WHylom as old Bookes ma­keth mencion, whan the no­ble & famous citie of Rome was most shi­ning in his felicitie, and flouring in hys glorye, like as it is remembred in the boo­kes of old antiquitie / in the pryme temps of his foundacion / whan the walles wer reysed on height by the manly and prudēt diligence of Re­mus and Romulus: the citie stode vnder gouernaunce of kinges / tyl vnto the time that Tarquine, sōne of Tarquine the proude, dydde the great outrageous offēce vnto Lu­cres / wyfe of the woorthye Sena­tour Collatine. In punishynge of [Page] which trespace by the manlye pur­suite of Collatines kinred and ful assent of all the Cenate: the name of kynges ceased in the Citie of Rome for euermore, and al the royal stocke of the forsaide Tarquine was proscript & put in exile. And after by the prudent aduise of the Cenate: the citie was gouerned betwene Councellers / and so continued vnto the time that Pompei the proude was repayred home again from the conquest of Tyre / whych by force he had made subiecte vnto the Empyre of Rome, where as w^t great worthines of fame hee was receiued. So that for his great noblenes he was chosen one of the .iii for to gouerne the city: assigned to hym other twoo full renowmed of knighthoode / Iulius Cezar, and Marcus Crassus, & thus was the name of coūsellers turned into the [Page] name of Dictatours, which was y^t time an office partinent to princes to gouerne other. And for a special cause this office & this occupacion of a Dictatour, by assent of all the whole Cenate was committed vn­to thre, that if one offended, y^e other twaine should be mightie & strong to correct the thirde. And another cause was this: while that twayne were occupied in warre outward / the third should gouerne at home. And thus al the while they wer of one hart / of one assent / and void of variaunce among them selues / the nobles of Rome floured in prospe­ritie, but as sone as false couetous brought in pride & vain ambicion, the cōtagious Serpent of diuisiō clipsed & appalled her woorthines, cōcluding soothly as in sentence y^t euery kyngdome proued by diuisi­on / is conueyed to his destruction. [Page] And so for the surquedous pride on the partie of Iulius, and after of the said citie of Rome: the contagi­ous couetous entermedled wyth enuye, on the partye of Pompey: made the famous citie of Rome fullye waste and wylde / not onelye of their inumerable treasour, but caused them also to be ful baren and de solate of their men / where to fore of worthines, of knighthode / & of chi­ualry they wer incomparable. And finallye, the false diuision amonge them selues, was more importable vnto thē, and caunsed more the ru­ine of the Citie / than when they had warre with all the worlde / lyke as this litle storie compendiously shal deuise. And to conuey briefely the processe of this ma [...]er: ye shal first vnderstād that Marcus Crassus was sēt to the par [...]ies of the North wyth syxe legions of Knyghtes a­gainst [Page] the kyng of Parthes. And the manly man Iulius Cezar with other syxe legions of people was sent downe, passing the great bon­des of Lombardye / dyscendynge downe by highe Alpies / and auay­ling downe by the large plage of Germanie and of Almaygne, tyll by conquest b [...] his manly [...]orce and his mortal swoorde he broughte all Fraunce into subiection / and al the land of Burgoyn, Brabant, Flaunders, and Holand. In which con­quest he continued tyll almoste the space of his Lustre was wasted out that is to say, that was the space li­mited of the Romaines, the whiche was called a Lustre, whiche is ac­compted the space of fiue yere, and who so euer passed that space by oc­casion of anye conquest, and not re­payred againe at his time set and limited of fiue yere: he was foriud­ged [Page] anone and dempt as enemye & rebel vnto the noble city of Rome. But this famous and manly man Iulius / prudentlie deming in his opinion that time lost while y^e For­tune is blādesshing and fauorable throughe the contagious occasion of necligence and of sloth / is after­ward ful hard for to be recouered. Wherefore of knighthod and man­ly prowesse he did set y^e Romaines statutes aside, and fully purposed in his noble and knightly hart for to passe the bondes and the space of his Lustre, and to enforce hym­selfe with his [...]ualrie to wyn the bondes [...] / and ouersayle by force the west partie of our Oc­cean. But for all hys surquedous pryde hee was twyse beaten of at his arriuall, by the woorthynes of the Britaine king called Cassibe­lan. And playnly withoute fauour [Page] to declare and specifie the truth, he might neuer attain to ariue at his lust and pleasure, tyll this manlye king Cassibelan and Androg [...]nes Duke of Cornewaile fel at debate amonge theym selues / whereby I may conclude / that whyles vn [...]tye and concorde stoode vndefoyled and vndeuided in the bondes of Britaine, the mightie conquerour Iulius was vnable and impotent to vanquishe them.

By which ensample ye may euidently consider and see, that diui­sion lyke as is specified to forne, is originall cause in Prouincies and Regions of all destruction. For whan Iulius by fauour of Andro­genes recouered ariuall into Bri­taine, shortlye after Cassibelan the manlye king / proudly and kinght­lye met wyth him / betwene whom there was a mortall warre.

[Page]But like as it is especially remembred and recorded by the wrytinge of the most worthye and graduate Clarke Eusebius, that same daye when Iulius and Cassybelan me [...] in the fielde / this foresaid Cassybelan had a famous and a passynge manly mā to his brother, the which with his bloody mortal swoord ne­uer ceased to [...]lea and oppresse the proud Romaine knightes / so farre forthe that they fled and eschewed his swoord as the death. For as he went there was no resistence, and this continued so long that the Romaynes were impotent to resist. But oh alas when he was wearied of fight, it befel casually of fortune which is ay contrary and peruerse that he of auenture met wyth thys manly man Iulius, and bothe two like as made is mencion fared as Tygers and Lyons, euerich woū ­ding [Page] oth [...]r ful mortallie, til sodein­ly by dispocion of fate Iulius with an vnware stroke of his dreadfull sword, rose him a twaine. And be­cause the storie maketh no mencion what this worthy knight [...]ight: I finde none other name [...] hym, but that he was brother vnto the nob [...]e Britō king Cassibelan. The d [...]ath of whom Britons oughtful wel to complaine, by whose death Iulius was made victorious / and Cassi­belan brought to subieccion vnto the Empire of Rome, & constrey­ned by Cezar to pay for his truage thre thousand pound euery yeare. And in the signe of this conquest & victorie Iulius Cezar edified in this land for a perpetual memorie to put his name in remembraunce, the castel of Douer and Caūturburie / Rochester / & the tower of Lon­don, the castel and the towne of Ce­zarisbury, [Page] which now is called Salesburie. And moreouer (as sayth mine Auctour) he edified Cezaris Chester, that now is called Chichester, and the castle of Exeter. And in the mean while that Cezar thus proudlie had wholie and entirelye the gouernaunce of Brutes Albi­on, his felow Marcus Crassus (of whō tofore is made mencion) was sla [...]ne in the East partie of y^e world while he made most cruel warre a­gaynste the fierce people of Par­thes. And for his gredie vnstaun­cheable thurst of couetise / his ene­mies slewe him in this wise: Thèy made melt gold and poured it into his mouth / sayinge to hym in thys wise (Aurum sitisti, aurum bib [...] ▪) Thou haste thursted golde all thy life / now drinke thy fill. Lo here ye may consider and see the short and the momentayne tyme transitorie [Page] and not abyding of all the warry­ours. And as the storie rehearceth also, as for lamentable kalendes of more infortune that after shuld folowe: Iu [...]ia the noble wyfe of Pompey, and daughter to Iulius died of a childe. For whyche cause Pompeius pretended to fynde a cause to reuoke Iulius agayne to Rome by assent of al the Senate / to the entent that he shoulde come in his owne persone to reuenge in al hast the death of his felow Marcus Crassus, as before is sayde so vengeablie slaine in his conquest. This [...]ame Pompey hauing a se­cret dred in his cōceit lest y^t Iulius should waxe so mighty in his con­quest y^t he shuld not be egall of po­wer, nor able to resist him in his re­pair, & dreding also in his imaginaciō lest y^t Iulius wold of presūptuous pride vsurpe by tirāny to take [Page] vpon him the lordship and the do­minacion of Rome. But this man­lie man Cezar aduerting full pru­dently, and perceiuing the fradu­l [...]nt meanynge of Pompey on the one side / and the compassed sleigh [...] of the Cenate of that other side ful aduisedly gaue answer again that that he would accomplish and per­fourme his con [...]uest which he had begon / and than mekely and hum­blye at their request repayre home againe. And in this wise entred in the Snake of wanhope and of dis­cord, which caused eueriche to sus­pect other, & thus began to kyndle the fyre of enuie, enducing succes­siuelye warre and debate amonge them selues / and here vpon wyth­out delay to execute their purpose / and euidently to shew the ende of of their entent: Pompey & the Ce­nate of one assent withoute respite [Page] or deliberacion, foriudged Cezar giltie, disobedient, rebel, and trai­tour to Rome / and gaue vpon him a sentence diffinitiue of exyle and prescriptiō for euermore. But Iu­lius not consideryng nor hauynge no maner euidence [...]e suspicion of that malicious conspiracye, that Pompey and the Cenate wrought against hym: but all innocent and vnknowledging of theyr enuious malice / by good and diligent deli­beracion of entent, didde sende his Embassatours, not onely vnto his sonne in law Pompey, but also vn to al the woorthye court of the Ce­nate / and to all other of the City­zens of the citie / requyring & pray­ing theym of equitie / that for hys meritorie desert they should not be contrary against him nor for none occasion of wylfulnes to deny vn­to hym hys customable gwe [...]don / [Page] the which is due of old antiquiti to be geuen to Cōquerours, but that they would frely an [...] wylfully (vn­compelled) graūt him and put him in possession of the Palme / and the Triumph which so long by knightly labour and manlye diligence he had (for the encrease and the aug­mentacion of the common profyte of al the Empire of Rome) traue­led for. Then for to specifie and declare the honoure and Triumphe whylome vsed in Rome / firste ye shal vnderstande that Triumphus by description / is as much to saye in English as a treble gladnes, or els a singuler excellencie of ioye, in three maner of wyse ordeyned for Uictours, whyche throughe theyr high renowne and manly prowesse had broughte Regions and cityes by way of knightly conquest to be subiect and tributarie to the Em­pyre [Page] of Rome. The first of the thre worships done to a Conquerour, was this: first at his repaire vnto the citi / al the people of high estate and of low shoulde with great ioy and reuerence in their best and ri­chest aray, meete him on the waye / and this was the first. The second was this, that al the prisoners and they that were in captiuity / should fetred and manacled go rounde a­bout enuiron his charret, some be­fore & some behinde. And the third worship done vnto him was thys: that he shoulde be clad in a purpu­rate mante [...]l of Iupiter as God / & syt with a crowne of Laurer vpon his head in a charet of gold / and a­boute his necke a maner of a circle enuirō made of gold / in similitude and likenes of a Palme. And if so that his conquest were performed and accomplished withoutes sword [Page] or sheding of blood / than shoulde the circle of the Palme be forged without prickes or pynnes. And yf so were that his victorie was fini­shed by the cruel fate of warre, thā of custome this circle or his pecto­ral was forged al ful of sharp pricking thornes / to declare and speci­fie that there is no conquest accomplished fully to the ende by media­cion of warre, without that ther be felt and founde therein The sharpe thornes of aduersitie, and that ey­ther by deathe or els by pouertie. And this royal and victorious charet to forsaid, was drawē with .iiii. white stedes through the most roy­al stretes of the Citie to the Capi­tole, he hauing a Ceptre in his hādful richly deuised / and there vpon in signe of victori an Egle of gold. And to shew clerelie that al world­lie glorie is transitorie and not abiding, [Page] and euidently to declare that in hyghe estate is no assuraunce / there was sette at the backe of the Conquerour, behinde in the Cha­ret, the most vnlikelie person, and the most wretche that in any coun­trey might be founde / disfigured and cladde in the most vglie wyse that any man could deuise. And a­myd all the clamour and noyse of the people / to exclude the false sur­quedie, vaine glorie, and idle la [...]d, thys foresayde fowle and vglye wretche shoulde of custome and of con [...]uetude smite the Conquerour in the necke euer & vpon the head / and stondemele sayinge to hym in Greke this word ( [...]) whiche is to saye in oure Englishe toung as (knovv thy selfe) whych declareth vnto hym y^t he nor none other shuld for no such worldli glory be [...]urquedous ne waxe proude. [Page] And that day it was leful without punishing to euerie man, of high e­state or of low / to saye to him that was Uictor, what that he woulde / whether it were of honour or wor­shippe / of repre [...]e or of shame. And this was admitted for this cause / that he should truelie considre and aduert that there is no earthly glorie that fully may be assured with­out daunger of fortune. And shortlie to declare the differēce betwene Triumphus and Trophe [...]m. Tri­umph is a full and a complener o­uercomming of enemies bi battel, and Troph is whan a man putteth his enemies to flight w^toute stroke of sword. But touching this honor aforesaid whiche Iulius required and asked of righte as for a gwer­don, which him thought was meri­tory and due vnto him. Anone this foresaide Pompey with full assent [Page] of all the Cenate, denyed all with one voyce his request, and of one accord answered againe, and sayd him platlie he should not be accepted there vnto no such honour / but plainlie they bad him know that he had rather deserued to be deade, then to attain to any such worship, aledging against him that he was both rebel and traytour to the sta­tutes of Rome. And whan Iulius clerely conceiued the short answer of the Cenate and of this Pompey to fore sayde, there kyndled a full great hote burning fire of enuy in his hart of the freting hate, specially, that he bare in his breast for to be reuenged of Pompey. And as Lucan rehearseth in his poeticall booke, the denyeng of this worship to Iulius, was the chiefe grounde and occasion of all the warre that began in Rome / roote and begyn­ning [Page] also of al the contagious diu [...] sion among them selfes. But so as Lucan liketh to reherce and speci­fie in his booke aforesaide among other causes that he put. Lye in e­special writeth of three which were chiefe beginning and roote of diuision among them selues / prouing by reason in those thre that it must needes be that the felicitie and the prosperitie of Rome must abate & draw to decline. The which three, firste hee saythe it was necessarye that such aduersitie shoulde fall to Rome. Secondarelye he saithe it was consue [...]udinarie. And thirdly he saith it was voluntarie. Fyrst that it was necessarye, hee proueth by example of nature in this wyse: That like as Phebus the sunne / when he ariseth in the Orient / and by successiue course ascendeth into the highest pointe of the Middaye [Page] spere, and of his kinde and natural course must discend and hathe his golden tressed hornes in the westrē wawes, and then dimmeth & dark­neth oure emysperie by ablence of his lighte: And also eke when the same golden wayne of Titan / fro the Ariet is whirled vp to the hiest tower of his ascencion in the cele­stian signe of the Crabbe, and thā by the mightie compelling of Na­tures righte, he is constrayned to discende downe and auale his cha­ret: Ryght so sembla [...]lye there is no worldlie worship so brighte nor clere shyning in earthe / but that it must encline & auale down as sone as he hath attained to y^e hiest & the most famous point of his ascēcion. For like as y^e rage & the aboūdant flow, whē it hath raught his sturdy waues to y^e hiest, sodēli foloweth an [...] & maketh hym to resort againe.

[Page]In the same wyse whan any temporal prosperitie is most flowinge in felicitie / then is a sodein ebbe of aduersitie most to be adrade. Also in the same wise as ye may clerely discerne & considre at the eye / in trees and herbes / that when the vege [...]a­tife vertue by the comfortable in­fluēce of the sunne / is after the cold winter: In Uerre by litle and ly­tle ascended into braunches and bowes, and causeth thē for to bud and to blossome newe: and also in herbes maketh a lustie and a fresh colour newly to appere. And moreouer by processe of tyme wyth her holesome bawme aparaleth them, with manifolde sondrye colour of red / white, and grene, and than a­non after in discence of Apollo the sunne, the same vertue fro the crop aualeth again into y^e roote. Right so there is no felicitie so flouryng, [Page] nor none so apparailed with blos­somes of transitorie riches, but as soone as the shi [...]ing Sunne of her glory sheddeth his beames moste clere, full vnwarelie ere they can aduert or take hede / bene robbed and reued of their Lordship / and pio [...]nged a downe by occasion of some aduersitie, brought and induced into aduersitie, either by sicke­nes or by death. And thus that the first cause is natural and necessary and that all worldlye pompe and pride shall passe, mine Auctor Lu­can hath proued by reason. Than as touching the secōd cause which is called customable and consuetudinarie, ye may considre that euer of custome it falleth that whan the blinde goddesse of variaūce dame Fortune hathe enhaunced a man highest vpon her whele, wyth a so­dein sigh she plongeth hym downe [Page] againe. Euident example ye maye take of kinges and princes y^t haue bene tofore. And than touching the third cause of destruccion of the ci­tie / Lucan liketh to call it in his poetical muses, voluntarie, which is as much to saye, as a cause rooted vpon wilfulnes without ani groūd founded vpon reason. For onely of wilfulnes they were so blinde: that them list not to know them selues / but thought them selfes so assured in their felicitie / that they mighte not by no collateral occasion of ad­uersitie be perturbed / ne put oute thereof. And thus throughe false surquedraunce they were made so wilful, that none list to obey other. And so was brought in obstinacie euerich of them deming hym selfe egall to other. And thus of contra­rious discorde among them selfes onely of voluntari they stode disseuered [Page] and deuided / which was one of the chiefe occa [...]ions of their de­struction. And for this [...]kyl toforne declare [...] / Lucan calleth the thyrde cause voluntarie / in as much as it was falselye founded vpon wyll. And thus firste by a cause necessa­rie, and by the seconde cause called consuetudinarie, shewed tofore by example of custome / and by thys last third cause called voluntarie, rooted onelye vpon will: the Ro­maines among them selues stode in such [...] contrauersye, that they doubted to which partie thei shuld encline. And compendiouselye to declare how al the [...]e causes of diuision, and howe the warre which of Clarkes is called Bellum Ciuile: which is as muche to saye in Eng­lish as a warre among thē selues. For the clere cōpēdious proces of which / first ye shal cōsidre y^t Iuliꝰ [Page] platlye enformed of the malicious conspiracie cōpassed and wrought against him. Anon as he in his re­payre oute of Albion was passed the bondes of Almaigne, and had attained to the high Alpies / which of [...]uctours bene called the colde frosty hilles / & the bondes of Lombardie, and so holding his passage by the stood of the sturdy riuer cal­led of Lucan (Rubicauis) ther ap­peared to him an old auncient La­dy, heauy and drery in a mantel of blacke her face wympled tofore in ful dolorous wise, the tresses of her heade for age full hore and whyte. And for constraint of her hartelye wo: euen vpon the time whan the blacke darke night had ouerspred their emispery with the bordu [...]e of her vgly & her cloudye cope. This wofull Lady tofore said, began her lamentable complaynt to Iulius [Page] in this wise: Oh ye noble worthy knightes, most renoumed of fame / Alas, whether purpose ye with so mightie apparail of Mars to pro­cede [...] Or wher cast ye to fetch your sturdye standerdes, or to displaye your fearfull pinons and baners? Oh alas / againste whom haue ye cast finallye to execute the mortall hate that brenneth in your hart, or against whom purpose ye in suche cruell wise to proue your myghte? Remēbre in your thought y^t ye be vpholden by the Cenate of Rome, and your self accompted as for no­ble and ful worthie knights of the the citie / and shewe not your selfe nowe ennemyes to the Empire, by whose worthines afore time it hath bene susteyned and mightely sup­ported against the assa [...]t of all her [...]one. And oh alas aduer [...]e & consi­dre in your hart the noble and the [Page] prudent statutes of the pol [...]cie of Rome / the which ful plainlye doth expresse that it is leful vnto no mā for to passe the boundes of thys streame, but if he be mortal and rebel vnto Rome. Now ye therefore that haue so long bene frends, and so manlye mayntained the honour of the Citie, withdrawe your foote and haste not to faste, but let good deliberacion restrain your reines, that hasty wilfulness leade you not to confusion / not onely of your self but vnto the originall ruine of the citie / by the aboundant sheding of blood that is likely to ensue. And sodenly when this Lady had briefly expressed the som of her sentēce, without more she disapered. This manly man and fortunate knight Iulius in partie di [...]maied of this vnco [...]the apparence, restrayned his host / & made thē to fetche their [Page] tentes endlong the strond vpō the hindre parties of the riuer. And in his vncou [...]he affray, he sodenly a­brayde sayd in this wise: Oh thou mightie Iupiter / vnder whose de­maine Uulcanus forgeth the dredful soundes of the thundre, & cau­seth harts to arise with the firy le­uen: And oh ye Gods & Goddesses that whilom had the gouernaunce of ou [...] Aunceters in Troy, & oh ye noble Gods Remus & Romulus, the famous founders & the might [...] protectours & patrones of the city of Rome: I as hūble subiect vnto your deitiful lowli besech & requir you of equiti & right to be wel willing & fauourable to promote my true quarel & cause, & beningly of your boūteous goodnes to fauour & fortune y^e high enterprise which of iust tytle I purpose for lyfe or d [...]th through your fauor to execut [Page] & not as enemy or rebell to Rome / but as a true citiz [...]n and a proued knight cast me fullye to perseuer / with co [...]dicion that like as I haue manly deserued / I maye be recey­ued, making a protestaciō that not as enemy, but as ful frend and subiect to Rome / I will be found stedfast and true. Wherefore ye mighty and noble Senatours of Rome I require you of right that ye no­thing arect nor ascriue to my gylte that I come with strong & mighty hande, that I enter the bondes of the emperial fraunchise. Making a ful protestacion that onely wyth a clene cōscience not entriked with none entent of euell [...] meanynge / that I come to you of full purpose to be receued as for you frend, and not as your foe. Requiring also to holde him (what so euer he bee) for ful enemy to your noble citye, that [Page] of will & entent laboureth to make discorde a [...]wene vs twaine. For so that my meritorie gwerdon which that I haue in my conquest instlie deserued be not denied me: I am and euer will be for life or death, a true knight to the citie to my liues end. And forthwith making no delay / like a Lyon not dismayed nor afraid / first of al in his own person he passed the Riuer, the which Ri­uer like as Lucan remēbreth / the same time at the comming of Ce­zar / against his customable course was reysed on heighte into a great floode, and all the white snowes of Alpies wer resolued with the bea­mes of Phebus / whe [...] through the riuers in the valeis were reised so high that vnnethes any mā might passe. But Iuliꝰ of none vncouth aduentures afraid / but like a manly man ful wel assured in himselfe [Page] in the presence of all his woorthye knightes said in this maner: Here I leaue behinde, all the old confe­deracies made betwixt Rome and me / and here I leaue al the frend­ship of old antiquitie / and onely folow the traces of Fortune / and of whole entent begynne a ryghtfull warre / for cause onelie that by me­diacion of peace was profered in my side, I may not attain my title of right. And anon withoute more dilacion euen vpon the springe of the daye / which of Clarkes is cal­led Au [...]ora: he vnwarely wyth all worthie multitude of his knights entred into the citie (called of Lu­can) Ar [...]ie, a Citie partinent to Rome, & there he toke first possess [...] on of the Empire / none so hardi to resist nor to withstād the furi of his sword / & al this while y^e Romaines stāding in dout to which party thei [Page] should encline / whether to Cezar / or to Pompey. For of charity that they had to their wiues & their childrē, & to the old statutes of the city thei were fauourable to Pompey / & of dread that they had of Cezars sword, thei stode in [...]o great ambi­guicie, y^t thei could not deme what was best to do. Lo how the mortal enui of twain was cause & occasion y^t that noble citie which had all the world in subiectiō, & was called la­dy & Empresse of al Regions was brought into destruction. For in these twoo first began the diuision which neuer after might parfitlie be restored nor recōsiled to vnity, wherbi as semeth vnto mē y^t al prudent princes which haue the gouernaunce in Prouinces and regions shuld take exāple what harme & damage it is, & how final a destructiō it is to be deuided amōg thē selfes [Page] And for to ratifie by more Auten­tike example how much that vnity more auaileth then diuision, I wil shortelye rehearce an example, the whiche Ualerie putte [...]h / and it is this. This auctour reherceth that whilom whan the Citye of Rome stoode likely to haue b [...]ne deuided of a debate that was newly begon among them selues. There was a wyse Philosopher amonge theym, which of high discressiō con [...]idered the great perill that was likelye to [...]al and folow, & thought he would of wisdom voyd that might ensue. And in presence of all the Cenate and Lordes of the Citie / he made bring foorth an horsse which had a long and a thicke tayle growen behinde / and than he commaunded the mightiest chāpion of the towne to set on both his hands, and assay if he might by force pul of the hors [Page] taile at a plu [...]ke. And all [...]e it that he plucked to the vttermost of hys mighte / it woulde not auaile. And than anon this Philosopher made call to the presence of the Cenate / the most impotent man of the citie, a man vnweldye and crooked of age. And thys Philosopher made this old man to pluck the one hereafter an other of the hors taile, tyll by litle and litle by proces the tayl was wasted cleane awaye, and the hors naked and bare behinde. Be­holde sayde the Philosopher, that while the tail of the hors was hole and one in it selfe, and eue [...]ich here with other (vndeuided) the mightiest champion of your city might do thereto no damage. But as soone as euery here was deuided and disseuered fro other, he that was lest of power among ye all / lefte neuer tyll the tayle was consumed and [Page] brought to nought. By whiche ex­ample said the Philosopher, pru­dently aduert & wisely cast tofore, that as longe as ye be one in your selues / & of one hart / there is none so strong nor so mightie that may auail by force to attempt your worthines. But as sone as amōg your selues one is deuided from an o­ther, your enemies, though they be ful impotent of power / they shal bi process [...] of tyme plucke awaye the most fairest and the most shene fe­thers of your worthines. And by this example the Philosopher to­foresaid reconciled the Romaines againe to vnitie, & voided away dit uision amōg thē selues. Now com­pendiously to resorte againe to my matter like as the stori maketh mē cion / the Romaines standynge in great contrauersie among thē sel­ues to which partye they shoulde [Page] draw, the Gods by many signes & pronosticacions declared vnto thē the great mischiefe that was lyke­lye and verie semblable to folowe. For there appeared vnto them many vncouth ymages of stars / some in brenning haberions of fire, and some with bright brondes in theyr handes casting flame enuiron / and some with firie dartes & sharpe hoked arowes shootinge in the ayre. And in especiall there appeared a large Comete of stremes y^e whiche raught their braunches on y^e foure plages of the firmament. And the sun also whē he shone most bright in the meridional plage, the dai vnwarelie turned to nyghte. And the pale moone againste the common course of her kynde: sodeynlye shee was clypsed of her lyght. And fur­ther the dreadfull karibeis of the sea Cicile was turned into blood. [Page] Al the Houndes also beinge in the bondes [...]f Rome, lefte the noy [...]e of their barking / and in signe of pro­nosticaciō of great sorow that was to come, they howled and we imen­ted that it was pitie to heare / and the supersticious fire whiche con­tinuallie tofore was wont to burne in the chaste temple of the Goddes called Uesta, the flame of the same fire euer being bright vpon her auters. Of the which fire by old time was prophecied / that as sone as it deuided and departed at wain (as it did then) that the feastes and the solempnities of Rome shuld cease. And like as the smokes of the funeral fyre of the Theban brethren departed at Thebes: right so the departing of fire vpon their aulters, was a true signe and a pronostike of diuision that should fal amonge them, finally to declare to euery region [Page] tha [...] where as the fire of loue and parfite charity stand departed and deuided amonge them selues / it is a very e [...]idence that withoute remedie it draweth to his destruc­cion. Also an euident token [...]hat sodein mi [...]chief of diuision s [...]ould folow / the foming wawes of the sea surmounted the height of Athlan­tis hylles. Also al the rich ymages in the Temples of Rome: whyche were made of gold / syluer, and dy­uers other sundrye metalles: so as they stoode in their rich and costly tabernac [...]es, they were sene th [...]ke time of diuision wofully complay­ning and weping / so farforthe that the teares of their eyen distylled a downe into the earthe, so complay­ning the desolacion of their Citye / onelye caused by occasion of theyr contageous diuision among them selues. Byrdes also against the cu­stome [Page] of their nature, were secne fleing vpon nightes. And beastes also were hearde speakinge, and women brought foorth monstrous children. And all these vncouthe wonders befell but a lytle tofore the foresaide diuision in the noble Citie of Rome / for the dreadfull tyme aproched full neare / of the which Cibyll so long had prophe­cied afore, when she sent the shorte summe of her sentence to the Ce­natours of Rome compendiouslye in the nombre of .vi. letters. Thre R. R. R. and three F. F. F. whyche wer fully the pronosticacion of .vi. mischiefes that should of necessitie fal vnto the citie of Rome, compre­hended and included in the .vi. let­ters specified in this wyse / Regna Rome Ruent, Fero Flamme Fame, The Region of Rome bi thre thin­ges shall drawe to ruine: Firste by [Page] the sword of warre amonge them selues / and next by fyre, and than by hunger. The whiche three mys­chiefes so contagiouslie shal assail the citie: that it shalbe very vnportable vnto them / and the grounde and roote of al this confusion shal be among them selues discord and diuision. Furthermore to declare sondry pronosticacions that fell in their citie whan the Priests made sacrifice to their Gods: their fires sodeinly quenched. In the graues and sepulchres of dead men, there were heard woful and lamentable noyses and [...]owndes whych dydde put the people in very great dread And in thys wise the mischiefe and the ruyne was shewed and decla­red: Fyrste by dyuers figures and sondrye likenesses of starres shew­ed in the heauen, and next by won­derfull Monsters in the earthe. [Page] Also the birdes and the foules of the ayre come homelye and not a­fraide fleinge into the Citie / by the which signe their Clarkes that be called Augures, expounden it to their confusion. And they by many fold mo signes than I maye or can declare, the subuersion of the Citie ful long was shewed toforne, onely begon by this contageous diuisiō. But shortelye to entreate the sub­staunce of the storie, whan that Iulius wyth strong hande approched the bonds of Rome: after whan he had wonne the citie of Arimy: and had also conquered Rauenne: and Pompey for feare was fledde to­ward the parties of Grece to make himself strong: Thei of Rome had shortly determined in sētence that Iulius not enter the Citye, but so were that his whole retinue were left behinde. But when they knew [Page] and saw him so passingly mightye and strong: they began to quaken in theyr hartes, and namely: when they were destitute of an head. Of which and for that, some Dukes of Pompey drew them to the parties of Italy into a city which whylom was called Dirachium. And euer thys woorthy knight Iulius wyth his chiualry pursued after, and all that wythstoode he slewe / and the remnaunt he put manly to flyght. And day by day the power of Iu­lius gan multiplye and encrease / and mauger al his enemies of ve­ry force he entred the citye. And as some auctours write / whan the Romaines (for dread) were readye to receiue him by theyr gates: he of indignacion and disdayne / made breake the walles, and proudly entred as a Conquerour, and iustifi­ed the Romaynes as his, and who­ly [Page] tooke on hym the gouernaunce / not onely of the citie / but of all the whole Empyre. And maugre the Cenate he brake the brason doore of their treasure, and by violence toke and [...]aught it away, and plen­teouslye departed it amonge hys knights. And in this meane while ful many kinges of the East party of the worlde, came and assembled before the foresaid city called Di­rachium. Of entent to sustaine the party of Pompey against Iulius. And as soone as there was made relacion to Iulius Cezar of thys great assemble: he made no delay / but with all his power passed by a countrey which of mine authour is called Epirum, and so he entred in to the costes of Thessalie / wher as he founde Pompey / batayled a­gainste hym wyth foure score Co­hortes and eight, departed into .iii [Page] wardes. Now to declare the nom­bre & the multitude of a cohort: ye shal vnderstand that there be two maner of Cohortes, the more, & the lesse. And the more by discripcion of Auctours, conteineth fiue hun­dred, and the lesse foure hundred. There were also on the partye of Pompey, fortie thousande of foote men / and in the left wing ther wer beside al this, sixe hūdred knighes on horsebacke. And in the ryghte wyng ther wer .v. C. among which as Unicent in his mirrour histori­all maketh minde there were ma­ny kynges and princes / and many other woorthye Cenatoures and knightes of Rome which came in defēce of Pompey. And as it is re­membred also / Cesar had .lxxx. Cohortes, deuided & departed in thre wardes. And with this he hadde xxx. M. of footemen, w^tout passing [Page] great nomber of knightes on hors backe. And in this mortal battail / al the party of Pompey wer [...]ut to flight, and there were slaine on his syde .xii. M. and of worthy [...]eders which be called Centurians, were slayne .xxxiii. And Pompey fledde out of the field, and for refuge toke a shyp and passed by the bondes of A [...]ie through Thyrye / and aryued in Egipt. And there anone at hys aryual by the commaundement of Tholome kynge of Egipt, he was beheaded onely for loue & fauoure of Iulius. And fro this victorye thys foresaid Iulius hasted to the parties of Syrye / toward y^e migh­tie City of A [...]yzaundre. And there T [...]olome king of Alizaundre held a battail with Iulius Cezar, both on lande and on water. In whyche warre were slayne .xxii. M. in the fielde / and .xii, hundred ships dys­com [...]ited [Page] and drowned. And Tho­lome the kinge / as he woulde haue fled out of a ship (for haste) he fel in to the sea and was drowned. And as his bodye was cast to lande / he was knowen and discouered by a gile haberion, the which haberion Iulius Cezar made to be sent vn­to the citie of Alizandre / for dread of which they of Alizandre yelded the citie vnto him. Than he repay­red againe into Egipt / and by oc­casion of the death of Tholome he gaue the Septer and the Realme and the whole gouernaunce of E­gipt vnto the Queene Cleopatra. And so after the conquest of manye other Prouincies, Regions / and landes, he made his repaire again the seconde time vnto the Citye of Rome / and there he did take vpon him two offices, both of Consull & of Dictatour. And from thence he [Page] went vnto the conquest of Affcike and there began a new warre, in e­special against al the aliaunce and the blood of Pompey, and slew all the Dukes that were enclined to be fauourable to the partie of Pō ­pey, among which were slaine thre mightie princes, Faustus / Cilla / & Postumus, & Pompeia, the doughter of Pompey iudged to be dead. And from those parties he entred with a mightie and strong hand in to Spayne / and there (so as Sue­tonins writeth) he tooke vpon him power to receiue the tribute, which on the partie of Spayne was due vnto Rome. And so as thys storye maketh mencion / he proceeded so far [...]e in his conquest, so y^t he came to the pillers of Gad [...]s, and there he entered into the Temple of the stronge mightie champion called Hercu [...]es. And whan he beheld in [Page] the same Temple a riche image of gold / set vp for a memorie of kyng Alizaundre: anon this Cezar gan to sigh and complayne in his selfe that he neuer might attayne in his conquest to deserue so victorious a Palme of worthines as in theyr tyme dyd Alisaunder and Hercu­les. And thus pensible and heauye (he issuing oute of the Temple of Hercules) fullye purposed hym in his courage, knightly to take vpō him of manly courage, some newe enterprises of hygh prowesse. And whiles that he was thus surprised in his best thought / the next night ensuynge, he ha [...]de a wonderfull vision / whych was thys: It see­med vnto hym in hys sleepe / that he meddled wyth hys owne Mo­ther: Of the whyche dreame hee full greatly afrayde / and horribly agrised / made call to his presence, [Page] his wise Philo [...]ophers and Diui­nours / to geue a plaine and a clere interpretacion vpon hys dreame. And they anon concluded in shorte sentence, y^t it was an euident signe that he should be fully put in pos­ [...]ession to haue the imperiall domi­nacion ouer al the world. For these prudent Philosophers vnderstode nothing by the fleshly coniunction that he had with his mother / but a knot of Aliaunce, perfourmed vp betwene the earth and him. Understandyng in their exposicion / that the earth is primordinall mother of al thing / concluding therby that he should attaine to be Lorde and Emperour ouer all the parties of the earth. And thus in al hast after the mighty conquest of Affrike / he repaired the third time to Rome, and was made Emperour ouer al the world / and was so farforth en­haunced [Page] on height, that the sunne of his worthines was [...]unne so fa [...] vpon his spere, that it attayned to the highest pricke of his exaltaci­on, so that of necessitie he must dis­cend. For as the story maketh mencion / he perseuered not in his Em­pire fully the space of fiue yeare. And for to rehearce compendious­ly the prodigies and the wonder­ful signes y^t befell afore his death. It is remēbred that the same yere of Iulius death, in the yle of Capwey: there was found by Quarre­ours of the country a rich Tombe of stone, and therein was founde a litle tablet of golde, grauen wyth letters of Greeke / sayinge in thys wise: When euer it shal befall that the Tombe of Capis shall be ope­ned, and that his bones shalbe vn­closed: that same yeare shal the no­ble & worthy Conquerour Iulius [Page] Cezar be murdred in the Capitole at Rome by the false conspiracye and ymaginacion of theym that he hathe trust [...]d moste. Nowe was thys foresayde Capis a worthye man and o [...] great Aucthoritie, and the first Founder and beginner of the Countrey of Capwey / and na­med after him. And like as the let­ters in Greeke specified / it befell. And the seconde prodigye that be­fel tofore the deathe of Cezar was thys: Upon the same nighte tofore that he was slayne on the morowe, thys noble Conqueroure Iulius had a reuelacion / seemynge vnto him in his sleepe, that he was win­ged lyke an Eagle, and howe hee tooke hys flyght so hygh, that he sored aboue the skyes, and appro­ched to y^e celestiall see of Iupiter / And fell downe vppon the ryghte hande of hys God. An other mar­ueilous [Page] signe or prodigy there fel. Also his Wife named Caliphurna a lytle tofore the death of her Lord Iulius, had a wonderful dreame or [...] / seming vn [...]o her whā she was a sleepe, that the most highest Pinacle of the imperial palace, [...]o­dainly & vnwarly fel downe, [...] ther vpon incōtinentli al the windowes of the Chāber where she slept, wi [...]h out hand of ani mā, sodainly brake a twoo theyr barres of yron and o­pened. Of whyche noyse she being sore afrayde in her sleepe / and of a feminiue dreade full sore syghed in her harte as she that coulde not conceyne in mynde what it ment. Also as Unicent in hys hystoriall bookes maketh mencion, an hun­dred dayes before hys pyteous murder in the large Market place of Rome / where as the stature and the great ymage of Cezar stoode / [Page] vppon an highe piller of stone / the name of Cezar grauē with letters of gold aboue his head, when the wether & the att [...]mper ayre was most clere and styl, with a sodayne stroke of the firie leuen / the fyrste letter of his name .C. was smyten away. Declaring by this pronostical signe, that like as this letter C in nombre betokeneth an hundred / & was also most craftely wrought and grauen as for the chief capital letter of his name, to shew openly that the rasing away of this letter by violence of the firye leuen: that he that was head of all the earthe, within the space of a hūdred daies next ensuing, should be vengeabli murdred in Rome. Also the same day of his murdre as he went most royally in his Imperiall araye to­ward the Consistorie, a poore man named Tong [...]lius tooke him let­ters [Page] of all the purposed conspiracy by the Cenate vpon his death / but for hee was negligent to reade the letters, and to vnclose them, the vē geable murder was execute vpon hym. By which example let no mā be slow nor negligent to reade his letters, lest after for his negligēce it may turne him to great damage which after may not lightly be re­couered. And the chiefe cause and worker of this murder / was Bru­tus Crassus / associed vnto him .ii. hundred and syxty of the Cenate, al hauing bodkins in theyr sleues. And as it is in storye remembred, he had .xxiiii. deadly woundes as he sat in the Capitole, and as saith mine aucthour / he neuer in all hys smarte / made neyther crye nor no noyse / except onelye a lamentable and a dolorous sigh, like a mā that with sodaine sorowe were afrayde. [Page] So that touchinge the vengeable maner of hys pyteous murder I maye conclude with him that was Floure of Poetes in our Englishe tounge / and the first that euer en­lumined our lāguage with floures of Rethorique and Eloquence, I meane my maister Chaucer, which compendiouslie wrote the death of this mightie Emperour, saying in this wise, as foloweth hereafter in these lines of metre.

¶Thus by writing of my wise prudent maister tofore said: the fro warde and the contrarious Ladye Dame Fortune, spareth neyther Emperour nor king to plunge him downe sodenly fro the highest prik [Page] of her vnstable wheele. Alas that neuer man lyft to lift vp his harts eye / and prudentlye to aduerte the mutabilitie and the sodain chaūge of this false world. And let y^e wyse gouernours of euery lande and re­gion make a mirror in theyr minde of this manly man Iulius, & consider in their hartes the contagious damages, and the importable har­mes of diuision, and let them se ad­uisedly, and take example how the ambicous pride of Iulius, the fretinge enuie of Pompeyus, and the vnstaunchable gredye couetise of Marcus Crassus, were chiefe and primordial cause of their destruccion, executed & accomplished by cruel death. And not onelye that these aforesaide three abhominable vy­ces were cause of their owne death onely, but occasiō of many a thou­sand other, many more thē I cā tel [Page] Thus the City of Rome not onely made bare and barein of their old riches, & spoyled of their treasoure on the tone syde, but destitute and desolate by death of their knyght­hoode on the other side / me semeth ought inough suffice to exemplifie what is to begin a warre / and spe­cially to considre the irrecuperable harmes of diuision. And for thys skyl most especially by commaun­dement of my maister / I tooke vp­on me this litle translacion, and after my litle cunning, haue put it in remembraunce.