvhat is this daye gotten, to mor­row they build a new ladder vvhereby to clymbe to the obteyning of some newer purchase.

And vvhich to feare, is more fearefull. That vvher­as euery bondage in it selfe is hatefull and far worse in condicion then Death, yet that of the Turkes of all other is most crewell, most execrable: Who hould it not enough to bring the Prouinces in obedience, vnlesse all be vnder, vvho either excelled in Witte, Fortune, vvealth, or honour, all the Nobilitie slaugh­tered, [Page] or commaunded into farre distaunt and remote Countries, vvhome beereauing the exercise of eue­ry Noble Science, stripping of all necessarie orna­ments, deformed and mishapte in all basenesse, at length be brought to vvhat fulnesse of miserie may bee imagined.

And for those our brothers, vvhich is the second point in our griefe propounded,) I know not vvhe­ther it vvere better fitting to deplore their condici­on, then to detest their hatefull Impietie, vvho be­vvitched with the fayre shoe of a frayle and very smal good, renounce the euerlasting and Celestiall riches, abiure Christian Religion from Heauen discended, and by the sonne of Almightie GOD, to vs men deliuered, vvhich onely all other meanes shut vpp, makes free passage, and layes open the path that leades to eternall Blessednesse, and the Kingdome of Heauen.

These things as I first sayde, (deare friend) are to bee pittied, and vvherein vve are vvith all endeauour to labour, least at any tyme the lyke may happe to vs, or vve brought to the same passe, then vvhich in miserable miserie there is neither state nor place more abiect.

Now for this much admired Turkish glorie, and so many yeeres succesfull Felicitie, vvhereof vvhilst few aright enter into consideration, perhaps it may seeme vvith some verie straunge, yet in my conceit neither are the things them selues vnvsuall, nor the causes thereof obscure, vvhich then the better shall appeare, if one by one vve compare and examine [Page 113] their fashions, lawes, counsayles, and discipline, with those other of vs Christians.

First then none will deny me I am sure, but that a­mongst these causes, vvhich extoll kingdomes & com­mon wealths, to great wealth, much power, and high estimation, religion before the rest is to bee preferred, which religion containeth in it a double function, one is most excellent and deuine, and the same for which at first religion, was by heauenly prouidence, enspi­red into mansminde: this (as I sayd formerly) beeing the onely and most certaine guide, conducting to im­mortall blessednesse, then which was neuer greater gift granted to men by Almighty God, whose operation is such, as in regard thereof it drawes our affections to e­steeme all riches, all pleasures, kingdomes and com­mandes, or what may bee thought precious in this life, to bee vilde and of no valew: according to that saying, what shall it auayle mortality, to obtaine the dominion of the world, so in the end he make shipwracke of his owne soule.

A second function of religion is polliticall, apper­tayning to publike gouernment, and to contayne peo­ple in obedyence, and dew obseruation of lawes, wher­in all antiquetyes beare witnesse, that whosoeuer well and wisely haue founded cityes, societyes, or common wealthes, they haue alwayes had this part of religion much respected: which as it nothing detracts from the maiesty of religion, so doth it make the same, to bee holden in higher reuerence, whilst the vse and profit thereof, extends it selfe in each mans eye, to the go­uerning of all humane affayres, and preseruation of e­uery [Page] well planted state. Of that first and excellent part, we haue no purpose to speake, for it little appertaines to the argument in hand, wherein it shall iuffice thus much alone bee said, that all the lyse of euery Christi­an man, ought especially to bee spent in giuing thanks, to that deuine deity, by whose goodnesse we haue our soules illuminated, with the bryght beames of true re­ligion, all cloudes of erronyous darknesse driuen a­way, wherewith the mindes of such as are ignorant in the same bee hourely blinded, whereby wee may finde, how much better by infinit degrees, the condici­on of Christians is, rather then that of the Mahumetans, who misled by the lyes of that wicked Imposter, and following his damned positions, diuerting from the e­ternall path of saluation, are carryed headlong in theyr misbeliefe to hell torments, and euerlasting damnation: but let the vrging of this point, be the office of deuines, and now againe to my purpose.

Then let vs come to the poynt, which is proper to our question, wherin it shall be nothing pertinent whe­ther any professed religion, bee true or false, (for that as beefore is said, appertaynes to the soules saluation) but where of the vvhole substance vvill censist in this, that what religion soeuer receyued, may be sincerely & carefully obserued, by the supportacion of such a religi­on, onely kingdomes and nations, haue gathered great wealth, and attayned to great estimation, power, and dignity, as may be manifestly proued▪ both by forceable reason, and many memorable examples. For whereas it was apparant, that the chiefe and best meanes to en­large any Empire, is appropriate to the true knowledge [Page 114] of managing armes, and the glory of millitary profes­sion, in which two thinges, are specially respected, o­bedience and discipline, of both these, religion I say is the principall foundation, whereby it alwayes came to pasle, that euery nation aduaunced at any time to greatnesse, haue euer beene studious, and most care­full preseruers of the same.

In mayntayning which position omitting num­bers, that may bee named, I will content mee with the Romaines, who farre surpassed all other people in wisedome, as in wealth, valour, and glory.

For these graue and true experienced men, find­ing that the considerations of religion, were of great force, both to beautifie their state, and enlarge theyr Empire, in no one thing laboured more then the true obseruation of the same, possessing theyr people still with opinions of feare and reuerence towardes theyr Gods. To which alwayes so great beliefe was giuen, as nothing was euer executed in publike or priuate, which was not attempted, as hauing the Gods the first authors thereof. So as what euer of their affayres were finished, what new designes taken in hand, what ex­pedicion put in practise, what fortune of war assayed which was not done, the Gods first consulted, nor did they labour any other thing in those theyr vowing and rendring vowes, dedication of Temples, obseruation of progedies (wherein the wise of that age were ex­ceeding ceremonious) with sacrifice and supplications, beseeching the good will of the Gods, but to perswade the people that whatsoeuer was done was all by the pleasure & permission of the same gods, who obseruing [Page] euery action of mans life, becomes sharpe chastisers of wrong and wickednesse, but most seuere reuengers of theyr owne neglected or contemned deitye, whereby it came to passe, that amongst those Romaines, no cryme was accompted so haynous, as that of an oth or faith plighted & broken: and of this religion how great the estimation was, it may perfectly appeare, by that exam­ple onely, when as the counsell, with so great dilligence laboured, to diswade them from those assemblyes of the Tribunes, determining in the fauour of the people to propound certaine lawes, against which the Senate in oposition, could giue no other let, but that the consulls should proclaime, the leading forth of the legions in ex­pedicion, from the attendance of which warfare, whilst the people had no power to resist, neither could the au­thoritye of the Tribunes giue any redresse, they before hauing in that case sworne their obedyence to the con­sull, and seeing no other meanes, how to rid them of their religious oath then by the death of the sayd con­cull, consulted amongst themselues to kill him: whereof they had put the practyse in full executyon, if it had not further beene tould them, that no religon could bee dissolued by any contryued mischiefe: holding murder as it seemed, in a lesse degree then the violatyon of theyr faith. Which one thing, euer held their souldiers so obseruant to the will of their commanders, to whom they had once giuen the assurance of the same, that that people which in a setled peace, was neuer but stub­borne and rebellious agaynst theyr superiors, the same in war were euer found quiet & contented, bound one­ly by this military oath, whereof by peace alwayes they [Page 115] became discharged. To which againe may be said, so great was their regard, that they would prefer the ob­seruation of the same, before the preseruacion of their owne liues: submitting their heads euen to the block, if at any time according to the manner of those wars the Consull should giue in command for any seruice not well executed, that a Capitall decimating amongst them, should be made, and by this it came to passe, that through the doubtfull daunger of death, both by the enemie and their commander propounded: their souldiours alwaies in vvarres vvere assured to doe the vtmost of their iudeuours to ouercome: chosing ra­ther to dye valiantly fighting, then be vanquished, least in the feare of an incertaine death, vvhose perill they might perhaps auoide by bouldnesse and resolution, they might incure that certaine slaughter, from auoy­ding vvhereof, Religion cut of all hope: For vvhich cause, I Iudge that no vvise man will deny mee but Religion as in euery publike designe, so especially in the affaires of vvarre, is a most firme foundation.

Now whether that this part of religion is either of the Turks or vs Christians, not more sincere care and sacred constancie obserued, I rather leaue it to euery mans pe­culiar opinion, then therin to deliuer my owne iudge­ment, yet some things I will note by the vvay: as they come into my minde. First since that the especiall parts of religion consisteth principally in this, that all things be referred to that supreme power by whose wil we be­leeue euery humane action to be gouerned, it is vvon­der how far the Turks for this point surpasse vs, hauing that opinion with such firmnes setled in their minds & [Page] attributing so much to the deuine prouidence, that ther in they seeme rather to exceede to much, then beleeue to little, vvhilst necessarily they vvill tye vvhat euer be­falls vs, vnto fate, by no humane counsells or prouision auoidable: For vvhich cause they suppose that by ye same fate a certaine limit of time is assigned euery mans lyfe, vvhich neither can be prolonged beyond the same, nei­ther by any meanes of vs shortned, & therfore vvhē the appointed houre of death shall come, of necessitie the same must be vndergone: in vvhich houre, vve are as cer­taine to dye, though priuately shut vp in any chamber & deuided by all meanes from danger, as if a man vver conuersant in the heat & fury of fight, vvher a thousand vveapons vver bent against his bosome, vvhich death, if not by heauen decreed, there amongst these vveapons of as great safetie may a man assure himselfe, as in his owne chamber: now this opinion though it may be dis­proued, in so much as thus it attributeth to the necessi­tie of destinie or fate, yet to ye matter handled, it brings this gteat good, that the Turkes become therby more cō ­fident & bould, vvhether fighting in battaill or vnderta­king any other dangerous exploit, because thereby the feare of death is fully bereaued thē, the certaintie wher­of as they conceaue, cōsisteth not in perills, but in their vnauoidable destinie. Now that all humane affaires are in the supreme & deuine moderation, depēding wholly vpon the power of heauen, is a most holy true & Chri­stian opinion, which as euerie man ought constantlie beleeue, so must we eschew all causes that seeme to im­pech the credit thereof. And therfore vve are to con­sider, least by the contrarie perswasions of any philoso­phie, [Page 116] vve may be missed, especiallie by that of the Peri­patikes, whose opinions are now a daies in high estima­tion. The great part of whom doe so dispute of the de­uine nature, as though it had no humane affaires, nor could haue anie in consideration, being a most damned doctrine, & vnworthie ye maiestie of heauen, for so with one stroke they vtterlie cut of all religion: For in vaine then should we praie, vow, sacrifice, or by anie other act of grace, besech the goodnesse of almightie God, craue his assistance, or desire he shuld behold vs in mercy, whē vve are assured before hand, that none of all these he ei­ther doth▪ or can regard: which impediment is bereaued the Turkes whilst they are quite forbidden the studie of Philosophie, (though I am not ignorant how that wicked seducer Mahomet, had therin a further meaning: viz: least by the knowledge therof, the great vanitie & smal groūd in the promulgatiō of his lawes might apeare,) so great­ly hath this ignorance proued profitable to the Turkes, for the maintenance of their opinion in Religion. But whether the studie of Philosophie bringeth more good or hurt it is not my purpose here to dispute, reseruing it for a longer argumēt & more oportune time & place. Now this opinion thus planted in the mindes of the Turks, makes them fearful of the deuine maiestie, and inflames thē with a reuerēd regard of religion: By which it comes to passe, that though this their seruing of God be full of error, yet shall wee finde euery where many excellent signes of their blynd deuosion, commending their di­ligence to the furtherāce of the same: For none thē they doth with greater reuerēce repaire to their temples, pro­strate with al humility, crauing pardō of their sins by the [Page] asistance of Gods spirit, holding all holy things in high veneration, wherein omitting other, they so much res­pect, not onely theyr owne Priestes, and religions, but euen those of ours, as they accounted it in the highest degree of sin, to iniury any one of them any way, which hath ben approued by infinit examples of pirates, of whom a number (as often it hath fallen out) hauing ta­ken any Priest of ours, haue presently set him at liberty, least by retayning the seruant of God, they might ther­by importune the same God to reuenge his wrong.

Another thing to their great cōmendation is, that none then they more carefully looke to the conseruation of their lawes, none punishing the publike breach thereof in whosoeuer, more seuerely. For which there is neuer heard with them, any blasphemy agaynst God, any ad­ultryes committed, or ought else wherin ther is offence, either in the violation or negligent obseruation of the same. And yet for all this, I am not Ignorant that by the same impious & execrable law, more haynous sins are permitted, but that it may appeare, how strickt euen the mightiest are in preseruing their saide lawes, wee haue in this age a memorable president testyfied in the person of the great Emperour Solyman, which I will heere re­count. This Solyman amongst those number of excellent chosen women, who are kept specially for the kings con­cubines (for it is permitted by the law of Mahumet, that euery Turke may hould so many concubynes as he is a­ble to mayntayne,) calling one among the rest more often then any other, & she perceyuing therby, how the Emperour was mightely possest with hir loue, by a cun­ning drift so much effected with him, as shee obteyned [Page 117] hir freedome, (for it is to be noted, that as well boyes as girles, so shut vp in the Seraglio, are his slaues,) after which beeing by Coatch sent for as at other times to come & accompany the said Emperour, made answere, how she much admired, what reason the great Signeor had, who beeing a prince of so much maiestie doubted nothing publikely, to enfringe the holy law of Mahumet, by which it was prouided in playne words, that no man in such sort should accompany free women, & therby so grieuously to offend, euen in the view of his people, whose eyes were all cast vpon him. Now the Emperour much moued with this answere, as likewise brideling for the present the heate of his desire, demanded the next day, of the learned in theyr lawes, whether by law it might be admitted any man to keepe free women, for theyr concubines, whervnto when he had receaued an­swere, that it was not lawfull, and not enduring the want of that wench, whom he loued entitely, the sayd Solyman for that reason married hir. Now I neede not on the contrary part to recount, how Christions carry themselues in the like cases, least I further exulcerate those wounds by handling, which I am sure by admo­nishing will not be cured.

The next place to religion, whether establing any common wealth, or inlarging a dominion, is worthe­ly attributed to discipline, wherein beetwixt vs and the Turkes, the very truth is, in my opinion, that there is admitted no comparison, whilst discipline is a thing with them of high estimation, but with vs of little or no account, & that this is so, it appeares cleerely in this that euery yeere the great Emperour at certaine seasons [Page] sends his inquisitors abroad through all parts of his ter­ritories, to make election of the choise children to be found of an assigned age, which inquisitors where they come, calling together all the sayd children of the same place, select from amongst them, such whose toward­nesse and inclination sheweth itselfe, either by the dis­position of the members, or countenaunce fit for their purpose, those they take, whom bringing to the court, there by especiall maisters prouided, be they instructed in all manner of martiall discipline, by which & through much exercise, their bodies and mindes are confirmed to endure euery labour, nor is there any one entertay­ned in their warfare, but such as by much exercise are invred to this discipline: whereas on the other side it is hourely seene, that our armyes for the most part, doe stand of men, both rude and vnexperienced in all mar­tiall demeanours or discipline.

This aboue named discipline, hath in it a triple vse, wherof the first is the true knowledge of things apper­tayning to the warres, this drawing with it an inabling of the bodies forces: by which it falles out, as we haue often seene theyr strength approued, that an arrow shot from a Turkish bow, hath clouen the shanke of a gallie oare, where the wood hath beene nine inches thicke, so as the head of the same arrow, hath shewed it selfe on the other side: whereas such souldiours as wee put in pay, without consideration, are chosen in companies ignorant of all things appertayning, & then for the most part learning the vse, and art of theyr weapons, when there is more need valyantly to manage them.

Another commoditie of discipline is, that it pre­pares [Page 118] the bodye to the enduring of labour and wants, inables the minde to an inuincible resolution, in bea­ring all extremities, which misery, or the scarcity of things, may cast vpon man.

For theyr mindes accustomed to continuall ex­ercise, cannot bee daunted with paynes, spare diet, or other inconueniences, wherwith it is daily acquaynted, content consisting, not in many, but necessary things: so as wee see theyr great armyes long time, often kept together with small prouision, theyr fleetes and land preparations, executing aught with exceeding expedi­cyon, whilst a huge part of baggage, ordenarily (attend­ing other campes) giues to them no let.

Whereas both our land and sea forces, are still en­combred, with loadings of houshould prouision, our souldyours euer faynting without the affluence of euery thing, theyr bodyes impatient of labour, and this not onely when they want not things necessary, but if they abound not with delycates, so as to our shame bee it spoken, a man may obserue in our campes, those excesses of feastings and needelesse fare, which euen in the plentifulnesse of peace, myght in Cities perhaps seeme riotus, where amongst other things ill beseeming, it irkes me to thinke, that men should bee brought to so much nicenesle, as in a fleet, to haue Snow carryed, for cooling their wine.

The third vse of discipline is the profit of obedience, thē which there is no one greater vertue in the exercise of armes. This as it is with the Turks more in estimation then euer in any age the like hath ben seene with other nations. So of all people in the contrary heereof wee [Page] are desperately diseased, euen to the death, our souldi­ors being mutinous, factious, disobedient, who fashio­ned by no rules of discipline, conteined in dutie, by no regard o punishment, in their owne camps, themselues to themselues for the most part work more mischiese, then vvhat at any time they receaue from the weapons of the enemie: vvhich foule faults to our greater shame, is as common to the captaines & commanders, as the priuate souldiours, a number of whom studyeng their perticuler reuēge, their priuate ambitiō, or (then which vvith men of vvar there is naught more odious) their seruyle gayne, betray their countrie, neglect their Prin­ces command, and vvithout executing aught vvorthie their trust and imployment, cause often Impediments through malitious enuie of a nothers glory, to vvhat so­euer might be worthely executed: Such things I saie, vvith vs, men dare dayly do, freed from feare of all con­digne punishmēt, so as I cannot name a place in shame or dishonor baser, vvhether these or the like vvith euer­lasting Infamie, haue not brought vs.

Next now ensues that I speake of the Turkish valor and vertues, no meane causes or of small regard in the inlarging of any Empire, vvherein if I should affirme that they doe much excell vs, I might so both become iniurious to the Christian name, and procure my selfe more enuie then I affect. Yet truth is truth, by vvhom foeuer deliuered, and well I may say that true valour is vvith the Turkes of more accompt vvhen to the vali­ant alone the passage to all militarie promotions is layd open, vvhere any ones merit towards his countrie by any manly act performed, shall aduance him through [Page 119] all degrees of dignitie, euen to that vvhich is next the highest with vs, on the contrary Nobility being of grea­test reconing, such for the most part euery vvhere com­manding, who though they shew smal or no testimonie either of valor or vertue, yet supported by the greatnes of their blood, manage matters as they list. This being that one thing which so much hath exasperated ye minds of many worthy Christian seruitors, that flying frō those ensignes wher they found no place for their vertue: re­pair to the Turks, who for their good parts fairely intreat them, & according to the proofe any one makes of his vvorth, doth so prefer him to euery roome of Honor: their condicion in that point being exceding commen­dable, vvho demand not vvhence the man is, but vvhat he is, neither holding that vertue and valor are guists of granfathers inheritance, like to riches & those other of Fortune. Yet for all this, I must not deny but that nobi­litie ought much to be estemed, being in it selfe of great might to stir vp the minde to honorable actions: and a rich ornament to all such as haue vertue thervnto con­ioined. But barely to prefer nobility before valor & ver­tue, or for any mans gentry solly to commend him to the greatest functions in a common wealth, or to com­mād an army, that vtterly I disalow, as full of danger to any state: I highly reuerence the kinred of kings & prin­ces, whom to haue placed in great cōmāds, is not alone without peril, but profitable. For if authoritie be of esti­mation in all humane affaires, in those of the wars espe­cially it is a most material point, wherin the Soule and lyfe of good gouerning, chiefly cōsisteth: as hauing obe­diēce alwaies attendant, no one thing more furthering, [Page] as I haue said euery warlike designe; & therfore to such all souldiors & captaines without repining, submit their greatnesse, not being subiect to enuie & misreports, be­fore whom euery man forceth himselfe for the formost, because the testimonie of their valor & vertue shewen in their princes presēce cannot be cōcealed by the calum­niations of any backbiter, whereby as often it happens, men doe dispaire of a due reward. In these things ther­fore I would thus be vnderstod, that wher ther wants a due mixture of their parts together, compounded: it is better in my cōceit by the Turkish president to prefer in cōmand a man endwed with vertue lacking those exte­rior badges of great blood, then that any supported by nobilitie, should bear sway Indigent of those perfectiōs which at first begot all true Nobilitie.

Malo pater tibi sit Thirsites, dum modo tu sis
Aeacide similis: Vulcania (que) arma capessas.
Quam te Thirsite semilem, producat Achilles.

The last though not the least of those things which an­tiquitie haue attributed to the necessitie of the well esta­blishing any state, standeth in measuring arightly accor­ding to euery mans merit, reward of well doeing or pu­nishmēt of it. Now in either part how far we are to the Turks inferior, it is often admired. But least I giue occasi­on of further offence, & procure from many that hatred which I desire not to vndergoe, I will desist frō further prosecuting this course, in preferring these Turkesh con­siderations with ours, & onely wil say that as the whole scope of their coūsels & other proiects tends to the glo­ry to be gotten by the vvars, so are all ours in an other kinde more excellent, for the maintenance of common [Page 120] societie & the studies of peace, which vvith so infinit a desire we hunt after, as all charge, all expēce of time, & mony, all care & dilligence is held both light & litle, for obteining the same. And this appeareth first by ye great numbers of Priests, Mounks, Freers, & other religious, possessing great power, & wealth, with large lands, and stately erected monasteries, wherwith the plentisul coū ­tries of Europe, are euery vvhere pestered: to vvhom a great part both of Christendomes reuenues & cōmodities be comd. This I doe not disalow but much commend the pietie & wisedome of our ancestors, who haue bene so boūtiful in bestowing to holy vses, so liberal towards the maintenance of Gods seruice, releueing the necessi­tie of the poore, and both nourishing & cherishing the studies of Arts & euery good literature. Another thing with vs is, that our seates of Iustice prolong the deci­ding of causes, with many quiddetyes, & delayes, which is the sole reason that we see so many lawiers & Iudges, so many attorneys, solicitors, clarks, notaries, aduocates & proctors, to whom so great rewards & large fees are assigned, as this practise of ye law (lyke to that other) hath drawen with it no litle part of the welth of Christendom. Againe, the Scholes of good learning are by vs vvith great charge mainteined, to which many repaire, & per­ceauing the accompt that learned men daily liue in, doe spend either all, or the greatest part of their life in that profession. Lastly (good god) what cost is bestowed in euery handi craft thing, what huge foundations hourly laid, what state & abundāce of publike & priuate build­ings, what superfluety in ensignes of honor, picturs, hāg­ings, & plate, what delicacy in euery houshold prouisiō: [Page] What riot in feastings: what pride & expēce in apparell: vvith how great stipends are the masters in these Artes maintained, all which as they greatly beutifie our Chri­stian countries, maligne the Turks in regard of vs to ap­peare rude & vnpolisht: so are they vtterly ill fitting for martiall affaires, or enlarging of an Empire, vvhilst they consume & wast a great part of that wealth which were better bestowed in the wars.

Now vvith the Turkes all these things are in propor­tion, ether small or none. Their Preists & Religious are very few, their lyuing litle, supplyed with things onely necessary. Their law determinations want demurs, and delatory plees receauing sentence at the first or second hearing; vvithout tossing so many volumes of the ciuill & Canon Codices; with their comments: so many yeere bookes of the common lawes course, wherby so great store of counsells & aduocates, such quantitie of clarks and notaries are in small request.

Ther is amongst them no orders of Monks & Free­ers, no Pyles of stately builded Palaces; no sumptuous­nesse in their dayly port, but thrifty cariage, spare dyet, vvherein the hands of cunning cookes haue no med­ling: the Turkes neither caring or crauing these things, but spending vvhat they haue in theyr needfull prepa­rations for the vvars, vvhere vvealth and rewards are peculiarly appropriate to the valiant. No marueill ther­fore that so many as I haue sayd, of vvorthy Christian seruitours, leaue the displayed Banners of IESVS, vvhere small and for the most part, no consideration is allotted their merits, repairing thether wher they finde riches and estimation the guerdon of well dooing.

[Page 121]Now since the one and onely meanes, of the Tur­kish glory, doth proceede from the warlike designes, it is no wonder that all their endeauours, should wholy bee bent to that, which thus alone drawes with it honor, ri­ches, & power, wherby we see how they excell all other nations, in martiall estimatyon, & execution of high ex­ployts, what great numbers of valiant souldiours, they continually keepe in pay, how huge forces of horse and foote they maintaine, so as to all people their name is now becomd fearefull, & that alwaies they returne vic­tors from euery war once vndertaken, for inlarging their dominion, our mens mindes on the other part by mul­tiplicitie of knowledges and imployments, being so dis­traught as few can spare any time to follow such seruice: through as I said the innumerable sorts of handy crafts, studyeng of arts, & professing of religion, things indeed that haue diuerted ye thoughts of the greater part, of able Christian bodies, frō the affectation of armes, for it is the condicion of man, with greater content to follow that course of life, which is easie, safe, lesse paynefull, & free from danger, then that other of the wars, prosessed ene­my to rest & quietnesse: especially when this first with pleasure, brings neuerthelesse the commodityes of esti­matyon & riches, manifesting the apparant reason that thus we see all our cities, so replenished with marchants, craftsmen, inholders, vinteners, & such like: euery place reporting the disputations & different opinions of Phi­losophers, & deuines, with continuall canuassing of law cases. All which things as they mightely I say, adorne our peaceable part of the world, so doe they wholy dis­able all martiall credyt, for which wee finde vpon euery [Page] occasion, how weake our forces are, for cause of the small number, who follow the wars. In which, this fur­ther I dare affirme, from sound iudgment, that of that age, whose bodies through Christendome are fit for the wars seruice, the hundreth person scarce doth apply him to that profession, whereas on the contrary with the Turks, the greater part alwaies doe wholy deuote them­selues, to the practise of armes.

But now let vs come to the inflicting of punishment due to offenders, the feare wherof, of equall conteines men in compasse, both to the ciuell and martiall disci­pline: wholesome lawes being with vs, as well as with the Turks, to that end established. Yet the vigor & force of good lawes, should not consist in a positiue decree, but in a and sacred inviolable obseruation of the same: the rigor whereof we Christians, for the most auoide by the cunning distinctions of lawyers, mitigate by the fa­uour of great personages, or breake through by our owne power. Where with the Turkes these thinges are otherwise, there being left no meanes to obtaine par­don of any offence, no hope of escaping punishment: so as we see with vs all thinges to be corrupt & dissolute: liberty for each one to doe what he list. Our souldiours licentious & freed from feare of punishment, with care­lesse cariage, executing what euer is committed to their charge, still mutinous, & sedicious, respectlesse of com­mand, great doers in words, litle indeed, in skirmish ma­king courtsie, who should first begin, or rangd to fight, running away the first squadrons scarcely chargd, or be­fore any honest hasard of fortune were attempted: & al­though we haue as cannot be denied diuers worthy cap­taines, [Page 122] who are not impechable, of any these crimes, yet what shall those few excellent men affect in re [...]orming the generall corrupt conditions of time, in faith little: whose vertues are to feeble, to encounter the outgrown vices of this age. Againe it is well knowen, that many great commanders ther are, who casting away their pri­uate counsels & consideratiōs, prefer the publike good: yet euen these haue such for inferiour leaders, who are no lesse, (if not more) faulty▪ then the ordinary souldi­our: the greater part of whom follow the seruice for gaine, and make a traficke of the warres. Who when a muster of men is to passe, and pay to bee made, beelie their number, either borrowing, or subborning base fellowes, to fill vp such roomes as are fayling, whereby it fals out that the payes bee euer strong, but the companies weake.

Now none of all these defaults bee conuersant in the Turkish campe, where the souldiour is euer seruice­able, and at commaund, executing what they haue in charge carefully, reseruing their heat of courage to encounter the enemy, which with high resolution they both vndertake and maintayne: nothing dis­mayed, with a first ouerthrow, nor discouraged with the enemies second good successe, whereby to leaue the field, but valiauntly fighting conteyned, more by the force of their lawes, & the punishment therof, then by feare of the enemy, keepe theyr assigned ranckes, expecting the best, and enduring the vtmost of good or bad fortunes chances, who alwaies bearing in mind, the fearefull spectacles of those theyr barbarous chastise­ments, as ther may be caused, etermine either to depart [Page] the field as victors, or if fortune enuie theyr valour, ra­ther there to receiue an honest death, from the edge of the enemies weapon, then at home to be strangled, or haue his throat cut, by a hangman. Againe whilst the valour, of the leader striues with the obedience of the souldyour, who neuer haue their priuate counsels, de­riued from the publike good, we find them to performe most excellent offices: in theyr seuerall places both to­wards their king and country.

These are such obseruations (true honoured Colum­na) as formerly I sayde, haue long possest my minde, touching the greatnesse of this Turkish Empire, which if you allow, I shall the better like, if o­therwise, conceale them to your selfe I pray, least they may chance into such mens hands, as may detract from the estimation of my iudgement.


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