A TREATISE TOVVCHING THE RIGHT, TITLE, AND INTEREST OF THE MOST excellent Princesse Marie, Queene of Scotland, And of the most noble king Iames, her Graces sonne, to the succession of the Croune of England.
VVherein is conteined asvvell a Genealogie of the Competitors pretending title to the same Croune: as a resolution of their obiections.
Compiled and published before in latin, and after in Englishe, by the right reuerend father in God, Iohn Lesley, Byshop of Rosse.
VVith an exhortation to the English and Scottish nations, for vniting of them selues in a true league of Amitie.
An 1584.
MARIA SCOTORVM REGINA
IACOBVS VI SCOTORVM REX
TO THE SACRED AND MOST MIGHTIE EMPEROVR: AND TO THE MOST HIGH AND PVISSANT kynges and Soueraigne Princes of Christendome, Iohn Lesley, Byshop of Rosse wysheth peace and perpetuall felicitie.
SACRED AND MOST MIGHTIE Emperour, and ye most puyssant kynges and Princes Christian, yf you call to mynde and memorye all formes of common wealthes, wherein diuerse people in tymes past (aswell heathen as Christians) haue bene preserued: you shall finde none, eyther for peace and tranquyllitie more established, or for Maiestie more gloriouse, than that, where one hathe gouerned, whiche laufullie entred, as right heyr in succession: and moderated all thinges with sincere indifferencio, as a Iust and vpright Iudge. And, to omitt, that this forme of Gouernemēt resembleth that regimēt, wherwith God ruleth the whole world, and how therfore it is the best: to omitt also that the leagues of forrain Princes, with their mariages, and mutuall agreementes in loue and amitie are herein also included, and how therfore it is profitable: Likewyse to lett passe the generall peace, quiett, and tranquillitie whiche this assureth to all men, and how therfore it is amiable, the trueth of this matter will more euidentlye appear, if you deeply consider what iniuries and calamities the people of that country is forced to endure, where an vsurping Tyrāne, not by right of successiō, as laufull heir vnto his auncestor, but by ambition & stronghand violently intrudeth hym selfe vpon an other mans right & possession. For suche a one, (by vexing his subiectes with continuall fear, & oppressing them with wicked exactions, and more wicked morders) sticketh not to subuert all lawes of God & man, to the ende that he may rule all alone. Thus whiles he most cruelly tirannizeth ouer his subiects, and they most mortally doe hate hym: what mischiefes and [Page] miseries do not burst in vpon any nation by suche a desperate head and suche discorde of membres? Vherupon it foloweth well in my Iudgement, that the good will of Princes toward their subiectes, and the loue of Subiectes toward their Princes is the surest meanes to keepe and preserue the publick weal of any Countrie: In somuche as, what Region so euer wanteth this, must eyther be deuided in it selfe, and torne in peces with domesticall troubles: or fall in to the handes of straungers. Therfore of all nations that haue bene in any age, I finde none, that by this coniunction of mutuall amitie hathe not bene aduaunced with great felicitye: and none on the other syde, that by want therof hathe not, eyther lyke a sore diseased or wounded bodye languished miserablye: or vtterly deuolued in to extreme ruyne and destruction. Yea, suche misruled nations haue not alone tasted the calamities of their enormityes: but haue wickedlye also casten out their vonim vpon others: and with suche contagious poyson, haue infected their neighboures rownd about them. So as all Princes Christian, that desire long to Raigne, haue hereby to note and learne, how it behoueth them, not onlie to rule their own Countries without all manner of Tirannie: but allso to prouyde (so muche as in them lyeth) that their neighbours be not oppressed by Tyrannes. For suche neyghborhoode can not be but contagiouse: because it is the nature of Tyrannes, first to ransake and spoyle their own people, and afterward to breake owt vpon others, and to ruyne them, all manner of wayes. And this I wryte, to the ende, that all Christian Princes, aswell for their own sake, as for Charitie also toward their Christian neighbours, should haue some speciall care to helpe, that my Soueraigne Ladye Marye, Queene of Scotland, and the most noble King her sonne be not excluded, and barred frome their right of inheritance and succession to the Croune of England, after the laufull yssues of King Henrye the eyght be all deceassed: Least that, by vniust intrusion and inuasion of vnlaufull vsurpers, the true heyr be defeated, that florishing Kyngedome by tyrannie ruyned, and the neighbours adioyning contagiouslye annoyed. Fort sithe it is euidently knowen, that all those commodities and riches wherwith England hathe plentifully furnished, not onlye it selfe, but other countries also, haue growen specially by this occasion, that it hathe [Page 3] bene hitherto sweetlye and peaceablye gouerned by the true and laufull heyrs, to the great honour of the Gouernours, and commoditie of the Subiectes: and seing it is also manifest, that after the deceases of all the yssues laufullie descended from Kyng Henrie the eight (as I sayd before) the Kyngdome of England by right euery waye belongeth vnto Marye the Queene of Scotland: who seeth not, that if the same Ladye be excluded from her right: then not only that Realm shall be spoyled of their own commodities, and their neighboures want those helpes which they haue long enioyed: but also, that Region wilbe a neast of Tyrannes, where euery familie shall robbe it selfe, and as mere straungers spoile and morder one an other?
Now then, because some vniust Competitors incensed with desire of rule, doe couer their ambition by pretending a title to the Croune of England: I thought it to be a part of my duetie, to infringe their vntrue surmises: and by strong and weightie argumentes to proue, and ratifie the laufull title and right of the Queene and Kynge my Soueraigne Princes. For so, I hope it will fall owt, that all Christian Kinges and Potentates will more reddelye performe suche honorable offices of Courtesie and Charitie, as all Princes owe one to an other: and that speciallie, when they shall see the veritie, integritie, and iustice of this cause so expresselie declared, as no scruple therof can stick in the hart of any indifferent persone. For thoughe generallie all Christian Kynges are (as it wer) so lynked to gether, as they should aide and defende eache others honour and dignitie in respect that they are Kynges: Yet euery one of them in some one or other particulrr respecte is so allied vnto the Queene and Kyng of Scotland, as they owght to take her part, and to ioyne with her against her enemies. And (to surcease from speaking any more of the common bond of loue among all Princes generallye) I may not herein ouer passe that godlye father which sittethe in the holy Seat, and (as it is well knowen) like a second Samuel will not anoint with holye oyle, (that is to say, confirme by his authoritie) any other to be rulers ouer Christians, than suche Princes as might well seme to be Sauls and Dauids, whiche represented the persones of all laufull Kynges. For beside her vndoubted right of Succession (which is accounted a kynd of diuine callyng and choyse to a Kyngdome) this may speciallie [Page] persuade hym to defend her as his daughter, whiche neyther by straitnesse of prison, nor by any kinde of affliction could be hitherto seduced from honoring him as her father. VVhat nede is there to call vpon the most sacred Emperour, and other Kynges and Princes in particular, sith they are all allied vnto the sayd noble Queene, eyther by a sure knot of amitie, and frendship, or by a most fast bond of consanguinitie and kynred? Neyther is it necessarie to proue this by genealogies and pedegrues, seing the world allredye knoweth that she is descended, both by father and mother, from the most noble Princes, Kynges, and Emperours of the whole Christian worlde.
As for the nobilitie and Commons of England, this should moue them to loue her, that she is come so many wayes of English blood, and had her great Grandmother out of the Princelie house of Somerset, and had for her Grandmother the Lady Margaret, eldest daughter to King Henrye the seuenth. And is not this muche to moue them further, that she was by this meanes so muche affected toward the Englishe Nation, as in her troubles & afflictions at home, she rather hoped for relefe at their handes, and therfore trusted the now Queene of England, vpon her, promises, so farre, as she made her choyse, rather to come for succoure to the Englishe (where now she liueth in prison) than to other Princes her speciall freends: of whome she was assured to haue found relefe and succour? Adde this withall, that before all other Christian Princes, she choase an Englishe man to be her husband, and by hym brought foorthe a sonne, heyr to the same Kyngdome. VVhat should I report of the signes and tokens of her pietie wiche now she showeth in England, or of her Courtesie, good will and loue towarde the English Nation: how freendlye she thinketh of them, how honorably she speaketh of them, and how nobly she writeth of them, yea how that by long conuersing with them, she hath now so perfectlie lerned their manners, their language, and their customes, as hauing almost forgot all other fashions, she seemeth to be brought in to this world, by the prouidence of God, iustlie to gouerne the people of England? VVherefore, sithe this our Queene is the woorthie heir, and the righteous heir of the English Croune: it standeth agreablie with your charitie, whiche you, as Kinges, are wont to vse [Page 4] toward Queenes, and vith those offices of courtesie and kyndenesse whiche you owe, as Allies, to your freendes, or as Cosaines to your kynsewomen, to prouide (by all possible meanes) that she be not defeated of her right: nor barred from that dignitie, whiche by many titles is due vnto her: lest that the harmes whiche fall vpon her by suche losses, doe procure great perilles to you and youre posteritie. And the better to auoyde all stoppes whiche might brede in you by any obscure or breefe relation, I here present vnto your Maiesties with all humilitie this booke, conteyning a full discourse of the whole cause, whiche during my abode in England, about the affaires of my sayd Soueraigne, I caused to be published in Englishe, to the vse of Englishe menne: and haue now augmented it, with a Genealogie of the Competitors, whiche by discent from two Princelie families in that Realme, to wit, Yorke and Lancastre, pretend title to the Croune. And herein the cauilles and surmises of the aduersaries are so refuted, their sleightes so discouered and auoided, and their argumentes whiche they leane vpon so ouerthrowen, as the scruples and dowbtes (whiche before neuerthelesse to menne of equall and indifferent iudgementes were playne enoughe) may well seme to be remoued and pulled out of the hartes and myndes of the aduersaries. I humblie therfore beseche your Maiesties, to accept that freendly whiche I present vnto you: to mark that attentiuelie whiche in writing I sett downe before you: and to performe that Iustlie whiche best beseemeth you. So fare ye well: and fauour the cause of a most laufull Queene.
TO THE MOST EXCELLENT, AND MOST GRACIOVSE QVENE MARIE, AND TO THE MOST noble king Iames her sonne, Quene and kyng of Scotland, his vndoubted Souereignes, Iohn Lesley, Byshop of Rosse wisheth all true felicitie.
O FALL the most excellent guyftes and benefites, which God of his goodnesse hathe bestowed vpon mankynde, I knowe not whether there be any one, for profit, more fruitfull, or in estimation more excellinge, than is the inclination among menne to mutuall loue and amitie. For suche is the force thereof in matters of greate importance, as the persone in whome it is once well establyshed can not be at any time, eyther by counseil seduced, by iniquitie of time imbased, by fortunes frowning disquyeted, nor by any violence shaken, muche lesse ouerthrowen or destroyed: In somuche as, I must nedes saye that, whosoeuer wanteh this guyft of nature: he is not onlye farre from all commendation of constancie and wysedome in greate affaires: but also putteth of all humanitie, and is become impious, wylde, and sauage. And this sense or feling of loue and amitie, although it be naturally planted in euery man and woman: yet is it most especiallye in them, that are by blood and kynred most neerly conioyned together. VVherfore, so often as I consider the tender loue of parents toward their children, & the pietie of children toward their parents: I [Page] alwayes acknowleige this naturall inclinatiō to loue and amitie (without whiche no common wealth can endure, nor any famylie stand) to be a speciall benefit of God, bestowed vpon mankynde. And so often also (most graciouse Princes) I fynde iust cause to moue me in the behalfes of your Maiesties, and of your subiectes, to reioyse, and to gyue God thankes, for that these lawes of nature and guyftes of grace in you by God singularlye planted, you haue reserued and kept whole and inuiolate, from the iniurie of the time, and from the malytiouse stinges of peruerse detractours: in suche sorte as, you could not, by any other occasion, haue gyuen a better testimonie of honorable courtesie and vertue: nor haue raised in the hartes of your subiectes a more assured hope of the best mean to preserue, yea and to enlarge also, and amplyfie your kyngdome. For to me, and to all your louinge subiects nothing can be more gratefull, than this firme and fast loue and agrement betwene you: nothing that ought to be more acceptable to your selues: nothinge more agreable to the generall wellfare of all men. Ernestlie therfore, and in the most deutifull manner that I can deuise, I humblie beseche your Maiesties, at no time to suffer the accustomed heat of your mutuall loue, in any one point, to coole: but that it take such deep holde, and daily encrease so muche within your graciouse brestes, as it neuer be extinguished, eyther by treason of false detractors, by the cruell ficklenesse of fortune, or by any flagitiouse meanes that the malice of this world may procure. So vse the matter, as this louying coniunction of your two hartes may be vnto you a brasen wall: defend you this wall stoutlye, that double tongued Sycophantes may dreed it: let this woorke suche an effect in you, as all those be out of your [Page 6] fauoures whiche carie in their mouthe a flatteringe woord, and in their hand a cruell weapon: suche as pretend peace by woord, & practise warre by deed: such as in peace vse deceit, and in warre outragiouse violence: and so by deceit kill mennes soules: and by violence destroye their bodyes.
Now, as touching the exceding tender loue and zeale of mothers towardes their children: it is of suche force, as hath wrought very much profitt, not only to priuate families, but also to whole common wealthes, yea and to the greatest Empyres. Herevpō arose the honorable fame of Eurydice of Dalmatia, for that being a banished woman in Illyria, & well stroken in aige, she applyed her mynde wholy to learnyng: to the ende she might better instruct her owne children. But, (to come somewhat nearer to your Maiestie, my deare Soueraigne ladye) if the care of this woman ouer her children, and of all other mothers whosouer, be compared whith your woonted singular loue towardes your sonne: so muche further shall you exceede them all, as it hath bene harder in this yron age, constantlye to holde that course of vertueouse loue, which your Grace, with continuall care, and great fortitude, hath kept and performed towardes his Maiestie. But how carefull you haue bene for his safetie (beinge your only sonne, well beseemyng such a mother as your selfe, and right woorthie to be your best beloued) your motherly affection hath bene declared many wayes in your owne persone: As your great instancie, & earnest trauaill in commendinge hym to the tuition of such as were thought most faithfull, hath giuen good proofe thereof. Euen so when those horrible broyles were begonne in your Countrie, all thinges by seditiouse tumultes ouerturned, and the face of your common wealthe with the administration [Page] thereof (by violent expulsion of a laufull authoritye, and by iniuriouse intrusion of others) transeformed and deformed: then (alas) what fear and dreed possessed your tendre hart, what anguishe and vexation your carefull mynde endured for his sake, that is to you most deare: all the worlde may easely iudge: and they best of all, that knowe what it is to be a mother of an infant, beinge vnder the warde of his mortall enemyes. But with what faithfull diligēce your Grace dealt for his safetie, aswell with the nobilitie, as with those whiche had the custodye of hym, (not by letters onlye but by messengers also: and by great rewardes aswell as by other gentle intreatye) I my selfe, am a present witnesse, and (as I think) no man eyther can better testifie, or ought more plainly to manifest the same. For, at that tyme I was by your Maiesties appointment made priuie to all those matters: and in the execution of my commission they passed throughe my handes: yea I haue oftentymes with great compassion & pitie beholden your Grace shedde abundance of deuout teares, kneeling vpon your knees in deuout prayer to God for his wellfare. And afterwarde, when the matter came to this issue, that you might haue bene deliuered vpon certeyn conditions: you preferred the honour of your sonne, and the aduauncement of his Royall dignitie before all worldly thinges, and (as I may well saye) before your owne lyfe: In so muche as euen then you dyd most constantly affirme, that you wolde neuer gyue your consent to any thinge that myght be hurtfull, or preiudiciall vnto hym: albeyt you had bene oftentimes solicited, and sore vrged to the contrary: An honorable sayeng (truely) well beseemyng your motherlye pietie, and Royall descent: and a speciall good proofe of your singular good [Page 7] will towardes your sonne.
And as to your maiestie (most noble kynge, of whom the worlde conceyueth so great hope, and whose iudgement surmounteth your age) when you shall well wegh these and many other greate argumentes of this your mothers naturall loue and pure good will (wherof you should haue bene aduertysed long before this time, by most trusty messengers and many letters, if oportunitie had serued) you shall finde good cause to saye to your selfe:
But at the least, considering your selfe to be so infortunately bereft of so good a mother, you may applie vnto your selfe (as a dolefull Swannes song) that distiche whiche Homer verie fitlie vseth in the persone of Thelemachus bewaling the losse of his brother, as a great calamitie, in this sorte.
Yea more occasion you haue thus to complayn than Thelemachus had: For the nearer in bloode a mannes mother is than a brother, somuche dearer ought she to be vnto hym.
Therfore (to thende you maye more reddelye performe such offices as are expected in you) ponder with your selfe (I humblie beseche you) beside her pietie and naturall kyndenesse towardes you, what mightie kyngdomes, what ample Regions, what populous prouinces may by right of successiō fall vnto you from her only, and vnder her title, if God graunt you that happie longe lyfe whiche we dailye praye for. And to make a playne demonstration hereof (omitting to speake of your right to the [Page] Croune of Scotland, whereof no man at home or abrode putteth any doubt at all) I thought it mete (and that not without good cause) to sett downe in writing what maye (without cause of offence, iustlye, and laufully) be hoped touching your right and interest to some other kyngdomes and prouinces.
Now therfore, because some men perchaunce (bothe forrayners and inhabitantes of the same Countries) are kept in suspense and dowbt what to thynke touchinge the succession of so great dominions, & to the ende that none may be Ignorant of the right, title, & interest, which your noble mother before all others, and your selfe, her Graces onlye sonne, and heyr, (after her) hathe to the inheritance and succession of the Croune of England: and of all the dominions thereunto annexed or belonginge, vpon the decease of the now Quene thereof without laufull yssue of her bodie: I present vnto your two Maiesties this Treatise: wherein is sett downe the state of the whole cause, and the right, Title, due order, course, and processe of that succession, with a playn confutation of all those obiections whiche your aduersaries pretend to the contrarie. And this trauaille longe agoe whiles I was Ambassadour in England I dyd willynglye take in hand: aswell, thereby to wynne the good willes of many vnto you, as for the honour and generall commoditie of your Countrie: VVherein at that time I had muche conference with some of the most expert and skillfullest Iudges & best practized counseilers towardes the lawes of that land: and after many discourses and muche debatinge, I clearly sifted owt their opinions, and Iudgementes, touching this matter. And not longe after vpon mature deliberation: whē I had well reuolued these thinges in my mind: I thought it euery waye agreable to my deutie towarde [Page 8] your Maiesties & your Countrie, to contriue in some litle volume what I had learned in so longe tyme: being also hereunto induced by the persuasion of diuerse Christian Princes: whome, after my departure out of England, coming to visit them, I had made acquainted with this matter: whiche they were glad to hear, and for their better instruction desirous to be infourmed therof at more length by writing. VVherevpon, first to satisfie the honorable meanynge of those noble personages, I compiled and published a Treatise of this matter in latin. And now further to accomplishe my deutie in defence of your Royall Dignities, and to setle the myndes of the wauering communaltie, and for the generall commoditie of all suche as haue any interest in this matter, I haue sett forthe this Treatise in English. And I verilye hope (suche is your princelie good meanyng, my most vndoubted Soueraignes) that you will accept in good parte this my trauaile, as a testimonie of my duetifull good will, reuerence, & seruice to your Maiesties: and that you will construe my intention and aduise to this attempte, as (in your iudgement) agreable to the weight of so great a cause: and allowe thereof, for the manyfold commodities that therehence may arise.
Now then, as a right and laufull combination of manye Regions by iust title of succession belongyng to you, most manifestlie argueth and conuinceth a Regall Soueraigntie, deriued vnto you by many famouse kynges, your Maiesties Auncestors: so doeth the same require and exact of you an vnion and coniunction of mindes, and a full consent in the vertue and religion of your forefathers. For nothinge can be more agreable with the name and title of a king, and with the honour and renoume of so noble a successiō, as so fortunatly procedeth [Page] from suche a mother to suche a sonne, than that with suche an vndoubted title & right to rule a kyngdome, there be annexed an vniforme profession in sincere Religion. To whiche ende, as the mother hitherto most religiouslie foloweinge the vertue, faith, and pietie of her noble progenitoures hathe euermore showed suche constancie, as that Sexe scarsely beareth: so the yong kyng her sonne in succession goeng with her, must diligently foresee, that in a sincere profession of one selfe same Catholik religion, he be not behynd her: but that, as he hath truely imitated all her other vertues, wherein she woonderfully excelleth her own selfe: so he resemble her in true faith and in vniformitie of the Catholique Religion. And thus the mother can haue no occasion offered her to remitt any part of her true loue, and affection towardes her sonne: but by daily encrease of naturall affectiōs betwene them, she will so answer hym in courteouse kyndnesse: as, thoughe she be forestalled of his presence, yet shall she enioye great comfort of hym in his absence: in so muche as, all the world at home and abrode shall admire and wonder at their laudable emulation in offices of naturall zeale and pietie: Yea, thus it will fall out, that your own people (moued by your example) will induce one an other to peace and amitie: and freely of their own accorde, without any contention, will offer vppe vnto you, suche kyngdomes, regions, & prouinces, as are, or shalbe due vnto you by right: and desire nothinge more than to be vnder the dominion of them, whome they see in one mynde, faythe, and religion, with good lawes and true Iustice moderate their common wealthe. VVhiche kyngdomes and the Subiectes thereof, God the kynge of all kynges which ruleth the hartes of all Princes graunt [Page 9] you grace well to gouerne, to the glorye of his, holy name, to the propagation of his holy churche, and to the maintenance of common peace and tranquillitie. Amen.
A PREFACE CONTEYNING THE ARGVMENT OF THIS TREATISE, VVITH THE CAVSES mouyng the Author to wryte the same.
THE deepe prouidence of Almightie God, who of nothinge created all thinges, most euidently in this poynt showeth it selfe, that by his power ineffable he hath not onlye created all thinges, but by the same power, hath also endewed euery liuyng creature, with a speciall guyft & grace to continue, to renewe, and to preserue; eache his owne kynde. But in this consideration, the condition of man kynde, amonge and aboue all earthly thinges, hath a pearlesse prerogatiue of witt and reason: wherewith he onlye is of God graciously indued and adourned.Man by the guyft of vvitt & reasō hath a greate fresight of thinges to come. For by theese excellent guiftes and graces of witt and reason, he doeth not onlye prouide for his present necessitie and sauegarde (as doe naturally, after their sort, all brute beastes, and euery other thinge voide of reason) but also, pregnantlie discoursinge from cause to cause, and prudentlie applyeng their seuerall courses & euentes, he gayneth a greate foresight of the daungers and perilles that many yeres after may happen, either to him selfe, or to his Countrey: and then by diligence and carefull prouision doeth inuent some apt and meete remedies, for the eschewinge of suche mischiefes, as might outragyously afterward occurre. And the greater the fear is of more imminent mischief: so muche more care, and speedier diligence is vsed to preuent and cutt of the same.
[Page 10]And it is most certaine, by the confession of all the world, that this care (whiche I speake of) ought principally to be imployed of euerie man (as oportunitie serueth) to this ende, that therby the Authoritie of the Prince may be kept whole and sound: the publik weal of his countrey assured: and the cō mon peace & tranquillitie of bothe preserued.Subiects ought to loue their kinge, and to knovv the heyr apparent to the Croune. For the obteining whereof, as there are many braunches of policie to be desired: so one special parte is for subiectes, louinglye and reuerentlye to honour, and obedientlie to serue their Soueraigne, which for the time hath the rule and gouernement: the next, to foreknowe to whome they owe their alleageāce, after the deceasse of their present prince and Gouernour. VVhiche being once certain, and assuredly knowen, procureth (when tyme doeth come) readie and seruiceable obedience, with great comfort in the mean while, and afterwarde vniuersal reast and quietnesse of all good Subiectes: as on the contrary part, throughe discord, variance, and diuersitie of mindes and opinions, about a Successour, the matter groweth to faction: and from factiō bursteth out to plain and open hostilitie: wherevpō foloweth passing great perilles, and oftentimes detestable alterations and subuersions of the plublick state.
For the better auoyding of suche and lyke inconueniences (albeit at the beginning Princes reigned, not by descent of blood and succession,VVhy all the vvorld, almost, embraceth succession of princes, rather than election. but by choyse and election of the worthiest) the world was for the most part constreyned to reiect and abandon election: and so oftentimes in stead of a better and woorthier, to take for their Gouernour, some certain issue & ofspring of one family, though otherwyse perhappes not so mete. VVhich defecte is so supplied, partly by the greate benefit of the [Page] good reast and quyetnesse that the people vniuersally enioye by this course of succession: and partly by the industrie and trauail of graue and sage personages, whose counseil Princes doe vse in their affaires: that the whole world, in a manner, these many thousand yeres, hath embrased successiō by blood, rather than by election.
And all politike Princes wanting issue of their own bodies to succede them, haue euer had a speciall care & foresight (for auoyding of ciuil dissention) that the people allwayes myght knowe the true and certain heyr apparent of the Croune: specially, when there appeared any lykelyhode of varitie of opinions, or factions to ensue, about the true and laufull succession in gouernement.
The care of English kinges to haue the successour to be knovvn.This care and foresight doeth manifestly appear to haue bene not only in manye Princes of forain Countreis, but also in the kynges of England, aswell before, as after the Conquest: namely in S. Edward, kyng of England, that holie Confessour, by declaring and appoynting Edgar Atheling, his nephews fonne,Flores hist. anno 1057 to be his heyre: as also in kynge Richard the first: who, before he interprised his Iourney to Ierusalem,Richard Chanon of the Trinitie ī Londō assembled his Nobilitie and Commons together, and by their consentes declared Arthure, sonne of his brother, Duke of Britain, to be his next heir and Successour of the Croune. Of whiche Arthure,flores hist. anno 1190 Poli. l. 14. as also of the sayd Edgar Atheling, we will speake more hereafter.
This care also had king Richard the second, what time by authoritie of Parlament he declared for heir apparent of the Croune, the Lord Edmond Mortymer, that Maried Philip daughter and heyr of his vnkle Leonell,Polid. l. 20. duke of Clarence. And (to descend to later times) the late kyng Henry the eight shewed (as it is knowen) his prudence and zelous [Page 11] care in this behalfe, before his last voyage in to Fraunce.
And nowe, if almightie God should (as we be all, bothe prince and others, subiecte to mortall chaunces) once bereaue the Realme of England of their present Queene: the hartes and mindes of men being no better, nor more firmely setled and stayed towardes the expectation of a certain succession, than they seme now to be: then woe & alas, it woundeth my very hart, euen once to thinke vpon the imminent, and almost ineuitable perilles of that noble Realme, being lyke to be ouerwhelmed with the raiging, & roaring waues, & stormes of mutuall discorde, and to be consumed with the terrible fire of ciuil dissention.
The feare whereof is the more, by reason that already in these later yeres, some flames of this horrible fire haue sparkled and flushed abroad: & some part of the rage of those fluddes haue beaten vpon the Englishe shores: I mean the hote contention that hath there bene sturred in so many places, and among so many persones: Of bookes also dispersed abroode, so many wayes fashioned & framed, as either depraued affection peruersely lusted, or zelous defense of truthe sincerely moued men.
Seing therfore, that there is iust cause of fear, and of great daunger lykely to happen, by this varietie of mennes myndes and opinions, so diuersely affected, aswell of the meaner sort of menne, as of greate personages: I take it to be the parte of euery naturall Englishe man, & of suche as fauoure them, to labour and trauaile (eache man for his possibilitie, and for suche talent as God hath gyuen hym) that this so imminent a mischiefe may be in conuenient time preuented.
VVe see what, witt, policye, paynes, and charges [Page] men employe, with dammes, weares, and all kynde of ingenious deuises, to prouide, that the sea or other riuers doe not ouerflowe or burst the bankes, in suche places, as are most subiecte to suche daunger. VVe knowe also, what politike prouision is made, in many good Cities and townes, that no daungerous fires do aryse through negligence: and that the furie therof (if any happen) may speedilye be repressed with diligence. VVherein Augustus the Emperour, among other his famours actes, is woorthely commended & honored, for appointing in Rome an ordinary wache of seuen companies in seuerall places, to preuent suche mischiefes, as come by fyre: being hereunto induced, by reason that the Citie was set on fire in seuen seuerall places in one daye. And shall not then euery man, for his part and vocation, haue a vigilant care and respect to extinguishe and quenche fuche a fyre alreadye bursten owt, as may (if the matter be not wyselye looked vnto) subuert, distroy and consume, not one Citie onlye, but also a whole Realme & Countrye?
VVhiche to suppresse, one ready and commodiouse waye (as I thinke) is, that the Countrey men & people of that nation may throughly vnderstand and knowe, from time to time, in what persone the right of succession of the Croune of that Realme doeth stande and remayne. For now, many men, partly through ignorance of the sayd right & title, & partly through sinister persuasion of some lewd pamphlets (whereunto they haue too lightly giuen credit) are seduced and caried away quite from the right opinion and good meaning, whiche once they had conceiued, and from the reuerence and duetie, that they other wyse woulde, and shoulde haue.
VVhiche corruption of Iudgement and opinion, [Page 12] I doe hartely wishe to be plucked out of the hartes and mindes of men: and shall in this Treatise, doe my best indeuoure, with moste strong reasons and prooses, to remoue the same: not presuminge vpon my selfe, that I am better able than all others this to doe: but vpon duety and zeal to open a waye fot the knoulege of trueth, whiche by so many indirect meanes is restreined, obscured, and persecutde: after reading and vewing of suche bookes, and the argumentes therof, as haue bene set forth by the aduersaires to the contrarie, (whiles I was in England, Ambassador for my most gratiouse Soueraigne ladye, the Quene of Scotland) I attempted this woork, not vnrequested of some noble personages, then of great accompte: nor without the aduise, counsail, and Iudgement of some, verie skillfull in the customes, lawes, and statutes of that Realme. VVherein I verily hope to showe suche good matter, for euident demōstration of the truth, as semeth to me sufficient to satisfie euery honest and indifferent persone: and able to persuade all such as are not obstinatly bent to their own partiall affections, or not gyuen ouer to some sinister meanyng, and factiouse dealing.
TO THE NOBILITIE AND people of England and Scotland, A Poesie made by T. V. Englishman.
A TREATISE TOVVCHING THE RIGHT, TITLE, AND interest asvvell of the most excellent Princesse, Marye, Queene of Scotland, as of the most noble Kyng Iames, her Graces sonne, to the succession of the Croune of England.
And first, touching the Genealogie, or pedegrue of suche Competitors, as pretend title to the same Croune.
A DECLARATION OF THE TABLE folovveing, touching the rase & progenie of suche persones as, descēding from the Princely families of Yorke and Lacastre, doe eyther Iustlye clame, or vniustlye aspire vnto the Croune of England: set foorthe for this speciall intent, that all men may clearlye see (as by a plain demonstration, and by the best proofe that can be of a true and laufull succession) hovv the most Graciouse Princesse, Marye Queene of Scotland, and from & by her, the most noble King Iames, the sixt of that name, her Graces sonne, ought Iustlye to barre all others, contending to intrude them selues into the Royal Throne of the Realme of England, before their time.
CERTAINE IT IS,Queene of Scots right heir apparent of the Croune of England. and assuredlie tried and knowen to all men, that (after the decease of Elizabeth, now Queene of England, without laufull yssue of her bodie) the Soueraigne Gouernement of that Realme (by right and iust title of a laufull succession) is to remayn and come to Marie, the most noble Queene of Scotland, and from her to the sayd Kyng Iames. And this is suche an vndoubted truthe, as the Aduersaries them selues are not able to denye it, yf they will cast away all partiall affection of priuate quarrelles, and sincerely discouer their owne consciences. For,A vvomā may haue the kingdome of England. (to let passe as sufficiently by others aunswered and clearly confuted, that absurde paradox, & heretical assertion blowen abrode, by vndiscrete and seditiouse libells, against the regiment of women) I make this full accoumpt and reckening, as of a thing most clearly knowne, and confessed in the hartes and myndes of euery true English man, and as agreable with the lawes of God and nature: that for default of heyr male, inheritable to the Croune of England, the next heir [Page] female in an ordinary course of inheritance & succession, is to be inuited & called to the laufull possession of the Croune: And that, aswell by the auncient common lawe and custome of England, yet in force: as also by the Statutes and actes of Parliaments of that Realm, and by the vsuall construction and continuall practise of the same.
In like manner it is euident and playne, that the right noblye renoumed Princesse, of famouse memorye, Lady Margaret, some tyme Queene of Scotland, & eldest daughter of the seuenth Henry, King of England, and of his most noble wyfe, Queene Elizabeth, the vndouted heir of the howse of Yorke, was maried to Iames, King of Scotland, the fowerth of that name: by whome she had one only sonne called king Iames the fift: & that the said most excellent Princesse, Marye, now Queene of Scotland, is the sole daughter of the same King Iames the fift. VVherupon it falleth owt, that after the decesses of the heirs males of the bodies of the sayed kyng Henry the seuenth and Queene Elizabeth his sayd wyfe, whithout laufull issue of their bodies, then the right, title, and interest to the Croune of England ought to descend,Margaret King Hēry the seuenth his eldest daughter, graundmother to the Scottish Queene. and come, by a laufull course of inheritaunce and succession, first & before all others, to the sayd most gracious Lady, Marie Queene of Scotland, as next heir, in a laufull descent, from her sayd graundmother, the sayd Queene Margaret, eldest daughter of the sayd King Henry the seuenth, and of Queene Elizabeth his sayd wyfe.
Now, this is a briefe narration of suche an vndoubted truthe, as should nede no further explication, if men were deuoutlye inclined to credit a truthe. But because some men are by ambition so blynded, & caried away with their own phantasies, [Page 14] as they mynd nothing more, than with cōtentiouse quarrelles, to obscure and deface this matter: I must fet a further course: and though the thing be playn enough of it selfe: yet must it be delated with a larger discourse of many proofes, experimentes and examples: to the intent that all those Competitors and Chalengers, whiche oppose them selues against her Maiesties right (albeit of them selues they will not yeeld to reason) may neuerthelesse be so conuinced, and daunted, as they shall haue nothing left to gaynsaye, when the truthe of the cause shalbe clearlye reuealed, and sincerely layd open, to the vewe of Princes, and people of all nations.
Fyrst therefore, I will set downe a Genealogie,The argumēt of this vvorke. and Pedegrue of the Kinges of England: And I will deriue the same frome king Edward the thirde: And so frome the most noble houses of Yorke and Lancastre, in manner of an historie, vntil these our dayes. Then will I duelie examin suche argumētes, as the Competitours doe alleige for their proofe, to the ende that by suche discourse on bothe parties, the trueth may better appeare.
King Henry the seuenth,The processe of the descent of the houses of York & Lancastre, and their diuersites in Armurye. being descended of the house of Lancastre, had for his wyfe, Elizabeth eldest daughter of kyng Edward rhe fowrth, and right heyr of the house of Yorke, By which marieage, the bloodye broyles & cruell factions of those two noble howses, which so many yeres had miserably afflicted the state of England (being called the factions of the white Rose and the reade: meaning by the white Rose, the house of York, and by the reade Rose, the house of Lancastre: vpon that diuersitie in Armurie) were by the mercifull prouidence of God broken and ended, For those two mightie families (descending, thone from Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancastre, the other from Edmond [Page] Duke of Yorke, two of the sonnes of king Edward the thirde) striuyng for the kyngdome, did drawe after them, in contrary parties, all the nobles and Cōmons of that Realme. And no ende nor measure of ciuile dissentions, slaughters, and morders could be founde, vntill suche tyme as the titles & interests of those two houses, were by the sayd mariage cō byned in one, and closed together: and thereby all factions, and domesticall dissentions ceased and determined. The originall cause of those dissentions was, as here after foloweth.
The cause of debate, betvvene the houses of Yorke and Lancastre.Kyng Edward of England the third had fower sonnes, of whome there was yssue: to witt, Edward Prince of wales, whiche was the eldest sonne: Lionell duke of Clarence, the next: Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancastre, the thirde: And Edmund of Langley, Duke of Yorke the fowerth sonne.
Edward Prince of wales dyed before his father & left a sonne which succeded his Graund father, & was called king Richard the second. This Richard was, by his cousin germain, Henry (sonne of the said Iohn of Gaunt by Blanche his wyfe) deposed from hys kyndome, and dyed in prison, without yssue. And then the kyngdome was translated to the heirs of the thyrd brother: and so to the house of Lancastre▪ by this meanes.
Lionell, the second of the sayd fower brothers, Duke of Clarence, had one onely daughter, & heir, called Philippe: she was Maried to Edmund Mortimer Erle of Marche: and by him had a sonne called Roger Mortimer Erle of Marche: whose daughter and sole heir, called Anne, was the wyfe of Richard Erle of Cambringe: And by him had yssue, Richarde Plantagenet. Duke of Yorke, heyr in descent to Edmund of Langley, the fowerth brother before named. Thus the house of yorke, by mariage of the [Page 15] sayd Anne, heir of the house of Clarence, gained a nearer title to the Croune of Englād. And therupō folowed priuie grudge, malice, & hatred: and afterward horrible warres betwene those two families.
The thirde brother, Iohn of Gaunt had to his first wyfe, the Ladie Blanche daughter and sole heir of Henry Duke of Lancaster, descēded of Edmond Erle of Lancastre, called Edmonde crowcheback, sonne of king Henry the third.Polidor li. 16 [...]. Some there were (as Polidor writeth) which afterward reported that this Edmond crowchebacke was the eldest sonne of the sayd king Henry the third, and therfore his heir, but by reason of his deformitie his brother Edward was perferred to the Croune: In so muche as vnder pretense hereof the before named Henry, sonne of Iohn of Gaunt by the sayd Blanche (which deposed king Richard the second) as is before mensioned, to shewe some coloure of good title to the Croune, and for to auoyde suspicion of iniuriouse intrusion, was aduised by his freends at the tyme of his coronation to clame that kyngdome in the right of his mother, the sayd Ladye Blanche. But bycause that pretense was misliked, the same kyng Henry the fowerth deuised other matter▪ of title, and published the same by proclamation,Polidor li. 21. in initio. as Polidor also writeth: and vnder pretense thereof clamed the kyngdome, and called hym selfe kyng Henry the fowerth. After hym succeded his sonne, king Henry the fyft: maryed the Ladye Catharin, the onely daughter of the sixt kyng Charles of France: and by her had a sonne called Henry the sixt: whome king Edward the fourth, descēded of the house of Yorke, dyd cast into prison (where he dyed) recouered the kyngdome to hym selfe: and after the battail of Teukesbury, caused Edwarde, sonne of the same king Henry the sixt, priuilye to be put to death.
[Page]Yet neuerthelesse, the house of Lancastre did stand. For Iohn of Gaunt before named, by his third and last wyfe, had a sonne, called Iohn Erle of Somerset, and Marques of Dorcestre. And this Iohn had a sonne, named Iohn Duke of Somerset, and Erle of Montague: and a daughter called Ioan: she was maried to the first Iames king of Scotland, the third of the house of Stewards, after the two Roberts, the second and third. This Iames the first was father to Iames the secōd, father of Iames the third, father of Iames the fowerth, kynges of Scotland. VVhich Iames the fowerth maried the said Queene Margaret, eldest sister to kyng Henry of England the eight: and by her had Iames the fyft, father of Marie now Queene of Scotland.
The sayd Iohn Duke of Somerset and Erle of Montague had one onely Daughter called Margaret, Duchesse of Somerset: whiche was maried to Edmond, afterward Erle of Richemond brother, of the halfe blood, to king Henry the sixt, by one & the same mother, the sayd Queene Catharin: for his fathers name was Owen Teuther, the second husband of the same Queene Catharin. This Edmond had, by the said Lady Margaret, Duchesse of Somerset, a sonne called Henry, who vpō the death of that Tyranne, the third kyng Richard, obteyned the kyndome of England, and was named king Henry the seuenth.
But (to come to the house of york, descended of the fowerth sonne of kyng Edward the third) so it is that Richard the before named Erle of Cambridge, by his sayd wyfe the Lady Anne mortimer before named the only heir of the house of Clarence, had (as is before sayd) a sonne called Richard Duke of York. This Richard, (the principal persone of the faction whiche dyd beare the white Rose) after [Page 16] great warres with king Henry the sixt) the cheefe of that syde whiche dyd beare the read Rose (was slayne in the battail of VVakefeild: And had three sonnes) Edward Duke of Yorke, George Duke of Clarence: and Richard Duke of Glocestre. This Edward Duke of York (as is before mentioned) put the sixt king Hēry in prison, obteined the kingdome, and so brought the Croune to the house of York, and was called king Edward the fowerth. He had a sonne whiche succeded hym, and was called kyng Edward the fyft: and a Daughter, the Lady Elizabeth, afterward wyfe to king Henry the seuenth. The second brother George Duke of Clarence was by his brother kyng Edward the fowerth put to death: he had a daughter, the Lady Margaret, Countesse of Sarisburie, afterward maried to Pole. The third brother, Richard duke of Glocestre, after the deceasse of his brother King Edward the fowerth, caused the yong kyng, Edward the fyft, his said brothers sonne, traiterously to be mordered: & lyke a Tyranne vsurped the Croune, and called him selfe king Richard the third: but (as he iustly deserued) he dyed dishonorably, and was slain in the battail beside Bosseworth, by king Hēry the seuēth, & so dyed without issue. This seuenth king Henry, descended of the house of Lancastre, was then the principal persone of the other partie agaynst the house of York. But (to take away the matter of that contention) he maried the said Elizabeth daughter to the sayd King Edward the fouerth,The vnion of the houses of York and Lancastre. then right heir of the house of York: and so by vniting those two houses, he dyd cut of all those long and perniciouse broyles: Thus I haue brieflye: set downe the original cause, and the finall ende also, of that so great and troublessome faction.
Yet to procede further touching the said kingThe yssue of Kinge Henry the seuenth. [Page] Henry the seuenth: he had by his said wyfe, Quene Elizabeth, a sonne called king Henry the eight (for his other sonnes I omit, because they died in the life tyme of their father, and without issue.) And he had also two daughters, Margaret, wyfe of the fowerth kyng Iames of Scotland, and Marie▪ the wyfe of the twelueth king Lewes of Fraunce. This king Henry the eight had for his first wyfe, Catharin daughter to Ferdinando king of Spayn: and by her he had a daughter, the Ladye Marye, afterward Queene of England. But vnder a pretence that the sayd Catharin was the wyfe of his deceassed brother Arthur, he putt her awaye, and brought in Anne Bolleine, daughter of Syr Thomas Bolleine knight: and by her he had a daughter the most renowmed Lady, Elizabeth, now Queene of England: And afterward he stroke of the head of the sayd Anne, and Maryed the Ladye Iane Semer, a knyghtes daughter: by whom he had his sonne Edward: whiche afterward was Kinge Edward the sixt, and dyed without yssue. Then were called to the crown by succession, first the sayd Lady Marie: and after her, the sayd Ladye Elizabeth now Queene. After whose deceasses, without any laufull yssue of their bodyes, the next place in succession ought of right to remayn to the sayd most noble Ladye Marye, now Queene of Scotland,
But before I enter into the explication of this matter, it shall not be farre from the purpose, somewhat to speake of these other personnes that chalenge the right of fuccession, as properly to them selues belonging.
King Henry therfore the seuenth, by the sayd Queene Elizabeth daughter to king Edward the fowerth had (as you haue heard) his said sonne king Henry the eight, and his sayd two daughters, the [Page 17] Lady Margaret, wyfe to king Iames of Scotland the fowerth, & the said Lady Mary, wyfe to the sayd king Lewes of Fraunce the twelueth: by whom she had no yssue.The yssue of Queene Margaret of Scotlād. And the sayd king Henry the eight had (as I haue sayd) by diuerse venters his sayd thre children, king Edward, Queene Marie, and Queene Elizabeth. Of the sayd Queene Margaret, eldest daughter to the seuenth king Henry of England, was by the sayd King Iames the fowerth, her first busband, begotten and borne, the fift king Iames of Scotland, father to the sayd most noble Ladye, Marie, now Queene of Scotland. And after the decease of the sayd king Iames the fowerth, the same Queene Margaret was maried to Archebald Erle of Anguish, and by him had a daughter, called the Ladie Margaret Duglasse, sometyme the wyfe of Mathew Steward, Erle of Leneux, by whom she had two sonnes, Henry and Charles, of whom I will speake here after.
Mary the yonger daughter of king Henry the seuenth after the decease of her first husband the twelueth, king Lewes of Fraunce,The yssue of Marye the Frēche Queene. by whom she had no yssue, was maried to Charles Brandon, Duke of Sulffolk: by whom she had two daughters: Frācise & Eleonor. For of her sōnes I omitt to speak, because they died without issue. The said Lady Francise was maried to Henry Gray Marquesse of Dorcestre, afterward Duke of Suffolke. This Henry Gray begat of her, thre daughters, to witt, Iane, Catharin, & Mary. The same Lady Iane eldest of those thre, was maried to Gilford Dudley, the sonne of Iohn duke of Northumberland: a mariage begunne in an vnfortunate houre: for it brought with it destruction aswell to them bothe, as to their parents, and many others. The sayd Ladye Catharin was espoused to Henry Harbert eldest sonne of VVilliam Erle of [Page] Pembroche. And the Ladye Marye yongest of the said three, was betrothed to Arthur Gray, sonne of VVilliam Gray: But bothe those contractes afterward, by the procurement and special labour of the parentes, rather than vpon good matter (as I haue heard) were in open court dissolued, and pronounced to be of no validitie in law. The like happened touching a priuie contract made betwene the same Lady Chatharin & the Erle of Hartforde, by whom she had two sonnes yet lyuing. Of whome I will speak hereafter. And thus farre touching the issue of the Lady Francise, thone of the sayd two daughters of Charles Brandon by Mary the Frenche Queene.
Now let vs come to the sayd Lady Eleonor, the other daughter of the sayd Mary. This Eleonor was maried to George Clyfford, Erle of Cumberland: who had by her a daughter, the Lady Margaret, now wyfe to the Erle of Darby: whiche two haue issue betwene them yet liuing. And this is the true genealogie and pedegrue (forsomuch as I could euer learn) of all suche issue and ofspring descended of king Henry the seuenth, and Queene Elizabeth his wyfe, as at this day can claime any right title, or interest in the Croune of England. The remayn is to adde hereunto somewhat touching the progenie of the before named king Edward the fowerth.
The yssue of King Edvvard the fouerthThis king Edward the fowerth, the principall personne of the faction of the whyte Rose, had two sonnes: whom his brother Richard, aspiring to the Croune (a patern of the worst marke that euer was in the memory of man) caused to be mordred: And he had also fower daughters: the eldest was Queene Elizabeth the before named wyfe of King Henry the seuenth, the cheefe of the faction of the reade Rose, as is before mentioned. An other of the daughters was the Lady Catharin, wyfe to VVilliā [Page 18] Courtney, Erle of Deuonshire. Of the other two daughters, there is left no issue, and therfore I omitt them. This Lady Catharin had by the sayd Erle of deuonshire, a sonne called Henrie Courtney, whom his Cosin germain, king Henry the eight caused to be beheaded vpon a pretense of treason. This Henry Courtney left one onlye sonne called Edward Courtney, whom in his tender yeres king Henry the eight imprisoned in the Tower of london, (where he remayned many yeres) till the death of king Edward the sixt: At whiche time that patterne of singular clemencie Queene Marie dyd not only delyuer hym, but also restored hym to his auncient estate of blood and dignitie. This yong noble man afterward dyed without issue at Padua in Italie: but if he had liued: he might with best right haue claimed the Croune of England, after the issues of king Henry the seuenth, and Queene Elizabeth his wyfe had bene extinguishhed.
In this Courtney now deceased, the progenie of King Edward the fowerth had bene determined, as concerning the streight line, if the ofspring of king Henry the seuenth, and Quene. Elizabeth his wyfe, were not yet liuing. But if that (at any tyme) faile: then must they seke for an heyr in the collateral line.
Therfore it is to be noted,The collaterall lyne of the succession. that the before mentioned Richard Plantagenet Duke of York (which was slayn by Henry the sixt in the battail of wakefeild, and of whose progenie we now speake,) had three sonnes: to witt, king Edward the fowerth: George Duke of Clarence, and Richard Duke of Glocestre. Now then, for default of issue in lineal descent from Edward the eldest brother, we must haue recourse (as is before sayd) vnto the collateral descent, that is, to George Duke of Clarenee, the [Page] second brother, and to his succession. For to speak any more of Richard the yongest brother, whiche dyed without issue, it were superfluouse.
George then, duke of Clarēce (,yonger brother to Edward the fowerth) had by his vyfe, Isabell (Countesse of VVarwik and Sarisbury) two children, to witt, Edward and Margaret. This George vpon suspition of treason to affect the kyngdome, was by kyng Edward his brother priuilye put to deathe: And his sonne Edward being but a child emprisoned in the Tower of lond, where he was deteined vntill at last, vpon lyke surmise, kinge Henry the seuenth stroke of his head But the sayd Lady Margaret, Countesse of Sarisburie, was maried to Sir Richard pole knight, by whom she had diuers sonnes: to wytt, Henry, Arthur, Geffray, & Reinald, the same, which afterward for his rare vertues and singular wisdome and learning, was aduaunced to the dignitie of a Cardinal,Cardinal Pole. and called Cardinal Pole. Henry the eldest brother (to omitt the rest) had two daughters: Catharin Pole the elder sister, whiche was maried to Francise Hastinges, Erle of Huntingdon: and VVenefride the yonger sister. Of whiche VVenefride there is no nede to speak any more: because there is yet liuing, descended of the sayd Ladye Catharin, a plentifull generation. Thus it is euident and very playn that whan the lineal descent in bloode from king Henry the seuenth and Queene Elizabeth, his wyfe shall fayle: then must the right of the white Rose, that is to saye, of the house of Yorke, whiche dyd spring of king Edward the fowerth be transplanted, and be deriued by a collateral lyne from George Duke of Clarence vnto the house of the Poles, and so vnto the house of haftings or Hūtingdon.
Yet is there an other braunche sprong out of [Page] the same stock,The novv Emperor and King Philip are descended from King Edvvard the third. I mean from Edward the third in a long course of descent. And that is Philip the king Catholique of Spayn descended from Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancastre, third sonne of king Edward the third. For the sayd Iohn of Gaunt had two daughters: Philipp and Catharin. This Ladye Philipp was mother to Edward king of Portugal: of whome all other the kings of Portugal, sithince that tyme till this day, are descended. This Edward king of Portugal was father to Eleonor the Emperesse, whiche was mother to Maximilian, the Emperor: father to Philipp king of Castil, father to that most victoriouse Emperour Charles the fift, father to the most prudent Prince, Philipp, the King Catholik of Spayn, now raigning, & to the most graciouse Ladye Marie, mother to Rudolphus now Emperour.
But (no to omitt any thing which apperteyneth to the Royall succession) I think it good to adde a word or two touching the Lady Margaret Duglasse, Aunt (that is to saye, sister to the father) of my Soueraign Lady, now Queene of Scotland: her mean whiche was maried to the Erle of Leneux: a mariage verie plausible to king Henrye the eight, or he indued her with great possessiōs in England: this Ladye Margaret had by the sayd Erle two sonnes, Henry and Charles. Atferward the same Henry went in to Scotland to visit his father: and sing in the Court there, a comely yong gentlemā, verie personable, and of great expectation, fownd suche fauour in the sight of that most Gratiouse Queene of Scotland, as her Maiestie created hym Duke of Albanie & Erle of Rosse: And there withal she made a speciall choyse of hym to be her husband: thynking therby, that (because he was born and brought vp in England) her right and title [Page] might be more fortifyed, and all surmised defectes supplied, yf any thing there were that coulde be obiected against her Maiestie.
After this Mariage betwene that most noble Queene and the sayd Henry was solemnized and consummate: her Grace had by hym a sonne, my said Soueraign now king of Scotland, called Iames the sixt: A noble Prince, of heroical towardnesse, and of the best hope: the vndoubted laufull heir of that most gratiouse Queene: representing allwayes from his infancie a liuely Image of his mother and of her beautie, vertues and graces.
Thus muche in few woordes concerning the succession of the Croune of England, and of those persones which clame any interest therein. But (to the ende that all thinges may be more perfectlye discerned) I haue caused to be sett downe, in a table hereunto annexed, all the degrees of descents, both lineal and collaterall from king Edward the third, from whome eyther of those two families of York & Lancastre doe take their begynning: In whiche table, the whole order and processe of that noble stocke, hanging together in a continuall course of succession, may most easily appeare at the first sight.
A table of the Rase and progenye of suche persones as descending from the princely families of Yorke & Lācastre, doe eyther iustly clame, or ambytiously couet the title of successiō to the Croune of Englād. VVhere by all men may see by what right, and in what course eache of the yssues of King Henry the seauenth and Queene Elizabeth his wife: are to be orderly called to the Croune of that Realme.
A genealogie of the Kinges of Englād from VVilliam Duke of Normandie called VVilliam the cōquerour vntill this present yere of our Lorde. 1584.
VVhereas some persones ambitiouslie coueting the Croune of England doe practize sinisterly to discredit the right title of the laufull heyres, and seke priu ilye to aduaunce I knowe not what new titles of their owne creation: Therefore to remoue all scruples that hereupon may growe, this table is set foorth: VVherein it may appearo at first sight, how by the Mariage of King Henry the seauenth and Queene Elizabeth his wyfe, the vndoubted title of that Croune was shut vp in them two, & in their issue: How they lost but thre children hauinge yssue: to witt, King Henry the Eight: Margaret their eldest daughter, wyfe of Iames the .4. King of Scot. And mary wyfe of Charles Duke of Suffolk. And that after the decesses of K. Henry the .8. and of his issue, the right of succession of the said Croune is to remayn to the yssue of the sayd Margaret before all others. And that is to the most gracious Lady Mary now Queene of Scotland: and from and by her to the sixt King Iames of Scotland, her Graces most noble sonne.
To the wellwilling Reder.
Here thou haist (wellwilling Reder) the cōtinuall Rase & processe of Succession of the triumphāt Croune of England: set forth before thy eyes, not so muche thereby to gratifye my vndoubted Soueraignes, as to dissolue all doubtes touching the laufull succession of that Croune: & to shew some aduise for the dignitie, peace, and weale publique of the whole yle of Britaine: to the ende that all matter of sedition may be extinguished. Farewell: and take in good parte this my trauail.
VVilliam Duke of Normandie subdued and slewe in battail at hay stinges Herold the vsurpor, in the yere of our lorde. 1066. and obteined the kingdome to hym selfe, whose posteritye hath enioyed the same till this daye.
- 1. Kyng VVilliam Conquerour.
- 2. Kyng VVilliam Rufus.
- 3. Kyng Henry 1. Maried to.
- Maude daughter of Malcom. 3. K. of Scot.
- Maude daughter of Henry .1. maried to.
- Henry .5. Emperour first husband of Maude
- Geoffrey Plātagenet second Husband of maude.
- 5 King Henry 2. sonne of maude by G. Pl.
- 6. Kyng Richard 1. Called cuer de Lyon.
- 7. Kyng Iohn.
- Ioan wyfe of Alexāder .2. Kyng of Scotlād.
- Alexander 2. Kyng of Scotland.
- Alexander 3. Kyng of Scotland.
- 8. Kyng Henry the third. The house of Lancastre.
- Edmond Erle of Lancastre.
- Henry Erle of Lancastre.
- Henry Duke of Lancastre.
- Blāche heir of Henry D. of Lancastre, vvife of Iohn of Gaunt.
- Henry Duke of Lancastre.
- Henry Erle of Lancastre.
- Margaret wyfe of Alexā der .3. Kyng of Scotland.
- Edmond Erle of Lancastre.
- 9. Kyng Eddward the first.
- 10. Kyng Edward the second maried to.
- Isabel daughter of Philip le beau Kyng of France.
- Ioan wyfe of Dauid de bruise king of Scotlād.
- Dauid de bruise Kyng of Scotland.
- Ioan wyfe of Dauid de bruise king of Scotlād.
- Isabel daughter of Philip le beau Kyng of France.
- 11. King Edward the thyrd.
- Iohn of Gaunt D. of Iāc. in right of his wife
- Philip wyfe of Iohn 1. Kyng of Portugal.
- Edward Kyng of Portugal. The line of Poratugl.
- Ferdinand.
- Emanuel Kyng of Portugal.
- Isabel the eldest daughter of Emanuel, and vvife of Charles 5 Emper.
- Philip Kyng of Spayn.
- D. Iames.
- D. Philip.
- D. Iames.
- Philip Kyng of Spayn.
- Isabel the eldest daughter of Emanuel, and vvife of Charles 5 Emper.
- Emanuel Kyng of Portugal.
- Eleonor wyfe of Frederik Emperour.
- Maximilian .1. Emperour.
- Philip king of Castill in right of his wife.
- Maximilian .1. Emperour.
- Ferdinand.
- Edward Kyng of Portugal.
- Catharin wyfe of Henry .3. Kyng of Castil. The lyne of Castil.
- Iohn Kyng of Castil.
- Elizabeth heyr of Castil vvyfe to the Kyng of Aragon.
- Iohn Quene & heir of Castil, wyfe of Philip.
- Charles .5. Emperour and kyng of Spayn.
- Ferdimand Emperour, and Archeduke of Austriche.
- Maximilian Emperour Archeduke of Austriche.
- Mary daughter of Charles, and vvife of Maximillam Emperour.
- Rudolphe Emperour, & archeduke of Austriche.
- Anne wife of Philip kyng of Spayn.
- Iohn Quene & heir of Castil, wyfe of Philip.
- Elizabeth heyr of Castil vvyfe to the Kyng of Aragon.
- Iohn Kyng of Castil.
- 13. Kyng Henry the foworth.
- 14. King Henry the fift.
- 15. King Henry the sixt.
- Edward.
- 15. King Henry the sixt.
- 14. King Henry the fift.
- Iohn Erle of Somerset.
- Ioan wyfe of Iames .1. king of Scotland.
- Iames .1. Kyng of Scotland. The lyne.
- Iames .2. Kyng of Scotland.
- Iames .3. Kyng of Scotland
- Iames .4. king of Scotland maried to.
- Iames .3. Kyng of Scotland
- Iames .2. Kyng of Scotland.
- Iames .1. Kyng of Scotland.
- Iohn Duke of Somerset.
- Margaret maried to Edmond Erle of Richemōd
- 19. Kyng Henry the seauenth maried to.
- Margaret first maried to King Iames: 4. and after to Of Scotland.
- Iames .5. Kyng of Scotland.
- Marye Queene of Scotlād maried to.
- Iames .5. Kyng of Scotland.
- Archebald Erle of Angus secōd husbād to Queene Margaret.
- Margaret wyfe of Mathew Erle of Leneux.
- Henry Stuart second husband of Mary Queene of Scotland.
- Iames .6. Kyng of Scotland.
- Henry Stuart second husband of Mary Queene of Scotland.
- Mathew Stuart Erle of leneux.
- Charles Stuart maried to Elizabeth Canendish.
- Arbella.
- Charles Stuart maried to Elizabeth Canendish.
- Margaret wyfe of Mathew Erle of Leneux.
- 20. King Henry the eight.
- 21. king Edward the sixt.
- 23. Queene. Elizabeth
- 22. Queene Marye.
- Margaret first maried to King Iames: 4. and after to
- 19. Kyng Henry the seauenth maried to.
- Margaret maried to Edmond Erle of Richemōd
- Ioan wyfe of Iames .1. king of Scotland.
- Philip wyfe of Iohn 1. Kyng of Portugal.
- Edward called the blacke prince.
- 12. King Richard the second.
- Lionel Duke of Glarence.
- Philip maried to Edmōd mortimer Erle of marche.
- The house.
- Edmond of langley Duke of Yorke.
- Richard Erle of Cambridge maried to Anne mortimer.
- Anne mortimer maried to Richard Erle of cambringe.
- Roger mortimer, and Eleonor hys sister died vvithout yssue.
- Rogermor timer .4. Erle of marche
- Edmond mortimer .5. Erle of marche died without isse.
- Anne mortimer maried to Richard Erle of cambringe.
- of Yorke.
- Richard Plantagonet Duke of Yorke.
- 18. King Richard the third.
- Edward dyed without issue.
- 18. King Richard the third.
- George Duke of Glarence.
- Margaret Countise of Sarisbury maried to R. Pole.
- Reinald Pole Cardinal and Geffrey Pole.
- Henry Pole Baron of Montague. The house of huntingdon.
- VVenefride wyfe of Barington knight.
- Catharin maried to Frā cis Erle of hūtingdon.
- Henry Erle of huntingdon.
- George hastings & others.
- Arthur Pole.
- Mary wyfe of Iohn Stannay.
- Margaret wyfe of tho fitzherbert.
- Margaret Countise of Sarisbury maried to R. Pole.
- Richard Plantagonet Duke of Yorke.
- 16. kyng Edward the fowerth.
- Elizabeth maried to king Henry the seuenth. The howse of Suffolke.
- Mary daughter of K. Henry. 7 maried to Charles Duk of Suffolk
- Francise wyfe of marques dorcet.
- 1. Iane wyfe of Guilford dudley.
- 2. Catharin.
- Henry sonne of Catharin by the Erle of hereford.
- Edward.
- 3. Mary.
- Eleonor maried to George Erle of cūberlād.
- Margaret maried to the Erle of darby.
- Ferdinand.
- VVillyam.
- Francis.
- Margaret maried to the Erle of darby.
- Francise wyfe of marques dorcet.
- Mary daughter of K. Henry. 7 maried to Charles Duk of Suffolk
- 17. Kyng Edward the fyft.
- Elizabeth maried to king Henry the seuenth.
- Adela wife of Stephan Erle of Bloys.
- 4. Kyng Stephan.
- Iohn of Gaunt D. of Iāc. in right of his wife
A FVRTHER PROOFE OF THE SAYD TITLE OF SVCCESSION, VVITH A RESOLVTION OF the obiections of the Aduersaries.
VVE SAY THEN and affirme, that the next right Heire & Successour apparent vnto the Croune of the Realme of England, is at this time suche a one, as for the excellent guiftes of God and nature in her most princely appearing, is worthie to inherit either that noble Realme, or any other, be it of much more dignitie and worthines.
But nowe I clame nothing, for the worthines of the persone, whiche God forbid should be any thing preiudiciall to the iust title of others. Yf most open and manifeste right, iustice and title do not concurre with the woorthines of the persone: then let the praise and woorthines remaine where it is, and the right where God and the lawe hath placed it.
But seing God, Nature and the lawe doth call the person to this expectation, whose interest and clame I do now prosequute (I meane my vndouted soueraine Ladye, Marye Queene of Scotlande) I hope, that when her right and iuste title shalbe throughly heard and considered by the indifferent Reader, if he be persuaded already for her right, he shalbe more firmelye setled in his true and good opinion: and that the other parties, being of a contrarie minde, shall finde good causes and groundes, to remoue them from the same, and to geue ouer and yelde to the truthe.
Her Graces Title then, as it is most open and [Page] euidente, so it is moste conformable to the lawe of God, of Nature, and of that Realme: And consequentlye, in a manner, of all other Realmes in the worlde, as growing by the nearest proximitie of the Royal blood. She is a Kinges and a Queenes daughter, her selfe a Queene, daughter (as is before declared) to the late King Iames of Scotlande sonne to Ladie Margarete the eldest Syster to the late King Henrie the eight. VVhose daughter also the late Ladie Lenoux was, by a later husbande. But Ladie Frauncis, late wife to Henrie Marques Dorsette, afterwarde Duke of Suffolke: and the Ladie Eleonour, late wife to the Earle of Cumberlande, and their Progenie proceede from the Lady Marie, Dowager of Fraunce, yongest Sister of the sayd King Henrye, late wyfe to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke as is before declared.
I might here fetche foorth olde farne dayes. I might reache backe to the noble & worthie Kings long before the Conquest, of whose Royal blood she is descended. VVhiche I Intend not to treat vpon at this tyme. And though perhappes it might seme not much to enforce her title: yet may it serue to proue her no stranger to England, being of so long continuance, and so many wayes descended of the kings, and Royal blood of that Realme. But the Argumentes and prouffes, whiche we meane to alleage and bring forth for the confirmation of her right and title in Succession (as Heire apparent) to the Croune of England, are gathered and grounded vpon the lawes of God and nature: and not onely receaued in the Ciuile policies of other nations, but also in the olde lawes and Customes of the Realme of England, by reason approued, & by vsage and longe continuance of tyme obserued, from the first constitution of that Realme in politicall [Page 21] order, vnto this present day.
And yet for all that, hath it bene, and yet is, by some men attempted, artificiallye to obiecte and caste many mystie darke cloudes before mennes eyes, to kepe from them (if it may be) the cleare light of the sayd iust title, the whiche they would extinguish, or at the least blemish with some obscure shadow of lawe, but in deede against the lawe: and with the shadowe of Parlamentes, but in deede against the true meaning of the Parlamentes.
And though it were enough for vs (our cause being so firmely and suerly established vpon all good reason and lawe) to stande at defence: and only to auoide (as easely we may) their obiections, whiche principally and chiefly are grounded vpon the common lawes and Statutes of that Realme: yet, for the bettering and strengthening of the same, we shall Lay forth sundrie great & inuincible reasons, conioyned with good and sufficient authoritie of the lawe, so approued and confirmed, that the Aduersaries shal neuer be able iustly to impugne them: And so, as we trust, after the reading of this Treatise, and the effectes of the same well digested, no maner of scruple ought to remaine in any indifferent mans hart, concerning her right and title.
VVhose expectation and conscience allthough we truste fully in this Discourse to satisfie, & doubt nothing of the righteousnes of our cause: yet must we nedes confesse, the manner & forme to entreate therof to be full of difficulty & perplexity. For such causes of Princes, as they be seldome and rare, so is it more rare & strange, to finde them discoursed, discussed and determined by any lawe or statute: albeit nowe & then some statutes tende that waye.Inst. de iust & iure [...] fin. Neither do the lawes of England, nor the Corps of the Romaine and Ciuil lawes medle so muche with [Page] the direction of the right,L. princeps [...] de leg. l. dignū v [...]x. C. eodem. and titles of kings, as with priuate mens causes.
And yet, this notwithstanding, for the better iustification of our cause, albeit it, I denie not but that by the common lawe it must be knowen, who ought to haue the Croune: and that the common lawe muste discerne the right, aswel of the Croune, as of subiectes: yet I saye, that there is a great difference betwene the Kings right, and the right of others:The common lavve of England is rather grounded vpon a generall custome, than vpon any lavve vvritten. And that the title of the Croune of that Realme of England is not subiect to the rules and principles of the common lawe of that Realme, as to be ruled and tryed after suche order and course, as the inheritance of priuate persones is by the same. For the proofe whereof let vs consider, what the common lawe of that Realme is, and how the rules thereof be grounded and do take place. It is very manifeste and plaine,In Prologo suo eiusdē. li. fo. 1. & 2. De dict. Ranulpho Glanuilla. vide Giraldum Cambren. in topogra. de VVallia. that the common lawe of the Realme of England is no lawe written, but is grounded onely vpon a common and generall custome throughout the whole Realme, as appeareth by the Treatise of the auncient & famous VVriter of the lawes of the Realme named Ranulphus de Glanuilla, who wrote (in the time of the noble King Henrie the second) of the lawe and Custome of the Realme of England: being then, and also in the time of the raigne of King Richarde the firste, the chiefe Counsailour and Iustice of the same king: and also by the famouse Iustice, Fortescue, in his booke whiche he wrote (being Chauncellour of England) De laudibus Legum Angliae. Fortescue de lau. Leg. Angl. c. 17. 8. E. 4. 19. 33. H. 6. 51. Pinsons prime. And by 33. H. 6. 51. and by E. 4. 19. VVhiche Custome by vsage and continuall practise heretofore had in the kinges Courts within that Realme is onely knowen and mainteined: wherein the English nation seeme much agreable to the olde Lacedemonians, who, [Page 22] many hundred yeres past,Inst. de in re natura. gent. & ciuil. §. ex non script. most politikely and famously gouuerned their common VVealth with lawe vnwritten: whereas among the Athenians the writen lawes bare all the sway.
This thing being so true, as with any reason or good authoritie it can not be denied: then we are further to consider, whether the kinges title to the Croune can be examined, tried and ordered by this common Custome, or no. Yf it may: then must yt be proued by some recorde, that it hath bene so vsed: otherwise the aduersaries only say it, and nothing at all proue it. For nothing can be sayde by lawe to be subiecte to any custome, vnlesse the same hath bene vsed accordingly, and by force of the same custome. But I am well assured,The Aduersaries haue shevved no rule of the common lavve that bindeth the Croune. that the aduersaries are not able to proue the vsage and practise thereof, by any record in any of the Kings courts. Yea I will further say, and also proue, that they neither haue shewed, nor can shew any one rule, general or special, of the cōmon lawe of that realme, that hath bene taken, by any iust cōstruction, to extende vnto, or bind the King or his Croune. I will not denie, but that (to declare & set forth the prerogatiue and Iurisdiction of the King) they may shewe many rules of the lawe: but to binde hym (as I haue sayde) they can shewe none.
The obiections of the aduersaries touching Aliens borne are clearlie auoided.
OVR aduersaries, in a booke gyuen out by them touching this succession, doe alleige for a Maxime in lawe most manifest, that who so euer is borne out of England, and of father and mother, not being vnder obediēce of the King of England, can not be capable to inherite any thing in England. VVhiche rule being generall, without any wordes of exception, they also say, must nedes [Page] extende vnto the Croune. VVhat they meane by lawe, I knowe not. But if they meane (as I thinke they do) the common lawe of England: I answere, there is no suche Maxime in the common lawe of the Realme of Englande as hereafter I shall manifestly proue.
But if it were (for argumentes sake) admitted for this time, that it be a Maxime or general rule of the common lawe of England: yet to saye, that it is so general, as that no exception can be taken against the same rule, they shewe them selues either ignorant,25. E. 3. or els very carelesse of their credite. For it doth plainely appeare by the Statute of 25. E. 3. (being a declaration of that rule of the lawe, which I suppose they meane in terminge it a Maxime) that this rule extendeth not vnto the Kinges children. VVhereby it moste euindently appeareth, that it extendeth not generally to all. And if it extende not to binde the Kinges children in respect of any inheritance descended vnto them from any of their Auncestours: it is an Argument á for [...]iori, that it doth not extende to binde the king or his Croune. And for a full & short answere to their Authorities sett foorth in their marginall Notes, as 5. Edvvard. 3. tt. Ayl [...] 1 [...]. Edvva. 3. tt. Bref. 31. Edvva 3. tt. Cosen. 42 Ed. 3 fol. 2 22 Henric. 6 fol. 42. 11. Henric. 4. 23. & 24. Litleton. ca. vile [...]age: it may plainly appeare vnto all, that will reade and peruse those Bookes, that there is none of them all, that doth so muche as with a peece of a word, or by any colour or shadow seeme to intende, that the title of the Croune is bounde by this their supposed generall rule or Maxime. For euerie one of the said Cases argued and noted in the said Booke are onely concerning the dishabilitie of an Alien borne, and not Denizon, to demaunde any landes by the lawes of the Realme by [Page 23] suite and action onely, as a subiect vnder the King:The aduersaries case perteineth to subiectes onely. and nothing touching any dishabilitie to be laied to the King hymselfe, or to his subiectes. Is there any cōtrouersie about the title of the Croune, by reason of any suche dishabilitie touched in any of these Bookes? No verely, not one woord, I dare boldely say: As it may most manifestly appeare to them, that will reade and pervse those bookes. And yet the aduersaries are not ashamed, to note them as sufficient authorities for the maintenance of their euill purpose and intent. But as they would seeme to vnderstand, that their rule of dishabilitie is a generall Maxime of the lawe: so me thinketh they should not be ignorant, that it is also as general,No Maxime of the lavve bindeth the Croune, vnles the Croune specially be named. yea a more general rule & Maxime of the lawe, that no Maxime or rule of the lawe can extende, to binde the king or the Croune, vnlesse the same be specially mentioned therein, as may appeare by diuerse principles and rules of the lawe, which be as general, as is their sayd supposed Maxime: and yet neither the king, nor the Croune is by any of them bound. As for example: it is very plaine,1. Of Tenant by the curtesy. that the rule of Tenante by the Curtesie is general without any exception at all. And yet the same bindeth not the Croune, neither doth extende to geue any benefite to him that shall Marie the Queene of England. As it was plainely agreed by all the lawiers of that Realme, when king Philip was maried vnto Queene Marie: although (for the more suertie and plaine declaration of the intentes of King Philip and Queene Marie, and of all the states of that Realme) it was enacted,2. Nor that the landes shalbe diuided among the daughters. that king Philip should not clame any title to be Tenaunt by the Curtesie. It is also a general rule, that if a man dye seysed of any landes in Fee simple without yssue male, hauing diuerse daughters: the lande shalbe equally diuided among [Page] the daughters: VVhich rule the learned men in the lawes of that Realme agreed (in the lyfe of the late noble Prince Edwarde) and also euery reasonable man knoweth (by vsage) to take no place in the succession of the Croune. For, there the eldest enioyeth all,3. Nor the vvife shall haue the third part. as though she were issue male. Likewise it is a general rule, that the wife after the decease of her husband, shalbe endowed & haue the third parte of the best possessions of her husband. And yet it is verie clere,5. E. 3. Tit. praeroga. 21. E. 3. 9. & 28. H. 6. that a Queene shall not haue the thirde parte of the landes belonging to the Croune, as appeareth in 5. E. 3. Tit. praerogat. 21. E. 3. 9. & 28. H. 6. and diuers other bookes. Bysides this, the rule of Possessio fratris, 4. Nor the rule of Possessio fratris, &c. being generall, neither hath bene, or can be stretched to the inheritance of the Croune. For the brother of the half blood shall succede, and not the sister of the whole blood, as may appeare by Iustice Moile: and may be proued by King Etheldred, brother and successor to king Edward the Martyr: and by kyng Edward the Confessor, brother to king Edmunde: and by diuers other, who succeded in the Croune of England, being but of the halfe blood: As was also the late Queene Marie: and is at this presente her sister. VVho both, in all recordes of the lawe, wherein their seuerall rightes and titles to the Croune are pleaded (as by daily experience, in the Exchequer, & in all other Courtes is manifest) doe make their conueiance as heires in blood the one to the other: whiche, if they were cōmon or priuate persons, they could not be allowed in lawe: they (as is well knowen) being of the halfe blood one to the other: that is to wit, begotten of one father,5. Nor that the executour shall haue the goods and Chattles of the testatour. 7. H. 4. fol. 42. but borne of sundrie mothers. It is also a generall rule in the lawe, that the executour shall haue the goodes and Chattles of the testatour, & not the heyre. And yet is it other wise in the case [Page 24] of the Croune. For there the successour shall haue them, and not the executour, as appeareth in 7. H. 4. by Gascoine. It is likewise a general rule, that a man attainted of felony or treason, his heire through the corruption of blood (without pardon and restitution of blood) is vnable to take any landes by discente.6. VVhich rule (although it be generall) yet it extendeth not to the descente or succession of the Croune:Nor that a traitour is vnable to take lādes by discēte, and vvithout pardō. although the same Attainder were by acte of Parlamente: as may appeare by the Attainder of Ricarde Duke of Yorke, and king Edward his son, and also of king Henry the seuenth: who were attainted by acte of Parlament, and neuer restored: and yet no dishabilitie thereby vnto any of them, to receaue the Croune by lawfull succession.
But to this the aduersaries wold seeme to answere in their said booke, sayeing, that Henry the seuenth, not with standing his attainder, came to the Croune, as caste vpon him by the order of the lawe: for so much as when the Croune was caste vpon him, that dishabilitie ceassed. VVherein they confesse directly, that the Attainder is no dishabilitie at all to the succession of the Croune. For although no dishabilitie can be alleaged in him, that hath the Croune in possession: yet if there were any dishabilitie in him before to receue and take the same by lawful successiō: then must they say, that he was not lawful King, but an vsurpet. And therfore in confessing Henry the seuenth to be a lawful king, and that the Croune was lawfully caste vpon him, they confesse directly thereby, that before he was kinge in possession, there was no dishabilitie in him to take the Croune by lawful succession, his said Attainder not withstanding, whiche is as muche as I would wish them to graunt.
But in conclusion, vnderstanding them selues [Page] that this their reason can not mainteine their intent:An aunsvvere to the aduersary making a difference betvvene attainder & the birth out of the allegeance. they goe about an other way to helpe them selues, making a difference in the lawe betwene the case of Attainder, & the case of foraine birth out of the kinges allegeance: sayeinge, that in the case of the Attainder necessitie doth enforce the succession of the Croune vpon the partie attaynted. For otherwise, they say, the Croune shall not descēde to any. But vpon the birth out of the kinges allegeāce they say, it is otherwise. And for proofe thereof they put a case of I. S. being seased of landes, and hauing issue A. and B. A. is attainted in the life of I. S. his father: and after I. S. dieth, A. liuing vnrestored. Nowe the lande shal not descende either to A. or B. but shal goe to the Lorde of the Fee by way of eschete. Otherwise it had bene (they say) if A. had bene borne beyond the sea, I. S. breaking his allegeance to the king, and after I. S. cometh agayne into the Realme, and hath issue B. and dieth: for now (they say) B. shall inherite his fathers Landes.
Yf the Croune had bene holden of any person, to whome it might haue escheted, as in theyr case of I. S. the lande did: then peraduenture there had bene some affinitie betwene theyr said case, and the case of the Croune. But there is no suche matter. Bysides that they muste consider, that the king cometh to the Croune, not onely by descent, but also & chiefly by succession, as vnto a corporation. And therefore they might easely haue sene a difference in theyr cases betwene the kinges Maiestie, and I. S. a subiecte: And also betwene landes holden of a Lorde aboue, & the Croune holden of no earthly Lorde, but of God almighty onely.
But yet for arguments sake I woulde faine knowe, where they finde their difference, and what authoritie they can shew for the proof thereof? [Page 26] They haue made no marginal note of any authoritie: & therefore vnlesse they also saye, that they are Pythagoras, I will not beleue theyr difference. VVel, I am assured, that I can shew good outhoritie to the contrarie, and that there is no difference in theyr cases. Yf they peruse. 22. H. 6:22. H. 6. fol. 43. there may they see the opinion of Iustice Newton, that there is no difference in theyr cases: but that in both theyr cases the lande shall eschete vnto the Lorde. And Prisote, being then of Counsaile with the party that clamed lands by a descent, wher the eldest sonne was borne beyond the seas, durst not abide in lawe vpon the title. This authoritie is against theyr differēce, & this authoritie I am well asseured is better, then any that they haue shewed to proue their difference. But if we shall admit their difference to be according to the lawe: yet their cases, where vnto they applie their difference, are nothing like, as I haue said before. Now then, to procede on in the proofe of our purpose, as it doth appeare, that neither the King, nor his Croune is bound by these generall rules, whiche before I haue shewed: so do I likewise say of all the residue of the general rules & Maximes of the lawe, being in a manner infinite.The supposed Maxime of the aduersaries toucheth not Kinges borne beyond the sea, as appeareth by King Stephen and King H. 2. But to retourne againe vnto their onely supposed Maxime, whiche they make so general, concerning the dishabilitie of persones borne beyond the seas: it is very plaine, that it was neuer taken, to extende vnto the Croune of the Realme of Englande, as it may appeare by king Stephen, and by king Henry the second, who were both straungers and Frenchemen, borne out of the kinges allegeance, and neither were they kinges children immediate, nor their parentes of the allegeance: and yet they haue bene alwaies accompted lawfull kinges of England: nor their title was by any man at any time defaced [Page] or comptrolled for any suche consideration or exception of foraine birth.
The aduersaris obiection touching King H. 2. auoided.And it is a worlde to see, how the aduersaries would shifte their handes from the said king Henry the second. They say, he came not to the Croune by order of the lawe, but by capitulation, for asmuche as his mother, by whome he conueied his Title, was then liuing. VVell, admitte that he came to the Croune by capitulation, during his mothers life: yet this doth not proue, that he was dishabled to receaue the Croune, but rather proueth his abylitie. And although I did also admit, that he had not the Croune by order of the lawe during his mothers life: yet after his mothers death, no man hath hitherto doubted, but that he was king by lawfull succession, and not against the lawes and Customes of that Realme. For so might they put a doubt in all the Kinges of that Realme, that euer gouerned sithens. VVhiche thing we suppose they are ouer wise to goe about.
Bysides this, I haue hard some of the aduersaries for further helpe of their intention in this matter say, that king Henry the second was a Queenes childe, & so king by the rule of the common lawe. Truely I know, he was an Emperesse childe, but no Queene of Englandes childe. For although Maude the Emperesse, his mother, had a right and a good title to the Croune, and to be Queene of England, yet was she neuer in possession, but kepte from the possession, by king Stephen. And therefore king Henry the second can not iustly be sayed, to be a Queene of Englandes childe, nor yet any kynges childe, vnlesse ye would intend the kinges children, by the wordes of Infantes de Roy &c, to be children of further degree, & descended from the right line of the king: for so ye might say truely, that he was [Page 25] the child of king Henry the first, being in deede the sonne and heire of Maude the Emperesse,As touching Arthur King Richardes nephevve. Vt autem pax ista, & sūma dilectio, tam multiplici, quam arctiori vinculo connectatur: praedictis curiae vestrae magnatiꝰ id ex parte vestra tractantibus Domino disponē te condiximus, inter Arthurū egregium Ducē Britanniae nepotē nostrū & haeredē si forte sine prole obire nos cōtigerit, & filiā vestrā matrimonium coatrahendum &c. In trastatu pacis inter Richa. 1. & Tancredū Regē Siciliae. Vide Reg. Houeden. & Richardum Canonicum S. Trinitatis Londiu. daughter and heire of kinge Henry the first▪ VVhereby the saide rule of the aduersaries is here fowly foiled.
And therefore they would (for the maintenance of theyr pretensed Maxime) catche some holde vpon Arthur the sonne of Ieffrey, one of the sonnes of the saide Henry the seconde. They say then, like good and ioly Antyquaries, that he was reiected from the Croune, bycause he was borne out of the Realme. That he was borne out of the Realme, it is very true: but that he was reiected from the Croune for that cause, it is very false. Neither haue they any authoritie to proue theyr vaine opinion in this pointe. For it is to be proued by the Cronicles of that Realme, that king Richarde the first, vncle vnto the sayd Arthur, taking his iourney toward Hierusalem, declared the said Arthur (as we haue declared before) to be heire apparent vnto the Croune: which would not haue bene if he had bene taken to be vnhable to receaue the Croune by reason of foraine birth.
And although king Iohn did vsurpe, aswell upon the said king Richard the first, his eldest brother, as also vpon the sayd Arthur his nephewe: yet that is no proof, that he was reiected, bycause he was borne out of the Realme. Yf these menne could proue that, then had they shewed some reason and president to proue their intent, whereas hytherto they haue shewed none at all, nor, I am wel assured, shall euer be able to shewe.
Thus may ye see, gentle Reader, that neither this pretensed Maxime of the lawe set forth by the Aduersaries, nor a great nomber more, as general as this is (whiche before I haue shewed) can by any reasonable meanes be stretched, to bind the Croune [Page] of England. These reasons and authorities may for this time suffice, to proue, that the Croune of that Realme is not subiecte to the rules and the Principles of the common lawe, neither can be ruled and tried by the same. VVhiche thing being true, all the obiections of the Aduersaries made against the title of Marie the Queene of Scotland to the succession of the Croune of that Realme, are fully answered, and thereby clearly wiped away. Yet for further arguments sake, and to the ende we might haue all matters sifted to the vttermost, and therby all things made plaine: let vs, for this tyme, somewhat yeelde vnto the Aduersaries, admitting; that the Title of the Croune of that Realme were to be examined and tried by the rules and principles of the common lawe: and then let vs consider and examin further, whether ther be any rule of the common lawe, or els any statute, that by good & iust construction can seeme to impugne the said title of Marie the Queene of Scotland, or no. For touching her lineal descente from king Henry the seuenth, and by his eldest daughter (as we haue shewed) there is no man so impudent to denie. VVhat is there then to be obiected among all the rules, Maximes, and iugements of the common law of that Realm? Only one rule, as a general Maxime, is obiected against her. And yet the same rule is so vntruely set forth, that I can not well agree, that it is any rule or Maxime of the common lawe of the Realme of England. Their pretensed Maxime is, whosoeuer is borne out of the realme of England, and of father and mother, not being vnder the obedience of the king of England,A false Maxime set forth by the aduersaries. 7. E. 4. fol. 28. 9. E. 4 fol. 5. 11. H. 4. fol. 25. 14. H. 4. fol. 10. cannot be capable to inherite any thing in England. VVhiche rule is nothing true, but altogether false. For euery stranger and Alien is hable to purchace the inheritance [Page 27] of landes within that Realm, as it may appeare in 7. & 9. of king Edward the fourth, and also in 11. & 14. of king Henrie the fourth. And although the same purchasse is of some men accounted to be to the vse of the king: yet vntill such time as the king be intitled there vnto by matter of Record, the inheritance remaineth in the Alien by the opinion of all men. And so is a very Alien capable of inheritance within that Realme. And then it must nedes fall out verye plainlye, that this generall Maxime, where vpon the aduersaries haue talked and bragged so muche, is now become no rule of the common lawe of that Realme. And if it be so: then haue they vtered very many woordes to small purpose.
But yet let vs see further, whether there be any rule or Maxime in the common lawe, that may seeme any thing like to that rule, wherevpon any matter may be gathered against the title of the said Marie Queene of Scotland. There is one rule of the common lawe, in woordes some what like vnto that, whiche hath bene alleaged by the aduersaries. VVhich rule is set forth and declared by a statute made anno 25. of king Edward the third. VVhiche statute reciting the doubt that then was, whether infants borne out of the allegeance of England, should be hable to demaund any heritage within the same allegeance, or no: it was by the same statute ordeined, that all infantes inheritours, whiche after that time should be borne out of the allegeāce of the king, whose father and mother at the time of their birth, were of the faith and allegeance of the king of England, should enioy the same benefittes and aduantages, to haue and holde heritage within the said allegeance, as other heires should. VVhervpon it is to be gathered by dew & iust cōstruction of the same statute, and hath bene heretofore commonly [Page] taken, that the common lawe alwayes was, & yet is, that no persone born out of the allegeāce of the king of England, whose father and mother were not of the same allegeance, should be able to haue or demaund any heritage within the same algeance, as heire to any person. VVhiche rule I take to be the same supposed Maxime, that the aduersaries do meane. But to stretche it generally to all inheritāces (as the aduersaries woulde seeme to do) by any reasonable meanes can not be.The statute of Edvv. 3. An. 25. touchetb inberitance, not purchase. 11. H. 4. fol. 25. For (as I haue said before) euery stranger and Alien borne, may haue and take inheritance, as a purchaser. And if an Alien do Marie a woman inheritable, the inheritance therby is both in the Alien, & also in his wife, & the Alien thereby a purchaser. No man doubteth, but that a Denizon maye purchase landes to his owne vse: but to inherit landes, as heire to any person within the allegeance of England, he can not by any meanes. So that it seemeth very plaine, that the said rule bindeth also Denyzons, & doth onely extend to Descentes of inheritance, and not to the hauing of any lande by purchse.
Now will we then consider, whether this rule by any reasonable cōstruction can extend vnto the Lady Marie the Queene of Scotland, for and concerning her title to the Croune of England. It hath bene said by the Aduersaries that she was borne in Scotland, whiche realm is out of the allegeance of England, her father and mother not being of the same allegeāce: & therfore by the said rule, she is not inheritable to the Croune of England. Though. I might at the beginning very wel and orderly deny the consequent of this argumente: yet I wil first examin the Antecedent, euen by the cōmon opinion and sentence of English men: then will I consider vpon the consequent. And this I intend, of purpose [Page 28] only to discouer the improuidence of the aduersaries, whiche in a matter, where they couet most to looke vnto them selues, there they least of all prouide for the warrantize of theyr cause by their owne pretensed lawes of the Realme of England. But I mynde not hereupon so to ouer rule the matter, as any preiudice may thereby be created against the Kynges of Scotland: who haue alwayes kept, and still doe kepe and enioye, with a plain profession & most iust clame in their owne right, ouer their subiectes a supreme authoritie, & power, not depending by any lawe right or custome vpon any other Prince or potentate in the world. VVell then (to come to the Antecedent) so it is, that the Queene of Scotland was borne in Scotland, it must nedes be graunted: but that Scotland is out of the allegeance of England, though the sayde Queene, and all her subiectes doe iustlye affirme the same, yet there is a verie greate number of men in England, both learned and others, whiche are not of that opinion, but earnestly auouche the contrary, being led & persuaded therunto (as they say) by diuerse Histories, Registers, Recordes, and Instruments, remayninge in the Treasurie of that Realme: wherin is mentioned (as they also saye) that the Kynges of Scotland haue acknouleged the Kyng of England to be the superiour Lorde ouer the Realme of Scotland, & haue done homage and fealtie for the same. VVhich being true, though all Scotsmen denie it, as Iustlie they may: for the homage & fealtie whiche those men speake of was not exhibited nor done in any such respect as they surmise, but in consideration of the tenures of certein Segnories, Lands, tenements, & hereditaments lyeing in Northumberland, Cumberland, & other Shyres of England, whiche now the Kinges of [Page] Scotland want, and then did enioye & holde of the Kyng of England: As cōmonlie it is sene in sondrie parts of Christindome Kyngs and Princes hauyng distinct and absolute regiments, not depending of any other potentate, to holde neuerthelesse one of an other diuerse landes townes and countries lyeing within the marches of the one or the others dominions. But admit it to be true whiche these men doe so auouche: then Scotlande must nedes be accompted within the allegeance of England, euen by their owne lawes of the same Realme, and by the common opinion of their owne nation. And although sins the tyme of Kinge Henry the sixt, none of the Kinges of Scotlande haue done the said seruice vnto the Kinges of England: yet that is no reason in the lawe of England to saye, that therefore the Realme of Scotland at the tyme of the birth of the sayd Ladie Marie Queene of Scotlande, being in the thirtie and fourth yeare of the raigne of the late Kinge Henrie the eight, was out of the allegeance of the Kinges of England. For the lawe of that Realme is very plain, that though the Tenant do not his seruice vnto the Lorde, yet hath not the Lord thereby lost his Seignorie.The Lorde loseth not his seignorie, though the tenante doth not his seruice. For the lande still remaineth within his Fee & Seignorie, that notwithstanding.
But peraduenture some will obiecte and saye, that by this reason, France should likewise be said to be within the allegeance of England: forasmuch as the possessiō of the Croune of France hath bene within a litle more then the space of one hundred yeares nowe last past, laufully vested in the Kinges of England, whose right and title still remaineth.
To that obiection it may be answered, that there is a great differēce betwene the right & title, which the kings of England clame to the Realm of Frāce, [Page 29] & the right & title which they clame to the Realme of Scotlād. For although it be true, that the kings of Englād haue bene lawfully possessed of the Croune of France: yet during such time, as they by vsurpation of others, are dispossessed of the said Realme of Fraunce: the same Realme by no meanes can be said to be within their allegeance: especially considering, how that syns the time of vsurpation, the people of France haue wholy forsaken their allegeance and subiectiō, which they did owe vnto the kings of England, & haue geuen & submitted them selues vnder the obediēce & allegeāce of the frēsh. But as for the Realme of Scotlande, it is otherwise.
For the Title, whiche the Kinges of England (by the opinion of these men) may clame to the Realme of Scotland, is not in the possession of the lande and Croune of Scotlande: but onely in the seruice of homage and fealtie for the same: And though the Kinges of Scotland, many yeres, haue intermitted to doe the said homage & fealtie vnto the Kinges of Englande: yet for all that the Kinges of Scotland can not by any reason or lawe be called vsurpers, and vniust possessors.
And thus all indifferente men, not ledd by affections may well see, by the recordes & testimonies of England, that the Realme of Scotlande, is within the allegeance of England. And so is the Antecedēt or first proposition false. And yet that maketh no proufe, that the Realme of France likewise should nowe be sayde to be within the allegeance of the Kings of England, by reason of the manifest and apparent difference before shewed.
But what if the antecedent were true? (as the aduersaries saye it is, and all Scotsmen constantly affirme it to be.) Yet it is very plaine, that the sayde consequent and conclusion can not by any meanes [Page] be true:The causes vvhy the Croune cannot be comprised vvithin the pretended Maxime. and that principallye, for three causes: whereof one is, for that neyther the Kinge, nor the Croune (not being specially mentioned in the said rule or pretended Maxime) can be intended to be within the meaning of the same Maxime, as we haue before sufficently proued by a great number of other suche like generall rules and Maximes of the lawes. An other cause is, for that the Croune can not be taken to be within the woordes of the said supposed Maxime: and that for twoo respectes: one is, bicause the rule doth onely dishable Aliens to demaunde any heritage within the allegeance of England. VVhiche rule can not be stretched to the demaunde of the Croune of England, which is not with in the allegeance of England: but is the verie allegeance it selfe. As for a like example: it is true, that all the landes within the Kinges dominion are holden of the Kinge, either mediatly, or immediatly: and yet it is not true, that the Croune (by whiche onely the Kinge hath his Dominion) can be said to be holden of the King.VVithout the Croune there can neither be King nor allegeance. For without the Croune there can be neither King, nor allegeance. And so long as the Croune resteth onelye in demaunde, not being vested in any persone, ther is no allegeance at all. So that the Croune can not be saide by any meanes to be within the allegeance of England: and therfore not within the wordes of the said rule or Maxime. The title of the Croune is also out of the wordes and meaning of the same rule in an other respect: and that is, bicause that rule doth onely dishable an Alien to demaund landes by descent as heire. For it doth not extend vnto landes purchased by an Alien, as we haue before sufficiently proued. And then can not that rule extende vnto the Croune being a thinge incorporate: the right wherof doth not descend [Page 30] according to the common course of priuate inheritance, but goeth by succession,40. E. 3. fol. 10. 13. E. 3. Ti [...]. Bref. 264. 16. E. 3. iurans de. sait. 166. 17. E. 3. Tit. s [...]i [...]e sac 7. A Deane, a Person. a Priour being an Alien may demande lande in the right of his corporation. An 3. R. 2. 6. C. 3. fo. 21. tit. droit. 26. lib. Ass. p. 34. 1 [...]. li. Ass. tit. enfant. 13. H. 8. fo. 14. 7. E. 4. fol. 10. 16. E. 3. iurans. de [...]ait. 9. H. 6. fol. 33. 35. H. 6. fol. 35. 5. E. 4 fol. 70. 49. li. Ass. A. 88. 22. H. 6. fol. 31. 13. H. 8. fol. 14. as other corporations do.
No man doubteth, but that a Prior Alien being no denizon, might alwayes in time of peace demaund land in the right of his corporation. And so likewise a Deane or a Person being Aliens, & no denizons, might demaund lande, in respecte of their corporations, not withstanding the said supposed rule or Maxime, as may appeare by diuerse booke cases, as also by the statute made in the time of king Richard the secōd. And although the Croune hath alwaies gone according to the common course of a Descent: yeth doth it not properly descende, but succede. And that is the reason of the lawe, that, although the Kinge be more fauoured in all his doinges, then any common person shalbe: yet can not the King by lawe auoide his grauntes & Letters Patentes by reason of his Nonage, as other infantes may doe, but shall alwayes be said to be of full age in respect of his Croune: euen as a Person, Vicare or Deane, or any other person incorporate shalbe. VVhiche can not by any meanes be said in lawe, to be within age in respect of their corporations, although the corporation be but one yere olde.
Bysides that, the Kinge can not by the lawe auoide the Letters Patentes made by any vsurper of the Croune (vnlesse it be by acte of Parlement) no more then other persones incorporate shall auoide the grauntes made by one that was before wrongfullye in their places and romes: whereas in Descentes of inheritance the lawe is otherwise. For there the heire may auoide all estates made by the disseasour, or abatour, or any other persone, whose estate is by lawe defeated. VVhereby it doth plainely appeare, that the King is incorporate vnto the [Page] Croune,The King is alvvaies at full age in respecte of his Croune. & hath the same properly by succession and not by Descent onely. And that is likewise an other reason, to proue, that the Kinge and the Croune can neither be sayde to be within the wordes, nor yet with in the meaning of the sayde generall rule or Maxime.
The third and most principall cause of all is, for that in the said statute, wherupon the said supposed rule or Maxime is gathered,The Kings childrē are expresly excepted from the surmised Maxime. the children descendantes and descended of the blood royall by the wordes of Infantes de Roy are expresly excepted out of the sayd supposed rule or Maxime. VVhiche wordes the aduersaries do muche abuse, in restraining and construing them, to extende but to the first degree onely: whereas the same wordes may very well beare a more large & ample interpretatiō: And that for three causes & cōsideratiōs.
Libe rorū ff. de verborum signific.First by the Ciuil lawe this word Liberi (which the worde Infantes, being the vsuall and originall worde of the statute written in the Frenche tōgue, counteruaileth) doth comprehende by proper and peculiar signification not onely the children of the first degree,L. Sed & si de ī ius vocā doinstit. de haere. ab intist. but other descendants also in the lawe. As for example, where the lawe sayeth: That he vvho is manumissed or made free, shall not commence any Action against the children of the Patrone or manumissour vvithout licence: L. Lucius ff. de haere. instit. L. Iusta. & L. Natorū. & L. Liberorū de uerb. signi. L. 2. § si mater al S.C. Tertul. there not onely the first degree, but the other also are conteined. The like is, where the lawe of the twelue Tables saith: The first place and roome of succession, after the death of the parentes that die intestate, is due to the children: there the succession apperteineth as well to degrees remoued, as to the first. Yea in all causes fauourable (as ours is) this worde Filius, (a sonne) conteinethe the woord nepos (A nephevv, that is to say, a sonnes sōne or daughters sonne:) though not by the propertie of the [Page 31] voice or speache,L. Filius de S.C. Maced. L. Senatus de ritu nupt. L. quod si nepo tes. ff. test. cū notatis ibid. Infantes in Frenche coūtervaileth this vvorde liberi in lat. yet by interpretation admittable in all suche thinges, as the lawe disposeth of. And as touching this word Infants, in French we say, that it reacheth to other descēdantes, as well as to the first degree. VVherein I do referre me to suche as be expert in the saide tongue. There is no worde in English (for the barennes of that tongue) to coū terpaise the said French word Infantes, or the Latin word Liberi. Therefore doe they supply it, as wel as they may, by this worde (Children.) The Spaniardes also vse this worde (Infantes) in this ample sense, when they call the nexte heire to the heire apparent, Infant of Spaine: euen as the late deceased Lord Charles of Austrich was called, his father & grandfather then liuing.
Yf then then the original woord of the statute, declaring the said rule, may naturally & properly apperteine to all the Descendants: why should we straine and bynde it to the first degree only, otherwise than the nature of the worde or reason will beare? For I suppose verely,The grand fathers call their nephues, sonnes. L. Gallus. § Instituens. ff. de liber. Et post. I. ff. C. de impub. Aliis substan. c. 1. q. 4. Father and son cōpted in person, & flesh in maner one that it wilbe very harde for the Aduersarie, to geue any good & substantial reason, why to make a diuersitie in the cases. But touching the contrarie, there are good and probable considerations, which shall serue vs for the second cause. As, for that the grandfathers call their nephewes, as by a more pleasant & plausible name, not only their children, but their sonnes also: & for that the sonne being deceased (the grandfather suruiuing) not only the grādfathers affection, but also such right, title and interest, as the sonne hath by the lawe, and by proximitie of blood, growe and drawe al to the nephew, who representeth and supplieth the fathers place, the father and the sonne beinge compted in person and in flesh in manet but as one. VVhy shall then the bare and naked consideration of the external [Page] and accidental place of the birth only seuer and sunder suche an entier, inwarde and natural cō iunction? Adde there vnto, the many & great absurdities, that may hereof spring and ensue.
Diuerse of the kinges of the Realme of Englād, as well before the time of King Edwarde the third (in whose time this statute was made) as after him, gaue their daughters out to foraine, and sometimes to meane Princes in mariage.Great absurditie, in excluding the true & right successour, for the place of his birth onely. VVhich they would neuer so often times haue done, if they had thought, that whyle they went aboute to set fotth and aduaunce their issue: their doinges should haue tended to the disheriting of them from so great, large and noble a Realme, as that is: whiche might haue chaunced, if the daughter hauing a sonne or daughter, had died, her father liuing. For there should this supposed Maxime haue ben a barre to the childrē, to succede their grandfather.
This absurditie would haue bene more notable, if it had chaunced about the time of Kinge Henry the second, or this King Edward, or King Henry the firste and sixte, when the possessions of the Croune of that Realme were so amply enlargid in other Countries beyond the seas. And yet neuer so notable, as it might haue bene hereafter in our fresh memorie and remēbrance, if any such thing had chaunced (as by possibilitie it might haue chaunced) by the late mariage of King Philippe and Queene Marie.
For, admitting their daughter maried to a foraine Prince, should haue dyed before them, she leauing a sonne furuiuing his father and grandmother, they hauing none other issue so nigh in degree: then would this late framed Maxime haue excluded the same sonne lamentably and vnnaturally from the succession of the Croune of Englande: and also [Page 32] the same Croune from the inheritance of the Realmes of Spain, of both Sicilies, with their appurtenances, of the Dukedom of Milan, and other landes and Dominions in Lumbardy and Italie: as also from the Dukedomes of Brabant, Luxemburg, Geldres, Zutphan, Burgundie, Friseland: from the Countreies of Flādres, Artois, Holland, Zealand & Namurs, and from the new found lands, parcel of the said kingdome of Spaine. VVhich are (vnlesse I be deceiued) more ample by dubble or treble, than all the Countreies now rehearsed. Al the whiche Countreies by the foresaid Mariage should haue bene by al right deuolued to the said sonne, if any such child had bene borne.
If either the same by the force of this iolie new found Maxime had bene excluded from the Croune of England, or the saide Croune from the inheritance of the foresaid Countreies: were there any reason to be yelded, for the maintenance of this supposed rule or Maxime in that case? Or might there possibly rise any commodity to the Realme, by obseruinge there in this rigourous pretensed rule, that should by one hundred part counteruaile this importable losse and spoile of the Croune, and of the lawfull inheritour of the same?
But perchāce for the auoiding of this exceptiō limited vnto the blood roial, some wil say,An euasion auoided, pretending the priuilege of the Kīgs children not to be in respect of the Croune, but of other lādes. that the same was but a priuilege graunted to the kinges children, not in respect of the succession of the Croune, but of other landes descending to them from their Auncestours. VVhiche although we might very well admit & allowe: yet can it not be denied, but that the same priuilege was graunted vnto the Kinges children and other descendantes of the Blood royall, by reason of the dignitie and worthines of the Croune, whiche the King their [Page] father did enioy, and the great reuerence, whiche the lawe geueth of dewtie therevnto. And therefore if the aduersaries would go about, to restraine & withdraw from the Croune that priuilege, which the law geueth to the kings childrē for the Crounes sake: they should doo therein contarie to al reason, & against the rules of the Arte of Reasoning, which saith, that: Propter quod vnumquodque & illud magis.
Beside that, I would faine knowe, by what reason might a man saye, that they of the Kinges Blood born out of the allegeance of England, may inherite landes within that Realme, as heires vnto theyr Ancestours, and yet not to be able to inherite the Croune. Truly in mine opiniō it were against all reason. But on the contrarie side, the very force of reason muste driue vs to graunt the like,The royall blood beareth his honour vvith it, vvhereso euer it be. Yea more great and ample priuilege and benefit of the lawe in the succession of the Croune. For the Roial blood, where so euer it be found, will be taken as a pretious and singular Iewell, and will carie with it his worthie estimation & honour with the people, and, where it is dew, his right withall.
Vide Anto. Corsetū de potest. et excell. regi. q. 100.By the Ciuill lawe the right of the inheritance of priuate persones is hemmed and inched within the bandes of the tenth degre. The Blood Roial runneth a farther race, & so farre as it may be found: therfore the great & mightie Conquerors are glad & faine to ioyne in affinitie with the blood Roial:Oōquerors glad to ioine vvith the royall blood. Henry the first. euer fearing the weaknes of their owne bloddie sworde, in respect of the greate force and strength of the other. For this cause was Henrie the firste, (called for his learning & wisedome Beauclerke.) glad to consociate and couple him selfe with the auncient Roial blood of the Saxons, whiche continueing in the Princely succession from worthie king Alured, was cutte of by the death of the good [Page 33] king Edward: and by the mariyng of Mathildis, being in the fourth degree in lineal descent to the said king Edward, was reuiued and reunited. From this Edward my sayd souueraine ladie the Queene of Scotland taketh her noble auncient Pedegrue. These then, and diuers other reasons & causes mo, may be alleaged for the weighing & setting foorth of the true meaning and intent of the said law.
Now, in case these two causes and consideratiōs will not satisfie the aduersaries: we wil adioine there vnto an other whiche they shall neuer by any good and honest shift auoid. And that is the vse and practise of the Realme as wel in the time foregoing the said statute, as afterward.
VVe stand vpon the interpretation of the common law recited and declared by the said statute,L. fin. ff. de legibus. & how shal we better vnderstand, what the law is therein, then by the vse and practise of the said lawe? For the best interpretation of the law, is custome.Common vse and practise the best interpretation of the lavve. Eodē anno Rex cū in diebus suis processisset Aeldredū Vigornensē Episcopū ad Regē Hungariae transmittens, reuocauit inde filium fratris sui Edmundi Eduardum cū tota familia sua vt vel ipse. ver filii eiꝰ sibi succederent in regnum. Flor. histo. 1057. But the Realme before the statute, admitted to the Croune not only kings children and others of the first degre, but also of a farther degre, and suche as were plainely borne out of the kinges allegeance. The foresaid vse and practise appeareth as wel before, as sithens the time of the Conquest. Among other, king Eduard the Confessour, being destitute of a lawful Heire whithin the Realme, sent into Hungary for Edward his Nephew surnamed Out law, son to king Edmūd called Ironside, after many yeres of his exile, to returne into England, to the intent the said Outlaw should inherite that Realme whiche neuerthelesse came not to effect, by reason the said outlaw died before the sayd king Edward, his Vncle.
After whose death the said king appointed Eadgar Adeling sonne of the said Outlaw, (being [Page] his next cosen) to be his heire, (as he was of right) to the Croune of England. And for that the said Eadgar was but of yong and tender yeres, and not able to take vpon him so great a gouernement: the said king committed the protection, as wel of the yong Prince, as also of the Realm, to Harold, Earle of Kent, vntil suche time, as the said Eadgar had obteined perfit age to be hable to welde the state of a king.Flor. bislo. 1066. Aelredus Regional lēf. de reg. Anglorū ad Regem Henr. [...]. VVhich Harold neuerthelesse contrary to the trust, supplanted the said yong Prince of the kingdome▪ and put the Croune vpon his owne head.
By this it is apparent, that foraine birth was not accōpted, before the time of the Conquest, to be a iust cause to repel and reiect any man, beinge of the next proximitie in blood from the Title of the Croune. And though the said king Edward the Confessors will and purpose tooke no suche force and effect,King Stephen. and King. H. 2. as he desired, and the lawe craued: yet the like succession tooke place effectuouslye in king Stephen and king Henry the second, as we haue already declared. Neither will the Aduersaries shift of forainers borne of father and mother, which be not of the kings allegeance,The aduersaries fond imagination, that H. 2. should come to the Croune by compositiō: not by proximitie of blood. Rex Stephanus omni haerede viduatus, praeter solū modo Ducē Henricum, recognouit in conuētu Episcoporū & aliorum de regno Optimatum quod Dux Henr. ius haereditariū ī regnū Angliae habebat. Et Dux benigne concessit, vt Rex Stephanꝰ tota vita sua suū Regnū pacifice possideret. Ita tamen confirmatū est pactū, quod ipse Rex, & ipsi tunc praesentes cū caeteris regni optimatibꝰ iurarēt, quod Dux Henr. post mortē Regis (si illum super [...]iueret) regnum sine aliqua cōntradictione obtineret. Flor. histo. An. 1153 The like fond imagination touching King Richardes nephevv. Diuersitie of opinions touching the vncle & nephue vvhetherof them ought to be preferred in the royall gouuernement. help them: forasmuche as this clause of the said statute is not to be applied to the kings children, but to others, as appeareth in the same statute. And these two kings, Stephen and Henrie the .2. as they were borne in a forain place: so their fathers and mothers were not of the kings allegeance, but mere Aliens and strangers. And how notorious a vaine thing it is, that the Aduersaries would perswade vs, that the said King Henrie the second rather came in by force of a composition, then by the proximitie and nearenes of blood: I leaue it to euery man to consider, that hath any maner of feling in the discours of the stories of that realm. The composition did procure him quietnes [Page 34] and rest for the time, with a good and sure hope of quiet and peaceable entrance also after the death of King Stephen. and so it followed in deede: but ther grew to him nomore right thereby, than was due to him before. For he was the true heir to the Croune, as appeareth by Stephen his Aduersaries owne confession. Henry the firste maried his daughter Mathildis to Henry the Emperour, by whome he had no children. And no dout in case she had had any children by the Emperour, they should haue ben heires by successiō to the Croune of England. After whose death she retourned to her father: yet did king Henry cause all the Nobilitie by an expresse othe, to embrace her after his death as Queene, and afrer her, her children.
Not long after, she was maried to Ieffrey Plantagenet a Frenchman borne, Earle of Aniowe, who begat of her this Henry the second, being in Frāce. VVhervpon the said king did reuiue and renue the like othe of allegeance, aswell to her, as to her sonne after her. VVith the like false persuasion the Aduersaries abuse them selues, and their Readers, touchinge Arthur Duke of Britanie, Nephewe to king Richard the first. As though forsooth he were iustly excluded by kinge Iohn his vncle, bycause he was a forainer borne. If they had said, that he was excluded, by reason the vncle ought to be preferred before the Nephewe, though it should haue ben a false allegation, and plaine against the rules of the lawes of that Realme: (as may well appeare, among other thinges by king Richard the second who succeded his grand father king Edward the third, which Richard had diuerse worthie and noble vncles, who neither for lacke of knowledge, coulde be ignorant of the right, neither for lacke of frendes, courage and power, be enforced to forbeare [Page] to chaleng their title & interest) then should they haue had some countenāce of reason & probabilitie, bicause many arguments & the authoritie of many learned and notable Ciuilians doo concurre for the vncles right, before the Nephewe.
But to make the place of the natiuitie of an inheritour to a kingdome, a sufficiēt barre against the right of his blood, it seemeth to haue but a weake and slender holde and grounde. And in our case it is a moste vnsure and false grounde, seeing it is moste true, that Kinge Richard the first (as we haue said) declared the said Arthur (borne in Britanie, and not sonne of a King, but his brother Geffreys sonne, Duke of Britanie) to be heire apparent, his vncle Iohn yet liuing. And for such a one is he taken in all our stories. And for such a one did all the worlde take him, after the said King Richard his death: neither was King Iohn taken for other, than for an vsurper by excluding him: and afterward for a murtherer, for imprisoning him, and priuily making him away.The possessions of the Croune of England that vvere beyond the seas, seased into the Frenche kings hāds for the murther of Arthur For the whiche facte the French king seased vpon all the goodly Countries in Fraunce belonging to the kinge of England, as forfeited to him being the chiefe Lorde. By this outragious deede of king Iohn the kings of Englād lost Normandie withal, and their possibilitie to the inheritance of all Britanie: for the right and Title to the saide Britanie was dewe to the said Arthur and his heires by the right of his mother Constāce. And though the said king Iohn, by the practise & ambition of Queene Eleonour his mother, and by the special procurement of Hubert then Archebishop of Caunterburie, & of some other factious persones in England, preuented the said Arthur his nephew (as it was easy for him to do) hauing gotten into his handes all his brother Richardes treasures, [Page 35] besides many other rentes then in England: and the said Arthour being an infant, & remaining beyond the sea in the custody of the said Constance: yet of this fact, being against all Iustice, aswell the said Archebishop, as also many of the other, did after most earnestly repent, considering the cruell and the vniust putting to death of the said Arthur procured and (after some Authours) committed by the said Iohn himselfe.Polid 15. Flor histo. An. 1208 VVhich most foul and shameful act the said Iohn neded not to haue committed, if by foraine birth the said Arthur had bene barred to inherit the Croune of England. And much lesse to haue imprisoned that moste innocent Ladie Eleonour, sister to the sayd Arthur, in Bristow Castle wher she miserably ended her lyfe: if that gay Maxime would haue serued, to haue excluded these two children, bicause they were strangers borne in the partes beyond the seas. Yea, it appeareth in other doinges also of the said time, and by the storie of the sayd Iohn, that the birth out of the allegeance of England, by father & mother forain, was not taken for a sufficient repulse and reiection to the right and title of the Croune. For the Barons of England, being then at dissention with the said king Iohn, and renouncing their allegeance to him, receaued Lewis the eldest sōne of Philip the Frēch king, to be their king, in the right of Blanche his wife, which was a stranger borne, all be it the lawful Neece of the said Richard, & daughter to Alphōse king of Castil, begotten on the bodie of Eleonour his wife,Levvis the French Kings son claimed the Croune of that Realme in the title of his vvyf. Pro hereditate vxoris meae, scilicet neptis Regis Ioanusque ad mortem si necessitas exigere, decertabo. Flor histo. Anno. 1216. Haroldus muneribus & genere fretꝰ, regni diadema inuasiit. H. Hunte. hist. Angli. lib. 6. Cui regnum iure hereditario debebatur Ealredus Rhiual in histo. R. Angliae ad H. 2. Cui de iure debebatur regnū anglorum Io. Lond. in Chro. Angliae. Eadē verba sunt in Math. VVestmon. in flor. hist. a. 1066. VVhat calamities fell to the Realme by the vsurping of King Harolde, King Stephen, and Iohn. Rex Edwardus misit &c. vt vel ipse Eduardus filius ieus sibi succederēt &c. Rich. Cicest. vid. VVil. Malmest. de reg. Angl. E. 2 c. 4 [...]. lib. 3. c. 5. one of the daughters of king Henrie the second, and sister to the said king Richard and king Iohn. VVhich storie I alleage only to this purpose, thereby to gather the opinion of the time, that so raine birth was then thought no barre in the Title of the Croune. For ortherwise, how could Lewis [Page] of France pretend title to the Croune in the right of the said Blanche his wife borne in Spaine?
These examples are sufficient, I suppose, to satisfie and content any man (that is not obstinatly wedded to his own fond fantasies, and froward friuolus imaginations, or otherwise worse depraued) for a good sure and substantial interpretation of the common law. And it were not altogether from the purpose, here to consider and weigh, with what & how greuous plagues that Realme hath bene oft afflicted and scourged, by reason of wrongfull & vsurped titles. I will not reuiue by odious rehearsal the greatenes and number of the same plagues, as well otherwise, as especially by the contention of the noble houses and families of York and Lancaster: seeing it is so fortunately, and almost within mans remembrance extinct and buried.
I will now put the gentle Reader in remēbrance of those only, with whose vsurping Titles we are nowe presently in hand. And to begyn with the most auncient: what became, I pray you, of Harold, that by briberie and helpe of his kinred, vsurped the Croune against the foresaid yong Eadgar, who (as I haue said, and as the old monuments of Historiographers do plainly testifie) was the true & lawful Heire? Could he, think you, enioy his ambitious and naughty vsurping on whole entier yere? No surely: ere the first yere of his vsurped reigne turned about, he was spoiled and turned out of both Croune, and his life withal. Yea his vsurpatiō occasioned the cōquest of the whole realme by VVilliā Duke of Normandie, bastard sonne to Robert the sixt Duke of the same. And may you thinke al safe & sound now from like dāger, if you should tread the said wrong steppes with Harolde, forsaking the right and high way of law and iustice?
[Page 36]VVhat shal I now speake of the cruel ciuil warres betwene king Stephen and king Henry the second, whiche warres rose, by reason that the said Henry was vniustly kept from the Croune, dew to his mother Maude, and to him afterwardes? The pitiful reigne of the said Iohn who doth not lamēt with the lamentable losse of Normandie, Aquitaine, & the possibilitie of the Dukedome of Britanie, and with the losse of other goodly possessions in France, whereof the Croune of England was robbed and spoiled by the vnlawfull vsurping of him against his nephew Arthur? VVell, let vs leaue these greuouse and lothsome remembrances, & let vs yet seeke, if we may finde any later interpretatiō, either of the said statute, or rather of the common law for our purpose. And lo, the great goodnes and prouidence of God, who hath (if the foresaid exā ples would not serue) prouided a later: but so good, so sure, apt & mete interpretatiō for our cause, as any reasonable hart may desire. The interpretatiō directly toucheth our case: I meane by the mariage of the Lady Margaret (eldest daughter to King Hēry the vij.) vnto the fourth king Iames of Scotland: and by the opinion of the same most prudent Prince in bestowing his said daughter into Scotlād: a matter sufficient enough, to ouerthrow all those cauilling inuētiōs of the aduersaries. For what time King Iames the fourth sent his Ambassadour to King Henry the seuenth to obteine his good will to espouse the said Lady Margaret,Polid. 26. there were of his Counsaile, not ignorant of the lawes and Customes of the Realme, that did not well like upon the said Mariage, saying, it might so fal out, that the right & title of the Croune might be deuolued to the Lady Margaret and her children, and the Realme therby might be subiect to Scotland. To the whiche the [Page] prudent and wise king answered,King. H. 7. vvith his Counsaile is a good interpretor of our present cause. that in case any suche deuolution should happen, it would be nothing preiudiciall to England. For England, as the chief, and principal, and worthiest parte of the Ile, should drawe Scotland to it, as it did Normandie from the time of the Conquest. VVhich answere was wonderfully well liked of all the Counsaile. And so consequently the Mariage toke effect, as appereth by Polydor, the Historiographer of that Realme, and suche a one, as wrote the Actes of that time by the instruction of the king him selfe.
I say then, the worthy wise Salomon foreseeing that such deuolution might happen, was an interpretour with his prudente and sage Counsaile for our cause. For els, they neaded not to reason of any such subiection to Scotlande, if the children of the Ladie Margaret might not lawfully inherite the Croune of England. For, as to her husband Englād could not be subiect, hauing him selfe no right by this mariage to the Title of the Croune of that Realme. VVherevpon I may well inferre, that the said newe Maxime of these men (whereby they would rule, and ouer rule the successiō of Princes) was not knowen to the said wise king, neither to any of his Counsaile: Or if it were, yet was it taken not to reache to his blood royall borne in Scotlande. And so on euery side the Title of my Soueraigne Lady Queene Marie is assured. So that now by this that we haue said, it may easely be seen, by what light and slender cōsideration the aduersaries haue gone about to strayne the worde Infantes or children to the first degree only. Of the like weight is their other consideration imagining and surmising, this statute to be made, bicause the king had so many occasions to be so oft ouer the sea with his spouse the Queene. As though diuers kings before [Page 37] him vsed not oftē, to passe ouer the seas: As though this were a personal statute made of a special purpose, and not to be taken as a declaration of the common law. VVhiche to say, is most directely repugnant and contrary to the letter of the said statute: Or as though his children also did not very often repaire to outward Countries:The mariages of King E. 3. sonnes. as Iohn of Gaunt, Duke of Lancastre, that Maried Peters the king of Castiles eldest daughter, by whose right he clamed the Croune of Castile: as his brother Edmund Erle of Camhridge, that maried the yongest daughter: as Lionell Duke of Clarence, that maried at Milaine Violant daughter and heir to Galeatius Duke of Milan: But especialy Prince Edwarde, whiche moste victoriously toke in battaile Iohn the French King, and brought him into England his prisoner, to the great triumphe and reioysing of the realme, whose eldest sonne Edward (that died in short time after,) was borne beyond the seas in Gascoine, and his other sonne Richard (that succeded his grandfather) was borne at Burdeaux. And as these noble King Edwardes sonnes maried with forainers: so did they geue out their daughters in mariage to foraine Princes, as the Duke of Lancaster, his daughter Philip to the King of Portugall: and his daughter Catherin to the king of Spaine: & his Neece Iohan, daughter to his sonne Erle of Somerset, was ioyned in mariage to the king of Scottes: Iohan, daughter to his brother Thomas of wodstocke Duke of Gloucester was Queene of Spaine: and his other daughter, Marie, Duchesse of Britānie.
Now by these mennes interpretation, none of the issue of all these noble women could haue enioyed the Croune of England, when it had fallen to them (though they had bene of the neerest roial blood) after the death of their Aūcestours. VVhich [Page] surely had bene against the auncient presidentes & examples that we haue declared, and against the common Lawe (the whiche must not be thought by this Statute any thing taken away, but only declared) and against all good reason also. For as the kings of England would haue thought that Realme greatly iniuried, if it had bene defrauded of Spaine or any of the foresaid countreies, being deuolued to the same by the foresaid Mariages: so the issue of the foresaide noble women might and would haue thought them hardly and iniuriously handled, yf any such case had happened. Neither suche friuolous interpretations and gloses, as these men nowe frame, and make vpon the statute, woulde then haue serued, nor nowe will serue.
A fond imagination of the Aduersaries of the statute of 25. E. 3.But of all other their friuolous and folish ghessing vpō the clause of the statute for Infantes de Roy, there is one most fond of all. For they would make vs beleue, (suche is their skill,) that this statute touching Infantes de Roy, was made for the great doubte (more in them, than in other persones) touching their inheritance to their Auncestours. For being then a Maxime (saie they) in the lawe, that none could inherite to his Auncestours being not of father and mother vnder the obedience of the king: seing the king him selfe could not be vnder obedience: it plainely seemed, that the kinges children were of farre worse condition, than others, & quite excluded. And therefore they saie that this statute was not to geue them any other priuilege, but to make them equall with other. And that therefore this statute, touching the Kinges children, standeth rather in the superficial parte of the woorde, than in any effect.
Nowe, among other thinges they saye (as we haue shewed before) that this word Infantes de Roy [Page 38] in this statute mentioned,There vvas no doubt made of the Kinges children borne beyonde the seas. must be taken for the children of the first degree, whiche they seeme to proue by a note taken out of M. Rastal. But to this we answer, that these men swetely dreamed when they imagined this fonde and fantasticall expositiō: And that they shewed them selues very infants, in lawe and reason. For this was no Maxime, or at least not so certaine, before the making of this statute: whiche geueth no new right to the kinges children, nor answereth any doubt touching them, and their inheritance: but this it saieth, that the law of the Croune of England is, and alwaies hath bene (which lawe, saith the king, say the Lordes, say the Commons, we allowe & affirme for euer) that the kinges children shalbe hable to inherite the landes of their Auncesters, wheresoeuer they be borne.
All the doubt was for other persones▪ (as appeareth euidētly by the tenour of the statute) whether by the cōmon law they being born out of the allegeance of the king, were heritable to their Auncestours. And it appeareth, that the aduersaries are driuē to the hard wall, when they are faine to catch holde vpō a selie poore marginal note of M. Rastal, of the kinges children, & not of the kings childrens childrē. VVhich yet nothing at al serueth their purpose touching this statute. But they, or the Printer, or whosoeuer he be▪ as they drawe out of the text many other notes of the matter therin cōprised: so vpon these French wordes, Les enfants de Roy, they note in the Margent, The Kinges Children: but how farre that worde reacheth, they saie neither more, nor lesse.
Neither it is any thing preiudicial to the said Queenes right or Title, whether the said wordes Infants, ought to be taken strictly for the first degree, or farther enlarged. For if this statute toucheth [Page] only the succession of the Kings children to their Auncestours for other inheritance, and not for the Croune, as moste men take it, and as it may be (as we haue said) very well taken and allowed: then doeth this supposed Maxime of forain borne, that seemeth to be gathered out of this statute, nothing anoy or hinder the Queene of Scotlandes Title to the Croune, as not therto apperteining▪ On the other side, if by the inheritance of the Kings children, the Croune also is meant: yet neither may we enforce the rule of foraine borne vpō the kings childrē, which are by the expresse wordes of the statute excepted, neither enforce the word Infants to the first degree onely, for such reasons presidents, and examples, and other proouffes largely by vs before set forth to the contrarie: seing that the right of the Croune falling vpon thē, they may well be called the kings Children, or at the lest the children of the Croune. Ther is also one other cause why though this statute reach to the Croune,This statute toucheth not the Q. of Scotlād, as one not borne beyond the seas. and may, and ought to be expounded of the same: the said Queene is out of the reach and compasse of the said statute. For the said statute can not be vnderstanded of any persones borne in Scotlande or wales, but onely of persones borne beyond the sea, out of the allegeance of the king of England: that is to witte, France, Flādres, & such like For England, Scotland and wales be all within one Territorie, and not diuided by any sea. And all old Recordes of the law, concerning seruice to be done in those two Countries, haue these words Infra quatuor Maria within the fower seas, which must nedes be vnderstād, in Scotland & wales, aswel as in England, bicause they be all within one continent, compassed with fower seas. And likewise be many auncient statutes of that Realme written in the [Page 39] Normane French, whiche haue these wordes, deins les quatre mers, that is, within the fower seas. Nowe concerninge the statute, the title of the same is, of those that are born beyond the sea: the doubt moued in the corps of the said statute, is also of childrē borne beyond the sea out of the allegeance,Vide statuta VValliae in magna Charta. VVales vvas vnder the allegeance of England before it vvas vnited to the Croune. with diuers other branches of the statute tending that way. VVherby it seemeth, that no part of the statute toucheth these that are born in VVales or Scotlād. And albeit at this time, and before in the reigne of Edward the first, VVales was fully reduced, annexed & vnited to the proper Dominion of England: yet was it before subiected to the Croune and King of England, as to the Lorde and Seigniour. VVherefore if this statute had bene made before the time of the said Edward the first: it semeth, that it could not haue bene stretched to VVales, no more then it can now to Scotland. I doe not therefore a litle meruaile, that euer these men, for pure shame, could finde in their hartes so childishly to wrangle vpon this word Infants, and so openly to detort, depraue, and corrupt the common law, and the Actes of Parlament.
And thus may you see, gentle Reader, that nothing can be gathered, either out of the saide supposed generall rule or Maxime, or of any other rule or Principle of the lawe, that by any good and reasonable construction can seeme to impugne the title of my said soueraign Lady Mary now Queene of Scotland, of, and to the Croune of the Realme of England, as is aforesaid.
VVe are therefore now last of all to consider, whether there be any statute or acte of Parlament, that doth seeme, either to take away, or preiudice the title of the said Queene. And bycause touching the foresaid mentioned statute of the 25. yere of [Page] King Edward the thirde, being onely a declaration of the common lawe, we haue already sufficiently answered: we will passe it ouer, and consider vpon the statute of 28 and 35. of King Henrye the eight, being the onely shoteanker of all the Aduersaries, whether there be any matter therein conteined or depending vpon the same, that can by any meanes destroye or hurt the title of the said Queene of Scotland to the succession of the Croune of England.
The obiections of the aduersaries touching the pretensed vvill of King Henry the eight are clearlie auoided.
The statutes of King H. 8. touching the succession of the Croune.IT doth appeare by the said statute of .28. of king Henry the eight, that there was authoritie geuen him by the same, to declare, limite, appoint, & assigne the succession of the Croune by his Letters Patentes, or by his last VVill signed with his owne hande. It appeareth also by the foresaid statute made .35. of the said King, that it was by the same enacted, that the Croune of that Realme of England should go and be to the said King, and to the heires of his body lawfully begotten: that is to say, vnto his Highnes first sonne of his body betwene him and the Ladie Iane then his wife, begotten: & for default of such issue, then vnto the Lady Marie his daughter, and to the heires of her body lawfully begotten: & for defaut of such issue, then vnto the Ladie Elizabeth his daughter, and to the heires of her body laufully begotten: & for defaut of such issue, vnto suche person or persones in remainder or reuersion, as should please the said king Henry the eight, and according to such estate, and after such manner, order and condition, as should be expressed, declared, named and limited in his Letters Patentes, or by his last VVill in writing, signed with his owne hande.
[Page 40]By vertue of which said Acte of Parlament the Aduersaries doo alleage, that the said late King Henry the eight afterward by his last VVill in writing signed with his owne hand, did ordeine and appoint, that if it happen, the said Prince Edward, Ladie Marie, and Ladie Elizabethe to dye without issue of their bodies lawfully begotten: then the Croune of that Realme of England should goe and remaine vnto the heires of the bodie of the Ladie Francis, his Neece, and the eldest daughter of the French Queene: And for the defaulte of suche issue, to the heires of the body of the Ladie Eleonour, his Neece, second daughter to the French Queene, lawfully begotten: And if it happened, the sayd Ladie Eleonour to dye without issue of her body lawfully begotten, to remaine and come to the nexte rightfull heires. VVherevpon the aduersaries do inferre, that the succession of the Croune ought to go to the chyldren of the said Ladie Francis, and to their heyres, according to the sayd supposed will of the said king Henry the eight: and not vnto Ladie Marie Queene of Scotlande that nowe is.
To this it is,An ansvver to the foresaid statute. on the behalf of my said soueraign Lady, Marie, Queene of Scotland, among other things, answered, that King Henry the eight neuer signed the pretensed will with his own hand: and that therfore the said will can not be any whit preiudicial to the said Queene.The effect of the aduersaries arguments for the exclusion of the Queene of Scotlād by a pretē sed vvil of King H. 8. Against which answere for the defence and vpholding of the saide will, it is replied by the Aduersaries: first, that there were diuers copies of his wil found, signed with his own hande, or at the least wise enterlined, and some for the most part written with his owne hande: out of the whiche it is likely, that the original will, commonly called King Henry the eightes will, was taken & fayer drawen out. Then, that there be great [Page] and vehement presumptions, that, for the fatherly loue that he bare to the common wealth, and for the auoiding of the vncerteintie of the succession, he well liked vpon and accepted the authoritie geuen him by Parlament, and signed with his owne hande the said originall will, whiche had the said limitation and assignation of the Croune.
And these presumptiōs are the more enforced, for that he had no cause, why he should beare any affectiō either to the said Queene of Scotlād, or to the Lady Leneux: and hauing withal no cause to be greeued or offended with his sisters, the Frenche Queenes children: but to put the matter quite out of all ambiguitie and doubte, it appeareth (they say) that there were eleuen witnesses purposely called by the King, who were present at the signing of the said VVill, and subscribed their names to the same: Yea that the chief Lordes of the Counsaile were made and appointed executours of the said VVill, and that they and other had greate Legacies geuen them in the said VVill, which were paid, and other thinges, comprised in the VVill, accomplished accordingly.
There passed also purchases, and Letters Patentes betwene King Edward, and the executors of the said VVill, and others, for the execution and performāce of the same. Finally the said Testament was recorded in the Chancerie. VVherefore they affirme, that there ought no manner of doubt moue any man to the contrarie, and that either we must graunt this VVill to be signed with his hand, or that he made no VVill at all: bothe must be graunted, or both denied. If any will deny it, in case he be one of the witnesses, he shall impugne his own testimonie: if he be one of the executours, he shall ouerthrow the foundation of all his doinges, in procuring the [Page 41] said will to be inrolled, & set forth vnder the great Seale. And so by their dublenes they shall make them selues no mete witnesses.
Nowe a man can not lightly imagine, how any other, bysids these two kind of witnesses (for some of them, and of the executors, were suche, as were continually wayting vpon the kinges person) may impugne this will, and proue, that the king did not signe the same. But if any such impugne the will, it would be considered, how many they are, and what they are: & it wil be very harde to proue negatiuam facti. But it is euidēte, say they, that there was neuer any such lawful proofe against the said will producted. For if it had ben, it would haue bene published in the Starrechamber, preached at Poules Crosse, declared by Acte of Parlamēt, proclamed in euerie quarter of the Realm. Yea, admitting, say they, that it were proued, that the said pretensed will lacked the kinges hande: yet neuerthelesse (say they) the very copies we haue spoken of, being written & signed, or at least interlined with his owne hande, may be saide a sufficient signing with his owne hande.
For seing the scope and final purpose of the statute was, to haue the succession prouided for, and asserteined, whiche is sufficiently done in the said will: and seing his owne hande was required but onely for eschewing euil & sinister dealing, whereof there is no suspicion in this will to be gathered: what matter in the worlde, or what difference is there, when the king fulfilled and accomplished this gratiouse Acte, that was loked for at his hādes, whether he signed the wil with is owne hāde, or no?
If it be obiected, that the king was obliged and bound to a certaine precise order and forme, which he could in no wise shift, but that the Acte without it muste perish, and be of no valewe: then, say they, [Page] wee vndoe whole Parlamentes, aswel in Queene Maries time, as in kings Henry the eightes time. In Queene Maries time, bicause she omitted the Style appointed by Parlamente, Anno Henrici octaui tricesimo quinto: An. H. 8.35. An. H. 8.33. & 21. In kinge Henries tyme, by reason there was a statute, that the kinges royal assent may be geuen to an Acte of Parlamente by his Letters Patentes signed with his hāde, though he be not there personally. And yet did the saied king supplie full ofte his consente by the stampe only. This yet notwithstanding, the said Parlamentes for the omission of these formes so exactely and precisely appointed, are not destroyed and disannulled.
An ansvver by the vvay of reioinder to the same.After this sorte in effecte haue the Aduersaries replied for the defence of the said pretensed will. To this we will make our reioynder, & saye: Firste, that our principal matter is not to ioyne an issewe, whether the saide kinge made and ordeyned any sufficient will, or no. VVe leaue that to an other time. But, whether he made any Testamēt, in suche order and forme, as the statute requireth. VVherefore if it be defectiue in the said forme, as wee affirme it to be, were it otherwise neuer so good and perfect, though it were exemplified by the great Seale, and recorded in Chancerie, and taken commonly for his VVil, and so accomplished: it is nothing to the principal question. It resteth then for vs to cōsider the weight of the aduersaries presumptions whereby they would inforce a probabilitie that the Testamēt had the foresaid requisite forme. Yet first, it is to be considered, what presumptions, and of what force & number, do occurre to auoide and frustrate the Aduersaries presumptions, and all other like.
Diuers presumptions & reasons against this supposed vvill.VVe say then, there occurre many likelyhoddes many presumptions, many great and weightie reasons, [Page 42] to make vs to thinke, that as the king neuer had good and iuste cause, to minde & enterprise suche an Acte, as is pretended: so likewise he did enterprise no such Acte in deede. I deny not, but that ther was such authoritie geuen him: neither I deny, but that he might also in some honorable sort haue practised the same, to the honour and wealthe of the Realme, and to the good contentation of the same Realme. But that he had either cause, or did exercise the said authoritie in suche strange & dishonorable sort, as is pretended: I plainely denie. For being at the time of this pretēsed will furnished and adorned with issue, the late king Edward, and the Ladies Marie, and Elizabeth, their state and succession being also lately by Acte of Parlament established: what neede or likelyhod was there, for the king then to practise such newe deuises, as neuer did, I suppose, any King in that Realme before, and fewe in any other byside? And where they were practised, commonly had infortunate and lamentable successe.
VVhat likelyhode was there, for him to practise such deuises, especially in his later daies (when wisdome, the loue of God, and his Realm should haue bene moste ripe in him) that were likely to sturre vppe a greater fier of greeuouse contention and wofull destruction in England, then euer did the deadly faction of the read Rose & the white, lately by the incorporation and vnion of the house of Yorke and Lancastre, in the person of his father through the mariage of Ladye Elizabeth, eldest daughter of King Edwarde the fourth, moste happily extinguished and buried? And though it might be thought or said, that there vould be no such cause of feare, by reason the matter passed by Parlament: yet could not he be ignorāt, that neither [Page] Parlamēts made for Hēry the fourth, or cōtinuance of twoo Descentes (which toke no place in geuing any Title touching the Croune) in King Henry the sixt: nor Parlamentes made for King Richard the third, nor Parlaments of attainder made against his father, could either preiudice his fathers right, or releaue other against such, as pretended iust right and title.
And as he could not be ignorant therof: so it is not to be thought, that he would abuse the great confidence put vpon him by the Parlament, and disherite without any apparent cause the next roial blood, and thinke all thinges sure by the colour of Parlamēt: The litle force whereof against the right inheritour, he had (to his fathers and his owne so ample benefit) so lately and so largely sene and felt. And yet if he minded at any time, to preiudice the said Lady Marie Queene of Scotland, of all times he would not haue done it then, when all his care was, by all possible meanes to contriue and compasse a mariage, betwene his sonne Edward, and the said Lady and Queene. Surely he was to wise of him selfe, and was furnished with to wise Counsailours, to take such an homely way, to procure and purchase the said mariage by.
And least of all can we say he attempted that dishonorable disherison for any speciall inclinatiō or fauour he bare to the French Queene, his sisters children. For there haue bene of his neere & priuie Counsaile, that haue reported, that the King neuer had any great liking of the mariage of his sister with the Duke of Suffolke, who maried her first priuily in France, and afterward openly in England: And, as it is said, had his pardon for the said priuy mariage in writing. Howesoeuer this matter goeth, certeine it is, that if this pretensed will be true, he [Page 43] transferred and transposed the reuersion of the Croune, not only from the Queene of Scotland, from the Ladie Leneux and their issue, but euen from the Lady Francis, & the Ladie Eleonour also, daughters to the Frēche Queene, whiche is a thing in a manner incredible, and therefore nothing likely.
I must now, gentle Reader, put thee in remembrance of two other most pregnant and notable cōiectures and presumptions. For among all other inconueniences, and absurdities, that do, and may accompanie this rash & vnaduised acte by this pretensed wil inconsiderately mainteined: it is principally to be noted,The supposed vvill is preiudicial to the Croune of England for the clame of the Croune of France. that this Acte geueth apparent & iust occasion of perpetual disherison of the Style & Title of France incorporated and vnited to the Croune of England. For whereby do or haue the Frenchemen hitherto excluded the kinges of that Realme, claming the Croune of France by the title of Edward the third, fallen vpon him by the right of his mother, other than by a politike and ciuil law of their owne, that barreth the female frō the right of the Croune? And what doeth this pretensed Act of king Henrie, but iustifie and strengthen their quarel, and ouerthrow the foundatiō & bulworke, wherby the kings of England maintene their foresaid title and clame? For if they may by their municipial lawe of England exclude the said Queene of Scotland, being called to the Croune by the Title of generall heritage: then is the municipial law of France likewise good and effectual: & consequētly the kings of England haue made all this while an vniust & wrongfull clame to the Croune of Frāce.
But now to go somewhat further in the matter, or rather to come neerer home, and to touche the quicke, we say: as there was some apparent & good [Page] cause, why the king should the twentie and eight yeare of his reigne thinke vpon some limitation & appointement of the Croune (king Edward as yet vnborne:) so after he was borne, and that the Title and interest of the reuersion of the Croune after him was the thirtie and fifte yeare by Parlament confirmed to the late Queene Marie and her sister Queene Elizabeth: it is not to be thought, that he would afterward ieoparde so great a matter by a Testament and will, whiche may easely be altered and counterfeyted: and least of all make suche assignation of the Croune, as is nowe pretended.
For being a Prince of such wisdome and experience, he could not be ignorant, that this was the next and rediest way, to put the state at least of both his daughters to great peril and vtter disherison.This supposed vvill geueth occasion of ambitious aspiring. For the Kinges example and boldnes in interrupting and cutting away so many branches of the neerest side and line, might soone breede in aspiring and ambitious hartes a bolde and wicked attempte, the way being so farre brought in and prepared to their handes by the Kinge him selfe: and their natures so readie and prone to follow euil presidents, and to clime high by some colourable meanes or other, to spoile and depriue the said daughters of their right of the Croune, that should descend and fal vpon them, and to conuey the same to the heires of the said Ladie Francis. And did not, I pray you, this drift and deuise fall out euen so, tending to the vtter exclusion of the late Queene Marie, and her Sister Queene Elizabeth: if God had not repressed and ouerthrowen the same?
These reasones then & presumptions may seme wel able and sufficient, to beare doune, to breake doune and ouerthrow the weake and slender presumptions of the Aduersaries, grounded vpon vncertaine [Page 44] and mere surmises, ghesses and cōiectures: as among other that the king was offended with the Queene of Scotland, and with the Ladie Leneux. VVhich is not true. And as for the Ladie Leneux, it hath no māner of probabilitie: as it hath not in dede in the said Queene. And if it had: yet it is as probable, and much more probable, that the king would haue especially at that time (for suche cause, as we haue declared) suppressed the same displeasure. Graunting now, that there were some such displeasure: was it honorable, either for the King, or the Realme: or was it, thinke ye, euer thought by the Parlament, that the king should disherite them for euery light displeasure? And if (as the Aduersaries confesse) the king had no cause to be offēded with the Frenche Queenes children: why did he disherite the Ladie Francis, and the Ladie Eleonor also?
Their other presumption, which they ground, vpon the auoyding of the vncertenty of the succession, by reason of his will, is of smal force and rather turneth against them. For it is so farre of, that by this meanes the succession is made more certaine and sure: as contrarywise it is subiecte to more vncerteintie, and to lesse suertie, than before.Succession to the Croune more vncerten by the supposed vvill, than before. For whereas before, the right and clame to the Croune hong vpon an ordinarie and certaine course of the common lawe, vpon the certaine and assured right of the royall and vnspotted blood, yea vpon the very lawe of nature, whereby many inconueniences, manie troubles, daungers and seditions are in al Countries politikely auoyded: so now depending vpon the statute onely, it is as easie by an other statute to be infringed and ouerthrowen: and depending vpon a Testament, it is subiect to many corruptions, sinister dealinges, cauillations, yea and iust ouerthrowes, by the dishabilitie of the Testatours [Page] witnesses, or the Legatorie himselfe, or for lacke of dewe order to be obserued, or by the death of the witnesses vnexamined, & for many other like cōsideratiōs. The Monuments of all antiquitie,Much forgerie and counterfeyting of Testamēts. the memorie of al ages, & of our owne age, & dayly experience can tel and shewe vs many lamentable examples of many a good & lawfull Testamēt, by vndue and craftie meanes, by false & suborned witnesses, by the couetous bearing and maintenance of such as be in authoritie, quite vndone and ouerthrowne. VVherefore Valerius Maximus crieth out against M. Crassus, Valerius Maximus dict. et fa. lib. 9. 6. 4. and Q Horiensius: Lumina Curiae, ornamenta Fori, quod [...]celus vindicare debebant, inhonesti lucri captura inuitati, authoritatibus suis texerunt. This presū ption then of the Aduersaries rather maketh for vs, and ministreth to vs good occasion, to thinke, that the king would not hasard the weight and importance of such a matter, to reste vpon the validitie or inualiditie of a bare Testament only.
By this that we haue said we may probably gather, that the King had no cause to aduenture so great an interprise by a bare will and Testament. Ye shall nowe heare also, why we thinke he did neuer attempt or enterprise any such thing. It is well knowen, the King was not wonte lightly to ouerslippe the occasion of any great commoditie presently offered. And yet this notwithstanding, hauing geuen to him by Acte of Parlament the ordering and disposition of all Chantries and Colleges, he did neuer or very litle practise and execute this authoritie. And shall we thinke, vnlesse full and sufficient proofe necessarily enforce creditte, that the King, to his no present commoditie and aduantage, but yet to his greate dishonour, and to the greate obloquie of his subiectes and other Countries, to the notable disherison of so may the next royall [Page 45] blood, did vse any such authoritie, as is surmised?
Againe, if he had made any suche assignation: who doubteth, but that as he cōditioned in the said pretensed will with his noble daughters,In this supposed vvill is no condition for the mariage of the heires of the L. Francis, as is for the Kinges ovvne daughters. to marie with his Counsels aduise, either els not to enioy the benefitte of the succession: he would haue tyed the said Ladie Francis and Ladie Eleonours heirs to the same condition.
Further more, I am driuen to thinke, that there passed no such limitation by the said king Henries will, by reason there is not, nor was these many yeares any original copy therof, nor any authentical Record in the Chācerie, or els where to be shewed in all England, as the Aduersaries them selues confesse: And in the copies that be spread abrode, the witnesses pretended to be presēt at the signing of the said will, be suche, for the meanesse of their state on the one side, & for the greatnesse & weight of the cause on the other side, as seme not sufficient in suche a case.
The importāce of the cause, being no lesse than the disherison of so many heires of the Croune (as well from the one sister, as from the other) required and craued some one or other of the priuie Caunsaile, or some one honorable and notable persone to haue bene present at the said signing: or that some notificatiō should haue bene made afterward to suche persones by the King him selfe, or at least before some Notarie and authētical person for the better strengthening of the said will.
Here is now further to be cōsidered, that (seing the interest to the Croune is become a plaine testamentarie matter and clame, and dependeth vpon a last will) when, and before what Ordinarie this will was exhibited, allowed and prooued? VVhere, and of whome toke the Executours their othe for [Page] the true performāce of the will?No order taken for the probate of the supposed vvill. VVho committed to them the administration of the kings goods and chattles? VVhen, and to whome haue they brought in the Inuentory of the same? VVho examined the witnesses vpon their othe, for the tenour & trueth of the said Testament? Namely vpon the signement of the kinges hand, wherein onely consisteth the weight of no lesse, then of the Croune it selfe: where, or in what spiritual or temporal Courte may one find their depositions? But it were a very hard thing to finde that, that (as farre as men can learne) neuer was.
And yet if the matter were so plaine, so good & so sound, as these men beare vs in hand: if the original Testement had ben such, as might haue bidden the touchstone, the triall, the light and the sight of the worlde: why did not they, that enioyed most commoditie therby (and, for the sway and authoritie they bare, might and ought best to haue done it) take conuenient and sure order, that the originall might haue bene duely and safely preserued: or at least, the ordinary Probate (which is in euery poore mans Testament diligently obserued) might haue bene procured or sene, by one or other authentical Instrument therof reserued? The Aduersaries them selues see wel enough, yea and are faine to confesse these defectes.The enrolement in the chancerie is not a probate. But to helpe this mischief, they wold faine haue the Enrolment in the Chancerie to be taken for a sufficient Probate, bycause (as they say) both the spiritual and temporall authoritie did cō curre in the kings person.
Yet do they know wel inough, that this plaister will not cure the sore, and that this is but a poore helpe and a shift. For neither the Letters Patents, nor the Enrolment may in any wise be counted a sufficient Probate. The Chancerie is not the Court [Page 46] or ordinarie place for the probate of willes, nor the Rolles for recording the same. Both must be done in the Spiritual Courts: where the executours also must be impleaded, and geue their accompt: where the weakenes or strengh of the will must be tried, the witnesses examined, finally the probate, & al other thinges thereto requisite, dispatched. Or if it may be done by any other persone: yet must his authoritie be shewed. The probate and all thinges must be done accordinglye. And amonge other things the vsual clause of Saluo iure cuiuscūque, must not be omitted. VVhiche things, I am assured, the recording in the Chancerie cannot import.
But this caution and prouiso of Saluo iure cuiuscunque (whiche is most conformable to all law and reason) did litle serue some mens turne. And therefore there was one other caution and prouiso: that though the poorest mans Testament in all England hath this prouiso at the probate of the same: yet for this Testament, the weightiest, I trow, that euer was made in England, no suche probate or clause can be found, either in the one, or the other Court. Yet we nedes must, al this notwithstanding, be borne in hande, and borne doune, that there was a Testamēt & will, formably framed, according to the purpose and effect of the statute: yet must the right of the imperiall Croune of England be conueied and caried away with the colour & shadow only of a will. I say, the shadow only, by reason of an other coniecture and presumption, whiche I shall tel you of. VVhiche is so liuely and effectual, that I verily suppose, it will be very harde for any mā, by any good and probable reasō, to answere & auoide the same: And is so important and vehement, that this only might seeme, vtterly to destroie al the Aduersaries coniectural prooffes, concerning the maintenance [Page] of this supposed will.
VVe say therfore and affirme, that in case there had bene any good and sure helpe and handfast, to take and hold the Croune for the heirs of Lady Frā cis by the said will: that the faction, that vniustly intruded the Lady Iane, eldest daughter to the said Lady Frācis to the possessiō of the Croune, would neuer haue omitted to take, receaue and imbrace the occasion and benefit therof to them presently offered. They neither would, nor could haue bene driuen, to so harde & bare a shifte, as to colour their vsurpation against the Late Queene Marie only, & her Sister Queene Elizabeth, with the Letters Patents of King Edward the sixt, and with the cōsent of suche as they had procured.A great presūption against the supposed vvill, for that the late pretensed Q. Iane did not vse the benefit of the same against the Q. of Scotland and others. VVhich king by law had no autoritie (as it is notorious) to make any limitation and assignation of the Croune otherwise than the common lawe doth dispose it. It was nede for them, I say, as they procured suche Letters Patentes, so to haue set forth also the said pretensed will, if there had bene then any such will in deede sufficiently and dewly to be proued, as is now surmised there was. The Recorde of the said surmised will was in the Chancerie, whiche they might haue vsed with the pretensed witnesses, and with the original pretēsed will, & with al other things therto belonging, to their best aduantage. It can not be thought, that either they were ignorant of it, or that they would forbeare and forgoe so greate a commoditie offered, and suche a plausible pretext of their pretensed vsurpation, bearing the countenance and authoritie of the kings will, and of the whole Parlament, for the exclusion of the Queene of Scotland and others of the nerer royal blood. Neither can it be said, that the Letters Patētes were made, as it were for a stronger corroboration and [Page 47] confirmatiō only of the said pretensed will:See the proclamation made the x. of Iulie the first yeare of her pretensed reigne. for that there is not so muche as one worde in their whole pretensed letters patents for the supposed right of the said Lady Ian, by the force of that surmised will: whereby it might any thing appeare, that king Henry the eight made any manner of limitation or assignatiō of the Croune to the heires of the Lady Francis. VVherevpon it may well be gathered, that either they knew of no suche limitation to the children of the Lady Francis by the said supposed will: or toke it to be suche, as could geue no good and lawfull force and strength, to ayde and mainteine their vsurpation for the manifest forgerye of the same. And therfore they purposely (for, ignorance can not be pretended in them) kepte backe & suppressed in the said Letters Patentes this pretensed limitation surmised to be made for the children of the said Lady Francis. VVhiche neuethelesse the Aduersaries do nowe with so great and vehement asseueration blowe into al mens eares: yet is it vtterly reiected and ouerthrowen, if it were by nothing els than by these letters patēts for the pretensed title of the said Lady Iane. So that we nede to trauaile no further for any more proofe against the said asseueration.
But yet in case any man do loke for any other and more persuasion and proofe, whiche, as I sayd, neede not: ô the great prouidence of God, ô his great fauour and goodnes to that Realme, of the which it hath bene said:Polid. li. 8 Regnum Angliae, est regnum, Dei, and that God hath euer had a speciall care of it: ô his great goodnes, I say, to this Realme euen in this case also. For he hath opened and brought to light the verie truth of the matter, whiche is burst out, though neuer so craftily supressed and kept vnder. VVe say then, that the King neuer signed the [Page] pretensed will with his owne hande: neither do we say it by bare hearsay, or gather it by our former coniectures and presumptions onely, though very effectuall and probable: but by good and hable witnesses, that auouche and iustifie, of their owne certaine knowledge, that the Stampe onely was put to the said wil, & that euen when the King him selfe was now dead, or dyeing and past all remembrance.
The forgerie of this supposed vvill disclosed before the Parlament by the L. Paget.The Lorde Paget being one of the priuie Counsaile with Queene Marie, of his owne free will and godly motion, for the honour of the Realme, for reuerence of truth and iustice (thoughe in the facte him selfe perhappes culpable, but thereto by great authoritie forced,) did first of all men disclose the matter, first to the said Counsaile, & then before the whole Parlament. Sir Edward Mountegue also the chief Iustice, that was priuie and present at the saide doinges, did confesse the same, as well before the Counsaile, as before the Parlament. Yea, VVilliam Clarke, (ascribed among other pretensed witnesses) confessed the premisses to be true. And that him selfe put the stampe to the said will, and afterward purchased his Charter of pardon for the said fact.
Vpon the which depositions well and aduisedly weighed and pondered, Queene Marie with the aduise of her Counsaile, to the honour of God, and that Realme, to the maintenance of trueth and iustice, & the rightful successiō of the Croune, for the eschewing of many foule mischieffes, that might vpon that forgerie ensue,A vvorthy deede for a Prince to cancell false Recordes. caused the Recorde of the said forged will remaining in the Chancerie, to be cancelled, defaced and abolished, as not worthy to remaine among the true and sincere Recordes of that noble Realme. VVhiche her noble facte deserueth immortalitie of eternall prayse and fame, [Page 48] no lesse, than the fact of the Romaines that abolished the name and memorie of the Tarquinians, for the foule acte of Sextus Tarquinius in defiling Lucretia: No lesse, than the fact of the Ephesians,Cicero. 3. offic. who made a lawe, that the name of the wicked Herostratus should neuer be recorded in the bookes of any their Historiographers:Sueton. de viris illustrib. No lesse thā the fact of the familie of the Manlians at Rome, taking a solemne othe, that none among them should euer be called Capitolinus, bycause M. Manlius Capitolinus had sought to oppresse his Countrey with tyrannie. And to come nerer home, no lesse than in England their forefathers deserued,Bed. lib. 3. histor. Ecclesiast. c. i. whiche quite rased out of the yeares and times the memorie and name of the wicked Apostates Osricus and Eanfridus, numbring their tyme vnder the reigne of the good King Oswald.
The aduersaries therfore are muche to be blamed, going about to staine and blotte the memorie of the said Queene and Magistrats, as though they had done this thing disorderly, and as though there had bene some special cōmoditie therein to them: which is apparently falfe. For as the said abolition was nothing beneficiall to other Magistrats: so if it hadde bene a true and an vndoubted will, the said Queene vould neuer haue caused it to be cancelled, as well for her honour and conscience sake, as for priuate respect, seeing her owne royall estate was by the same set foorth & cōfirmed. Yet would they faine blemish and disgrace the testimonie of the said Lorde Paget, and S. Edward Mountague. They set against them eleuen witnesses, thinking to matche and ouermatche them with the number.
But here it muste be remembred, that though they be eleuen, yet they are too slender and weake for the weight and importance of the matter. It is [Page] againe to be remembred, that often times the lawe doth as well weigh the credit, as number the persons of the witnesses. Aliàs (saith Calistratus) numerus, aliàs dignitas & authoritas confirmat rei, L. testiū. ff. de testibus. L. Ob carmen ibid. de qua agitur, fidem. According to this, saith also Archadius: Confirmabit Iudex motum animi sui ex argumentis & testimoniis, quae rei aptiora, & vero proximiora esse compererit. Non enim ad multitudinem respicere oportet, sed ad sinceram testimoniorum fidem & testimonia, quibus potius lux veritatis assistit.
It hath not lightly bene heard or sene, that men of suche state & vocation in so great and weightie a cause would incurre first the displeasure of God, then of their Prince, and of some other of the best sorte, if their depositions were vntrue: and would purchase them selues dishonour, slaūder & infamie: yea disclose their owne shame to their owne no manner of way hoped cōmoditie, nor to the commoditie of other their frendes,No iust cause to repel the testimonie of the L. Paget and ohers. or discommoditie and hurte of their enemies. This sufficently doth purge them from all sinister suspicion for this their deposition and testimonie: their deposition proceding, as it plainly seemeth, from no affectiō, corruptiō or partialitie, but from a zeale to the trueth, and to the honour of the Realme. And though perchance, if they had bene thereof iudicialy conuicted & condemned, and had not by dew penance themselues reformed: some exceptions might haue bene layed against them by any partie iudiciallye conuented for his better aduantage: yet as the case standeth nowe,L. Famosi ff. and l. Tul. maies. l. muliere. ff. de accusat. there is no cause in the worlde, to discredit their testimonie: yea and by the waye of accusatiō also, suche persons, as be otherwise dishabled, are in treason and other publike matters, touching the state, enhabled both to accuse, & testifie.
As for the eleuen witnesses, the best of them [Page 49] Sir Iohn Gates, we know, by what meanes he is departed out of this life. One other, the said VVilliam Clarke is so gone from them, that he geueth good cause, to misdeeme and mistrust the whole matter. Howe many of the residue liue, I know not. To whom perchaunce some thing might be said, if we once knowe, what them selues say. VVhich seeing it doth not by authenticall recorde appeare, bare names of dumme witnesses can in no wise hinder & deface so solemne a testimonie of the foresaid L. Paget and Sir Edwarde Mountague. Neither is the difficultie so great, as the Aduersaries pretend,Hovv a negatiue may be proued. in prouing Negatiuam facti. VVhich as we graunt it to be true, when it stādeth within the limites of a mere negatiue: so being restraigned and referred to time and place, may be as well proued, as the affirmatiue. It appeareth nowe then by the premisses:Gloss. & Doct. c. bona de elect. that the Aduersaries argumentes, whereby they would weaken and discredit the testimonie, either of the witnesses, or of the executours, that haue or may come in against the said pretensed will, are but of smal force and strength. And especially their slēder exaggeration by a superficial Rhetorike enforced. VVhereby they would abuse the ignorance of the people, and make them beleue, that there was no good and substātial prooffe brought foorth against the forgerie of this supposed will, bycause the vntrueth of the same was not preached at Poules Crosse, and declared in al open places and assembles through the Realm: when they knowe wel inough, that there was no necessitie so to doe. And that it was notoriously knowen, by reason it was disclosed by the saide Lorde Paget, as wel to the Counsaile, as to the higher and lower house of the Parliament. And the foresaid forged Recorde in the Chancerie therevpon worthely defaced, and abolished. The [Page] disclosing whereof, seing it came foorth by such, & in such sort & order, as we haue specified: as it doth nothing deface or blemish the testimonie geuen against the said supposed will, whether it were of any of the witnesses, or executours: so is ther no nede at all, why any other witnesses, bysides those that haue already impugned the same, should be now farther producted.
Hovv and vvhen the later testimonie is to be accepted before the former.I denie not, but that if any suche witnesse or executour had vpon his othe before a lawfull Iudge, deposed of his owne certaine notice and knoweledge, that the said will was signed with the Kinges own hande: in case he should afterward cō tratrie and reuoke this his solemne deposition, it ought not lightly to be discredited for any suche contradiction afterward happening. But, as I haue said, such authenticall and ordinarie examinatiōs & depositiōs we find not, nor yet heare of any such so passed. Now cōtrariwise if any of the said witnesses or executours haue or shall before a competent Iudge, especially not producted of any partie, or against any partie for any priuate suit commēced, but, as I haue said, moued of conscience onely, and of a zeale to truth, and to the honour of God & the Realme, freely & voluntarilie discouer and detecte suche forgerie (although perchance it toucheth them selues for some thing done or said of them to the contrary,) or being called by the said cōpetent Iudge, haue or shall declare and testifie any thing against the same: this later testimonie may be well credited by good reason and law.
VVhereas they would nowe inferre, that either this pretensed will was King Henries will, or that he made none at all: I doo not (as I haue said) entende, nor neede not curiously to examine and discusse this thing, as a matter not apperteining to our principal [Page 50] purpose. And well it may be, that he made a will conteining the whole tenour of this pretensed will (sauing for the limitation of the Croune) and that these supposed witnesses were present, either when he subscribed the same with his own hand, or when by his cōmaundement the Stampe (of which and of his owne hand, the cōmon sort of men make no difference, as in dede in diuers other cases there is no difference, whiche these witnesses might take to be as it were his owne hand) was set to the wil.
This, I say, might after some sort so be. And yet this notwithstanding there might be (as there was in deede) an other will touching the pretensed limitation of the Croune by the Kinges owne hande counterfeyted and suborned after his death falsly and colourably, bearing the countenance of his owne hand, and of the pretensed wittnesses names. How so euer it be, it is but to smal purpose, to goe about any full and exquisite answere touching this point, seeing that neither the original surmised wil, whereof these witnesses are supposed to be priuy is extant: nor their depositions any where appeare: nor yet that it appeareth, that euer they were (as we haue said) iudicially examined.
Seeing nowe then, that if it so falleth out, that the principal will, and that whiche was by the great Seale exemplified, and in the Chancery recorded, had not (at least touching the clause of limitation & assignement of the Croune) the Kings hand to it: we neede not, nor wil not tarie about certain scrolles and copies of the said will, that the Aduersaries pretēd to haue ben either writtē, or signed with his hand. A kingdom is to heauy to be so easely caried away by suche scrolles and copies. VVhen all this faileth, the Aduersaries haue yet one shift left for the last cast. They vrge the equitie of the matter and [Page] the mind of the Parlament. VVhich is, they say, accomplished and satisfied, by making this assignatiō for the establishing of the succession, & prouiding, that the Realme should not be left void of a Gouernour. And therefore we must not subuert the statute, in cauilling for the defect of the Kings hand: forasmuch as the Parlament might haue had authorised his consent onely, without any hand writing. VVhiche as I doe not denie, so in these great affaires and so ample a commission, in suche absolute authoritie geuen to him, it was prouidently and necessarily foresene, to binde the Acte to the Kings owne hand, for auoyding al sinister & euill dealing, the whiche the Aduersaries would haue vs in no case to misdoubt or mistrust in this will. VVhereas the notoriousnes of the fact, & the lamentable euēt of things do openly declare the same, and pitifully crieth out against it.
Neither wil we graunt to them, that the minde and purpose of the Parlament is satisfied, for such causes, as we haue and shall hereafter more largely declare. And if it were otherwise true: yet doth this only defect of the Kinges hand breake & infringe the whole Acte.VVhy the stampe can not counteruaile the Kinges hand in this case. For this is a statute correctorie, and derogatorie to the commō course of the lawe, as cutting away the succession of the lawfull & true inheritours. It is also, as appeareth by the tenour of the same, a most greuouse penal lawe, and therfore we may not shift or alter the wordes of the lawe, Neither may we supply the manner and doing of the acte prescribed, by any other act equiualent. So that albeit in some other thing the Stampe or the Kinges certaine & knowen consente may counterpaise his hande: yet, as the case standeth here, it will not serue the turne, by reason there is a precise order and forme prescribed & appointed. VVerfore [Page 51] if by a statue of a Citie,Ioan Andr. in adit. specul tit. derequisit consul ad finem. there be certaine persones appointed to do a certaine acte, and the whole people do the same acte in the presence of the said persones: the acte by the iudgement of learned Ciuilians is vitious, & of no valewe: yea though the reason of the lawe cease, yet must the forme be obserued. For it is a rule and a maxime, that where the law appointeth & prescribeth a certaine platforme,L. Si fundus ff. de rebus eorum: c. de rebus Ecclesiae in 6. whereby the Acte must be bound and tyed: in that case though the reason of the lawe ceasse, yet is the acte voyd and naught.
And whereas the Aduersaries obiecte against this rule, the Parlamentes made by Queene Marie,An ansvvere to the aduersaries, touchinge Actes of Parlament alleaged to proue, that the Kinges ovvne hād vvas not necessarie to the supposed vvil. without the vsual style called & somoned: this obiection may sone be answered. For it may sone appeare to all them, that reade and pervse the said statute of Anno 35. Henrici octaui, conteining the said style, that by any especial words therin mētioned, it is not there limited & appointed, that the forme of the style therin sette foorth should be obserued in euery writ. And therfore not to be compared vnto the said statutes of 28. and 35. Henrici octaui, wherein by special wordes one expresse forme & order for the limiting of the succession of the Croune by the King, is declared and set forth.
Bysides that, the said writtes being made both according to the auncient forme of the Regester, and also by expresse commaundement of the Prince, vtterly refusing the said style, could neither be derogatorie to the said Queenes Maiestie and her Croune, nor meaning of the said statute. Cōcerning the said style, and for a final and ful answere vnto this matter: it is to be noted, that the writtes being the Actes of the Court, though they want the prescript forme set foorth either by the cōmon law, or statute: yet are not they, nor the iudgements subsequent [Page] ther vpon abated or void, but only abatable and voidable by exception of the partie by iudgemēte of the the Court.18. E. 3. fo 30. 3. H. 4 fol. 3. & 11. 11. H. 4. fol. 67. 9. H. 6. fol. 6. 19. H. 6 fo. 7. & 10 35. H. 6. fo. 12. 10. H. 6. fol. 16. 3. H. 6 fo. 8. 33. E. 3. fo. 13. Vide Prisot. 33. H. 6. fol. 35. For if the partie without any exceptiō doe admitte the forme of the said VVritte, and pleade vnto the matter, whervpon the Court doth procede: then doth the VVritte, & the iudgement there vpon following remanine good and effectual in lawe. And therefore admiting, that the said statute of 35. H. 8. had by speciall wordes appointed the said style to be put in euery VVritte, and that for that cause the said VVritts of Somons were vitious, wanting their prescript forme: yet when the parties vnto the said VVrittes had admitted them for good, both by theyr election, and also by their appearence vpon the same: the lawe doth admit the said VVrittes, & al actes subsequent vpon the same, to be good and effectuall. And yet this maketh no prooffe, that therfore the said supposed will, wanting the prescript order & fourme, should likewise be good and effectual in lawe.
For as touching specialties, estates and conueiances, or any other externall acte to be done or made by any person, whose forme and order is prescribed, either by the common lawe, or by statute:9. H. 6. fol. 35. 35. H. 6. fo. 34. 40. E. 3. fol. 2. if they want any part of their prescript forme, they are accompted in law to be of no validitie or effect. As for example: the lawe doth appoint euery Specialtie or Deede to be made, either in the first persone, or in the third persone. Therefore if parte of a Deede be made in the first person, and the residue in the third person: that Deede is not effectual, but void in the Law. Bysides that, the lawe hath appointed,40. E. 3. fol. 35. 21. E. 4. fo. 97 7. H. 7. fo. 15. that in euery Deede mentioned should be made, that the partie hath put to his Seale to the same. If therfore any Deede doth want that special clause and mention, although the partie in deede [Page 52] hath put his Seale vnto the same: yet is that Dede or Specialtie void in law.
So lykewise the lawe geueth authoritie to the Lord, to distraine vpon the land holden of him for his rentes & seruices due for the same. And farther doth appoint, to carie or driue the same distresse vnto the pound, there to remaine as a gage in lawe for his said rentes & seruices.9. E. 4. fol. 2. 22. E. 4 fo. 47. 29. H. 6. fo. 6. 29. lib. Assis. P. 64. If the Lord shal either distraine his Tenant out of his Fee or Seignory, or if he shal labour and occupie the Chatles distrained: the distresse so taken by him is iniurious & wrōgful in law, forasmuch as he hath not done according to the prescribed order of the lawe. The statute made An. 32. H. 8. geueth authoritie vnto Tenant in taile and to others being seised of land in the right of their wiues or Churches, to make leases of the same: VVherin also a prescript order and forme for the same is set foorth, If any of the said persons shal make any Lease, wherin he doth not obserue the same prescribed order in all pointes, the same lease is not warranted in any point by the said statute.
Likewise the statute made in Anno 27.27. H. 8. 6. 10. Henrici octaui, of Bargaines and sales of land appointeth a forme and order for the same, that they must be by writing indented, sealed and enrolled within six monethes next after the dates of the same writings. If any bargaine and sale of land be made, wherein any of the thinges appointed by the said statute are omitted, the same is vitious and voide in the lawe. So likewise the statute made in Anno 32.32. H. 8. 6. 1. H. 8. geueth authoritie, to dispose landes and Testamentes by last VVil and Testement in writing. If a man do deuise his lande by his last VVil and Testament nuncupatiue without writing, this deuise is insufficiēt in law, & not warrāted by the said statute.
VVe leaue of a number of like cases, that we [Page] might multiplie in the prooff of this matter wherein we haue taried the longer, bycause the Aduersaries make so great a countenance therevpon: and bycause all vnder one, it may serue for the answere also touching the Kinges royal assente to be geuen to Parlamentes by his Letters Patentes signed with his hande: which is nothing else but a declaration & affirmance of the common lawe, & no newe authoritie geuen to him, to do that he could not doo before, or any forme prescribed to bind him vnto. Bisides that, in this case there is no feare in the worlde of forging and counterfeyting the Kinges hande: whereas in the Testamētarie cause it is farre otherwise, as the worlde knoweth, and dayly experience teacheth. And so withall do we conclude, that by reason this surmised will was not signed with the Kinges hand: it can not any way hurt or hinder the iuste right and clame of the Queene of Scotland, to the succession of the Croune of England.
Now supposing, that neither the L. Paget, nor Sir Edward Montague, and VVilliam Clarke had testified or plublished any thing to the infringing & ouerthrowing of the Aduersaries assertiō, touching the signing of the said will: yet is not therby the Queene of Scotlandes title altogether hindred. For she yet hath her iust and lawful defence for the oppugning of the said assertion, as well against the persones and sayings of the witnesses, if any shall come foorth, as otherwise shee may iustly require the said wil to be brought forth to light, and especially the signing of the same with the Kings hande, to be duely and consideratly pondered, weyghed and conferred. She hath her iust defence and exeptions and must haue. And it were against al lawes, and the lawe of nature it selfe, to spoile her of the same. And all good reason geueth, that the said original will [Page 53] standing vpon the triall of the Kings hande, be exhibited: that it may be compared with his other certaine and well knowen hand writing. And that other things may be done that are requisite in this behalfe.
But yet all this notwithstanding, let vs nowe imagine & suppose, that the King him selfe, whose hart and hand were doubtlesse farre from any such doings: lette vs yet, I say, admitte, that he had signed the said will with his owne hande. Yet for all that, the Aduersaries perchance shal not finde, no not in this case, that the Queenes iuste Title, right and interest doth any thing fayle or quayle.The supposed vvill can not preiudice the Quene of Scotlād, though it had ben signed vvi h the Kinges ovv e hand. Or rather lette vs without any perchance say, the iustice and equitie of her cause, and the inuincible force of trueth to be suche, that neither the Stampe, nor the Kinges owne hande can beare and beate it downe. VVhiche thing we speake not without good probable and weightie reasons.
Neither do we at this time minde, to debate & discourse, what power and autoritie, and how farre the Parlament hath to doe, in this and like cases. VVhiche perchance some other would here do. VVe will only intermedle with other thinges, that reache not so farre, nor so high, and seeme in this our present question worthy and necessarie to be considered.
And first, before we enter into other matters, we aske this reasonable and necessarie question, whether these general words, wherby this large & ample authoritie is cōueied to king Henry, must be as generally, and as amply taken, or be restrained by some manner of limitation and restriction agreable to such mind and purpose of the Parlament, as must of very necessitie or great likelihod be construed, to be the very mind and purpose of the said Parlament [Page] Ye wil say perchance, that the power and authoritie of assignation must be taken generally and absolutely, without exception, sauing for the outward signing of the wil. Trueth it is, there is nothing els expressed: but yet was there some thinges els principally intended, and yet for all that, needed not to be specified.
The outward manner was so specially and precisely appointed and specified, to auoyde suspitious dealing, to auoide corruption and forgery. And yet was the will good and effectual, without the Kinges hande.Ther must needes be some qualification and restraint of the general vvordes of the statute. Yea and the assignation to had ben good, had not that restrainte of the Kinges hande bene added by the Parlament. But for the qualification of the person to be limited and assigned, and so for the necessarie restriction and limitation of the wordes, were they neuer so large & ample: there is (though nothing were spoken thereof) an ordinary helpe & remedie. Otherwise, if the Realme had ben set ouer to a furious or a madde man, or to an idiote, or to some foraine and Mahometical Prince (and to such a one as stories testifie that King Iohn would haue submitted him selfe & his Realme) or to any other notorious incapable or vnhable person:Matthaeus Parisieusis in Iohan. the generalitie of the wordes seeme to beare it, but the good minde and purpose of the Parlament, and mans reason doe in no wise beare it. If ye graunt, that these wordes must nedes haue some good and honest construction and interpretation, as reason doth force you to graunt it: yet will I aske further, whether as the King cutte of in this pretensed will the whole noble race of the eldest sister, and the first issue of the yongest sister: so if he had cutte of also al the ofspringes as wel of the said yongest sister, as of the remnante of the royal blood, & placed some, being not of the said blood, & perchāce otherwise [Page 54] vnable: this assignation had bene good and vailable in lawe, as conformable to reason, and to the mind and purpose of the Parlamēt? It were surely to great an absurdity, to graunt it.
There must be therefore in this matter some reasonable moderation and interpretation, as wel touching the persones comprehended within this assignation, & their qualities, & for the persons also hauing right, & yet excluded, as for the manner of the doing of the act, & signing the wil. For the king as King, could not dispose the Croune by his will: & was in this behalfe but an Arbiter and Cōmissioner. VVherefore his doinges must be directed and ruled by the lawe, & according to the good minde and meaning of those, that gaue the authoritie. And what their minde was, it will appeare well enough, euen in the statute it selfe. It was for the auoiding of all ambiguities, doubtes and diuisions, touching the Succession. They putte their whole trust vpon the King, as one, whome they thought most earnestly to minde the wealth of the Realme: as one that would, and could best and most prudently consider and weigh the matter of the Succession, and prouide for the same accordingly.
If the doinges of the King do not plainely and euidently tende to this ende and scope: if a Zealous minde to the common wealth, if prudence & wisdome did not rule & measure all these doinges: but contrariewise partial affection and displeasure: if this arbitrement putteth not away all contentions and striffes: if the mind and purpose of the honorable Parlament be not satisfied: if there be dishonorable deuises & assignements of the Croune in this will and Testament,L. 1. ff. qui Testamēta fac [...]re. if there be a new Succession vnnaturally deuised: finally if this be not a Testament and last will, such as Modestinus defineth: Testamentum [Page] est iusta voluntatis nostrae sententia de eo, The definition of a Testament. quod quis post mortem suā fieri velit: then though the Kinges hand were put to it, the matter goeth not altogether so wel & so smothe. But that there is good and great cause further to consider and debate vpon it, whether it be so, or no: let the indifferent, when they haue wel thought vpon it, iudge accordingly.
The Aduersaries them selues can not altogether denie, but that this Testament is not correspondēt to such expectation, as men worthely should haue of it. VVhiche thing they do plainly confesse. For in vrging their presumptions, whereof we haue spoken and minding to proue, that this wil, whiche they say is commonly called King Henries VVill, was no new VVil deuised in his sicknes but euen the very same, wherof (as they say) were diuers olde copies: they inferre these wordes, saying thus.
For if it be a nevve vvill then deuised, vvho could thinke, that either h m selfe vvould, or any man durst haue moued him, to put therin so many thinges contrary to his honour? Much lesse durst they them selues deuise any nevv succession, or moue him to alter it, othervvise then they found it, vvhen they savv, that naturally it could not be othervvise disposed. VVherein they say very truely. For it is certaine, that not only the common lawe of that Realm, but nature it selfe telleth vs, that the Queene of Scotland (after the said Kinges children) is the next and rightful Heire of the Croune. VVherefore the King, if he had excluded her, he had done an vnnatural act Ye will say, he had some cause to doo this, by reason she was a forainer, and borne out of the Realme. Yet this notwithstanding he did very vnnaturally, yea vnaduisedly, inconsideratly and wrongfully, and to the great preiudice and danger of his owne Title to the Croune of France▪ as we haue already declared.
[Page 55]And moreouer it is well to be weighed, that reason, and equitie, and Ius Gentium, doth require & craue, that as the kings of that Realm would thinke them selues to be iniuriously handled and openly wronged, if they mariyng with the heires of Spaine, Scotland, or any other Countrey (where the sucession of the Croune deuolueth to the woman) were shutte out, and barred from their said right due to them by the wiues (as we haue said:) so likewise they ought to think of womē of their royal blood, that marie in Scotland, that they may wel iudge and take them selues muche iniuried, vnnaturally and wrongfully dealt withall, to be thruste from the succession of that Croune, being thereto called by the nexte proximitie of the royal blood. And such deuolutions of other Kingdoms to the Croune of England by foraine mariage, might by possibilitie often times haue chaunced, and was euen nowe in this our time very like to haue chanced for Scotland, if the intended mariage with the Queene of Scotland that nowe is, and the late King Edward the sixt with his longer life, & some issue had taken place.
But now, that she is no suche forainer, as is not capable of the Croune, we haue at large already discussed. Yea I will now say farther, that supposing the Parlament minded to exclude her, and might rightfuly so doe, and that the King by vertue of this statute did exclude her in his supposed will: yet is she not a plaine forainer, and incapable of the Croune. For if the lawfull heires of the said Ladie Francis, and of the Ladie Eleonour should happen to faile (whiche seeme now to faile, at the least in the Ladie Katherin and her issue, for whose title, great sturre hath lately ben made, by reason of a late sentēce definitiue, geuen against her pretensed [Page] mariage with the Earle of Herford) then is there no stay or stoppe, either by the Parlament, or by the supposed VVill, but that she the said Quene of Scotlande, and her Heires, may haue and obteine their iust Title and clame. For by the said pretensed will it is limited, that for default of the lawfull Heyres of the said Ladie Francis & Elenour, the Croune shall remaine and come to the next rightful Heires.
But if she shall be said to be a forainer for the time, for the induction of farther argument: then what saye the Aduersaries to the Ladie Leneux, borne at Herbottel in England, and from thirtene yeares of age brought vppe also in England, and commonly taken and reputed as well of the King and Nobilitie, as of other, the lawefull Neece of the said king? Yea to turn now to the other sister of the King maried to Charles Brādon Duke of Suffolke, and her children, the Ladie Francis, and the Ladie Eleonour: why are they also disherited? Surely, if there be no iust cause, neither in the Lady Leneux, nor in the other: it seemeth the King hath made a plaine Donatiue of the Croune. VVhiche thinge whether he could doe, or whether it be conformable to the expectation of the Parlament, or for the Kinges honour, or for the honour of the Realme, I leaue it to the further consideration of other.
Nowe, what causes should moue the Kinge, to shutte them out by his pretensed will from the Title of the Croune: I minde not, nor neede not (especially seeing I take no notice of any suche will, touching the limitation of the said Croune) here to prosecute or examine.
Yet am I not ignorant, what impedimentes many doo talke of, and some as well by printed, as vnprinted Bookes, doe writte of. VVherein I will not take vpon me any asseueration, any resolution or [Page 56] iudgement.
This onely will I propound, as it were by the way of consideratiō, duely & depely to be wayghed and thought vpon: that is, for as muche as the benefitte of this surmised will tendeth to the extrusion of the Queene of Scotland, and others altogether, and to the issue of the French Queene: whether in case the King had no cause to be offended with his sisters the Frenche Queenes Children (as the Aduersaries them selues confesse he had not, and that there was no lawfull impediment in them, to take the succession of the Croune) it were any thing reasonable, or euer was once meant of the Parlamēt, that the King without cause should disherite and exclude them from the title of the Croune. On the other side, if ther were any such impedimēt (whereof this surmised will geueth out a great suspicion) it is to be considered, whether it standeth with reason and iustice, with the honour of the king, and the whole Realme, or with the minde, purpose and intente of the said Parlament, that the King should not onely frustrate and exclude suche, whose right by the common lawe is moste euidente and notoriouse, but call and substitute suche other,L. si pater. ff. Quae in frau credit. L. fili. fami. ff. de D [...] rat. L. 1. 6. quae res pign. l. obligation. ff. de pigno. c. in gener. de Regum iuris in 6. L. quidā. ff. de ver. sig. L. vt grad. §. 1. de uumer. & hono. L. permittēdo cū notatis. ff. de iure dotiū. In geuing generall authoritie, that seemeth not to be comprised, that the partie vvould not haue graunted, being specially demaunded. Generall vvordes must be referted to hable persons. L. 2. c. de Nopall. L. sin. §. in computatione. De iure deliber. & ibi notat Alciat. in l. 1. de ver. significat. as by the same lawe are plainely excluded. In consideration whereof many notable Rules of the Ciuil lawe doo concurre.
First, that who soeuer geueth any man a generall authoritie, to do any thing, seemeth not to geue him authoritie, to do that thing, whiche he would not haue graunted, if his minde therein had bene seuerally and specially asked and required. Againe, generall wordes either of the Testatours, or of such as make any contract, & especially of statutes, touching any persons, to doe or enioy any thing, ought to be restrained and referred to hable, mete, [Page] and capable persons onely.
It is furthermore a rule and a Principle, that statutes must be ruled, measured and interpreted, according to the minde and direction of the generall and common lawe. VVherefore the King in limiting the succession of the Croune in this sorte, as is pretended, seemeth not to answere and satisfie the expectation of the Parlament: putting the case there were any suche surmised impediment, as also on the other side likewise, if there were no suche supposed impediment.
For here an other rule must be regarded: which is, that in Testaments, Contractes, and namely in statutes, the generalitie of wordes must be gently and ciuily moderated, and measured by the cōmon lawe, and restrained, when so euer any man should by that generalitie take any dammage and hurte vndeseruedly. Yea, the Statute shall rather in that casse ceasse and quaile, and be taken as void. As for example, it appe eth by the Ciuill lawe, that if it be enacted by statute in some Cities, that noman shall pleade against an Instrument, no not the Executour: yet this notwithstanding, if the Executour make a true and perfect Inuentorie of the goodes of the Testatour, if he deale faithfully and truely, rather than he should wrongfully and without cause paie the Testatours debt of his owne, he may come and pleade against the Instrumēt. VVherefore the kings doings seeme either muche defectiue in the said Ladie Francis, & Ladie Elenour, or much excessiue in their children. And so though he had signed the said will with his hand: yet the said doings seme not conformable to the mind and purpose of the Parlament.
VVe will now go forward, and propound other great and graue cōsiderations seruing our said purpose [Page 57] and intent. VVhereof one is that in limiting the Croune vnto the heires of the bodie of the Lady Francis, the same Ladie then, and so long after liuing, the said King did not appoint the Successiō of the Croune, according to the order & meaning of he honorable Parlament: forasmuch as the said Acte of Parlament gaue to him authoritie, to limite and appoint the Croune to such persone, or persones in reuersiō or remainder, as should please his Highnes. Meaning thereby some persone certaine, of whome the people might haue certaine knowledg & vnderstanding, after the death of king Henrie the eight. VVhich persones certaine the heires of the Ladie Francis could not by any meanes be intended:11. H. 4. fo 72. 9. H. 6 fo. 24. 11. H. 6. fol. 15. forasmuch as the said Ladie Francis was then liuing, and therfore could then haue no heires at al. By reason whereof the people of that Realme could not haue cettaine knowledge and perfit vnderstanding of the Succession, according to the true meaning & intent of the said Acte of parlamēt.
But to this matter some peraduenture would seeme to answere and say, that although at the time of the said King Henries death, the Heires of the bodie of the said Ladie Francis begotten, were vncertaine: yet at suche time, as the said remainder should happen to fal, the said heires might then certainly be knowen. In deede I will not deny, but that peraduēture they might be then certainly knowen. But what great mischieffes and incōueniēces might haue ensued, and yet may, if the wil take place vpō that peraduenture & vncertaine limitation: I would wishe all men well to note and consider.
It is not to be doubted, but that it might haue fortuned, at such time as the remainder should happen to fall to the said heires of the Ladie Francis, the same Ladye Francis should then be also liuing: [Page] who, I pray you, then should haue had the Croune? Paraduenture ye wold say, the heires of the body of the Ladie Eleonour, to whome the next remainder was appointed. Vndoubtedlye that were contrarie to the meanyng of the sayde supposed will: forsomuch as the remainder is therby limited vnto the heires of the body of the Ladie Eleonour onely for default of issue of the Ladie Francis. VVherby it may be very plainly gathered vpō the said supposed wil, that the meaning therof was not, that the children of the Lady Eleonour should enioye the Croune, before the children of the Lady Frācis. But what if the said Lady Eleonour had bene then also liuing (which might haue happened, forasmuch as both the said Ladie Francis and Ladie Eleonour, by common course of nature, might haue liued longer, then vntil this day) who then should haue had the Croune? Truly the right Heire (whome this supposed will meante to exclude) so long as there should remaine any issue, either of the body of the said Ladie Francis, or of the bodie of the said Ladie Eleonour lawfully begotten. And therefore quite contrarie to the meaning of the said supposed will, wherefore I doe verely thinke, that it would hardly sinke into any reasonable mans head, that had any experience of the great wisdome and aduised doings of King Henry the eight about other matters being of nothing like weight, that he would so slenderly and so vnaduisedly dispose the successione of the Croune (wherevpon the whole estate of that Realme doth depend) in suche wise, that they, to whome he meant to geue the same by his wil, could not enioye it by the lawe. VVherevpon ye may plainely see, not onely the great vnlikelihod, that King Henry the eight would make, any such wil with such slender aduise, [Page 58] but also, that by the limitation of the said will, the succcession of the Croune is made more vncertaine and doubtfull, then it was before the making of the said Actes of Parlament. VVhich is contrary to the meaning and intent of the said Actes, and therefore without any sufficient warrant in law.
But peraduenture some here will say, that although these daungers & vncertainties might haue ensewed vpō the limitation of the said wil: yet forasmuch as they haue not happened, neither be like to happen, they are therefore not to be spoken of. Ye as verely, it was not to be omitted. For although these things haue not happened, and therefore the more tolerable: yet for as much as they might haue happened, by the limitation of the said supposed will, contrary to the meaning of the said Actes, the will can not by any meanes be said to be made according to the meaning and intent of the makers of the said statutes. And therefore in that respect the said will is insufficient in lawe. And to aggrauate the matter farther, ye shall vnderstand of great inconueniences and imminent daungers, which as yet are likely to ensue, if that supposed will should take place.
It is not vnknowen, but that at the time of the making of the said will, the said Lady Frācis had no issue male, but onely three daughters betwene her, & Henrie Duke of Suffolke. Afterward in the time of the late soueraigne Lady Queene Marie, the said Duke of Suffolke was attainted, and suffered accordingly. After whose death the said Ladie Francis, to her great dishonour and abasing of her selfe, toke to husbande one Adrian Stokes, who was before her seruant, a man of very meane estate and vocation, and had issue by him. VVhiche issue (if it were a sonne, & be also yet liuing) by the wordes of the [Page] said supposed will, is to inherite the Croune of that Realme, before the daughters betwene her and the said late Duke of Suffolke begotten, whiche thing was neither intended, nor meant by the makers of the said Actes. VVho can with any reason or cōmō sense thinke, that al the states of the Realme assembled together at the said Parlament, did meane, to geue authoritie to King Henry the eight, by his letters Patents or last will to disherit the Queene of Scotland linially descended of the blood royal of that Realme, and to appoint the sonne of Adrian Stokes, then a meane seruing man of the Duke of Suffolks, to be King & Gouernour ouer that noble Realme of England. The inconueniences whereof, as also of the like that might haue followed of the pretensed Mariage of M. Keies the late Sergeante Porter, I referre to the graue considerations and iudgementes of the honorable and worshipfull of that Realme.
Some peraduenture will say, that King Henry the eight meant by his will, to dispose the Croune vnto the Heires of the body of the said Ladie Francis by the said Duke lawfully begotten, & not vnto the heires by any other person to be begotten. VVhich meaning although it might very hardly be gathered vpon the said supposed will: yet can not the same be without as great inconueniences, as the other. For if the Croune should now remaine vnto the heires of the bodie of the said Ladie Francis by the said Duke begotten then should it remaine vnto two daughters ioyntly, they both being termed and certainly accompted in law but one heire. And by that meanes the state and gouernment of that Realme should be changed from the auncient Monarchie, into the gouernement of many. For the Title of the Ladie Francis being by way of remainder, [Page 59] whiche is cōpted in law a ioynt purchase, doth make all the issue female inheritable a like, and can not go according to the aunciēt law of a descent to the Croune: which is, that the Croune by descent must go to the eldest daughter only, as is aforesaid. For great differences be in law, where one cometh to any Title by descent, and where, as a purchassor. And also if the one of those issues female dye, then were her heire in the Title, as a seueral tenant in tayle. And so there should follow, that so many daughters, so many general Gouernors, & so might their issue, being heirs femals, make the gouernmēt grow infinite. VVhich thing was most farre frō the meaning of the makers of that Acte of Parlament.
VVhat if the said King had by his last will disposed that realme into two or three parts, diuiding the gouernement thereof to three persons, to rule as seueral Kinges: as for example, wales vnto one, the Northe partes vnto an other, the South partes vnto the third, and by that meanes had miserably rent that Realme into partes? Had this bene according to the entent and meaning of the said Acte of Parlament? Or had it bene a good and sufficient limitation in law? No verily, I thinke no man of any reasonable vnderstanding wil so say. And no more can he either say, or thinke of the remainder limited vnto the heires of the body of the said Lady Francis by the said supposed will.
Now to complete and finish this our Treatise touching the Queene of Scotlāds Title to the succession of the Croune: as we haue done, so let vs freely and liberally graunt the Aduersaries that, whiche is not true, that is, that the said supposed wil was signed with the kings own hand. Let the heires of the Lady Frācis come forth in Gods name, & lay forth to the world their demaund & supposed right [Page] against the said Q. of Scotlāds interest. The Queene on the other side, to fortifie & strēghten her clame, layeth foorth to the open sight of all the worlde her iust title and interest, signed, and alwaies a fore this time allowed, not onely as with the Seales, but with the othes also of al the kings, that euer were in England, taken at the time of their Coronation, for the continuance of the lawes of that noble Realme of England, signed and allowed, I say, almost of all the world by sides: yea signed with God and natures owne fingers. Her right is as open, and as clere, as the bright Sonne. Now, to darken and shadow this glorious light: what doe the heires of the said Ladie Frācis, or others bringe foorth, to ground their iust clame and demaund vpon? VVhen all is done, they are faine to runne and catche hold vpō king Henry the eightes written will, signed with his owne hāde. VVel, let them take as good handfast thereon, as they can: but yet lette them shewe the said Queene the said original will. It is well knowen, that they themselues haue said, that that to doe they can not: Yet let them at least lay forth some authentical record of the same. It is also notorious, that they can not. If then the foundation of their clame, being the will of such a Prince, & of so late and fresh memorie made, neither the original, nor yet any good and woorthy Recorde sufficiently authorised, remaine of the same: by what colour will they exclude the saide Queene? They must clame either by proximitie of blood, or by Charter. For the first, nature hath excluded thē: Charter thei haue none to shew.
They wil perchaunce crie out, & cōplain of the losse and imbeaseling of the same, and say, that such a casualtie should not destroye and extinguish their right. This were some thing perchaunce, if it were in a priuate mans case. It were somewhat, if their [Page 60] demaund did not destroy the common law, and the lawe of nature also. It were somewhat, if their supposed Charter were perished, or by any fraudulent meanes intercepted by the said Queene. Vpon whome, in this point, it is not possible to fasten any the very least sinister suspicion. It were somewhat, if they did not aspire to take gaine and lucre, or if the Queene sought not to auoide dammage. For dammage it is, when any person is spoiled of any right due to him by lawe and reason. And there is a great oddes in the consideration of the lawe and reason, betwene aduancing our gaine (& gaine wee do that, that doth grow & accrew vnto vs by more gifte or legacie, as doth the Croune,Non est par [...]io lu [...]ra non capere, & damna sentire L. fin C [...]de odi [...]il &. I. Pr [...]ui [...] ff. de dāno inject. Inst de legat. Si re [...]. to these competitours and Heires of the Lady Francis) and eschewing dammage and losse. And losse the lawe accompteth to be, whē we are defeated of our Auncestours inheritance. So that both being put in the indifferent balance of reason, lawe & consciēce: the dammage shall ouerweigh the mere lucre & gaine. Yea, I wil say more, that in case either the sayed Queene of Scotlande, or any other were in possession of the Croune, hauing no right to the same: yet if the issue of the Lady Francis had no further, nor better right, than these pretended writings, the defendants cleauing to the only possession, were false and sure, and were not bound to shew to them their Title. For it is a rule of the lawe,Liqui accusare C. de edendo Accommodum [...]inst. de indict. that if the Plaintife faile in his prooffe, the Defendant shalbe discharged: yea, though he haue no better right, than bare and naked possessiō. Neither could they any thing be releeued, though the pretensed Recorde of the Chācerie were yet extant, not for such cause only, as we haue specified, but for diuers other. For it may well be doubted, though the said Recorde might beare a sufficient credit among the subiectes of that [Page] Realme, whether it may beare the same against one that is no subiect.
L. si quis in aliquo documento C. de edendo.Againe it is a rule, that the publike Instrument, making mention of an other, doth nothing proue against the partie, in respecte of any thing so mentioned, vnlesse the original it selfe be produced. If therfore these competitours haue lost their instruments and Euidences, where vpon they must of necessitie build their demaund and Clame, to the exclusion of an other notorious right and Title: they must beare the discommoditie therof, that sought thereby their lucratiue aduancement and commoditie: and not the person, that demaundeth nothing els, but that to him lawfully and orderly is due.
Yea, they, and wee to, haue good cause to think, that this thing (in case any suche will were) is wonderfully wrought by Gods permission and prouidence. For it is almost incredible, to heare and beleeue, such kinde of writtings (and in so great & weightie a matter, as this pretensed will cōpriseth) to be so sone extinguished, and perished, as it were, for special purpose, to preserue to that noble Realm the true and sincere succession of the next royal blood. VVhich if it should, by certaine (I can not tel what) interlined papers & scrolles be deriued and transferred to any other wrongfull heires: it woulde be a wonderfull and strange thing to the worlde to heare, and too importable to that nation of England and their posteritie, to beare it. It will then be so farre of, that that thing whiche the Parlament most regarded in this Commission, shal by this pretensed will be procured and purchased to that Realm, as to haue a certaine knowen vndoubted lawfull Gouernour and King: to haue striffe, contention & diuisions for the Croune cut awaye: that euen the very thing that the Parlament [Page 61] most feared, is most vnfortunately & most lamentably like soonest to chaunce. He that remēbreth the tragical procedings of the last (by name, and not by right) King Richard: needeth not greatly to doubt: but that as he could finde in his hart, to bastard his eldest brother and lawfull king, and to defame his own natural mother as an harlot: euen so now there will some be found, that wil easely be enduced, for aduancing & setting forth of their supposed right and Title to the Croune, to seeke meanes, to wring them out that shal iustly sit in the royal Throne, & to seeke to extort the Croune from their possession.
VVhich vnhappy day, if it should once chaunce (as God forbid) then may the English nation cri out, and sing a woful & doleful song: then may the (not without cause) loke for the botomelesse Ocean sea of infinite troubles, miseries and mischieffes to ouerwhelme that Realme. The whiche my mind and harte abhorreth to thinke vpon, and my penne in my hand trembleth to write thereof.
AN EXHORTATION TO THE ENGLISH AND SCOTTISHE NATIONS, THAT AFTER SO LONG warres, they wolde now at last agree, and Ioyne together in one true league of fast frendshippe and amitie.
IF VVE VVELL REMEMBER the manifold hurtes, and olde calamities of this our Ylande Britaine: we shall finde that nothing therein hathe brought foorthe more harmes than hathe discorde: And on the other side, all auncient histories testifie that by concorde Cities haue bene builded: many warres extincte, and most inuiolable frendeshippes establyshed. For suche is the force of Concorde, as all thinges in the worlde therby doe (as it were) ioyne handes to gether with loue and lykinge amonge them selues. Concorde dyd associate mankynd togither, whiche before were dispersed and scattered: So dyd she teache them to vse fidelitie one to an other, and to lyue vnder a forme of policie and Gouernement. In like manner, Concorde keepith in a league of loue and amitie all nations, as Frensh, Spanishe, Duche, and the rest: appointing to euerye one (according to the diuersities of matter and place) a seuerall Prince, to maynteane amonge them one forme of a publicke weale, and to Gouerne the same in peace and tranquillitie. Therfore that wyse man Lycurgus being demaunded of his countriemen the Lacedemonians by what meanes they myght expell the violent inuasions and inrodes of their enemies: aunswered very discreetlie: if you wil lyue (said he) in amitie among your selues: [Page] and auoyd all mutuall stryfe & contention. Lyke answer was made to Scipio surnamed Aphricanꝰ: who, hauing by many conflictes daunted the Numantines, and broken their great forces, asked of Tyresius Prince of the Celtanes, how it happened that Numantia whiche so long tyme before had bene inuincible, was at the last ouerthrowen bycause (sayd Tyresius) the amitye and concorde of the Citizens before made them victorious, and nowe their discorde hath brought their destructiō. For as there is nothing so weake, & slender, whiche by concorde may not be strengthened: so nothing is so strong, but discorde can ouerturne it. And it is manifestlye knowne what famouse common welthes haue bene defaced and ruyned by discorde and sedition: and that no Empire is so wel fortified, no Citie so surely established, nor house so firmelye builded, but that by hatred and dissention it may be ouerturned, pulled in pieces, dismēbred, and destroyed For discord (as Liuie sayeth) maketh two Cities of one. VVe see how the controuersie bettwene the two brothers Aristobulus and Hircanus brought the kingedome of Iewes in subiection to the Romanes: whiles the one called in Pompey for ayd against the other. Euenso the dissention of Christian Princes translated the Empire of Constantinople to the Tirāny of turkes. Yea all Syria was by the noble Duke Godfrey of Bullon recouered, and had bene submitted to Christianes, if a suddain discorde had not frustrated their victorie. Sythe then vnanimitie in loue & frendshippe is of such importance, as therevpon the safetie of a common wealthe dependeth: we must endeuour our selfes with all industrie and trauaile to cherishe, defend, and reteyn concorde among vs.
Now therfore when I deeply consider with [Page 63] how many and howe greate benefites and singular guiftes allmightie God hathe endewed your Yland Britaine aboue many other Countries: I can not but greatly meruaile, what should be the cause whie you are not more carefull to confirme a perpetuall peace and amitie among your selues. For you want but this one thinge to make you seeme the most happie people in the worlde. This Yland is so full fraught with all thinges necessarie to mannes vse, as nothing is there wanting, whiche a man may well wishe for. First, it is furnished with great store of all thinges nedefull, eyther for mannes profit, or for his pleasure: in so much as not only it hath no need of helpe of other Countries, but it is also able to supplie the wantes, and to serue the turne of forreyners. And all this fertilitie and welthe (as in a strong Yland enuironed euery waye by sea) is sufficiently fenced and fortified, by the naturall situation, from all foraine incursions & inrodes. Bysyde all this, the commoditie of soyle and eyr (be it spoken without offence of other nations) bringeth foorth menne and women, eyther in respect of comelynesse of personage, strengthe of bodye, or excellencie of witt, so perfect, as else where in any place are hardlie to be found. Britaine therfore may well be accompted an Yland framed by nature and fashioned not only to defend itselfe, but also to beare a great swaye in the worlde: And not without cause: for the Yle Crete was (in aunciēt mennes opinion) estemed to be conueniently situated to get and gayne the Empire of Grece, by cause it was euery waye enclosed by sea, being not farre distant from Peloponese of one syde, & very neare to Triopio, on an other side. And by that oportunitie Minos King of Crete became Lord and Soueraign of those seas: inuaded the yles adioyning: placed in them new inhabitātes, [Page] and if he had not dyed (as Aristotle saithe) when he went about to conquerre Sicilia: he was lyke to haue greatly enlarged the kyndome and dominions of Crete. But in how many degrees doeth your Yle excell Crete? It is not to be doubted, but that your auncestors had achiued famouse interprises, with great honour, if their naturall helpes, and valiant attemptes had not bene frustrated by their Ciuile dissentions.
VVell, reason persuadeth me that a speciall occasion of all your dissentions procedeth from the multitude of Gouernours, and from diuersitie of opinions, and parties among the communaltye: for the regiment of many is verie muche subiecte to stryfe and dissention. Therfore Aristotle, regarding that consonant & vniforme agrement of all thinges whiche appeareth in the whole frame of the world, settyth downe this, for a conclusion, the vvorld vvas made by one God. And Homere poetically imagining that there were many Goddes contendyng among them selues about the wellfare, and wrecke of Troye, whiles some were of opinion to destroye the Citie, and some to saue it at last he breaketh out into this exclamation: The regiment of many is not profitable, let one Gouerne. For where the state is suche as many may beare the swaye: there oftentimes many controuersies doe growe, and verie harde it is for a societie to stand fast and continue: bycause the more a man excedeth in haughtinesse (or fiercenesse rather) of mynde, lesse able he is to endure a compere: according to that sayeing of the Poet.
These & such like contentions among your Princes [Page 64] haue muche hindered and disturbed your peace more than two thowsand yeres. In so much as their inordinate desire to rule (whiche is the very seminarie and sede plott of all warres) is by your Riches nourished, and with your great trauailes, paines, and bloodeshed fostered and maynteyned. Oh miserable people: Oh wreched & infortunate state, which neuer could brooke good fortune, neuer wolde be reformed by any necessitie, nor was bredde by good destinye, but by selfe will and blyndenesse allwayes ouerruled. Of trueth, it is mere madnesse to preferre the lust and gredynesse of a few Tyrannes before a mans selfe, and all that is his: and before the safetye and lybertie of his Countrie: As they of Sychem dyd, whiche vpon the dishonest motion of Abimelech submitted them selues vnto his gouernement.Iudic. 9. Methinkes that I heare his troublesome and sediouse speche. I am your mouthe (sayd he,) and of your flesh & bloode: better therfore it vvere for you to take me as your king than my brothers, vvhiche are foreyners. VVherevpon that fonde people leaned to him and to his rule and gouernement, and sayed, he is our brother. Then Abimelech cruellye dyd fall vpō the fiftye laufully borne brothers & mordered them, that he himselfe, a basterd, might raigne alone. Yet God afterward punished that foule fact in Abimelech hym selfe, and requited them of Sichem as they had deserued: for the curse of Ioathan fell vpō them. The lyke wickednesse was in England committed by that mischeuouse parricide, the Tyranne Richard: who (to gain the kingdom) neither regarded the honour of his brother, then lately deceassed: the lyues of his noble Countrie men: the blood of his nephewes, the right heires of the Croune: nor yet the Chastitie of their mother the Queene: so great and so impatient desire to rule and Raigne [Page] caried awaye the cruell mynde of an outragiouse Tyranne.
But I woote well that none of you at this day doe fauoure such aspirynge myndes & ambitiouse desirers of Souereintye, except those whiche seek their own priuate gayne, by the generall discōmoditie of the whole Yle: and preferre the doctrine of Machiauel before the institution of a Christian. I hope therfore now that the olde reproche that was wont to be obiected against the English, wilbe quite forgotten. It is a common prouerbe (sayth Polidor) that English menne, by an olde custome, haue least regarde of all other nations to the common wealthe of their own Countrie, euer inclined to factions, and by that meanes haue layed their countrie open to the spoyle and pray of their enemies. And this to haue hapned to that nation, experience teacheth vs. For in the begynnyng of that kyngdome (as Polidor in his first booke reporteth) when euery mightye manne sought to be a kyng, great ciuil warres continued there so long, till at the last the whole Soueraingntie came into the hādes of fyue Tyrannes. Therfore throughe domesticall trouble and sedition it was then a barbarous cruell age. For these, inflamed with ambition to rule, and incensed with mutuall hatred among them selues, afflicted the inhabitantes of that countrey miserablye. But at last when they had destroyed one an other, the whole gouernement of the common wealthe was referred to one of the same countrey, and by hym all thinges were reduced to vnitie: and after long warres, peace was established. Cornelius Tacitus making mention of the factions of those rulers, sayeth, that the Britaines were so diuersely mynded, and distracted in suche and so many parties, as scarsely any two Cities wolde ioyne together [Page 65] against a common perill: and thus, whiles one dyd stryue against an other, they went all to wrecke.
Besyde all this, the lyke dissention fallynge amōg your Auncestours, the Britaines of the South and the Britaines of the Northe (nowe called Scottes) brought the kyngdome of the one side vnto the Englyshe Saxones. For these beyng called in by the Southern Britaines to ayd thē against the Scottish, turned their weapōs against the Southern, & spoyled them of theyre kyngdome. Thus by experience the Britaines found these wordes to be true (whiche Vigetius sayeth) ciuill hatred maketh menne rashe to annoy their enemye, and heedlesse to defende them selues. But those Englishe Saxones (when they had gotten the kyngdome) were by discorde and factions very sone diuided: in so muche as of one kyngdome there dyd seuen aryse, and so many kinges withall: by whose dissentions the publike weale was a long while dismembred, till at last after many yeres the Soueraigntie of all came to Egbert alone. He was the first that called the Southeparte of Britaine by the name of England. Nowe then the Englishe Saxones recouered a force and waxed stronge. Vherevpon the Scottyshe Britaines vnder the gouernement of king Achaius (doubting that the Saxones wold seke to tyrannize ouer them, as they had ouer the others) entered in to a firme & perpetuall league of allyance & amitie with Charles the great, called Charlemain King of Fraunce: to the end that those two nations, Frenshe and Scottishe, should from tyme to tyme for euer, ayde and succour, one an other, against their common enemye. By occasion of a lyke dissention that fell among these Englyshe Saxones, the Danes, vnder conduct of kyng Swayn, bereft the Saxones of the kyngdome of England. And at last the Normannes [Page] vnder the leading of Duke VVilliam the Bastard, cōquered the Realme of England. And since that tyme hitherto the whole Yland hath remained vnder the gouernement only of two kynges. VVhoe neuerthelesse, being so fewe, could not yet keepe peace and concorde amonge them selues.
But yf a man will seke to know a reason whye Britaine can not brooke the regiment of many Soueraignes, as Germanie, Italie, and the famouse state of venice doe: he shall fynde (euen among them) that there is but one vvhiche is the heade. For thoughe the Princes of Germanie Lyue in great Libertie: yet are they neuerthelesse all subiect to the authoritie of one Emperour: a thing very commodious for preseruation of peace and concorde amonge them. And (for trueth) in Italie, there is no stayed forme of Gouernement, sythe it is subiect to the rule and dominion, not of one, but of many: in respecte whereof some writers are of opinion that it is lesse fortunate, if not miserable. As for the state of Venice, Conteranus hath in effect witten thus: For so muche (saythe he) as euery Citie by peace and vnion in mynde and consent, is compact and buylt: and that this vniformitie in consent and will can not be reteyned except some one persone haue a preeminence ouer all other, aswell magistrates as Commons: whiche may, as it were, of many seuerall dispersed members, fashion and frame one entyre bodye: It was therfore most wysely prouided and ordeyned by our predecessors that in our Citie there should be a certaine Royall power, & that one should be chosen, which should be called Prince or Soueraign. Hereupon I thynk it clear & manifest, that the Soueraigntie of one onlie persone is of all other most necessarye for a common wealthe. And this playnly maybe perceyued [Page 66] not only in ciuil policie, but in other matters also. For by the prouidence of one God the whole worlde is ruled: so is the bodye of man by one soule gouerned: a shippe by one master is guyded: and one howsehold or familye is directed by one father: wherupon it foloweth, that your Yle of Britaine can not commodiouslye be gouerned by manye Soueraignes. This affection therfore to faction and cōtentiouse parttaking is to be of all men eschewed and abhorred, specially of those whiche are brought vp in the house of God. For it is theyr part & dutye (all partialitie & priuate quarrells sett a syde) to moue and exhort others (as Sainct Augustin dyd) to all thinges that among christians serue for the abolishing of stryfe, and establyshing of concord: whiche is nothing else but a quyetuesse and peace of minde, fastened and fortifyed with the bond of loue and Charitie: and suche a one as hateth all enmitie, and priuye grudge, and loueth all alyke. For Charitie (as Sainct Paul sayeth) is patient,1 Cor. 13. benigne: Charitie enuyeth not, dealeth not peruersely, is not puffed vpp, is not ambitiouse: thinketh not euell: reioyseth not vpon iniquitie: but reioyseth with truthe: suffereth all thinges: beleueth all thinges: hopeth all thinges: beareth all thinges. Yf you embrace this sentence: you will sone lay asyde all hatred: disbourden your myndes of all disdeyn and arrogance: and cast away your madde armure, wherwith hitherto you haue vainly contended: and without all fraud and guyle you will establyshe a perpetuall, Christian, profitable and assured peace, vnder the quiet and stedfast gouernement of one Prince. For so doeth bothe honestie and profitt admonishe vs to doe: all our own, aswell priuate as publique affayre requyre and exact the same: and (whiche is more) allmightie God doeth so charge [Page] and commaunde vs all to doe.
Now then, who so euer repyneth against these thinges, is not to be called the childe of God: for he loueth not peace: neither ought good men to accompanie any suche persones, but rather to banishe them and all their Scholemasters, as most cruell enemyes to the Citie of God. For their doctrine destroyeth the foundations of the societie of mankynde, & aduaunceth Tyrannie. Among these men there is no regarde to the safetye of Citezens, nor loue to their natiue countrey: no care of religion, nor of true seruice & obedience to God: but suche an in ordinate desyre to rule and raigne they haue; as will vsurpe all things, take away the Lyues of honest Citizens: destroye their Countrie, and contemne all Religion: As that fowle monstrer Caesar Borgias dyd, whome a certein Atheist greatly extolleth as a most perfecte pattern for Princes to folowe. But for the auoyding of these enemyes to God and man, we haue a very wyse admonition of the Christian philosophor Sainct Bernard. Fear not (sayeth he) that it is against Charitie, yf by offending one thou cannest make peace for many. And Tullie gyueth a good lesson for all true Princes to take hold of: That Loftinesse of couraige (saith he) vvhiche is tryed in perills, and hard aduentures, if it vvant Iustice, & feighte not for the publick commoditie, but for priuate gayne, is not onlye no vertue, but rather a beastlie furye, raging against all humanitie. VVe vvill therfore (sayeth he) accompt them only to be stout and valiant men: vvhiche are good men, freendes to trueth, not deceytfull but playne dealers. Of whiche opinion Edvvard king of England semed to be. For in his banishement he vsed oftentymes to saye, that he had rather allvvaies liue a priuate lyfe, than to recouer his kingdome by the slaughter of men: A verie excellent sayeing truellye and wel beseming [Page 67] so noble a King. Let vs therfore roote out of our publick weall these disturbers of common peace, that it maye more easily be conioyned and fastned in an assured amitie and agreement. VVhich thing the better to obteyne, we must vse the aduise and counsaile of a certein philosophor. ‘VVe affirme (sayeth he) that, Cities are in peace and good concorde, when in publique & necessarie affaires they are all of one mynde, take all one aduise, and execute that whiche by common consent is allowed and agreed vpon: As for example, when it pleaseth the Citizens to appoint certeine officers, or onlye Pittacus to haue the rule ouer all: but when bothe couet to enioye the Gouernement (as Oteocles & Polynices did in Phaenicia) then ariseth sedition. For that ciuil concorde is in deed termed freendshipe, whiche can not be reteyned but onely amōg honeste men. Bycause such as are honest are at peace within them selues and with others also, by reason that their willes abyde allwayes firme and steadfast, not ebbyng and flowenig lyke the ryuer Euripus. It happeneth otherwise among the wicked: for they can not long agree together: bycause in their manner of gouerning the cōmon welthe, they seke all their own Priuate commoditie, and bestow as litle paynes expenses & charges as they can: whervpon foloweth priuie grudges and seditions, whiles they endomage and hurt one an other: & euery man neglecteth his owne dutie: and so the commō state perisheth when none goeth about to protecte it.’ Thus muche the Philosopher. But touching the frendship whiche we speake of, it is muche more easelye to be procured, compact, & ratyfied among you, bycause all those thinges concurre in you that are requisitie and commodions to the vnion of mennes myndes and cōsent in firme loue & amitie. [Page] For there is among you one stock and kynred, one allyance, and affinitie: one language: and almost one and the same course in manners, cōditiōs, customes & lawes: one and the same fauoure in countenance, lyke attyre, lyke behauiour in bodye, and lykenesse in personage. Yea all thinges else what soeuer, tending to the creation and preseruation of a perpetuall peace and concorde, concurre and mete together among you, more fitlye than among other nations, whiche in olde tyme differed muche among them selfes aswell in their natiue soile customes and lawes, as in their language, affinitie, and alliance, and yet at this daye neuerthelesse are reconciled, accorded, and vnited in a ciuil consent and agrement, vnder the regiment of one Prince. Yet some of you perchaunce will thinke it vnpossible for that people long to continue in perfect amitie, whiche in so many yeres and aiges haue practized them selues one agaynst an other, with fyre and swoord, turning the worlde vpside down in trouble and confusion by mutuall warres, spoyles, mallice, deadlie fede, morders, and all Kindes of hostilitie: sithe generallie mannes nature can not suffer so great iniuries to be forgotten: & sithe the naturall conditions of bothe those nations seeme to be suche, as either of them had rather suffer tenne thousand deathes than to be subiecte to a Prince borne in the others prouince: bycause they woulde not seeme to be vnder subiection of their auncient enemye, after so long contention for the Soueraigntie: and so therfore, the Englishe nation will by no meanes be subiect to a Scottishe Prince: nor yet the Scottishe nation to an Englishe. And it may be that some wicked Atheist, preferring his vaine glorie, ambitiō, and proud haughtie mynde before the good state, and safetye of a publicke weaie, woulde subscribe, [Page 68] perhapes, and Yeeld to this opinion: and yet is it a verye absurde opinion and contrary to all witt and reason: euen as if one of your marriners in a great stormye tempest woulde saye that he had rather be drowned with the shyppe, than suffer it to be gouerned by any of his mates. But perhappes this felow will vrge further, and aske how it can be that the Englishe & Scottishe will agree together sithe the Scottish haue euer preferred their league of alliance with the frenche nation before the neyghbourhoode and frendshipp of the Englyshe? For in despite of the Englishe they entred in a league of frendshipp with the Frenche, seuen hundred yeres a goe and more, whiche they haue kept inuiolable to this daye. And in our dayes when there was great hope that the whole Yland wolde haue bene induced to the regiment of one Prince by the mariage of kynge Edward the sixt and the nowe Queene Marie of Scotland: The Scottes, though they had before assured her to King Edward by a common promisse, deliuered her ouer neuerthelesse to the Kyng of Fraunce. Therfore it was their fault & not the fault of the Englishe, that the amitie so muche expected betwene them was hymdred. But touching that league which was made with the french, it was greatlye desyred bothe by the frenche and by the Scottish (as I sayd before) not in despite of the Englishe, but for theyr own safetye. For yf they had not doone so: the Scottes, aswell as the other Britaines, had bene driuen out of their countrye, by that forrein and Barbarous nation, the Englysh Saxons. And the lett of that Mariage proceded of the Englyshe: whose vse is to seek to wynne that of the Scottes by manacing wordes and force of armes, whiche they should desyre by fayr meanes, & termes of freendlye good will. And there wanteth [Page] not occasion to suspecte that they dyd it of purpose, to the end that by breakyng of that mariage, some of them might haue a more reddye accesse to the vsurpation of the Croune of England. How soeuer it was, the Scottysh Nation was not mynded to yeeld by force, and yet scarse able to forbeare, were constreyned to craue ayde of the Frenshe: whiche they could not obteyne, onlesse they sent theyr Queene into Fraunce as an hostage for their fidelitie. But there was nothing that the Scottish nation more estemed and desyred at that day, than the vnion of those two regions by that mariage, as may well be proued by the common opinion and sayeing of the people there, before the matter was attempted by way of force and armes: vve vnderstand the English mans language (sayd the people) & they oures: vve inhabit all one Yland: and almost in nothing doe vvee differre, but that vvee are gouerned by tvvo seuerall Princes. And in dede it is euidently knowne that the Scottishe Nation many yeres before dyd greatlye desyre and wyshe this manner of coniunction in amitye: and namely at suche tyme as they maried the noble Lady, Margaret, (the only heire of the croune of Scotlād, daughter of Alexander their King,) to the fyrst Kyng Edward of England. By whiche maryage those two kyngdomes had bene vnited, had not that noble virgin deceassed before she came to the fyght of her husband. Seing then the case thus standeth: there is no cause whye eyther the Englysh or Scottishe should vpbraide or reproue one an other: but they ought rather to agree all together in one voyce and consent, that (yf there were none alyue, to whome the Soueraigntie of the whole Yland by right could belonged) one generall Prince ouer all might be elected by voyce or lott: So as at last the whole weale [Page 69] publicque and people might enioye perpetuall peace, and be no more with partiall parttakinge, sectes, & factions, disturbed: Euen as wee rede that the Persians in olde tyme verie prouidently in a like case vsed them selues. For (as Iustine reporteth) when they had slayne their Mages: great was their glorie and renowme for the recouerye of their Kyngdome, but muche greater, for that in contendyng about the gouernement they coulde agree among them selues. There was among them many equall in vertue and nobilitie, as it was hard for the people to make an election of a gouernour. Therfore theyr nobility deuised among them selues an indifferent mean whereby to cōmit the iudgement of their woorthinesse to their goddes. They agreed among them selues on a day appointed, to lead all theyr horses before the Palace earlye in the mornyng: and that he whose horse fyrst dyd neyghe before the rising of the sunne, should be kyng. The next day after, when all were assembled at the houre appointed, the horse of Darius sonne of Hydaspes dyd first neygh, and gaue that happy signe of good fortune to his maister. Immediatlye the modestye of all the rest was suche, as vpon the first heearing of the good notice so gyuen they all leapt from their horses, and dyd theyr homage to Darius as to their King: and all the commons foloweing the iugement of the nobles willyngly confirmed the election, & accepted hym for theyr Soueraign. Thus the kyngdome of Persians (wherof at one time there was seuen noble competitors) was in a moment reduced to the regiment of one. And this they dyd withe suche incredible zeale and pietie towardes theyr Countrye, as for the delyuerey therof from trouble and miserye, they could haue bene content euery one to haue lost his lyfe. Thus [Page] farre Iustin.
Immortall is the honour and renoume of those noble men, whiche willinglie preferred the wellfare of their countrey before their priuate ambition. But allmightie God hathe eased you well of this doubt. For he hathe Layd it open before your eyes, what persone it is, to whome the Soueraigntie of the whole Yland, euen by the lawes of the realm, after the decease of the now Queene of England, without laufull issue of her body ought to descend and come: I mean the most noble Ladye Marye, the woorthie Quene of Scotland: whose apparēt pietie and vnuincible constancie in aduersitie, vniuersally well knowne and talked of through the whole, world doeth gyue a plain demonstration, how vain and friuolous the Iudgment of those men is, which represse and reiect the Regiment of women. To this Ladye therfore may the regiment of the whole Yland at length descend, according as it was once before to her adiuged by the sentence of her great graundfather Kyng Henry the seauenth, and of his Counseill, as Polydor reporteth. Kyng Iames of Scotland the third (saieth he) dyd honorably intertein Richard Fox Byshop of durisme, Ambassadour sent to him by Kyng Henry the seuēth: and at their fyrst meting, he showed hym selfe muche greued for the late slaughter of his subiectes, but easilie he remitted the iniurie. Afterward when they were together alone, the Kyng tolde hym how auncient and iust causes of frendshipp had bene betweene Kyng Henry and hym: and how greatly he desired the assurance therof, that they two myght be tyed together in a more fast knot of loue and amitie: whiche out of doubt will folow (sayd the Kyng) yf King Henry wolde bestow on hym his eldest daughter, the Ladye Margaret in Mariage. To this [Page 70] the Amhassadour answered coldlie, but yet promised his helpe and furtherance: and put the Kyng in good hope of the matter if he wold send an Ambassadour directly to that end. The Ambassadour vpon hys returne home reported to Kyng Henry the whole matter, whiche pleased Kyng Henrye wonderous well, as one whiche delyted muche in peace. VVithin fewe dayes after this, the Ambassadours of Kynge Iames came to request the Ladye Margaret in Mariage. Kyng Henrye after audience referred the matter to his Counseil: among whome, some there were whiche suppected that the kingdome might in processe of tyme be deuolued to the same Ladye Margaret: and therfore thought it not good to marie her to a forain Prince: whereunto the Kyng made answere, and sayd, what then? Yf any suche thing happen (whiche God forbid) yet I see, our kyngdome should take no harme therby: for England should not be added to Scotland, but Scotland vnto England: as to the farre most noble head of the whole Yland: for we see it so fallen owt in all thinges, that the lesse is for honour sake euer adioyned to that whiche is farre greater: as Normandie in time past came to be vnder the dominion and power of the Kynges of England, our auncestors. The Kynges Iudgement was greatly commended: the whole Counseil approued the matter with a full consent: and the sayd Ladye, and virgin, Margaret was maried to Kyng Iames. Thus farre hath Polidor. Thees are woordes of great importance, & putte our matter clear out of doubt: for here it appeareth that the case solemnlie in counceil by a wyse and prudent King, with wise, graue, and learned Counseilours was debated and with great wisedome resolued & concluded: and to this some lawyers of that land gyue great authoritie & credit.
[Page]Thus it is euidently declared who are the true heires of the Crounes of Englād & Scotlād: and that the sayd mariage of Iames the fowerth and the sayd Lady Margaret is to be accompted a most fortunate benefit to the whole Yland. For if it be true (as in dede it is) that the mariage of the seuenth Kyng Henrie with the daughter and heir of King Edward the fowerth, was to be estemed as a most happie cō moditie to all England, because it dyd cutt of and dissolue all those tumultes and seditions betwene the howses of Yorke and Lancaster which so many yeres had miserablie afflicted all that nation: I pray you what reckening is to be made of the matrimonie betwene King Iames the fowerth of Scotlād & the Ladye Margaret daughter to the King of England, sithe nowe at last by the benefit of this mariage, bothe England and Scotland may be quite reskewed and deliuered from those most mortall warres, and intestine dissentions, whiche for preheminence sake haue bene so long continewed and maintened? A happie prince therfore to Englād was King Henry the seuenth, for that by him allmightie God abolished all seditions, and vnited the two howses of yorke and Lancastre. But most fortunate & most gratiouse shall the renowmed Quene Mary of Scotland be, & her most noble sonne king Iames also, to the Englishe and Scottishe Nations: yf by them two the same God shall bringe the said twoe seuerall kyngdomes to a perfect vnitie: reduce the whole Yle of Britaine to his moste auncient estate of dignitie, and deliuer it from all ciuill warres and Barbarous crueltie.
Embrace therfore (ye Britaines of all mortall men most fortunat) and take holde of this singular great benefit, when the same by the grace of the euerliuing God shalbe bestowed vpō yow: and in [Page 71] the mean time & euer yeeld ye to him most hūble & most hartie thankes, for that he of his infinite clemency and benignitie hath at last produced out of booth you bloodes, a Prince, by whose helpe your domesticall troubles and dissentions may be extinguished: & a place left for this diuine lawe of peace and amitie to be planted, & by the same law a soueraigne safetye, and wellfare of all the people establyshed. For the wellfare of the people consisteth [...] in peace and concord. But perpetuall peace and quyetnesse can not be among you, except these two Realmes be combined and made all one. For the force of vnitie is suche as the preseruation therof is the vtter moste ende that nature intendeth. Herehence also groweth among men charitie, loue, & frendshipp, so farre, that many mindes are become all as one: first to remember that they must be truely menne in dede: and then that they leade a good & blessed lyfe, whiche is the last ende and perfection of mankinde. Sithe therfore the matter goeth so: if you will folow God and the law of nature: if you desire the safety and wellfare of your countrie: yf you will liue well and fortunatlie in this world, and at last enioie the perfect blesse of eternall felicitie: you must enforce your selues with all labour, industrie and diligence, that this dispersed people may be called together, vnder the regiment of one rightfull Prince, and Catholique Religion of their auncestors. This will please allmightie God, and bring great tranquilitie, peace, & quiet to your selues, and to all the people of England, Scotland, and Yreland. And that it maye so be, lett vs all continuallie pray to almightie God the supreme gouernour & ruler of the whole worlde.
Amen.