CHAPTER I. The Evill of Wars.

A Certaine Thessalian being demanded who were at most ease, [...]. answered they who ceased from warre. True it is indeed: for war is the fruit of sin, the wages of sin, and the cause of sin; yea evē on the one part it is sin it selfe. Warre is the friut of sin. Gen 4. All these are evident from the Scriptures. The first from that first war betwixt the two Bretheren Cain & Abel, wherein Cain killed Abel; the ground whereof was his wrath; Jam. 4.1. from whence are warres (saith S. Iames) and contentions among you, are they not hence euen of your owne lustes, that fight in your members? Had there never been sin in the world, wee should haue had no war; for by sin wee made war with God; and God, and all the Creatures at war with us: which war continueth betweene God and all those that are not reconciled to him in Christ Iesus. It is with all those as it was with Amalecke, Ex. 17.16. with whom the Lord sware that he would haue warre from one generation to another: Yea, Esa. 57.17.there is no peace to the wicked saith my God, neither externall, internall or eter­nall; [Page 2]neyther at peace with God, with others, nor with them­selves. Amongst the evil qualities of the wicked man, this is reckoned as the chiefe, Ps. 140.1.2 that he is prone to war; Release thou me Iehovah from the evill man, from the man of wrong &c. Every day they gather warres. Yea in this the wicked man discovers the image of his father the devill, Rev. 20.8.9. who being let loose after the thousand yeares expired, goeth out to deceiue the people, and to gather them together to battell. Warre the wages of sin.

And for the second, that it is the wages of sin, and that the speciall; it is as cleare as the first, from plaine places of Scripture, from Gods order in his proceeding, and Davids avoyding of this, when God gave him his choyce of the punishment. For the first, the Lord threatning to harden himselfe against his people in punishment, as they had har­dened themselves against him in sin, Lev. 26.25 saith thus: I will bring upon you a sword that shall avenge the quarrell or vengeance of my covenant.

It appeareth also in the order of Gods proceeding, by com­paring of places of Scripture together, as the first and second Chap. of the prophesie of Ioel. The Lord having plagued his people with famine, by the which they were not moved to repentance; he cōmandeth the Trumpet of war to be sounded, & telleth them that he would bring a fierce and cruell people against them, whose mercilesse & monstrons tyranny he compareth to the devouring of fire; and for the fiercenesse of their consuming wrath, he calleth that plague, The day of the Lord, a day of darkenes, a day of blacknes. Thirdly, and lastly, David delivereth thus much in choosing rather the plague, Warre the cause of sin. Rara fides pietasque viris qui castra se­quuntur. Lucan. then the prevayling hand of the enemye.

3. Warre is likewise the cause of much sin, as pregnant te­stimonies, and woefull experience teacheth. The proverbe is as true as common, ‘That faith and pietie are rare in armes.’

Wee may iustlie now with Erasm: that great Maister in Arts take up the complaint made by him of his time. Wee [Page 3] ‘war continually, Nation against Nation, Kingdom against Kingdom, Citie against Citie, Prince against Prince, Peo­ple against People; friend against friend, kinsman against kinsmā, brother against brother, yea, son against the father, which the very Heathen held impious and barbarous: yea, that which is most detestable of all; Christian against Christian: and yet there be (saith he) that commend and applaud this hellish practise for a holy course, instigating the inflamed fury of Princes by adding oile to the flame (as they say) till all be consumed.’ And what is come of this? I may answer, What evill is not come of it? I may justly apply that of Aristophanes, [...]. which Lypsius applyeth to the troubles of his time.

In war, renown, honor, wealth, chastity, life, wiues and children; yea, and religion it selfe, lyeth at the stake: no­thing so sacred; no sex so tender, no age so impotent, which the barbarous souldier will not contaminate, defloure and kill. It is the souldiers sport, as one saith truely, to ruin hou­ses, to ravish Virgins, to spoit Churches,Iocus & ludas in militia &c. Ludo. vives in epist. ad Henr. 8. Angl. reg. Silent leges inter arma.to consume Cities and Towns to ashes with sire: yea, these be the ornaments of war; to profit none, to hurt every one, to respect neither sex nor age; yea nor God himselfe; for his, in warr, are neglected, and the lawes of peace and war contemned.

The world for the proofe of this affoords a world of woefull experience, both from sacred and profane Writ. To omit the examples of ages past, let us view, with compassion, the instances of our own times: and as God usually doth commemorate his latest mercies to leade men to repentance, and his latest judgements to ter­rifie men from their sinnes; so let us look upon the latest warres in France, Bohemia, and the Palatinate. Is it not with Gods people every where, as it was with them in Asa his time; There is no peace to him that goeth out or commeth in; [Page 4]but great vexations are upon all the inhabitants of the Countries,2 Chron. 15.6 7.and Nation is destroyed of Nation.

Yet to use the words of the Apostle; If there be any confola­tion in Christ, any comfort of loue, any fellowship of the spirit, any compassion and mercie; behold all you that passe by, your mournfull sisters Bohemia, and the Palatinate, with their torn hair about their eyes, their vail taken away, their crown fallen, their sanctuaries defaced, their people flain, their land laid wast; yong, old, Priest, and people, exposed to the immane and bloudy cruelty, the beastly filthinesse, and Ismaelitish mockerie of the cruell enemy. In a word, was there ever sorrows like to theirs? Yea, I may safely say, the old Threns of Ieremy hath got a new subject. And what is the immediate cause of all this evill of sin and punishment? Tu bellum causa malo­rum. [...].

It is the part therfore of wise men (saith one) if they be not the more provoked, to be quiet; yea, of good men, if they be pro­voked, to change peace into warre: but so that they change war againe into peace with all possible conveniencie. Men dis­posed to unnecessary warre, are compared by some vnto two Gamsters, whereof the one is undone, and the other is never a whit the richer; Plin. l. 8.2. for all the gain is in the box. Com­pared also they may be fitly to the Elephant, and the Dra­gon, Plin. l. 8. c. 12. which in their cruel conflict are each killed by other. The Dragon (as it is written) sucketh out the bloud of the Elephant, and being drunke therewith, the weight of the falling Elephant oppresseth the Dragon, and crusheth out the bloud, which some calleth (but falsly) sanguis Draconis; but they both perish. And so it often falleth out with the unadvised undertakers of warr. Vpon this ensuing evill, the wise and learned haue taken occasion to check the humors of Princes so disposed: as Lodovic. Vives to Pope Adrian; and in his epistle to Henry the 8, King of England; there his mo­tiues and counsels against unnecessary warre, are to be seen [Page 5]at large. The proverbe is true indeed, [...]. Sub melle venenuncl [...] ­tet. That warre is very sweet to those that never tasted it; but those that taste it shall be forced to confesse, that there is poyson under the honey. This Hannibal (the honour of Carthage) knew very well, when the Roman Embassadours came from Rome to treat of the continuance of peace; one Gisco, as great a coward as a vain­glorious bragger, without either the practick or true theorick of Arms, getteth him up in a pulpit, and taketh upon him to perswade the Carthaginians to giue up with the Romans, and to renew their warre; Hannibal perceiving the foole to be out of his element, pulled him out of the Pulpit, and went up himselfe, where he perswaded the people, with impreg­nable reasons, to continue their peace, and so prevailed. He knew, by experience, it was not so easie to manage warre, as to talk of warre, and therefore blessed are the peace [...]akers, who make such peace indeed as standeth with Gods honor and the publique good: otherwise, as authors averre, and experience teacheth, A just war is to be preferred to an un­just peace: Melchizedech was King of peace and King of righte­ousnesse. Peace and righteousnesse kisse each other.Austin in Psal 48.No man can injoy (saith Austin) the one without the other. Sauls making peace with Agag brake his peace for ever with God; there­fore one said well, Melior est illa pugna­que [...]eo proximum facit, quen [...] pax illa qui seperat a Deo. Nazianz. in Apol. Warr, how it is sin. That warre is better that maketh a man neerer to God, then that peace that separateth him from God.

Now for the last thing; that warre it selfe unlawfully un­dertaken is sin, it appeareth from that quarrell that God for ever had with the Amalakites, who were the first that made war with the people of God, when they took their journy. It appeareth likewise from the ground of vvar, vvhich is alwaies naught (at least, either on the invaders part, or on the defendors) arising as one observeth well, from malice, or injustice, and so, by consequence, it is either on the one part, or the other, from the instigation of the devill; be­cause of all those evils of warr, the ancient Latines derived [Page 6]the name of vvar from an unruly beast, Bellum a bellua dic­tum quidē volunt. as becomming beasts better then men: and therefore, as farre as is possible, it is to be avoided.

CHAP. II. Of the good of War.

NOtwithstanding of all this, that hath been said of war; yet Warre vvell undertaken is not onely lawfull but also necessary: and that upon a two-fold ground, either upon the law of Nature and Nations, not repugnant to the Law of God, undertaken for the defence of our selues or confederates; and this is called a Defensiue War; such was that of the Israelites against the Amalakites Or it is groun­ded upon the absolute command of God, for the revenging him upon his enemies, or the delivery of his friends: as Moses is commanded to take vengeance of the Midianites; Numb. 31. Deut. 25.17.18. Gen. 14. v. 14.20. yea, to remember Amaleck, and not to forget him, but to raze out his remembrance. By the same warrant did Abraham reskue his nephew Lot, from the foure Kings. The like warrant and vvatch-word is given to vvarr against the Whore and her confederates. Rev. 19.17 I saw an Angeil stand in the Sunne, who cryed with a lowd voyce, saying, So that War, both defen­fiue and offensiue (the due circumstances thereof observed) is lawfull.

The reasons thereof be many, The law­fulnesse of warre a gainst the Anabap­tists. 23. Num 31. Iud. 1.2.6. which I the rather presse, for tha [...] frantick and groundlesse conceit of the Ana­baptist, holding it altogether unlawfull for Christians to make warre. First wee haue (as I haue shewed) Gods commandment for it, as wee may see in the places quoted. Which commā ­dement is not onely peculiar to that time and people, but it belongeth to all upon the like occasions. Secondly, God [Page 7]hath set downe lawes of war. Thirdly, Num. 1.2 [...] & 10.13. chap. 13.20. Deut. 20. Gen: 14.14.2. 1. Sam. 23. Luke 3.4. S [...] Christi­ana discipli­na omnia bella dam­naret, hoc potius con­cilium, &c. ut arma abijcerent. Aug: Ep. 5. ad Mar. 11. God is called the God of warre as well as of peace. Iehovah is a man of war, that is an exellent warriour. Fourthly, the practice of the Saintes approved by God, as of Abraham, David, &c. Yea Iohn Baptist in correcting of the abuses of the calling, did not ca­shire the calling, but rather approved it. Austin, wel obser­veth, that if Christian discipline had condemned all Armes, then Iohn had given the souldiers counsel to cast away their Armes. The good Centurion goeth on in his calling; and the devout soudier is a souldier still. Act. 10.13. Sergius Paulus, a prudent man, heard the word and beleeved, yet still remained Depu­tie. Yea, warre is lawfull by the law of nature and nations, because it is, as one saith, a ꝰ Quia opus est justiciae defenden­tis pios, & effendentis impios.worke of righteousnes, defending the good and offending the bad: Therefore not abrogated by the gospel. Yea, they who omit this worke of righteousnes upon good ground, are Homicidae sunt ipsorū & paricidae sunt Eccle­siae. called homicides of themselves, and paricids of the Church, & common wealth. As for the obiectiōs of the Anabaptistes, it is more time to fight then to answere them. The places of Scripture by them wrested; resist not evil. And when any smite thee on the one cheeke turne the other also, and such like, may be answered thus; that rather then private men should revenge their owne private wrong, they should suffer wrong; especially, if it make for the glory of God, or gayning of their brother. As for Christs leaving of his peace with his, and the accomplishing of that prophesie, Esa. 2. [...]. they shall break their swordes into mattockes, and their speares into sithes; I answere as the prophesie is true and truely accomplished, yet but in part, and not so fully accomplished as it shalbe; it is likewise true, that Christian Princes should labor for such peace as is both prophesied of, and partly accomplished; and so should all men labor both for the internall and exter­nall peace spoken off: [...] Iliad. But wee must understand with whom wee live in this world, with men of strife, men of blouds having Dragons hearts, Serpents heades, Bloudy coulors with that cruell Motto of the wicked man, spoken of by [Page 8] Homer, deadly warre delights him. Such is that incarnate divell in the Revelation, called the red Dragon; by which is meant bloudy Rome, Rev. 12.3. in her persecuting Emporours, deciphered there by her Armes. Of as deepe a dye is that bloudy whore in the armes of her last lover the Pope; for the which shee is called the scarlet whcore, Rev. 17.4. & 16. which is not onely bathed in the bloud, but is drunke with the bloud of the Saints. Such is the na­ture of all the devills limmes and bratts of the whore, Nil nisi bella crepāt. they thinke of nothing but war; They sound nothing but warr: and shall the Saints that be slaine, and the soules under the altar cry still for revenge, and Christian Kings and Princes keepe their hands in their bosome? Militare nō est deli­ctum, &c. August. de de verb [...] dom: Noli exsti­mare nemi­nē Deo pla­cere posse. Fortitudo quae per bel­la tuetur a barbaris pa­triam plena justitiae est. Offici: [...]. Surely this is to bring bloud upon their heads, and to sin both against the Law and the Gospell. It is not a sin (as Austin saith) to war, but to abuse it. Doe not thinke (saith the same Father) that a man cannot please God in warre, for David was a warrior, and God gave to him a great testimonie. The force of war (saith Ambrosius) that main­taineth the country against bloudy and barbarous enemies; defen­deth the weake, and such as are subiect to oppression; delive­reth the confederates that are in danger, from the hand of the bloud-thirstie, is full of righteousnes. There be but two wayes, saith Tully, to decide matters, eyther by dispute or armes, and men must haue recourse to the latter when there is no place for the former. Thucidides, like a wise man, pressing all mē to keepe the peace, secludes not the lawfulnes of war, if necessi­tic inforce it. Good men (saith he, if necessitie inforce them change peace into war.

To conclude this point; the Apostle willeth us to haue peace with all men, but if it be possible: where the Apostle implyeth, that it is impossible to haue peace with some. Rom. 12.1 Yea, while the godly speake of peace, their enemies pre­pare for war. Lu. 22.36. Therefore wee must doe, as the Apostles were commanded in another kind; Sell our coates and by swords. Or as Nehemiah, Nehe. 4 14 & 17. in the same kind, incouraged the people: Fight for your brethren, your sonnes and your daughters, your wives [Page 9]and your houses; yea, it standeth us upon it to doe the worke with the one hand and with the other hold the sword.

CHAP. III. Of the Guide of Warre.

THus hauing shewed the incommodities of war, and the equitie of it, I come to the third & last point of the trea­tise, namely, the ordering of warre. This is the main point; for the clearing whereof, I haue with as much brevitie as I could, handled the former two. Here againe to Apologize my want of skill, and to deprecate censure, were to be iealous of the readers good will, and to detract from my highest pa­tronage. To come then to the point.

In every warre there be two things especially to be ob­served. That it be Iustum & Iuste; just in it selfe, that is, iustly vndertaken; and it must be iustly, and duely followed. For the first, we must first know what a iust war is, The de­scription of a iust war. wich may be thus defined: That which is undertaken, for a iust cause, by a com­petent person, in place of Magistracie, in a lawfull māner, against an externall or internall enemie; following it orderly by the law of na­ture and nations, having for the end Gods glory and our owne peace: to the same effect as divines tell vs; to a iust and lavv­full war three thinges are required; A good cause, a well or­dered affection, and a lawfull authoritie; Or if yow wil, for the better ordering of war by its proper lawes, let vs observe three sorts of polemick lawes; some concerneth the prepa­ration, some the battle it selfe, and some the sequele or the event. Some parts of the description apperatine to the first lawes, some to the second, and some to third. The iust cause of war. To come in order to the first, there must be a iust cause, which may brief­ly be exprest, under the maintenance of religion, or civill [Page 10]right, eyther for our selves, or our Christian confederates [...] Thus was the warre of the Israelits against the Amalekits, Exod. 17: So against the Midianites, Numb. 25.17. & 18. For they had hurt them both in their bodyes and in their soules. A like good ground had Abraham for his war against the four Kings, namely, the rescuing of his nephevv Lot, out of the hands of merciles & bloudy enemies. It is true indeed that Lot had no good ground for being there, neyther is it thought, that the King of Elam wanted iust cause to come against Sodome, to represse rebells; but howsoever they had nothing to doe with Lot, by whom they were not wronged; and this gaue Abraham just cause without further expostu­lation of Lots oversight, to adventure his owne life, and the life of his, for the delivery of his friend. And indeed as the cause was just, he did but what he should haue done; yea, if he had not done it, it had been both sin and shame to him. Wilt thou not (saith the Wise man) preserue those that are led to be slaine? Prov. 24.11 In the war injoyned by God to his peo­ple against the nations, and in other warrs permitted occa­sionally, they were alwayes to looke to the equitie of the cause, as the main ground whereupon they were to go. For God himselfe injoyneth nothing without a good ground. The Romanes, who had onely the light of nature to guide them, in their procedings had alwayes respect to the ground of their vvar, before they vvould undertake it. Amongst many instances observe these tvvo. The Campani who vvere nieghbours to the Romanes, being invaded by the Samnites, a mightie people, desired ayd against them, pressing them vvith many forcible arguments; as from the lavv of proximi­tie or neighbour-hood, of affinitie, of ensuyng commoditie, and finally from the Romans generous disposition: but all these allegations not affording a sufficient ground, this vvas all the Romanes did for the present, they sent Embassadors to the Samnites, desiring them to cease from vvar against their neighbours, vvhich the Campanian deputies knovving to be [Page 11]lost labor, they yeild themselves up as the right of the Romans, vvith this speech; If you thinke much to defend vs from the unjust invasion of a Tyranons enemy, yet defend that which is your owne. Vpon this voluntarie dedition, Tit. Liv li. 7. Decad. the Senat un­dertooke the defence of them, having a just title for the ground of the vvarre.

Another instance offers it selfe, in that dispute between the wisest man and the best man in Rome; namely, Cato and Scipio Nassica. Because the Carthaginians began to rig ships contrary to the articles of peace; it was the judgement of Cato and others, that warre should be denounced out of hand; but Scipio was of another mind, because he thought it was no sufficient ground for warre; for they had yet sustai­ned no damage, but the Carthaginians had rather indamma­ged themselues; in violating their faith; they should rather be summoned to lay down their Armes, to untackle their Ships, and so to keep the peace. Scipio his judgment was approved, but the Carthaginians contemned the summons; Where­upon the Senate, and that upon just ground, agreed all in one to take up Armes against them. Other memorable ex­amples are extant to this purpose: Charles the 8, of France, a yong King, being instigated to take Arms against Francis Duke of Brittaine, and [...]o lay hold upon the Dutchy as his right: the Chancell our of Rochel told the King; that the right pretended was not well deceided; and that he should not doe well to attempt war but upon a good ground. Vp­on this Embassadours were sent to the Duke, and on both sides it was referred to learned Counsell, to search out the right: In the mean while the Duke dyed, the King had the heire to wife, and so the controversie was ended. Annal. in Ann. 1488 The like course the same King took for resolution of his right to Naples and Cicily; before he would attempt any thing, he convocated all the Presidents of his Parliamentary Courts; his Chauncellors, privy Councell, and Princes of the bloud, willing them to inform him truely. Where, up­on [Page 12]due search of the Genealogies of the Kings of the afore­said Kingdoms, Annal. in An. 1493. they found the true title to be in him. So that upon this ground, he carryed his forces into Italie; not that he meant to intrude upon Italie (as Matchivel would foolishly charge upon him, bringing this his attempt as an instance of a just vvar, vvithout any truth of title at all) but he meant nothing lesse: for in suyng out a good ground for Cicilie and Naples, he never pretended any right to Italie, onely hee assured himselfe of some Towns for his safer passage, which hee minded to giue up at his de­parture.

To come to a present instance: Applica­tion. The equitie of the cause is an undenyable good ground for the Bohemian war, un­dertaken by his Highnesse Frederick King of Bohemia. Hapi­ly some scoffing Ismalites, and the rayling crew, may flout and make mouthes at the Title, because hee is abandoned the possession of that, and all other his right: but howsoever, truth is truth in despite of the devill, and the Lord vvill up one day and restore him to his right. The equi­ty of the Bohemian warre on the Kings part. As for the equity of the vvar, it will appear to the view of every indifferent eye, in these two particulars; First, on his part it was meerly Defensiue; secondly, it vvas undertaken for the maintenance of Civill right, and true Religion. If vvar be not just un­dertaken upon these grounds, I know not any vvar at all to be just.

For the former of these two; that the Crown and King­dom of Bohemia, is his Right, it is as cleere to every impar­tiall minded man, as the Sun-shine at noon day, and that up­on these grounds: First, it was freely offered unto him, when he did not so much as think upon it. Secondly, it is cleer, from the state and condition of their Kings and Dukes, vvhich from the very first beginning of their state to this present time, Dubrav. Aeno. Silv. Haiccius. hath been meerly electiue; witnesse their uninterrupted practise of free election, recorded by the unanimous consent of all that ever undertook their Histo­ries; [Page 13]together with the testimonies of Kings and Emperours; and lastly, the reversall letters of all the Emperours even to this present Ferdinand, will witnesse the same. Lib. 30. Haic. fol. 167. One preg­nant instance for all, recorded by Dubravius and Hajecius, when Anno 1458, some seven or eight Competitors, and that no small ones, as the Emperour himselfe, and the King of France put in for the Kingdom. The States to manifest and to maintain, their undoubted, and indisputable free right of election, made choice of Georgius Podiebrachius. So that you see, without any respect to treatie or intreatie, or any motion of disposall upon pretence of hereditary right, that State stood ever fast in their free liberty of elec­tion. They that will be further satisfied, may see this truth from point to point discovered, and confirmed in the de­fence of the Bohemian right, with a full answer to one that calleth himselfe the Informer, who indeed is rather a mis­informer, and of lesse truth and honestie then the basest sharking Promooter. For as I doe not think but he hath per­used their Lawes and read their Histories; so against the te­nour of the one, and the truth of the other, hee hath la­boured to his shame, by shifting and shuffling, to with-hold the truth in unrighteousnesse: but if the light in him and others be darknesse, how great is the darknesse? His onely over­ture is, that foisted-in clause of Charles the 4, to procure and confirm to his posterity hereditary succession. This is fully answered in the related answer. Doth it stand vvith reason that a King Electiue, shall of his own head infert a new clause, to the subversion of the fundamentall Lavves of the State vvherein he is elected? Besides this, No man is a sufficient witnesse in his own cause: Yea, the same Charles in another priviledge, bearing the date of the same day and year, shevveth the approving of the free election of Wen­ceslaus by Frederick King of the Romans; so if the clause be his, he is contrary to himselfe. As for the right of pre­election of Ferdinaend; novv Emperour (as the said ansvver [Page 14]sufficiently proveth,) it was none at all. First, he deprived himselfe of all right or title to that Kingdom, by rejecting and contemning the right electiue, and striving to possesse it by hereditary right, (as the adopted son of Matthias,) or by some other right of bloud. And that this came not bare­ly of himselfe, but was the plot of the whole Imperial facti­on, is as cleer as the light, in the particular instruments of the pactions and conditions betwixt Phillip the 3, King of Spain, and Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, Mathew the Emperour, procuring and confirming the same. The summe of all which is this; that upon certain conditions amongst themselues agreed upon, the hereditarie right of Bohemia, and Hungary, should passe from one to another upon the fayling of issues. Where obserue that all right of election, and by consequence all right indeed, is quitted by the Emperour; but because great is the strength of truth, when hereditary right would not hold water, they preten­ded the right of election. A bare pretence indeed, if it be duely examined. First, it was done the King being aliue, and still King, and therfore of no validity: for in every E­lection two things are required; a vacant state, and lawfull Electors, the former must precede the latter; both these, in this pretended election, was wanting: for the full right was by reservation in Mathias, with a joynt inhibition, that For­dinand should not meddle with the government, and that upon the challenge of intrusion; which notwithstanding he laboured to infringe against law and promise, and by vexa­tion of Armes endevoured to turn an electiue power into an hereditary right; yea, and that before he was actually possessed, which made his election voide if it had been lawfull; for elections being conditionall, the conditions broke, the election is no election. As for the Electors, be­sides their want of power, the place being full, as they wronged themselues, so they wrong all those that had any interest therein. If the same grounds be well sifted, his title [Page 15]to the Empire and Hungary, will proue but a broken title. This I was forced to cleer, as briefly as I could, that the right of King Frederick might be the clearer; which being laid in the ballance of equity with the former pretended right, shall shew it selfe of a just weight, which the other vvants.

First the place was orderly quitted of all lavvfull chal­lenge. Secōdly, he vvas called vvithout seeking or intruding. Thirdly, he had an orderly unanimous and plenarie election, all vvhich, as I haue shevved, vvere vvanting in the former. Neither did ever the said king infringe any of their liberties. This being as you see his undoubted right, stood it eyther vvith equitie or pietie, not to maintaine it? Compare his right and maintenance of the same, vvith the examples quo­ted, of the Campani, & the Romanes, and out of them you shall see, as from the minor to the maior, that his cause & action is as just as may be. First the Campani vvere a free people, to make choyse at their pleasure of their Head and Governor; so vvere the Bohemians, and ever, haue been since their first being. Witnes all the Histories of Bohemia, Hungaria, Polonia; the Annalls of Cilecia, and the exam­ples & monuments of the Bohemians. Aeneas Sil­vius in hist;▪ Bohem. To the vvhich I may add, for the better cleering of the point, that Embassye of Charles the seventh of France to the Bohemians, after the death of Ladislaus, to vvhom he had contracted his daughter, vvherein he requested them, eyther to chuse one of his sons for their King, or such a one, on vvhom he might be­stovv his daughter. Secondly, they vvere unjustly invaded by a mightie people the Samnites; so did the Bohemians suffer much from the hovvse of Austria, and no litle by the present Emperour. Thirdly, they sought aide from the Ro­manes, vvho would not, but on just ground, undertake the vvarre, and therefore they became their subiects, and so they vndertooke it; so the Bohemians made suit to the Prince Elector, in their feare of cruell dealing, that he vvould become their King, and take the maintenance of their iust cause, [Page 16]which he did, and that lawfully; not undertaking any thing for them directly, or indirectly before he vvas their King. Com­pare these together, In Nevio licet quod in Gais non licet. and except that we wil say, that it is lavvful in Nevius, which is not lawful in Gaius, or a heathen Se­nate may doe for their subiects, vvhat a Christian King may not doe for his, I see not whye the one in him, is not as law­ful, or more lawful, then the other was in them. But to con­clude this point, If his successe of possession had seconded his right of election, a great many of our English Imperialists & other drowsy Sybarits, would never haue torne his title, nor exclaimed on his practise, as they now doe. To them for the present, I will say no more, but to iudge actions by e­vents, & right of titles by present possession, is, in these evill & dangerous dayes, rather to approve of tyrannous intruders (both in church & commō wealth) then of the true owners.

As for the latter point of the ground, namely truth of re­ligion, the defence whereof he undertooke, It is the trueth and none but it, against which the gates of hell, the dragon, beast and false Prophet, the croaking frogges and all the drunken Princes of the earth, with the cup of the whore (doe what they can) shall never be able to prevayle.

As hitherto then appeareth the equitie of the warre on the Kings part, The ini­quitie of our one­mies war. so likewise, from the want of this ground, is laid open to the view, the iniquitie of all the warres, vndertaken by the enemies of God against his people: as the warres of Gog and Magog, and of the heathen Emperours, made vpon Gods inheritance. What ground had the great red Dragon for making warre against the woman, and to stand before her to devour the man child when it was brought forth? Rev. 12.3.4 As for the greatnes of this persecution by the Roman Emperours, and for the bloudy crueltie of it, it may justly be called a wonder; so not vnfitlie may it so be called, because there was no cause given them by those whom they perse­cuted, but rather by their quiet and holy behaviour they de­served to live in peace. So the Psalmist speaketh of the rage [Page 17]of the wicked against Christ & his Church. Psal. 2.2. Why doe the people tumulteously rage? Where David marveileth at the tumul­teous hurling together of the wicked, as if they would de­voure the godly (as they would indeed). What ground had the scarlet whore to bathe her leprous carkasse in the bloud of the Saints? Where observe likewise, Rev. 17.6. that it is called a great wonder. What equitie was there that the Popes unholinesse, under a pretence of the inlargement of Peters patrimony, took armes against Kings and Emperours, as Iulius the second against Lewes the tvvelfth of France? Yea he gave battel on Easter day against the French at Ravenna. Innocent the second against Roger king of Cicilie. What ground of stirring up one Prince against another, & giving of Kingdoms from hand to hand? the French against the English, as Lewis against King Iohn; by Innocent the third, the English against the French, as Rich: of England an Vrbanist, made war at the Popes com­mand upon the King of France a Clementine: Paul the third, sent Cardinall Poole to forraigne Princes to stir them up against Henry the eight, giving him & his people as a prey to their enemies. So, how like is the Pope to the devill his fa­ther, in being prodigal of Kingdomes, which are none of his to deale. Doe wee ever reade (as a fryer Minorite said well) that Peter did so? Vpon what ground doe they incite subiects to take armes against their soveraigne Kings and Princes, as Pius quintus, & Sixtus quintus, the one by his Bull, the other by his Declaration, excited the subiects of England to take armes, against their soveraigne Queene Elizabeth: yea to lay hands on her and punish her? What just cause had Philip the 2 of Spaine, to undertake by force of Armes, against law and covenant, the establishing of the bloudy Inquisition in the Low countries? The best ground I can find was, Duke de Alva, his hart-burne against the people, and Cardinall Granvils spleene against the Gospell. What account in conscience, could the Duke and Red-cap giue, to counsell the King to conquer England, whereto he had no right at all, and to [Page 18]suppresse religion in all other places? For the effecting of this Chiapin Vitelli, Duke de Alva his Chiefe Captaine, was sent with some faigned message to the Queene; but indeed his errand was to try the Papists: for immediatly after his de­parture out of England, the Earles rebelled in the North. And for fuell for this fire, Duke de Alva had ready in Zealand 10 Regiments to be imbarkt for England, but God quenched our fire quickly, and found him enough to doe at home for all his forces. But because this succeded not, the great Armado in 88, was set out to sinke our nation; For both the matter of that warre, and the cruell manner of the execution intended, if the ground be well searched, I thinke it will be found no better then the successe. As for that His­paniolized Popish pamphleter, indevouring with tooth and nayle to make good that Spanish invasion, from provocation given by her Majesty to the Spaniard, he shevveth himself a Viper to the honor of his Countrie, concealing treache­rously both the iniquitie of the Spanish ground, and his tre­chery in the manner of proceeding, The affairs of Hol­land. pag. 53. under the colour of a treatie: But him in his coulours I shall haue occasion in some other treatise to discover more largely.

Lastly, for these present warrs, maintayned with much outrage and crueltie, by the popish faction, what good ground can be given, I see not, unlesse their Trent designe be a good ground, which was to root out the Gospell, and to ruine the Professors thereof throughout all Christendome. If this rule should hold in every war. ‘No war but just let Magistrates maintayn.’ Bella magi­stratus non nisi justa gerat. Then I am sure that all the aforesaid Warres of the crew recited are against this rule; yea a just quarrell in the Popes or Spaniards hand, is a very rate thing. Witness their practi­ses and possessions, the right whereof now I mean not to canvasse. I am sure of this, that they contend for much, and keepe much, that they haue as much right to as the Devill had to the body of Moses. One thing I could wish them, that they [Page 19]would follow Charles the 5, in one thing, who in his reti­red life, taking account of his actions (which were in num­ber twenty more remarkeable) he viewed them often, and amongst all the rest, when he looked upon that unjust war, made against the Duke of Saxon, and the rest of the Pro­testant Princes, with sighes and words hee much regrated the same; But I fear they must be cloystered up, before they doe the like. But if intreatie, or example cannot moue, let the in­famie of unjust war, and the issue of it, terrifie all the un­dertakers of it. It is a shame for a Christian to play the Mat­chivilian. Now this is one of his most impious and hellish principles, that upon any occasion a Prince may undertake-warre, although there be no just ground for it. Vpon which fals ground, he perswaded Laurence de Medicis, to undertake the conquest of Italy; which he might easily atchieue by the help of the Church, by the which he meant Leo the 10. He propounds likewise before him and others, that monstrous abortiue, Caesar Borgia, as a pattern to be followed: but to follow this pattern, or to usurp anothers right, is the very note and work of a tyrant; as the Chancellour of Rochel wel obser­ved in the advice formerly mentioned.

As for the issue; both sacred Writ, and humane Histories, The bitter fruits of unjust war doe tell us; that remarkeable ruin; yea, and sometimes utter extirpation, hath followed upon unjust warre. For brevi­ties sake I will onely instance with these two, well known, but yet very memorable examples. The former of Amaleck, Deu. 25.1 [...] concerning whom the Lord giues a strict charge that hee should be rooted out; yea, his people should doe it, and not forget i [...]; so the Lord is said to haue him in remembrance, till he did see the charge fully executed. Dent. 32. Another instance obserue in Simeon; when Moses before his death blesseth all the Tribes, Simeons name is quite omitted, which is not without matter of note, especially if we compare this with other passages answerable to this; as vvhen the blessing was first given he looseth his honour; Gen. 49.5.7 his posterity in the wil­dernesse [Page 20]was diminished from 93000 at the first muster to 22200 at the latter muster: Numb 1.26, & 14. neither were there Iudges of his Tribe as of others; he had no possession by himselfe. The ground of all which, as I conceiue, vvas their unjust war and bloudy execution. Yea, the moving of unjust warre, ar­gueth exceedingly the want of the fear of God, Deut. 2 [...].18: for by the feare of the Lord men depart from evill. Prov. 16.6. And what fear of God is there, in those Captaines, Colonels or Soul­diers, that never lookes to the cause, nor cares not whom they serue, so it be a golden service?

CHAP. IIII. Of the Authority required in waging War.

THVS much having spoken of the equity of the cause, I come now to the second circumstance of the descrip­tion, which requireth competency of person. A just cause of warre doth not warrant every man to undertake warre. Eg [...] enim existimo in summo im­peratore quatuor has res esse o [...]ortere, sci­licet scien­tiam rei mi­litaris, vir­tutem, au­thoritatem &. foelici­tatem. Cic. in orat de laud m [...]g Pomp. 1 The ne­cessity of authority. Things required in warre may be reduced to these foure heads, authority, vertue, fitnesse, and discipline; though others may reduce them to some other heads, yet all comes to one effect. Tully requireth in the supreme Commander these foure things, Knowledge of War, Vertue, Authority and Successe. Successe here required by Tully, must of necessity follow the circumstances by me forementioned.

The first thing then is authority, primarily in the Magi­strate, and from him derived to the Souldiers both Com­manders and others. What the meanest souldier doth, hee must doe it by authority, which doth warrant him to doe many things, which otherwise were unlawfull; as to kill, sack, and spoyl; which vvithout authority, were murther, robbery, and cruell oppression. Authority then is the Key [Page 21]of War, vvithout the which warre is a meer Aceldema, or field of bloud, and a chaos of confusion. Moses, the great Com­mander of the Lord, had authority to fight the battels of the Lord: Like authority did he, at Gods command, Numb. 27.18, & v. 23 put upon Ioshua. Take (saith the Lord) Ioshua the son of Nun, a man in whom is the spirit, and put thy hand upon him, &c. which Moses did, as you may see in Numbers; by the renewing of the same charge, especially for the warr, Moses streng­thens and confirms Ioshua; And Moses called to Ios [...]hua,Deut. 31.7.and said to him in the eyes of all Israel, be thou strong and couragious, for thou shalt goe in with this people, &c. Thus the war against the foure Kings was undertaken at Abrahams command. That rash and heady adventure of the Israelites against the Canaanites and Amalekites, as it was without Gods appro­bation, so it was without authority; for neither Moses, Aa­ron, nor the Arke went up with them, and therfore Moses doth call their attempt a bofty presumption: And such was their successe; for they were smitten to Hormah, Numb. 14.45. a name answerable to the event, namely destruction. Such be the warres made by the man of sinne, and the Locusts of the bottomlesse pit, against the Lord, and his annoynted. What warrant had they, even by their pretended right, to under­take warre? Did ever Aaron under the Law, or Peter un­der the Gospell, levie Arms for the field? But this their practise is agreeable to a rule of their own, so it be for the good of the Church, they never look for further authority then the Popes, whom they pretend to haue authority, Romish Clergie no persons au­thorized for war. over heaven, Hell and Putgatorie. And what may they not then doe on earth? But if they be prest to shew lawfull authority for the taking up of Arms, I think the best evidence they can giue, is, some forged transcript from the back side of Constantines donation. I may vvell resemble this Antichristi­an vvarfare for vvant of authority, unto the vvar of that false Christ, that arose in the raign of Traian the Emperour, vvhose name vvas Barr Chochab, that is, sonne of the Star, fals­ly [Page 22]alluding to that place of Numbers, Numb. 24.17. where Christ is truely so called: but for his mocking of the people, and blasphe­ming of God, he was slain in the battell, and called after­ward, Of him mention is made in the Tal­mud. by the deluded people, Bar Coziba, that is, the son of falshood. And such indeed are the Iesuites, the very Incendia­ries of unlawfull warres; or if you will, you may compare them in this case, with that rebellious rout of the Iews, vvhich called themselus, zelators, under colour of fighting for re­ligion and common-wealth; they choosed for their Chiefe­tains the grand-captains of vvickednesse; they committed cruelties, outrages and impieties of all sorts. Insomuch that Vespasian, Ioseph de bell. lud. lib. 4 ch. 5, & lib. 7. Lieftenant generall to Nero, vvas sent to suppresse them: vvhose termes of peace, by the mouth of Iosephus from him offered, they scorned by their going on; so that as Iosephus; Vespasian vvas forced to proceed to vvar; vvhich as it continued a long time, so it discovered these goodly Zea­lators, The Iesu­iteslike the Zelators. vvho in their extremity set the Temple on fire, and brought utter ruin upon themselus, vvith the death of a million of men. Iust so; these Babilonish brattes pretend Re­ligion, as appeareth especially in their new Psalter, or seven­fold Psalmody, The gun­powder psalter. vvith the hymnes vvhereof they solaced themselues in the expectation of the Cunpo [...]der Iubilee; but their aim indeed is, the racing out of Religion the ruin of Kingdoms, Psal. 4. and the disposing of them at their pleasure. ‘In one of their hellish hymns, they tell us, that holy King Edward, and gracious Queen Elizabeth, were the curses of the land, vvho indeed vvere great blessings: they shew vvhat fire vve haue deserved, and vvhat fire in effect they had provided for us; praying heartily, that the hearts of the labourers therein may be strengthned. Another of their Hymnns is, all full of triumph, namely, how after the year of visitation, and Ioy of Iubilie, Ierusalem should be built again,’ and the second glory thereof should be greater then he first. But vvhat authority had these fire-work-men in that tempestuous night (as they call it) to blow up a vvhole [Page 23]State, and to dispose of our Kingdom at their pleasure? A man vvould not think that they had any but from the Pope, and such a devill whose name is Legion; yet they point in their psalm at a Fabius and Marcellus, both in one person, whom they call a second Cyrus, stirred up to confirm his Scep­ter for the good of his people. Who this should be, except it be the Popes eldest sonne (whom the Iesuites hold to be the great Lord of the world) I know not: But this I am sure of, that Tarquinius Furius, hath more fire in his bosome, and more snakes in his hands to devoure us, and to set up their Cyrus, then ever they had. The heads of Hydra increase, and such a number of Todes come out of the brains of the Pope, and Serpents out of the raynes of the Iesuites, that they cover the face of the earth, especially of these Kingdoms. But we had need to awake; for if we come to the Popes disposing (which the great God forbid) vvithout doubt, the Iesuites Cyrus should not vvant his double portion; for the obtaining vvhereof Viriatus vvants not his ovvn stratagem.

CHAPT. V. Of the Ʋertue of a Souldier.

THe second personall circumstance is vertue; 2 Vertue. by which I meane not barely those morall vertues, wherewith the heathens were rarely gifted, as Caesar, Pompei, &c. (who in­deed by these make our age blush,) but also those cardinall or Theologicall vertues, 1. Tim. 6.6. Exodus 10. & 21. Non sunt verae virtu­tes, sed um­brae. called somtimes by the name of god­lines, and sometimes the feare of God: and that because the feare of God or godlines, is the fountaine and foundation of all other vertues: Where this is not (as one saith well) the rest are not true vertues indeed, but shadowes. It is worth the obser­vation, [Page 24]that where God amongst the rest of his blessings, doth promise that their war shall prosper; Deut. 28.3. He first blesseth the person: he must be a good man before he be a good and ac­ceptable souldyer to God. God will not accept or blesse the action (at least to that partie) before he blesse and accept the person: but the person being accepted, howsoever it fall out, it is a blessing to him. Such especially should be the commanders from the highest to the lowest; yea as every one excelleth in eminency; so he should labour to excel in true pietie; and that for these reasons.

First, 2. King. 16. Reasons of vertues necesitie. Tanto con­spectius in se crimen ha­bet, quanto qui peccat major babe­ [...]ur. a fault in the face is foule, and the greater person the greater sin. Secondly the sin of such is exemplarie and there­fore a double sin. Let Vitellius play the ryot, Tiberius the drunkard; will the souldiers be sober? Let Sardanapalus sit down to the distaffe, will his souldiers care for armes? Let Nero play the Mad-man, or rather the monster of men; will not his souldiers be as mad and monstrons as he? Let Ieroboam be an Idolator, all his followers will be of that fashion. Let Lewis 11, be an egregious dissembler, & his Courteours will be of that cut. Thirdly, as nothing corrupts more thē evil ex­ample, so nothing is of more force to correct thē their good example. When Lewis the 11, of France scorned learning, all the Court & Nobles thought it but foolery; but Francis the 1, both being learned himself, and affecting the learned, every state fell to affect learning. As the Romane Emperours and cōmanders were good or bad; so were the souldiers better, or worse. As valour failed in King Iohn, & he began to submit to the Pope; so his subjects were content to put their necks under forreigne Government: but as Edward the third, rose up to be the hammer of popish power, & to challenge & main­taine his right, both by Counsel and Armes, the land became a counsell of war, and an army of valorous counsellors. Fourthly, the successe of the war doth often follow the vertue of the commander. To omit other examples, witnes the Kings of Iudah. While they were good, they pevayled against their [Page 25]enemies, as David, Ezekiah, &c. 2. King. 16 but by the contrary against the bad Kings, the enemies; prevailed; instance Achas, bran­ded by the Lord for a bad one, this is that Achas; 2. Chron: 28 and he had as bad successe. For evidence whereof, reade the places quo­ted. It is often noted of that King, and great Commander Moses, that he was the servant of God; Deut. 34.5 Rev. 15.3. and that not onely for his authoritie and fidelitie in his place, but also for his pietie. And this indeed is the greatest honour, that any Comman­der can attaine to, to be Gods servant. So did David esteeme it. It is said of Cornelius, the Centurion, that he was a devout man fearing God. Thus you see then, that it is not enough for a man to haue a good cause, & authoritie in his hand, but if he will thriue and haue the same to prosper, Applica­tion. he must be good himselfe. It then condemneth to hell, from whence it came, that hellish principle of, Matchiavell, that a Prince, or great One, should endeavor rather to be esteemed religious, 2. part. m [...]x. 1.then to be so indeed. He hath to many apt Schollers, in this especi­ally; but is not this to extinguish the light of nature, to mocke God, and to play the damnable hypocrite? What gaines he by this? First, that which is not in graine cannot hold. Secondly, when once he commeth to dance in a nett, and the colour is cast to the eyes of all men, then he turnes from hypocrisie to open impietie; he takes on the Lyons skin when the foxes will not serve; (which is a mayne instance of this Matchiavillian rule) and he maintayneth that with open tyranny, which he could not cover with hypocrisie. Lastly, when the Lord hath made him thus vile, Pompon: [...] Lae. t in Iul: he makes his grave in a field of shame. All these may be instanced in Iulian a grand hypocrite, while his uncle Constantine lived; but as great in Aposiate, and as cunning an Atheist after his death. But his end was answereable to his courses. Such ends made Gaius Caligula that errant Atheist, and Herod Agrippa that truell murtherer; yet, the one dissembled paynim devotion, and the other the profession of true religion, as might ap­peare by his solliciting Tiberius for the Iewes, when he was [Page 26]incenst against them. Let Christian Princes then follow Abraham; walke with God and be upright, and in peace and warre God shall blesse them.

Now as the Commāder must be such, such also should the souldiers be, as Cornelius was a devout man himselfe; so he called unto him, with his two servants, a devout souldier also. God himselfe in Deuteromy, Act. 10.7. giues lawes concerning the pu­ritie of a Campe; when the Campe goeth forth against thine ene­mies,Deut. 23.9.10. Numb. 5.23then keepe thee from every evill thing; which after he calls uncleannes, because sin defileth. He here forbiddeth all morall, civill, & legall uncleannes; the former two concerne all campes. So in Numbers, the leper and uncleane were put out of the Campe. Of all Iepers the sinner is the foulest; and of all sinners the wicked souldier is the greatest. One Achan made the whole army fare the worse. Ios: 7. Vnholy Armies, al­though they be for a good cause, and war under lawfull au­thoritie; yet through their exorbitant courses, they incou­rage the hearts, and inarmes the hands of the enemies. I will produce but one instance, because I must labour to abridge my self, The Turkes ad­vantage by our sinnes. having many things to goe through. Aven­tinus relateth how they of Rhodes wrote to Frederick the third, & the Princes Electors, how the great Turke, being dis­swaded by his Nobles from making war against the Christi­ans, especially against the Germans; his answere was, as he feared no Christians, so least of all the Germans; and that for 4 reasons. First, their disagreement amongst them­selves, like the five fingers of a mans hand which seldome come together. Secondly, they are dissolute in their lives, by whooring, drinking and all manner of riot, delighting more in great plumes of fethers, then martiall armes. Thirdly, they are disorderly in their proceedings. Fourthly, they neglect all laws of government, not punishing the bad or rewarding the good. As the Turke putteth these imputations upon a natiō once second to none (as they gaue good proofe to Caesar) so I wish, that they, & all Europes armies, could quit themselves of these, better then indeed they can: for howsoever the en­vious [Page 27]Turke with Lamia his eyes, seeth much abroad and no­thing at home; yet our home bred evils, which he thus taxeth are more hurtful to us, then all his forces; De sacro foedere l. 5. as witnesseth Fo­lieta, in a speech to the same effect, upon that victory ob­tained by the Christians in a Sea-fight against Assanus Bassa, where he observerh that they stand not so much by their own forces, as by our sloth, negligence, and discord.

Oh then that vvee vvould make a holy Warre indeed; that is, to be holy in our selues; and then neither Gog nor Magog should prevaile against us. To this end, the Lord biddeth us sanctifie a war. By which phrase hee vvills, Jer. 6.4. that all that vvill vvar for him should be holy. As this serveth to direct us what manner of souldiers in a just warre are required; so it discovers the blasphemy of that Matchiavillian principle of Atheism; wherein with open mouth, Machiavils blasphemy. he preferreth Paga­nism in souldiers, to true Religion; because Religion (saith he) makes men humble, pusillanimious, or weak-minded, and more apt to receiue injurie then to repell it. Before I come to the answer, let me say thus much of him once for all; if that Atheistly burn paper, and blinde bayard, had lived amongst the Heathens, and had dealt with their feyned gods, as he hath dealt with the true God, they vvould haue made him an example to the world, and would haue burned his blasphemous papers in the fire; but as they humored ex­ceedingly his lewd Countrimen, so they flew over the Alpes; yea, and the Seas also, infecting France, and all the rest of Christendome: Insomuch, as the Sybillin oracles were the refuge of the Painims for their direction; so most Princes, and their affaires now, are guided by Matchiavel. Are not men now of divilish pates, and deep reaches to the evill, and such as are acquainted with the depth of Satans poli­cie, the onely men of service (as they call them?) Yea, say they be but very beetles and block-heads, yet if their brains vvill serue to hatch toades, they will serue the turn as well as can be; if he can swear horribly, and blaspheme fearfully, [Page 28]vvith termes not to be named; if he can roare and quarrell, and out-face heaven and earth by his sinnes, he is fitter to be a souldier (saith the Matchiavillist) then he that will say, surely, and truely, and so forth: because such a one is a meer Puritan, and so weak and faint-hearted, that the enemy doth not fear him.

To come then to the answer of the point: there is no­thing more impious then the Position; and nothing falser then the reason. For the first, is there any thing more im­pious, then to prefer Paganism to Piety? If this had been good, in vain had Iohn perswaded the doubtfull Souldiers to take a holy course. Likewise the reason (that true Religi­on maketh men cowards) it is against all reason, against the nature of true magnanimity, the power of Religion, and the experience of time. Standeth it with reason, that hee that hath the strongest on his side, should haue the least cou­rage? True magnanimity makes a man couragious to undertake the good, and hate and abhor the evill as a base thing, unworthy of such a spirit. Who but the religious doe so? The power of religiō. Also the power of religion, doth tie a man that hath it to his God, assuring him if he loose this life he shall haue a better. The souldier thus perswaded in his conscience, and bearing Arms for a good cause: as for the glory of God, the defence of Religion, the good of his Countrey, and credit of his Prince; will not loue his life unto death, in the doing of his service. Caesar tells us, that the ancient Gaules were a ge­nerous and warlike people; wherof he giues this ground, that they resolutely beleeved the immortality of the soule. Haue not all the true Worthies of the world bin religious ones? Who more truly magnanimious? Who more valorous & vic­torious then David, & yet a man for zeal & piety, according to Gods own heart? Who more couragious then holy Constantine, who vanquished Licinius, bringing peace to the Gospell, and establishing the Gospel of peace? What glorious victories had godly Theodosius, who was Gods gift to the Church indeed, [Page 29]against the Barbarians, and other enemies of the Empire? I could bring many other instances, but these will suffice. The wic­ked errant Cowards. And as none more worthy then such; so none more unworthy then irreligious Athiests, the openly prophane, or rotten hy­pocrite. Was there ever a greater coward then Gajus Caligula, Sueton. in Calig. ca. 51 Dion. in Calig. who would hide his head at the Thunder? And marching one time on foot through a streight, with his Army, was put in mind by one, if the enemy should charge them, what fear they might be in; like a cowardly Atheist, he mounts himselfe in an instant, and fled with all his might, though no man pursued him. Let the word, a witnesse beyond all excep­tion, determine this question, The sinners in Syon are afraid, fearfulnesse hath surprized the hypocrites, Esa. 33.14. For how can that man stand, who is pursued by God and an ill consci­ence? Other instances I might giue of great Tyrants, yet starke Cowards, but I can giue but a touch; onely let me commend to you an instance of this kind, worth your ob­servation. As the Kings of Iudah were holy and religious, so they were valorous and victorious; they were, as God promised they should be, the head and not the tayle; but on the contrary, as they were impious and idolatrous, so they became degenerous and cowardly; and so they became, as God threatned the taile and not the head.

And as it is with Commanders, so it is with souldiers, The vertue of a soul­dier. Xiphil. apud Dion. in Marc, Anto. remarkeable and miraculous was that blessing that God gaue to Marcus Anthonius the Philosopher, and his Army, and that by means of the Christian companies, that warred under him in his war against the Marcomans and Quadians: He and his whole Army were inclosed in a dry country, having no means to come by water, but through a streight passage which the enemy kept, and were like to be lost without one strok; the Emperours Generall, in this distresse, told him, that he had a Legion of Christians in his Army, which could obtain any thing of their God, that they prayed for: the Emperour hereupon thought himselfe not too good to [Page 30]intreat them this office, which they willingly, and heartily performed in the name of Christ. God, as hee is ready to hear, answered their desires with lightning upon their ene­mies, and plenty of rain upon themselus, which they kept in their Targets and Head-peeces, and drunk. Whereupon such fear fell upon their enemies, that through terrour they were vanquished without stroke: wherefore the Emperour called them, The Thundering Legion, and honoured them ever after, and all Christians for their sakes.

But some will object, object. doe we not see and reade, that men monstrously wicked, haue behaved themselues to death, so valorously in the field, that their names haue no mean place in the book of valour.

I answer, answ. ambition may provoke a man, to buy a bed of earthly honour vvith his dearest bloud; or unadvisedly he may adventure, not counting what it may cost him: but if he should compare this life with eternall death attending after it, upon all those that are not in Christ; he durst not for a world be so prodigall of this life, except he knew of a better; yea, he would quake and tremble at the verie thought of death. Then to conclude this point; as Ioshu [...] had a resolution, that he and his house would serue the Lord; and as David would haue the faithfull to serue him: so, let those that will be Gods warriours, be good warriours. For as the evill carriage of Souldiers, both Popish and Protestant, haue laid Christian Kingdoms open to the Turkes tyrannie; so we must confesse to our shame, that our unworthy walk­ing; and walking after the flesh, betrayes our good cause in­to the hand of the man of sin; whose souldiours doe not prevaile, because their carriage is better then their cause, (for both are starke naught) but hee cannot endure that in his own, Numb. 2.31. which for a time he will in his enemies. The Mi­dianites that caused the Israelites to sin, vvere vvorse then the Israelites; but God first corrected his own people, and then vexed the Midianites.

[Page 31]Last of all. object. 2 If any say, that this my frame of a Souldier, is like Sir Thomas Moore his Vtopia, or Tully his Orator, shewing rather what should be, then what possible can be.

I answer, it is true, answ. if we respect the perfection of the thing: but it doth not follow, that we should not labour for perfection. No phisicall rules can be laid down, nor receipts given to reduce the body to a perfect latitude of health; yet still the Phisitians prescribe, and study. On all hands, Valeat quā ­tum valere potest. Aut tales inveniant aut faciant. Let bee done what can be done. And first, let one labour to be such, and if they cannot finde such, let them striue to make them such. And let us all pray that our Camps may be holy Camps, and our Warres sanctified to the Lord.

CHAPT. VI. Of the Fitnesse of the Souldier.

THE third personall circumstance is the fitnesse of the Souldier. It is not enough in warre to be a good man, but he must also be a good Souldier. Ten Souldiers are better (as the French-man saith) then twenty Ramesets. Agamemnon wished but ten such Souldiers as Nestor, to foil all his ene­mies in Phrigia, and to make the Greeks return victori­ously to their Nation. These were precious Iewels in the eyes of the worlds Worthies. This was the difference betwixt Alexander the Great, and Phillip his father; hee looked for the best Souldiers; and his father for the best money: of whom one saith prettily, that Phillip wan all Greece, tanquam Mercator, as a Marchant; but Alexander wan all Asia, tan­quam Victor, as a Conquerour. It is without controversie, as the Wise obserue, that money is the belly of an army, the sinews of war, and the body of a Souldier; but yet without the [Page 32] animall spirit of cunning, and the vitall spirit of valour; a golden souldier may become a leaden slaue; but with these many times, a moneylesse souldier, may become a commander both of men and money. An instance of this for many. wee haue in the Graecians, compared with the Per­sians, their delicate fare, glorious furniture, and exceeding great wealth, with themselves, were a prey to the In omni autem prae­lio, non tam mullitudo, & birtus in docta, quam ars, & excerci­trum solent praestare vi­ctoriam. Veg. de re militari lib. 1. ca [...] 1. "Imo miles inexercita­tu [...] foemina Exod: 15.3 Grecian valor. In every war (saith that great and learned souldier) it is not so much the unskilfull and rude multitude, as art and exer­cise that getteth the victorie; which he instanceth in the Ro­manes subduing of the Gaules, Germans, and Spaniards. It is a groundles conceit, & against all experience, that a multitude without Art, is enough wherewith to conquer: for an un­skilfull souldyer, is not onely himselfe subject to danger, but he indangers others also. Yea an unskilfull souldiour is no better then a woman. It is to be observed, that amongst the rest of Gods excellencies this is reckoned up, that Ieho­vah is a man of war; that is, an excellent warriour, who by his pollicie, prudence and skill, turnes all to the best advantage of his owne.

How this skill should be attayned unto, it is neyther my end, nor my art to manifest in particular. Militarie mo­tions, postures, distinction of orders, distances, marches, countermarches, & such like, I leaue to the Tactiks or maisters of armes, Magistri Armorū. Reading and use re­quisit for Armes. (as Vegetius calles them). Onely for the generlal, to make an exquisit souldier, reading and use must concurre. Let no good souldier detract from eyther. Meere exercise without reading is empyrisme: and meere reading without excercise is but imagination. Yea a meerely read souldier, is like unto a Shipmaster onely by the booke. Therefore saith Vegetius, an un­ae [...]ercised souldier is alwayes a meere novist; [...]. yet without learning the excercised, is not a compleat souldier: because particu­ [...]ars (say they be many) are the obiect of sense, but universals be the obiect of understunding. Our great souldiers, were not one­ly Tacticks, but also writers of tacticks: As Pyrrhus, Caesar, Aeli­an, [Page 33]Frontin, Cyrus, Xenophon; yea the greatest schollers haue been the greatest souldiers. The Poet Homer is observed to be the first (at least that we reade of) that was skilled in the inbat­ [...]ing of an armie, Epist. Fam: libro 9. Epist. 15. much admired by that martialist Mnestines Tullie said, he became a great Generall, by the reading of Pa­pirius his letters. Cyrus his father could tell him; the Tactickes would not availe, Xenophon. without the knowledge of arts invented for the use of war. Yea, Generall Veres use of lear­ning in the battel of Now­port. learning hath carryed it out in a pinch, when bare practise hath been at its wits end. To omit other instances, take that remarkable one of the battle of Newport, Anno 1600: where our forces, hauing got the rize of the sandy hilles; the Spanish forces were betwixt them and Ostend, in a low place. It was generally thought the best, to charge the enemie by descending to them. But the English Generall, wisely, would not condiscend to loose the advantage of the place, citing for his judgement from Caesars Commentaries, the like practice of Caesar against the Caules. And it had the very like successe. For, the Spaniard, charging ours against the advantage of the ground, had such hot entertayment from aboue, that it brake their forces exceedingly at the first, and so they lost the day. This mili­tarie learning made great Pompey so much admire the Philo­pher Possidonius, that after the victorie over Mithridates, he came to his house, and honored him much. Caesar, then we see, should be able to write Commentaries, and Cicero in some measure (if neede be) to order an armie. And if you would haue the picture of a compleat souldier; Let Caesar in him­selfe give it you, ex utroque Caesar.

CHAP. VII. Of Discipline in Generall.

THe last personall circumstance, but not the least, is dis­cipline, which is the key of all. This, in all the passages of war, from the levying of souldiers till they be dismissed, is duely to be looked unto. On the wings of this, did the Ro­manes soare from small beginings (as Vegetius observeth) Disciplina parentibus Romanis antiquior fuit quam salus quam salus libero­rum. Disciplina optime ex­ercitus mu­nitur. to be conquerors of the world. This (as a Civilian observeth) was dearer to them then the life of their childrē. Cassiodorus obser­veth, that it is the strongest guard that an armie can have. By dis­cipline men doe not onely attayne their ends; but they keep that, The use & neglect of Discipline with the effects. by it, whereunto they attayne. As in the strict law of discipline, the weale of Armies and Kingdoms doe confist; so from the want of this, or remisse and loose execution of it, ariseth the ruine of Armes, and the advancement of the enemies. Disciplina majorum Remp. tenet, quae si dila­batur & nomen Ro­manum & imperium amittemus. In orat. ad milites apud Lamp. In Epitom. Dioni. In stitut. cap. 8 Iosephus de bello Iudai­co lib. 3. cap. 5. This testifieth Alexander Severus, as great a soul­dier as an Emperor, being so called for his strict exercise of militarie Discipline; The Discipline of our ancients (saith the Emperour) preserveth the common-wealth, which if wee let slip never so litle, wee loose both our name and Empire. Evagrius in effect hath the same observation. By the wisdome of Com­manders, and strict discipline, with obedience amongst souldiers, how great things are effected! But if either of these, or both be wanting, then all is undone. Lactantius relateth the loosness of militarie discipline, as one of the fore-running singes of the latter day. As Iosephus excedingly commends the strictness of militarie Discipline, that he observed among the Romanes; so the best and greatest souldiers, amongst Christians, haue heavily complained of the want of this amongst us, and that not without cause: for this appeareth in the losse of our re­nowne, and Territories, to the Turke; whose observancie of [Page 35]Discipline to his advantage, & our losse, may make us blush. Our woe for want of Disci­pline. Seidlitzius, a Noble and militarie man, being captiue to the Turke, did admire (as he writes) the discipline of the Turkish armie, the modestie of their carriage, Historia Peregrinat. and the securitie of the country people, by whom they did March. But on the con­trary, with detestation, he vehemently reprehendeth the dis­solution, raven, and more then beastly loosness, of our soul­diers, that will be called Christians. Whence is our fall, and their rize and standing; but from these contrary courses? The Turkes strictness of discipline hath got what he hath, and our loosness of living hath lost what he hath got. Non est mihi (crede) tantum ab hostibns ar­matis peri­culi, &c. Lib. 10. Decad. 3. I may well take up the complaint in the words of Scipio in Livi, speaking to Masinissa: wee need not so much to feare the forces of our enemies, as wee haue cause to feare our owne ill conditions. Therefore all Christian Commanders this day, if they would haue Gods war to prosper, honour to themselves, glory to God, and good to the common-wealth, must goe about re­formation of this so absolutely necessary discipline. It is true that great Commanders, as Emperours and others, haue not onely exercised discipline strictly, but caused books to be written; as a booke in Greeke and Latine of Discipline, set forth by the command of Iustinian. The Emperiall sanction for discipline, in the Parliament of Spier, Anno 1570, But for want of executors of these good lawes, wee may cry out with, Horace: ‘Quid leges sine mori­bus vanae proficiunt. Lawes are in vaine where manners are not mended.’

All good Commanders of what sort soever, should take that charge to themselues, that Aurelianus gaue to his Ge­nerall in a military Epistle: Si vis Tri­bunus esse, (imo si vis vivere) con­tine manus militum. Recensetur If thou wilt be a Tribune (saith the Emperour) yea if thou wilt liue, keepe backe the souldiers hand from doing evill. In this worke, wise Commanders must begin with themselves; the greatest that is, must not say with Pericles; I am not subiect to order: but for this, he became a proverbe and was called by the people: ‘ [...].’

He that orders others, must first order himselfe. The dis­cipline of a loose Commander will doe little good upon others. And therefore Adrian is much commended; not onely for his admirable valour, and exquisite experience, but also for his strictnesse towards himselfe. In the warres he fared hard, his lodging was answerable; he marcht many times on foot with his souldiers, he spared no paines, under­went willingly all labours; insomuch that Florus the drunken Poet would not haue his honour with his paines: His eie was alwaies over his souldiers, he desired to know them in parti­ticular; he would visit them in sicknesse; and hee removed all things from the Camp that might remoue Discipline. So Alexander the Great would desire his Souldiers to undergoe no stricter rules, then he would himselfe. Such were Severus Scipio, Phirrhus, and others.

Would to God our Commanders would imitate those, Appli­cation. and doe but as much for an eternall weight of glory, as they did for their Country, and a name upon earth. I haue not onely read, but mine eares haue heard to my griefe, the heavie and true complaints of Souldiers, injuried by their Captaines and higher Commanders; namely, in detayning of their pay, which is indeed next unto sacriledge. It offers violence to the whole Army, indangers the cause, be it ne­ver so good; it cuts the throat of discipline. And therefore great Ones, if they loue their liues, and the honour of them­selues and their Country, let them with Caesar, and others, take heed that this strange fire be not in their Armies, for fear they cannot quench it when they would. This is one main cause, why our Souldiers now a daies come short (for the most part) of the Romanes valour; that they are neither so regarded, rewarded, nor justly dealt with. For besides the punishment, it was an indeleble Character of infamy to defraud a souldier of his due. Souldiers should not wrong any Dis [...] line ad duo di­viditur, in instructio­nem, & cor­rectionem, quorū pri­mum amo­re, secundū timore effi­citur. De moribus Ec­clesia. Minimae negligentiae erant eapi­tales lib. 3. de bell. lu­daico.

But as they should haue no wrong, so they should be kept from wronging their calling, themselues, or others, and that [Page 37]by the exercise of discipline, whereof there be two parts, as Austin well observeth, though in another kinde, namely, Instruction and Correction; the former of these must be effec­ [...]d with loue, and the latter with fear. Alexander Severus [...]d his name from his watchfull eye that he had over their [...]erformances, and his strict punishment of delinquency. [...]uch were the Laws of the Romans (as Iosephus telleth us) that the least negligence was capital, and the Captains were more terrible then the Lawes themselus. Labienus the Cap­ [...]in, being forbidden by Caesar to fight before he came; though in likelyhood, by an advantage given, he might haue defeated the enemy, yet he would not violate the Lawes of Discipline. Yet in the exercise of discipline, a Comman­der should be discreet: for as the Commenter upon Vegetius, well observeth, Too too much lenity marreth all; so too too [...]uch acerbity hazardeth all: Therefore the golden mean is to bee kept; but alwaies with Tully his observation, Rigor sal [...] ­taris vincere debet inanē speciem Cle­mentiae. Acer in re­rum gesta­rum ratio­nibus repos­cendis, in­exorabilis autem in suppliciis Dion. in v [...] ­ta Pomp. That [...]saving rigidity, should goe beyond a vain shew of clemency. [...]ucullus, otherwise a braue Captaine, undid himselfe with [...]is too grear severity: He could command much, but hee was [...]ot affable; He was severe in the exaction of service; but [...]e was indeprecable in punishment: at length he was forsaken of his souldiers, who proved as faithfull to Pompey, as they were unfaithfull to him; which argued much his indiscre­tion. Tra [...]an in his discipline had such a braue temper, that [...]is souldiers vvere more ashamed, then afrayed to be inso­lent. Likewise Souldiers must learn to subject their necks to the yoke of discipline, which is the bond of war: for the Commander beareth not the sword for nothing; and the souldier that doth well need not fear. They must not repine [...] the due inflicted punishment; for as the Commander doth [...]ot willingly inflict it, so one must rather perish then unity, Pereat unu [...] potius qu [...] unitas. [...]especially where it is deserved.) They must know, how [...]ardly souldiers are kept in order, and vvhat a dangerous [...]ing disorder is in warre. To conclude this point, I wish [Page 38]from my heart that our souldiers now, may deserue the commendation that Iosephus gaue to the Romane souldiers: ‘They so obsequiously obeyed their Commanders, that in peace the were an ornament, and in warre the whole Army was as on body; so that, with ready eares, and quick eies, to receiu [...] signes and precepts, they performed their service coura­giously and strennuously. How could they then (saith he) not conquer?’

CHAP. VIII. Of the lawfull undertaking of War.

THVS having shewed the personall circumstances, 1 Causes to be made known. 2 Repara­tion de­manded. 3 And lastly warr to be de­nounced. [...] come to the third main circumstance of the description namely, the lawfull undertaking of it. A war may be law­full in it selfe, and yet unlawfully undertaken: As for no [...] making the causes known: not requiring reparation of the wrong: and finally for not denouncing of the warre. All these were observed by the Israelites in repairing the wrong done to the Levite and his Concubine. For, first the Tribe [...] sent to Gibeah, to expostulate the wickednesse vvith Be [...] ­jamin; Ludg. 20. they demanded those children of Belial that were the malefactors; that by putting them to death evill might be done away. To the which, when the children of Benjamit would not hearken, Israel makes war against them, which doubtlesse was denounced upon the denyall; as appeareth by the Benjamits taking notice of it, and preparing them­selues to intertain the vvar, Iudg. 20.11.12, &c. In which passage it is not amisse to obserue that Marginall note of re­be [...]ion, Scripture abuse, by th [...] Doct. of Doway. of the Doctors of Doway, made upon the place: That omission or contempt to punish haynous crimes, is a just cause to make warre against any people. Their bloudy conclusiō falsly [Page 39]observed from the premisse, I shall after haue occasiō to han­ [...]e; for the presēt let this suffice. They force the Text against the minde of the holy Ghost. For howsoever the people [...]ere devided in tribes, yet it vvas one intire politique body, [...] heads vvhereof might call any offenders to an account; [...]hich they might not haue done, if they had been under [...]stinct dominions and policies. But of this more hereafter. [...] To the present matter, that this proceeding is requisite; Reasons. it [...] not onely cleere from the law of nature and nations, but also from the law of God; & the continued practise both of Gods people, & of the heathen. In the booke of the law the [...]ord commandeth his people, when they come to fight against a Cittie, they should proclaime peace, which if they entertay­ned, then were they to saue them, & make them tributaries; But if they should reject the condition, thē were they to be­ [...]eige the Cittie, to smite the people, & to take the spoile to themselves, Deut. 20.10.11.12. So the tribes, by Embassa­dors, examined the Reubenites erecting of the Altar, before they would war against them, Iosh: 22.12. Yea God himself, who for his dominion and power, both in heaven and earth, is [...]alled the Lord of hosts, keepeth this selfe same course in his proceeding against the rebellious sonnes of men. For proofe here of the Scripture is copious, I will therefore point out one place in the prophesie of Hosea. Blow ye the cornet in Gi­heah, & the trumpet in Ramah, cry aloud,Ch. 5.8.or beat up the drum at [...] thavē, after thee O Beniamin. As here the Prophet describeth the treacherie and rebellion of the people against God, so he beingeth in God (as it were) comming in armes, or marching in battle-ray against the people. But withall he willeth the priests, and watchmen upon the wall, to giue them warning; [...] by sound of trumpet, and beating of the drumme, to pro­ [...]aime the Lords comming, that they might prepare them­selves to meet the Lord by repentance. And this God doth, [...] shew the equitie of his wayes; that as he giveth lawes to [...]thers, he will be a law to himselfe. The heathens that know [Page 40]not God were strict in this course, Belli aequi­tas sanctis­sime feciali populi Ro­mani jure praescripts est, nam nullum bel­lum justū, nisi quod denunciatū sit & indi­ctum. lib. 1. de off. as appeareth by an in vio­lable rule of war mentioned by Tullie. The equitie of war doth religiouily require, that by an herauld of armes, from the Romane Senate, war should be proclaimed. For no war (saith he) can be just which is not before denounced and proclaymed. This forme of denouncing war, was first taken up amongst the heathens by one Rhesis, as witnesseth the Author de viris il­lustribus. cap. 5. Author of worthy men brought into Rome, as Livi witnesseth by Ancus Marcius their King; the forme whereof wee finde in sundry Authors of note. ꝰ Livi lib. 1. Gell. lib. 10. A herauld of Armes with two sufficient witnesses, was t [...] fling a speare into the Territories of the enemie. Vpon the in­largment of their dominions, they had a Pillar which they called the Pillar of war; from which they flung a bloudy speare (that was kept in the Temple of Mars) toward the enemy, on whom they vvere to vvar. [...] Columna bellica. This was likewise the custome of the Persians. Ammians Marcellinus lib. 16.

CHAPT. IX. Against whom to War.

THe fourth circumstance following in the description, An enemie must be the obiect of war. concerneth the object of war, or the partie, against whom we are to war; namely, an internall or externall enemie. So did rhe Israelites, in their warres commanded against the seven nations, or in their warres permitted upon occasion against their enemies. So the Israelits against the Beniamits, for they were become Gods enemies, and the enemies of the com­mon-wealth. The Lord will not suffer his people to meddle vvith the Moabites; because they vvere friends in the flesh, (though untovvard ones) permitting (yet by Gods mercy) his people to passe by them, paying for the necessaries they tooke of them. So neither with the Ammonites not [Page 41]theirs did they meddle, Deut. 2.9.19. Iacobus Ruardus Comment. de divers. Reg. jur. It was a Law amongst the Romanes, that upon controversies arising, friendship should be given up, and deadly enmity openly profest be­ [...]ore they made warre upon them.

Hence it appeareth how unwarrantably against the Law, of Nature and Nations, the Duke of Bavaria hath taken up Armes against his deer and faithfull friend, without just cause, or good occasion given him, by him, or his. Croesus was demanded by Socrates, vvhat vvas the preciousest thing he had gained by his greatnesse? Max. Serm. 6. He answered revenge upon his foes, and advancement of his friends. What a vile thing is it then, to take vengeance on the friend, and to advance the foe! A hurtfull friend is worser then a foe. [...]. Falli: por­tus & ips. fidem? Propert. So that the good Princes may say with the Psalmist, if our enemies bad done it, we could haue born it. A wound from a friend is a double vvound, & Shipwrack in the Haven is grievous. But what should we say? Though David in amazement complain, it must be thus; partly, that the tryals of those that stand for God may be the closer; and partly that false friends may be unmasked: and lastly, that Poperie may proclaim to the world (as it ever hath done) that there is no cord so strong, nor bond so strict, but it will either cut it, or untie it.

CHAP. X. The orderly pursuit of War.

THE fifth circumstance, especially to be observed and insisted on, is the orderly following of warre, or pro­ceeding in it. Preparatiō In which we must begin with preparation of all things fitting, as Souldiers, Armes, Money, Munition, Victuals, and the rest. What circumspection Princes ought to haue in vvar the book of God teacheth us. What King go­ing [Page 42]to warre against another King,Luk. 14.13. Longa pre paratio belli celerem facit victoriā. Chrysost. Pacis tem­pore exerci­tatio lyro­num non negligenda. Longa secu­ritas pacis, &c. Lib. 1. cap. 28.sitteth not down first, and consulteth whether he be able, &c. A long preparation (saith one) maketh a speedy victory. Yea, in our greatest peace, or ease, we should be fitting for warre. A good note of Theo­deric King of the Gothes; Let a souldier learn while hee is at ease, that which may stand him in stead when he is in fight. Long peace (saith Vegetius) breedeth deep security; security neglect of Armes; whereon followeth (saith the same Authour) a dissembled shew, or bare flourish of Armes, and last of all the true use of Armes falleth in utter oblivion. The truth here­of by relation of antiquity, and late experience, is manifest. The twenty yeares peace of the Romanes, after the first punick warre, together with their ease and victories, and disuse of Arms; did so enervat their skill and courage, that they were not able to stand before Hannibal, in the second punick vvar: Insomuch, that till by the losse of many Captains, and many Armies, they redeemed their use of Armes and skill in fight, they never got the victory. As for late experience, look upon the Germans, who, as Isidore saith, haue their name from their war-like stature; who for their prowesse in Armes haue been admired, and extolled highly by the Caesars of the vvorld; yea, who haue eternized their names by vindicating the Gospell of Christ, and the profes­sors thereof from that man of the Popes right hand, Charles the 5; whose forces they did not onely foile, but quashed the courage, and brake the heart of him that was not easily daunted; yet for all this (without contumely be it spoken) through their long injoyed peace, their plenty, disuse of Armes, and want of exercise, they are become the scorn of the Turke, and are like to be made a prey to him that casteth at all.

But to come home to our selues; Applica­tion. Quid nos decipimus? non est ex­trinsecus nostrum malum in­tra nos est, ad Lucel. ep. 50. I may say with Seneca; why deceiue we our selues? This evill we speake of, is not a forraign, but a domestick evill, not without us, but within our bowels. From use of Armes, we are come to neglect, [Page 43]and to palliate our neglect with shews. Oblivion is the last degree, in which I fear vvee are gone too farre. Neither [...]ould I goe so farre in opening of the dore, to let the ene­ [...]y look in, but that I know he is already in our bosome. For the Roman Dog, and the Spanish Linx, haue so profited [...]n the optic Art, that by the help of Risnerus his glasse, they [...]an see into our houses, what Armes we haue; and into the Fields, what skill we want. We are just like unto Seneca his old blinde woman, vvho vvas starke blinde, but vvould not beleeue it: but in this, Coeci ducem q [...]ae ūt, nos tamen sine duce erra­mus. vve are vvorse then she (as he saith) for she would haue one to leade her, but we will not suffer our selues to be led. Our bodily Leaders are like Oysters in May; and they say to our spirituall Leaders, prophesie not.

But to goe on; Provision necessary. As preparation and fitting of souldiers is necessary; so with Victuals and Armes, and other necessa­ries they are to be fitted. An Army without provision, Piut. A­poth. G [...]sper Col­l [...]gni Ad­m [...]all of France. as Quintus Flaminius said of Philopomenes his Army, hath legs [...]nd armes, but hath no belly. To this effect one said well, That bee that will shape this beast must begin with the belly. There­fore (saith Antequaē iuchoctur bellum de copii, expē ­sis (que) solert deb [...]t esse tractatus, lib. 3. cap 3. Vegetius) diligent care should be had of maintai­nance. He giveth a good reason, Ferro sevior fames est; hunger is sharper then the sword. It was well considered of Disci li­nam nō po­test servare te unus ex­ercitus, C [...]s­sid l: 4. Theode­ [...]ic, that an Army in want cannot obserue discipline. Caesar, Adrian, and other Emperours, and Roman Generals, had a speciall care that due maintainance should not be wanting [...]o the Souldiers.

And as for Armes they had a special care, that none should come into the hands of any that might annoy them. And therfore by the constitution of Martian the Emperour to ‘Aulus; or as some, to Constantine the Treasurer, it was enacted, that neither’ Nilpror­s [...] [...]rrt vel f [...] vel in­f [...]lt [...]. uit. Marchant, nor Souldier, upon any ‘pretence whatsoever, should sell, or exchange, any pecce of Arms, or matter wherof Arms are made, upon pain of confiscation of his goods, and losse of his head.’ Yet notwithstanding of this streight charge, and watchfull care, [Page 44]some treacherous fellows and runawayes, betrayers of the State (such as cur Romanists be) were now and then, conveying their Armes to their enimies; by the which (as Herodian ob­serveth) they sustained great hurt and damage.

God grant we be not so served with our Ordinance. Applicatō. What universall hurt and damage brought he to all Christ endome, that taught the Great Turke the use and making of Ordi­nance? What evill some of Gods people; yea, our neerest and deerest friends, haue sustayned by our conveyed Ordi­nance; Or what evils our selues may sustain, we know not. Yet this we know, that we haue as good Laws in that behalfe as others haue: but the maxime proveth true. Silent leges inter arma. It is not unknown to all, that knoweth any thing in State businesses, how the State was gulled, by a great Ones transporting of Ordinance with a double Bore. Which being complained of in Parliament, was put off by that little great Statist, that it was a Mysterse of State. Richard of England was slain vvith an Arbalist, the use whereof he had shewed to the French. It was a good blunt saying, of Blunt the Master, to the Kings Majestie at Chatton. That it stood him upon it, to looke to his Ordinance, for they were his walles of brasse.

I would I could ring a peal of complaint that might make all your ears tingle; A peal to the Patlia­ment. by rubbing up your memories. It is not unknown how Gondomar, that craftie Marchant, who lay here to buy and sell our State, did by the grand Papists his factors, get up about some 400 chests of Ordi­nance, which he sent away in a fortnight. This he did when he lay in Barbican, in the year of our Lord 1618. Add to these the 500 Truncks heavie laden, sent from the Em­bassadors house; the many brasse peeces of Ordinance; the 30000 Muskets conveyed to Rome. What meant the Arch­duke, when a little before the Gun-powder Treason, by his forces at Dover, he bought up all the gun powder in Kent? Yea, what shall I say of our home bred Harpies, who haue [Page 45]got the most part of our Armes into their hands, that ther­by they might serue the enemy and undoe us? What meant he, that some two moneths before the powder-plot, did beg of his Majestie all the refuse Armour and Artilery (as he called it) in the Tower, which vvould haue served to haue inarmed some 16 or 17 thousand men? I verily beleeue that the devill might haue had it for money. That Marshall, or rather Marre-all, that sent away two ships laden with Ar­tillary, vvas passed over with a little imprisonment; or, why did you so my son? If this vvill not awake you, I fear the clattering of your own Armes shall awake you. Besides the danger, I appeal to your conscience if the like was ever suffered in any Nation that meant not to play the Syba­rits, vvherein the crowing of a Cock, much lesse the sound of a trumpet might not be heard. But the Lord in mercy awake you.

CHAP. XI. Gods presence first of all to be sought.

THVS as you haue heard, being fitted with men and means, as they can, they are to proceed to the war, be it defensiue or offensiue: but observing this in the first place, Take God with you, if you mean to prosper. that if they mean to prosper, they must take God vvith them; and that not barely, by his Generall Providence, as he is vvith all, both good and bad; but also by his particular presence: which Moses, the great Commander of Israel, aboue all things desired; yea, nothing vvill content him but this, as appeareth by that expostulation that he makes with God. If they presence goe not with us, carry us not up hence. Exo. 33.15 Where he intreateth God, that hee would not onely goe before them, by the presence of his power, as he did to the [Page 46]Heathen when he imployed them in his service, Esa. 45.1.2. as of Cyrus, I will goe before thee, and make the crooked straight. But that he would be with them by the loue of his countenance; or otherwise, it would be better for them to remiane subject to the greatest danger, then to go on without this presence. The truth of this, bers. 17. Non solum praeibo. sed vobiscum Ero. Galat. plainely appeareth from Gods answere. I will doe this also which thou hast said. That is, I will not onely goe before you, but with you also. Moses had, and all others haue, great reason for this.

First he teacheth his the true Art of war, Reasons. and instructeth them how to fight; he teacheth my hands to war, saith the Pro­phet David, 2 Sam. 22.35. so that a Bow of steele is broken by my Armes. Where one observeth well, that the art of war is commen­dable; els God would never teach it. So he taught Iosuah, Io­bosaphat, what to doe with their enemies. Secondly, God fighteth for his, and giueth them victory. The Lord your God (saith Moses) that goeth before you shall fight for you. And so he did for them; Deut. 1.30. 2 Sam. 22.36. as for David & others: Thou hast giuen me the shield of salvation; By which he meaneth good successe. For these and other respects (as I shewed) God is called an Excellent warriour. Thirdly, without Gods presence, nothing goeth well; yea, victory where this is wanting is no better them the foyle, Numb. 14.14. because it is in judgement. The Israelites went up against the Amalekits, but how? The Lord was not amongst them; and they prospered accordingly. But by the contrary, Gods presence was the strong rocke of Abiahs con­fidence against Ieroboam and his great forces. In reckoning up the mercies of God towards them, in his ordinances, his priests, and true worship of the true God (all which Ieroboam wanted) he bindeth up all with this, 2. Cron. 12.12. and behold (saith he) God himselfe is with us for our Captaine. Where observe, the note doth denotate the excellencie of this; that it is all in all to haue God to be their Leader.

I presse this point the rather, Applica­tion. because it is the center from whence all the lines of warres prosperitie haue their begin­ning: [Page 47]A truth acknowledged by the most, but by the most litle regarded. For by some it is altogether neglected; and others by their carriage, declare that in shew onely they seeme to respect it. The Matchiavillian-blush-coulour of the times, hath put the desire of Gods presence so far ont of re­quest, that it is a counted a coulour scarce worthy of a great souldier: Doth Liola his brood set God before their eyes in their warres; or doe they not rather fight against God: If things goe crosse, they are ready with Iulius the second, their father, blasphemously to cast of God, by way of contempt. In the battle of Ravenna, on Easter day, betweene him and the French, as he sate by the fire, reading of his prayers, Sit ergo Gallus in no mine diabolorum. Ex Anna­libus Galli; and having newes of the defeate, hee flung away the booke say­ing, that which I am afraid to relate. Iudge how much this monster did esteeme Gods presence. I wish of God, that the mayntainers of the Lords Battels would esteeme it more then they doe; for then it should goe better with them then it doth. They may say, and that truely with Abijah against Ieroboam, they haue Gods owne ordinances, the true Ministers of God, the true worship of God; yea and Gods owne cause in their hand. Why then, as Rebecca said, is it so? What want they for victorie? surely an earnest desire, vvith an ansvverable courage, that God himselfe would be vvith us for our Captaine. Our failing in this maketh him often for­sake his ovvne cause, which if he should not respect, he might quite leaue us.

I presume to speake freely, yet friendly. Infensibile incurabile. Ex. 33.3.4. The evill must be felt before it be removed. The Israelites did so forfeit this presence, that he absolutely denyed to let them haue it any further, I will not goe up in the middest of thee. One reason because they vvere a stiffnecked people: But hovv vvere they affected vvhen they heard these evill tydings? They mourned, and no man put on him his ornaments. Where observe. as, by the force of the reason, the threatning concerneth us; so it standeth us upon, to be affected and humbled by the [Page 48]threatning as they vvere. Though the Lord had promised to send his Angell to cast out the nations before them, & to giue them the good land; yet all this, vvithout Gods familiar presence, vvould not content them. Oh that this mind vvere in us, and that vvee could mourne as they did: & he vvould be intreated to goe vvith us, as he went still vvith them at Moses entreatie. If vvee vvill but looke upon the practise of the heathens in this particular, Si dii vo­luerint. Expeditio in Dei no­mine. Sacra fecere ante egres­sionem. Herodian. lib. 6. it may make us ashamed of our neglect. Hauing prepared their forces, their Edicts for setting forth, vvere given out in the name of their gods, to vvhom be­fore they vvent forth, they preformed all religious services: yea, they had such an esteeme of the tutelar gods of nations, that they held them invincible, except their gods should for­sake them; which made all the foolish nations, exceeding carefull to keepe and please their foolish gods; and their enemies as diligent to inveigle them. As it is reported of Diomedes and Vlisses, who inticed out the Troyan Palladium. So the Talmudists and Cabalists fable of Moses, that he should overcome Amonino, the God or intelligence (for so they call nationall gods) of the Epgytiās; Beatū esse hominem Deo fruen­tem sicut oeulus luce. Lib 8. de Civit. Dei. The Platonists could say (as Au­stin witnesseth) that that man was happy who inioyed God, as the eye doth the light. If thus the blind heathens, did toyle themselves to please their mouldy gods, or rather devills, heaping sorrow on their own soules; and if Rome yet, take so much paines with her Bellona, for the successe of warre; how should wee labor, to haue his presence with us, who is the God of all the world, who needs not our keeping (save onely by faith) but he will keepe us, and make the hearts of the Caneanits to melt; yea the joints of every Balshazzer, that is drunke with the whoores cup to tremble and shake? Therefore let us never cease nor giue the Lord rest, till wee haue his familiar presence with us.

CHAP. XII. Of depriving the Enimy of all Means.

THVS an Army having got his presence, may go on with Iosuah and be couragious; yet vvithall no secondary mean must be neglected. And first of all, a people must look to maintayne what they haue already in possession; Omnem alumoniam virtus intra muros de­bent studio­sissime con­locare. Veget. lib. 4. cap. 7. Qui frumē ­tum nō ha­bet vincitur sine ferre. Caesar sexto bello gallice. & that especially by fortifying all places of strength, vvhereunto they may bring all their victuals and other substance. And that for tvvo causes, as Vegetius vvel observes. The first, that if they be beseiged they may want no necessaries. The second, that the beseiger may eyther be forced to fight with disadvan­tage, or to returne home with disgrace. This the Romanes gaue in charge to their subjects, and appointed officers to see it done. Caesar gaue the like charge upon the same grounds to the Vbij. G. Marius, as Plutarch reporteth, put this also in practise The Walles of Bisantium and Saguntum vvere very strong, as vvee reade in Dio: and Livi: yet the Lacedomi­ans, held it a point of vvorth to haue no vvalls but the citti­cens valour, and so they did inhabite unvvalled citties, as Plutarch in Apotheg. Divers are the judgements of Philoso­phers in this point. Aristoile refuteth this opinion of the Lacedomians vvith Plato his defence of the same, Lib. 7. de optima reip. as very in­commodious to a common-vvealth. And so it is indeed: for vvhy should men expose themselves and theirs to more danger then needs, or presume so much upon their ovvne valour, as to neglect so good meanes, vvhich indeed saveth often a great deale of bloud that otherwise should be shed? Yet this much I will say, except valour maintayn the Walles, and sin be cast ouer the Walles, and God watch the cittie, a [Page 50]wall of brasse is but a vaine thing. To this effect speaketh the Comic. Plaut.Si incolae bene sint morati, pulchre munitam arbitror, at nisi invidia avaritia, ambitio, &c. Exulent, centuplex murus parum est. Et quae op­portari ne­quierint exurenda. Veget. Yea, whatsoever cannot be got, or contayned within the strength, is to be consumed with fire, that it may not serue the enemy. Such was Sampsons practise in burning of the corne, Yea the townes themselves, as warriours relate, haue been, by the defendents set on fire. As for instance, twenty of the Bituriges, that they should not come into the enemies hands. As for the raysing of the trenches, with their dimensions of depth and bredth, together with other workes, for holding themselves, and annoyance of the enemy, I leaue them to their present occasions, & the particular Masters in that Art.

CHAP. XIII. War must be as well Offensiue as Defensiue.

FVrther when they haue thus fitted themselues for de­fence, they must alwayes know, that the nature of war requireth, that it be as well offensiue as defensiue, and that diversion of forces doth often helpe, where direct opposi­tion prevayleth not. A war meerly defensiue, where they may offend, is worse then yeelding at the first; for it inureth the assailant to cunning and courage, and it driveth the de­fendant, from good opportunities, to desperate conditions. Neyther doth it a whit abate the crueltie of the enemy, in whose heart is the roote of bitternesse, and in whose eare the trumpet of destruction is ever sounding this: [...]. Revenge thy selfe upon thine enemies. Yea barely to de­fend, without laying hold on every opportunitie of offence, is against the rules of the Art militarie, the nature of war, and the practise of good souldiers. It is a main rule in warre, [Page 51] whatsoever doth advantage the enemy, it hurteth thee. Quod illū luvat, tibi semper offi­cit. Veget. lib. 3. cap. 26 There­fore thou shouldest doe all that may advantage thy selfe and hurt him. Againe, the body of vvar, requireth as much of­fence, to accompany defence; as the naturall body requi­reth for its actions, a right hand and a left; or, as the right hand and the left, require in sight, a sword and buckler: To the which Tully alludeth, speaking of Marcus Coelius, Bonā dex­tram inquit. sed malam sinistram babet.who could accuse well, but defend meanly. He hath a good right hand, (saith he) but a naughty left hand. So he that faileth in offending of his enemy, and cleaveth close to his own defence, hath a good left hand, and a naughty right hand. Yea, the very words of Military Art, doth joyn these two inseparably to­gether; with them the word defend, Defendere pro arcere l [...]tinissime dicitur. doth not barely sig­nifie to resist, but also to abandon the enemy by all meanes they can from further assayling: So Vegetius, Caesar, Tully, and others, useth the word. So from this signification, the armed horse were called Cataphracti; equites defensores; not onely for defending of the rest, but also for breaking of the ene­mies forces: Virgil useth the vvord in the same sense, Solsticium pecori defē ­dite, id est depellite. though in another case; Yo driue away, or to put farre off. He that would defend well at home, must learn to offend abroad. A good Warriour in this kind must be like the Amphibena, having a head on each side; [...]. for devising as well how to of­fend, as defend; and with every part of his body, on the right hand, and on the left, he must lay about him to make good his designes.

Lastly, that i [...] hath been the constant practise of the best and skilfull est souldiers, it is undenyable. Abraham did not onely reskue his Nephew, and his neighbours, vvith their goods and children, but also pursued the Kings and smote them, and took the spoyl: vvhich the Lord did vvell approue on; Gen. 14.1 [...] as appeareth by the vvords of Melchizedeck in the blessing of him. I might cite the examples of Moses, Ioshua, and the rest of the Iudges, and of the Israelites war against their enemies; but this vvere to light a candle at [Page 52]noon-day, to men of learning and experience: For it is more then manifest, that this hath been the design and practise of all the worlds great Generals.

As for the diverting of the enemies forces, obserue that example of Scipio, vvhose counsell prevailed vvith the Ro­manes against Cato, to send forces into Aphrick: vvhich proved exceedingly to the Romans good; for hereby the Carthaginians vvere forced to call back Hannibal out of Ita­ly, and of an offensiue vvar to make a defensiue.

As this principle is vvell known; Applicatiō. so I vvould our vvorthy Warriours, in the beginning of these Christian vvarres had answered their knowledge vvith their practise. For the Lord made the hearts of their enemies to melt, and their soules to faint at the hearing of them; but perceiving they kept their right hand in the bosom, and held onely forth the left, they took them time for mature deliberation, in the vvhich they got up forces and courage regether, knowing vvell, that the bucklars in their enemies left hands, might vvell re­ceiue blowes for a time, but they could giue none. This vvas the very beginning of our evill, Hinc origo mali. our of vvhich, much disho­nour to God, trouble to his Church, and perill to his Saints hath risen. Of vvhom this left-handed-counsell came, I leaue to those that know it; but this we all know, it proved a left-handed-counsell. God giue us grace hereby to proue Epimethei, if vve could not proue Promethei.

CHAP. XIIII. Of the safe leading of the Forces.

BVT to proceed vvith the rest of the warlike proceed­ings. As Generals must leade on their forces, at their ap­pointed [Page 53]times, for their service; so they must look vvell to the safety of the vvaies by the vvhich they leade them.

The learned, and experienced in Arms, doe vvell obserue, Plura in iti­neribus quā in ipsa acie pericula. that there be more dangers in the vvaies, through vvhich they March, then in the very front of the battle. The same Author quoted giues a reason: While they are in conflict they are fitly armed, prepared, and appointed to fight; they see their enemies before them: but in the way, they are subiect to the con­contrary of all these. Therefore the Romans, besides their Geo­graphicall tables, Perlustra­tores. they had their Viewers and Tryers of the waies, which went before to cleare all the passages, that by the enemies they might not at unawares be surprized. Iulius Caesar would never lead his forces, nor suffer them to be led through any dangerous waies, Sueton. without exact discovery of the danger. Livius Flo­rus. The neglect of this gaue Sp. Posthumius the Con­sul, with all his forces, an ignonimious foil by the Caudini.

CHAP. XV. The manner of safe Incamping.

AS the waies for safe passage are to be secured, so a care must be had of incamping the forces. The Camp is the Citie of the souldier, be he never so great. The Israelits be­ing numbred, had their charge to incamp about the Sanctua­ry; that is, to place themselues in a warlike order and go­vernment. Numb. 2.2 The sonnes of Israel shall incamp every man by his standard, &c.

The Israelites had indeed two sorts of Camps, one for the managing of their warres, and another when they pit­ched about the Arke. The forme of the former was [...]ound, as appeareth by the phrase of speech, ex­pressing [Page 54] Davids comming up to the Camp of the Israelites, ready to joyn battell with the Philistims. 1 Sam. 17.20. Mabagalah [...]. The word by di­vers, is diversly taken; yet amongst all, it doth properly sig­nifie the round compasse or circuit invironed, with the carts and carriage. And so the Septuaginta, in another place doe well expresse it, by a word that signifieth rotunditie, called by some, pilata acies, Within the compasse wherof, the King, in the middle of his Host did lie, for his better secu­rity. The form of the latter was foure square, as you may see by the description of it in the second of Numbers; but in both they were placed in a military order. And it is likewise cleer, that both the Generall and the Souldiers kept the Camp. Saul was alwaies in the Camp, and so was Moses and Iosuah, and the rest of Israels Generals. Epaminondas that great Captain is much magnified by Aemilius Probus, for that speech to the Ephori, worthy of a noble Generall indeed: If you will be Princes of Greece indeed, Si principes Graecie esse vultis, ca­stris est vo­bis utendū non palae­stra.you must be in your Camps, and not seeing sports and recreation. All should be of this mind, that warre for the Lord of Hosts. The Campe is the fittest place, the safest place, and the place of greatest honour. Vriah rendreth this reason to David, of his not going home to his own house: That Ioab his Lord Generall was in the field with the Hoast of Israel, 2 Sam. 11.11.and the Ark of God, and shall I then goe to mine house, to eat, drink, &c. No: as thou li­vest, and as thy soule liveth, I will not doe this thing. All this he might haue done, but in regard of the common danger, it was more time to think on God, and his service, then to take his ease and liberty in things otherwise lawfull. It had also been better for David himselfe to haue been there, then upon the top of his house; for thereby hee might haue been preserved from a multitude of sinnes, saved a multitude of soules from death, and Gods name from a great deal of blas­phemy.

It followeth in incamping, what things are to be lookt in­to. And first, for the formes of the Campes, which with [Page 55]the Israelites, I haue shewed to be round, which of all is the most perfect, and therefore the most capacious forme. This is fittest for them that would obscure their forces, and haue them seeme lesser. But there be other formes or figures used, as quadrangular to make them seeme bigg; Prout loc [...] qualitas, aut necessi­tas postu­laverit. Veget. lib. 1 cap. 23. triangular for a bigger shew; and halfe round for the biggest shew of all. But to a be brief; according to the nature of the place, the qualitie of the service, the shew they would make, and the necessitie of occurrences, they may fashion, or change the fashion of their Campes to their best advantage.

It is likewise meete that a camp be fortified; witnes the practise of the Israelites with their Cartes and baggage. Amongst the heathens Pirrhus is said to be the first that devi­sed the fortifying of a Campe, whom the Romanes over­comming, they possessed his Campe, Frontin. lib. 4. cap. 1. and seeing the order of it, they were content to imitate the same: As Frontine wit­nesseth.

As for the place it selfe; the sweetnesse of the ayre, the fertilitie of the soyle, and the advantage of the ground, should be sought for as much as may be. At least this must be looked to, that they leaue not a better place to the enemy, Primum auxilium ex loco, qui tanto uti­lior quanto superior. Veget. lib. 3. cap. 13. then they haue chosen for themselves. The advantage of the ground is holden a main helpe for commodions en­camping; which, how much the higher, so much the better. As it is better for encamping, so likewise for ioyning battle; witnesse the testimonie of Livi, Frontine, Caesars victories, and others by this meanes. Praeter vir­tutem locus adjuvat. Plini. lib. 7 Take for instance that remarkable vi­ctory against Pharnaces, Mithridates his sonne; who notwith­standing of inequalitie of place, put Caesar and his forces so to their valour, that all was litle enough: with Caesars owne ex­perience and testimonie, wee haue his continuall care, to take and keepe this advantage; the great moment whereof doth manifest it selfe by this, that both the Armies con­tending for it, haue begun their fight for the possessing of it. Of the further ordering of those things spoken of, [Page 56]or any other particular for the weal of encamping, Praefecti castrorum. I will say no more, but refer them to the carefull industry, and in­dustrous skill of the Camp Masters.

CHAPT. XVI. The Fixing of the Coulours.

THE Campe thus being fitly seated, Et signa constituunt lib. 1. cap. 23. the ensignes or colours are therein to be fixed. The word used by Stu­chius well expresseth the action: for the Ensigne-staffe being sharpe at the lower end was fixed fast into the ground. And this must needs be materiall in war; because God gaue this in particular in charge to his people. The Sonnes of Israel incampe every man by his standard. Numb. 2. Againe in the co­lours a great deale of majestie, matter of command and con­servation of order is alwayes implyed. Thus much is well exprest in the Chaldee word Tekes, a Standard, alluding to the Greeke vvord Taxis, vvhich as it signifieth any order, so [...]a­thexochen, or by vvay of excellencie, that excellent ordering of vvar. Nii venera­bilius est eorum ma­jestate mili­tibus. Coelius lib. 3 As for the Majesty begetting due regard in the eyes of the souldiers; there is nothing more venerable (saith one) in the eyes of souldiers then the Majesty of the colours. Yea it ap­peareth most in this, that our blessed Saviour is called by the name of an Ensigne. In that day the roote of Iesse shall stand for an Ensigne of the people. Esa. 11.10 The vvhich prophesy the Apostle to the Romanes, expoundeth by that commanding povver that is in the Ensigne. Chap. 15.12 The roote of Iesse shall rise to raigne ouer the gentiles. Doth not the Armie march or stand as their co­lours Command them? Further, the noble souldier, loues not his life unto death, in regard of the colours. A memorable in­stāce wee haue of this, in that battle of Tarquinius king of the Romanes, against the Sabines. Where Servius Tullius a gallant [Page 57]sparke, perceiving the Ensignes to grow cold in the fight, he snatcheth the colours out of the Ensignes hand, & flings them in the middle of the enemies, for the recovery where­of both the Ensigne himselfe, and the whole forces, did so charge the enemy, Frontin: Strat. lib. 2. cap. 8. that they gayned both their colours and the victory. You may reade many other examples in the place quoted. In the last place, I may ad, that as the colors are stately to their Armies, so they are terrible to the enemy, as appeareth by that metaphore, used by the spirit in that spiri­tuall battle of the Church against the devill, & all her other enemies, Christ saith, Cant. 6.4. his Spouse is terrible as an Army of ban­wers. And so much for the generall.

Now to giue a touch of the particular colours. Every Company had their owne particular colours, with some significant signe in them, for distinction and instruction. As amongst the Romans, the Legionarie, Auxilliarie and Preto­rian companies had divers colours. So the 12 tribes, had their twelve distinct colours, with significant signes in them; But the particularities of their colours, were left to their choyce, and what they were the scripture doth not expresse. The Rabbins tell us that Reuben had a man, Iuda a Lion, Ephraeim an Oxe, and Dan an Eagle, together with their distinct co­lours and empresses. The chiefe amongst the Romanes was the Eagle, but they had others, to the number of thirty. The same libertie of choyse is left now to the discretion of the Commander Generall; who in his choyse is to take heed to 3 things. First, that his colours be voide of crueltie. The Angels carry in their colours, the most excellent creatures, but the persecuters of the Church, described by Daniel, haue their colours embellished with crueltie, Ch. 7.67. as the Beare hauing 3 ribbes in his mouth, the Leopard with 4 heads. The fourth monster with Iron teeth, tearing all the rest in peeces. The Dragon was one of ancient Romes chiefest colours, and the Companie draconarij milites, were under the same. As Rome hath, and doth make warr with Christ in his members: [Page 58]So the Frogges of Egypt, march under the same colours, and they may be called Draconarij milites, or Dragons themselves. First for their originall, for as the Dragon is a kind of Ser­pent, [...]. which must eat up another Serpent, before it be a Dragon; and the originall of the Dragon in the Romane coulors was from the death of the Serpent Pithon; so the Iesuites must in their trayning up in Ignatius his Con­claue, be fed with nothing but Serpents (as that Indian maid sent to Alexander, was fed with nothing but poyson) while they come to be flying, fiery and bloudy dragons. Secondly, for their preying they are never satisfyed, Iulian and Valence, both Roman Emperours, caused the Priests and religious persons to be bookt, and to serue in war: which compa­ny they called sacram cohortem, the holy band; so these be the Popes holy band, who having the Dragon for their coulours, haue spread themselues in Mountains and Valleys. And as they haue devoured others even at their dores; so through our own default, Plin. lib. 8.14. they are like to make us as much a doe, as that monstrous Dragon made Attilius Regulus at the river Bagrada in the punick warre, who hardly with his whole Army could overcome it. But would to God that the Kings Majestie would doe as he did, for the safety of himselfe and us, that is, either send themselues, or their skins to Rome. A second thing to be observed, that no idoll, nor badge of superstition be inblased in the Coulours. The Babylonish Banners, sent to the Popes bewitched Vassals for waging war with the Turke, hath made Gods inheritance a prey to him, and the name of God to be blasphemed by the uncircumci­sed. Can God and idols joyn together? And howsoever, for our sinnes, God for a time hath forsaken his inheritance, and the Babylonians are got into it; yea, they display their banners in his own inheritance, and roare in the midst of the Sanctuary: yet God will return, and set his feet upon the Dragon, & require, with vengeance, the bloud of his Saints.

The last thing in the coulours to be looked to is this, Applicatiō that [Page 59]the significatiue sign in the coulors may giue some good in­struction, without superstition. It is a foule fault in us pro­fessing Christ, to giue the badge of the beast in our coulors, and to use the name of a Chimera Saint in our joyning battle.

CHAP. XVII. The Matter of the Camp.

BVT now it is time to come to speak of the persons, that must make up and manage this Camp. In every Ar­my there must be a chiefe Generall to command, and Soul­diers to obey. And first for the Generall, his personall qua­lities, and officiall indowments, should alwaies answer the greatnesse of his place: Such God gaue to his people, as Moses, Iosua, Gideon, Sampson, David; yea, when he gaue them Saul for a King, and a Leader, though it was in his wrath, yet he fitted him for the place with excellency of gifts: take view of this in the first of Sam. 15. chapter, comparing the first, sixth and ninth verses. In the first verse, the Lord annoin­ted him to be Captain over his inheritance, for then the people of God had warre with their enemies: In the sixth verse, the spirit of the Lord should be upon him, and he should be tur­ned to another man: In the ninth verse see this accomplished, God gaue him another heart; not for all this, that he had one sparke of saving grace, for he was a reprobate. But God by these, sheweth what excellent common gifts hee affoor­ded him for so great a calling, as magnanimity, depth of iudg­ment, Princely behaviour. And in this sense, in the sixth verse, the Lord is said to be with him. I presse this point the rather; because as from the head, as from a fountain, the bo­dy hath life and action: so in the sufficiency of a Leader con­sists [Page 60]the safety of the Armie, the gayning of the victory, the glory of the Nation, and the honour of himselfe.

To this purpose, The neces­sity of a good Ge­nerall. historie is so plentifull, that instead of a taste, I could affoord a whole Treatise, but the draught of my knot requireth such variety, that it will admit but a few flowers of every kind. Vnius viri virtus inter­dum exerci tum serva­vit & ducē Dialog. 62. Imperare didici Plu­tarch. in A­potheg. Petrarch well observeth that the valour of one man (meaning the Leader) hath often saved both himselfe and the Army. Commanding is an excellent Art, of which Iphycrates, and that deservedly, did glory much; I haue learned (saith he) to command. Pausanias, being asked how they might vanquish the Thracians; If you (saith he) make choice of a good Generall. And such indeed was himselfe, whose last words to this effect, I thought good to commend to your memory. Having received his deaths wound in the Mantinean fight, being brought into his Tent, hee called for Diaphantus and Iollida, two braue Cap­tains, whom when he understood to be slain in the battle, he councelled them to leaue of war, because they had never a Generall: Plutarch. in Apotheg. which counsell, as they did not follow, so they felt the smart of it. The inequality of the Leader casts the ballance of the service. When Pompey was yong, and a raw Captain; Sertorius made havock of his forces, and esteemed himselfe but a boy to be whipt, but when the old wife Metellus came, Idem in Sertor. vita. (for so he called him) he gaue him enough to doe. It was a pretty, and a wittie answer, that a yong Numantine gaue the Senate, reviling them for flying before the Romans, whom they had so often put to flight: The case is altered (quoth he) for though they be the same sheep, yet they haue got them a new Pastor (meaning Scipio.) Caesar made no account of Afranius, his forces, because (saith he) they want a Leader. That politique Generall Phillip would say; That hee had rather haue an Army of Harts, with a Lyon to their Leader, then an Army of Lyons with a Hart to their Leader. To shut up all these with the censure of Alexander, who for his excellency in this Art, might be called, the Great; Discour­sing [Page 61]of Homers verses esteemed this aboue all the rest. [...]. Iliad. [...] That it is required in a good king, that he be also a worthy war­ [...]our. And this made kings account it no small dignitie to [...]ade their forces themselves, putting life and courage to their subjects and souldiers. Yea, as it quickens valour so it [...]aketh cowardise to be ashamed. Thus did the good kings [...]f Iuda: Gajus Fabricius, when he heard of the overthrow of [...]he Romanes given by Pirrhus, he turned him to Labienus, Pir­ [...]us saith he, hath got the vistory, and not the Epirots, meaning that the worth of the Leader carried the victory. To omitt other instances looke but on this practise in our Brittaigne kings, our Edwards, Henries, Richards, Malcomes, Robert, Iames; the fame of whose victories, and heroick prowesse is ro­nowned through the world.

The time putteth us on to cry to God for worthy Leaders; Reasons. for first they are the diamond of the State; & such a blessing as for their sakes manie times the State was delivered. And when the Lord raysed them up Iudges, Iud. 2.18then the Lord was with the Iudge. Secondly, the want of such laid the people open to [...]l impietie, and the rage of the enemies, Iudg. 2.19. Besides that, it was a manifest token of Gods wrath against them. Iudges 17.6. Thirdly, this is the height of all peoples ambi­tion, except they be given up to a Sybaritical securitie: Yea, Gods greatest enemies are carefull and circumspect in this, to the damage and disgrace of Gods people, being not so carefull and circumspect in this point. Our defect is rather in want of care, then in want of able persons. Let the Phili­ [...]tim bragge of his Goliah, and the Spaniard of his Viriatus; yet they shall well know ere they haue done, that Gods people haue both a couragious Pompey, and a Graue Metellus, that will [...]eate them home to their owne dores. Mee thinke they [...]hould eyther blush or tremble, to thinke upon the name of that ever victorious Sisca. Charles the fift, was as a great soul­ [...]ier as any they had, and yet he was so mated by the valour of Germany, that his heart failed him cleere, from setting up [Page 62]for another game. The euill of an ill leader. Lastly, as the want of a good is the wo [...] of a common-wealth; so the having of an ill one the [...] greatest unhapines. It may be said of an ill leader, as it is sai [...] of an ill Lawyer, [...]. Alium de­teriorem in­veniri posse nullum, at hunc me­ruisse Con­stantinopo­litanorum vitia. One chife Comman­der in war. he is a plague to the common-wealth, such a on [...] is an ill Leader. Yea, the very stampe & seale of Gods wrat [...] So God gaue the Israelites Saul in his wrath. Cedrenus write [...] how a religious man in the raging of Phocas, did expostula [...] the matter with God by way of complaint, why he woul [...] set such a wicked tyrant ouer Christians. It is said he heard [...] voice answering (but saw nothing) They had him because neve [...] a worse could be found; and this they had deserved for their sinnes Concerning this point, it is further to be observed, that as [...] chiefe Commander is necessary, so there must be but one▪ It is an axiom of very good use. Plurimum imperium bello semper in [...]tile est. Stach. pag. 113. lib. 4.5. The chiefe command of m [...] then one in warre is euer hurtfull. Vpon this ground whe [...] any consull being Generall did leaue a Legate in his place, he had his full power to his returne, which the Consull [...] turning did resume, & the Legates place was altogether void, Livi discovereth the euill that commeth upō the ioint com­mand of more, from that example of more Tribunes ioyntly in command, and authorized with popular power. The same Author relateth the like of two Consulls, Paulus, and Varro, whose contrarietie of judgemēt, in a matter of weight, made great dissention in the Army. Paulus, for his time, at no hand would haue thē passe the river, Varro the next day without consulting with his colleague, Commanded the colours to be advanced. Lib. 31. Lib. 30. ad­versat: Turnebus also observeth from Livi and Polibius, that in one Legion there were six Tribunes, whereof each commanded by turnes for two moneths. But the Romanes perceiving the euill that did insue, from this emulation of this ioint command, did ordayne that the command of all their forces in one place should be in one supreme Com­mander, from whom all subordinate officers, should hold a subordinate command, and to him be accomptable in their places. The souldier was under the Centurion, he under the [Page 63]Tribune, the Tribune under the Legat, Dictat [...]r a perpetua via ad im­perium. the Legat under the [...]onsull, the Consull under the Maister the Horse, and all [...]der the Dictator, who was the highest Officer, and the [...]xt stept to an Emperour. Corrupti [...] boni pessi­ma. And questionlesse as a Mo­ [...]rchy in peace is the Head and Chiefe of all governments. [...]owsoever accidentally, or through abuse it may become [...]e worst.) So it is likewise in war. And for my owne part [...]thinke (saving the judgement of the judicious) that the [...]wer of a worthly Generall, though he be subordinate; Legati cum libero man­dato. [...]ould be like in commission to the Roman Legates, that is, with freedome to deale, as they did, upon occasion, but with [...]ese cautions, that they should haue a sound and iudicious [...]ouncell, and strictly observe the lawes of Armes. For what serveth the head and heart of a Generall, if his hands be tyed. [...]e may loose occasion, being the life of action, which for [...] heart bloud againe, he cannot redeeme. As I haue often [...] thought, much regrated the bad requitall of the Greciā Ge­nerals, the particulars whereof I shall hereafter touch: so I [...]ue thought it the highest point of their unhappines, to be [...]ver-topt in their doings by a various and unruly multitude. What glory they got abroad, it was not onely eclipsed but ex­ [...]nguished at home, had Aristides, Themistocles, Pausanias and [...]paminondas, with (whom I will ioyne Haniball) been free from the countermands and controulments of their hea­dy and harebraind States, they had euery one beene likely [...] haue proved a Monarch. And on the contrary, here I must [...]ke occasion to commend the good temper, and the due re­ [...]ect of the Romanes to their Generalls, that howsoever their government was mixed, yet they were, not of a coalting [...]umor towards their Commanders; in this they are secōded [...]y the States of Hollād, whose due respect to that well deserving Youthy, the Prince of Orange, hath made their Armies terrible [...] the enemies of God, and their flourishing state, a nursery [...]f Armes, But so much for this point, wherein I haue taken [...]eaue to be somewhat large, because it is the head peece.

[Page 64]The rest of the parties that make up the Camp are soul­diers and subordinat Commanders. Subordi­nat Com­manders, & soul­diers. As an army without [...] Leader is like Poliphemus, without his eyes, or a great be [...] without a head; so a Generall without fit souldiers, is like [...] head without a body, or a Lyon ouer a company of Harts. [...] fit Commanders a speciall care is to be had, because they are the eyes of the Generall. Caesar, Alexander & Philip, were ve [...] happy in their Commanders; so Edward the third, the black [...] Prince, Henry the 5. and Henry the 8. Neyther was Gener [...] Vere unhappy in this, at the battle of Newport. Philip having slept longer then he used to doe in the camp, put it off with this that he slept in saftie, when Antipater was awake, shewing thereby that the saftie of a Generall and army consisteth much in the skill and vigillancie of the Captaines.

The like necessitie there is of good souldiers. The inte­grall parts of an Ar­mye. Iphycrates gi­ving the integrall parts of an Army, It must haue, saith he, the Phalaux, or body, for the breast, the wings for the armes, the horse [...] the feete,Bruc. lib. 4. cap. 33.& the Generall for the head. Cesar made no reckoning of going against Pompey, because he was a Generall without an Army: It was Pyrrhus his ill lot to want good souldiers, which if he had had, as he was the greatest souldier, both for skill & valour in the world by repute; so he might haue beene the greatest Monarch for possession: Lib. 25. for besides that testimonie of Gajus Fabius, quoted before of him, Iustine erects to him an encomie of never dying prayse. His owne speech of the Romane souldiers slain in the field is worth the marking; O si tales haberem milites, qui omnia vul­nera adversa baberent. seeing all their woundes in their fore-parts, O, saith he, that I had such souldiers, receiving all their woundes with their faces to the enemies.

It comes in the next place to inquire what souldiers they should be, to which I answere as before, the best that can be had. In the Romane warres at first, they were very choyce; as Vlpian, Nec Crimi­ [...]esi, &c. and Flavius Vopiscus, two great Lawyers doe testifie [...] no criminous parties, no adulterers, no condemned persons: yea [...] bondslaues, nor contentious braulers: but for want of men, [Page 65]or rather through iniquitie of times, as Vopiscus observeth, Ad ultimū prope despe­ratae reip. auxilium cum, hone­sta uttlihus cedunt. Lib. 32. [...]hey tooke of all sorts: As Sheepheards, sword players, wicked [...]ersons, but as Livi observeth, it was in the very pinch of despayre of the common-wealth, when honestie must giue way to uti­ [...]itie. But now to our shame, sin so aboundeth, & the good are so scarce, that wee must doe that in ordinary, which they did but sometimes on necessitie: But that which followeth in [...]he treatise, and should follow in this service, would mend much, namely Discipline.

One thing more the Romanes did observe by their rules of war concerning the souldier; namely, Two sorts of soul­diers with the Ro­mans. Movet tu­multum ex diversis lo­cis collectus exercitus. lib. 3. cap. 4. what kind they were, whether forreignes or natives: for those two sorts they had which they called Auxiliarii and Legionarij. Vege­tius hath a maxime, that a mixt company from divers places moues a tumult. But Alexander found the contrary: for finding the Macedonians dayly to incline to sedition, he made mixt Compaines, setting Persiā Captaines, over them, which made the Macedonians leaue of sedicion, Diodor sicul: lib. 17 & fall to a generous emu­ [...]ation; yet is this to be done as Polybius well observeth with great wariness and watchfulness: for if such an Army fall at variance it is impossible to reconcile them. But the Romans themselves had such mixt forces, Cautions for mix­ture of souldiours and used their auxiliaries with great respect, in giving them gold chaynes, when they gaue the legionarie, or their owne but silver chaynes. Yet in this mixture there be cautions to be observed. The first by Flavius & Livi, Ne unquā amplior multitudo sociorum. Lib. 3. cap. 1 agreeable to the rule of Vegetius, that there be not more forrayne forces then domestick. Which rule they could not keepe as their owne histories report. For both in the war against the Vos [...]i, and Carthaginians, the Auxiliarij were far more then the Legionarij. Another caution I add which is the chiefe indeed, that the Auxiliarie forces be not such as come meerly upon selfe respects, who many times like mowls so undermin the ground, that they cannot be got out againe; and so such vermine proue worse then the former adversary. A blacke brood of such you see hath over spread [Page 66]the world, whom never a nation will entertaine if they can chuse, except it be such a Nation that God hath blinded. The torments of those on whom they are fallen, and the heavie oppression of those that haue sought their protection, can tell what dogged helpers they are. As for the Auxilian forces of the States, it hath been their good hap to haue such as not so much for worldly gain, as for their in­deered loue to religion and affection toward their Christian brethren, haue advanced their State and Religion, with their deerest bloud: for which I think they will acknow­ledge (or at least they should) that in mutuall requitall they owe themselues. As for time to come, onely let them beware of the Popes bratts, and they may presume of ours as of their own, upon good usage. Let the battle of New­port and Barganupsoan witnesse their undaunted valour and fi­delity: and as they shall haue occasion further to use them, I hope their actions shall proclaim what the Athenians said in the like case; [...]. We are all Hollanders.

CHAP. XVIII. Campe Discipline.

THVS having spoken of the body of a Camp, I come to that which is the very soule of a Camp, namely, Camp Discipline: For as the body without a soule, be the portrature never so goodly, is but a carkasse; or as a goodly body animated and activated with the soule, yet the soules faculties are either obfuscated with dark and cold melancholy, or set on fire with black burnt choler; so that either nothing is done, or that which is worse then no­thing. Such is a goodly Army, except this reasonable soule [Page 67]of discipline doe organize the body. Nullus est usus forti­tudinis nisi adsit iusti­cia. Agisilaus that great King of the Lacedemonians, having the question put, whether fortitude, or righteousnesse were the better, answered grauely, that there was no use of fortitude, except it were go­verned with righteousness. It may well be compared to the first [...]eece of armour, namely, to the girdle of truth; Eph. 6.14. for it ty­ [...]eth all the Armes, and all the services in Armes, fast unto the souldiers loynes, in a comely order. In warre it selfe, it is the bond of peace: yea, as that which driveth a stake into the ground, or a peece of wood into another is called the Commmander; so Discipline driveth the nayle in the Tent, and is the chiefe Commandresse in Martiall affaires; yea, it is the best Physitian for peccant humors; Chyrurgion for wounds and sores; and the onely best bone-setter for fracture or laxation. This is a main key in Church, or Com­mon-wealth, that shutteth out enemies, and intertaineth friends. Cassiodor telleth us, that it is the onely fort, and best guard that an Army possibly can haue: Non al [...]un­de robusti­us quam disciplina, armatur exercitus lib. 12. and as I said of Ci­ties and townes, so may I say again of a Camp; fortifie it with all the strength and Art that nature can affoord; with­out discipline it will be but as a paper wall. For, as I haue shewed, the ruin of discipline is the racing out of Armes, and the destruction of a Nation. The learned obserue, Dicta autē castra qua­si casta, eo quod ibi castra­retur libid [...]. Etymolog. lib. 9. Annal. 14, in quo vide Lipsium. that the very name of a Camp implyeth Discipline. A Campe, saith Isidor, is called Castrum; because it should be chaste, and all lewdnesse and lust should be cashiered from it. Yea, as Tacitus writeth, the Romane souldiers were interdicted Matrimo­ny, which is the best ground (I take) that the Romish Priests haue against their Marriage; that though it be a Sa­crament (as they say) yet the Sacrament of orders barreth them of it, as the military sacrament did bar the souldier. But Severus more wisely, Herodian lib. 3. & upon better warrant, gaue them free liberty to haue their wiues at home: but Alexander per­mitted them to haue them in their Camps, with their fami­lies, after the Persian manner, and so to liue and breed in [Page 68]Camps, as the Hollander doth at Sea. Though this proved well for Alexander, as every thing did; and though a great many loving wiues, willing to liue and die with their hus­bands, would be of his mind; yet upon mature judgement the middle rule shall proue the best; but I leaue it to the scanning of the judicious, and I come again to Discipline Sejanus, as Tacitus reporteth, would haue Camps remote from Cities, except they did beleagre them, that by the evils of the Cities they might not be corrupted. Yea, the lascivious and disordered youths were brought into the Campes, Iuvenē ur­bano luxu lascivientem melius est in castris haberi lib. 2. Annal. that by the force of Discipline they might be re­claimed. For as the Synagogue of Rome, and all the lymmes of that confused Babel, liketh nothing worse then the Discipline of Christs Campe: so to the loose Atacticks of these evill times, there is nothing more contrary, then the medicine of Discipline: A great many therefore had need to be in Camps, if Campes were as they should be, the schooles of Discipline.

As the necessitie of this Discipline is evident, from the exorbitancy of corrupt nature, and the evils incident to a militarie life: so it is more then manifest; from Gods own command, concerning the government of the Israelites Camp; wherunto Moses and Ios hua had a great respect; name­ly, that Discipline should be exactly exercised, as appeareth in the censure of Achan, and others. Yea, the Romans, whose glory was their God, and their Common-wealth their best inheritance, made this the inlarger and maintainer of their Dominions. It was said of Scipio, to his great commen­dation, that hee was the restorer of Discipline, not onely fay­ling, but also neglected among the Romanes; insomuch that hee held it a greater labour to reduce his own forces to Discipline, then to giue battle to the Numantines his ene­mies; therefore he abandoned all Bauds, Whoores, Cose­ners, Coggers, Diviners, and Figure-flingers. And to giue our enemies their due (for the wicked are wise in their own [Page 69]generation) how admirable hath the Turkes been in the [...]ictnesse of Discipline, I formerly shewed, Pandect. Turc. cap. 24. whereof you [...]ay see more at large in Leunclavius, Hypolitus, Busbequius, [...]d others: Yea, to come to a latter instance, in one of [...]e greatest of Gods enemies that this age affoorded, name­ [...] the Duke de Maine, for excellency in discipline he was [...]cond to none. For the ruin of this, The cau­ses of the decay of Discipline I may again with [...]e learned renew my complaint, but I haue handled that before: onely the causes would be observed, which I take. First, to be want of piety: the duties of the second Table, wise from the duties of the first. Other causes we may ga­ther ‘from the words of Appian; Lib. 4. de bello civili.These are the things (saith he) that layeth millitary Discipline in the dust, every one for­getteth his place; namely, that he is a souldier; hee prefer­reth the serving of a private humour, or his own lust, to the publique good; great Ones, or Princes, abuse the ser­vice of Inferiours to their own onely gain. In sua orat. apud Dio­nys. Ha [...] ­carnas. Appius Clau­ [...]us giveth another cause, namely, mans palliating foule sins with abused names, as haughtinesse and contempt with the name of gravity; filthy ribauldry with the name of mer­riment; palpable foolery with the name of simplicity, starke staring madnesse, with the name of fortitude; blou­die oaths, with the name of big souldier-like words; drun­kennesse, with the name of good fellowship; the Idol­maker of a Cup, with the name of a good subject: and lastly, the loose carriage of great Ones, with the names of refreshing themselues. And by the contrary, the best things are branded, with the worst and foulest names; as piety by the name of Puritanism; humility, with the name of pusillanimity; simplicity of speech is called hy­pocrisie; and sobriety, singularity; and reproofe of sin, too much holinesse; due execution of discipline, cruelty; but remissenesse of discipline, gentlenesse.’

As the evill is manifest, with the causes thereof; so of ne­cessity there must be a medicine, else all is mard; and with [Page 70]this, as I shewed, the great Ones, in themselues must begin Moses and Iosua, if they will leade the Lords forces, must dis­ciplinate themselues before they direct others. If a King [...] in the Camp, Discipline should rule him. It is very base flattery, and meat and drink to many, to suggest to Kings, that they may rule others by Laws, and themselues by their our wils. The very Heathen Emperours, who had no mo [...] knowledge then the bookes of Nature; or at most, such [...] Morall Philosophy could affoord, and no more glory b [...] transitory command; yet they would subject themselues t [...] the selfe-same Laws that they willed others to obey. A no­table instance in this, we haue in Adrian the Emperour, the first after Octavius Caesar, that revived Discipline, and there­fore much magnified by Aelian in his Tackticks; Sparlian in vita Ha­drian. Lib. 5. eb 6. [...]. it was the manner, in creating of a Tribune of war, to put a sword into his hand, as an Ensign of command, vvhich the Em­perour holding out to the Tribune: Behold (saith he) recei [...] this sword, which if I command and rule in reason, as a Prine should doe, draw it out and use it for me: but if I doe otherwise use it against me. Crinitus hath words to the same effect, spo­ken by the Emperour to Sura, when hee set him over the Pretorian forces. So Dio. But Suidas hath the words in Greeke.

Secondly, if Commanders would haue Discipline, the must not disdain to shew them the way; And that, great Ge­nerals haue not denyed to doe, in things even inferiour to their place: As I shewed you before in Adrian, so by a whole Iury of the learned, the like is testified of Scipio, the resto­rer of Discipline. He would haue no beds; and to shew them an example, he used himselfe to much hardnesse, lying no better then on a bed filled with Hay; hee abandoned all dainties and delicacies, Ign [...]viam, aliaque mi litum vitta exercendo potius in castris velut in scholis quam pu­niendo su­stulit. Appian: de bell. Hispā. 1. & alij. so that ease had no intertainment; and by these pains he obtained his end: As it is said of him to his great praise; That hee tooke away sloth, and other vices of the souldiers, rather by his exercise in the [Page 71]Campe as in a schoole, then by inflicting of punishment. [...]et Christian Kings and Commanders learne this of [...]od, the great Commander of all the world, who often [...]eth words and under them expresseth actions, more suta­ [...]e to our shallow capacitie, then befitting so glorious a [...]ajestie. There is one manner of majestie for the field, and another for the chayre of State, or the Presence. The lovver [...]e looketh in the field, the higher he is; and the lesser he is to himselfe in the campe, the greater he is to his souldiers. Alexander the great, thought it no disparagement to his greatnesse, as he sate by the fire to take a souldier almost [...]arved vvith cold, and set him in his ovvne seat, telling him, that if he had been a Persian borne, the sitting in the kings seate vvould haue cost him his head; but as he vvas a Macedonian borne, he might safely doe it. You see hovv this great king, in this one act, shevved both great humanirie and humilitie. Front. Strat. lib. 4 cap. 6. The like is observed of the Noble and lear­ned Xenophon; vvho being on his horse, and commanding his [...]ouldiers as they marched along, to take a narrovv passage, [...]lazie fellovv, amongst the rest, fell a murmuring, and said, it was an easie matter for him to sit on his horse and com­mand; vvhich he over hearing, leapes from his horse, and causeth the common souldier to get up in his place, and mar­ched a long on foote a great pace to the taking of the pas­sage, the rest of the souldiers flouting and hissing at lazie [...]ones their new Generall: He came downe vvith shame [...]nough, and hardly could they perswade Xenophon to take [...]orse againe, and to reserve him selfe for a better use.

A third meane to advance discipline, is to be very [...]hoyse in the choosing of Officers. This was Adrians [...]are in the choyse of Tribunes of war, that he admitted none but men of prudence, learning, courage, good report, & ver­ [...]uous conversation. As discipline hath advanced the Turke, so this hath been a meanes with him to preserve discipline; for neither, birth, wealth, friends, or any by respect, prevaileth [Page 72]with them in the choyce of Officers; but according to hi [...] desert and cariage he is advanced to place: where, on the con­trarie, our making, or admitting of Commanders for mony or intreatie of great Ones, makes us misse such a point o [...] our Compas as may mar all the course: when desert loosed place who will strive to deserve? All the Turks care is, wh [...] he is, not, what he hath, or of whom he is come.

The fourth and last meanes to preserve discipline, is ex­ercise of discipline; wherein, as I haue shewed, there must be a due temperature, wherein mercie and Iustice must meete together. Temp era­mentum sit ad justiciā. That example of Manlius upon his owne son, [...] pure unmixed Iustice, is not unknowne to those that reade: who, fighting against the commandment of his father, not­withstanding of his successe, was first beaten with rods in the face of the Army, and after had his head chopt off with an axe: After which act he was euer called by the name of Manlius the Imperious. Front. lib. 4. cap. 4. In this kind the Germaines were very strict; traytors and fugitives, they hanged up; base and idle fellowes, Cornel: Ta­cit. de mo­ribus Ger­manorum. and all infamous persons, they stifled in mire and clay, and cast a heap of stones upon them. You may reade at large in the Romane historyes for divers crimes, divers punishmēts; as for adultery, drunkenesse, &c. Maximus the Emperour, Iulius Ca­pitolinus. caused put tvvo souldiers for abusing of a maide in the bellies of tvvo slit oxen, vvith the oxens heads cut off, that the one might speake to the other. But not to insist in examples, this rule vvill doe vvell, that according to the nature of the sin, the circumstances of the qualitie, and place of the offender, the punishment be inflicted. And to shut up the point, let it be euer holden a great part of Discipline, to keepe the souldiers from unlawfull spoiles, vvhich is indced robbery. The Turke is exceeding strict in this, vvherein her glorieth much. Many examples there be in histories. A Iani­zarie drunke off a milke vvomans milke in the market, and being accused before the Iudge, he denyed the thing; but he caused to hang him up by the feet, and tye him strait vvith [Page 73]acord about the middle, by vvhich meanes he vomitted out [...]e milke; and vvas presently after that strangled for the of­ [...]nce. Lysander the Lacedoman beat a souldier, onely for [...]e stepping out of the vvay, vvho pleading for himselfe [...]at he meant not to ravin, the Generall ansvvered, he would [...]ue him to giue no appearance of evill.

CHAPT. XIX. The Motions and Actions of War.

HAving thus laid out, as you see, a Symeter of the parts of vvarr, I proceed in order to the handling of the actions of vvar: for as vvarre consisteth as it vvere of a body and soule; so the motions and actions of war are the fruits and effects of that subsistance But as a body and a soule, are [...]ot both enough to make sound and valid actions, eyther saturall or animall, except they be united in a good tempe­ [...]ment, which may well be called a harmony of the foure first qualities rising from a due mixture of the foure Elements; just so it is in war, whose [...]. or active motion requireth the due temperature of counsell, that it may leaue remaining [...], a perfect worke. And as from naturall heate the spirits hath their agilitie to inact; but the primogenious humor or radicall moisture, both tempers and maintayneth that natu­rall heat; so that magnanimious heat of courage putteth spirit and life into warlike actions: but the radicall humide or pure oyle of counsell, maintayneth and increaseth the [...]eate of courage therefore counsell is compared to a deepe water) And as by heat & humide wee liue, Prover. 20.5 they being the two [...]tiue qualites; so war is to be managed with courage and counsell. The proofe of this positiō is plentifull, both from [Page 74]Scripture & other writers. Pro. 20.18. Every purpose is established by coun­sell saith Solomon, and with good advice make war: So in another place: Ch: 24.6. By wise counsell shalt thou make war, and in multitude of counsels there is saftie. 2. King. 18. That vile Blasphemous Rabshakeh knew the truth of this, that strength and counsell were for the war. So in the 10. of Iudges & 19. wee may see how the Princes, and the people of the Tribes, doe assemble themselves together in counsell, how to undertake and manage war against their enemies. It is a main principle with Vegetius; that of wise men, and choyse warriours there be a Counsell pickt out and appoin­ted,Vtilius du­eis est ut adhibitis ex universo exercitu scientibus belli, & sa­pientibus viris, qui de suis & bostium co­piis tractēt. lib. 3. cap. 9.who may consult, and determine of all things necessary for forces and affayres, both concerning themselves and the ene­mies; and especially what will hurt the enemies and helpe themselves. This hath been the practise not onely of good saints, but of all great warryours. David asketh of God be­fore concerning his war with Saul, 1 Sam. 23.2.4. So a Sam. 5.19. where though he had the ground of his counsell from God, with a promised successe; yet did he not neglect to consult with men, for the accomplishing of Gods counsell. The Iewes had two sorts of Magistrats, the one for peace called Togati, the other for war called Sagati or Bellici. So they had two sorts of Counsels, the one for peace and the other for war. So Quintus, Fabius, Severus, Alexander, Pyr­rhus, effected all by counsel.

As this truth is of exceeding great weight, Reasons. so there be weighty reasons to inforce the practise of it; as from the na­ture and excellency of it, the necessitie of it, the particular object in hand; namely war, the good effects of it, and the great euils ensuyng upon the want of it. First then to the Excellencie of counsell, A descrip­tion of counsell. which manifesteth the nature of it, counsell is not onely an indagation, or searching out of things expedient, nor yet a bare discourse or discerning of things so sought out; but it is also an application of the will to that which is fittest, therefore is counsell called Election, or [...], in­regard of making choyce of one thing rather then another, [Page 75]persupposing alwaies a well informed judgement by mature deliberation. So that I may say of Counsell, as it is said of Conscience, it meddles directly with particulars, according to that definition of Damascen; Appetitus inquisitivus de rebus u­tilibus. lib. 3. ca. 33. Est subtilis animi pro­spectus &c. 2 Rhetor.Councell is an inquisitiue ap­petite of things profitable: or as Tully, It is the electiue power of a pure minde; examining the causes and principalls that are to be applyed: The excellency of it appeareth in this; that it is a speciall gift of God. Pro. 8.14. Counsell is mine (saith the Lord.) Yea, Christ is named by the name of Esa. 9. Counsell. The Heathen could say, that counsell is truly [...]. an holy thing. It is wel com­pared to a deep fountain of water, Prov. 20.6, for the fresh springing thereof, refresheth and maketh fruitfull all the plots and plantations of policie, both in peace and war. It is like unto the head, which as it is the fountain of life and function, and so it transfuseth the facultie of all these through the whole body; so counsell containeth the life of warre, and is all, as the soule is virtually in every part.

Counsell is very significantly enblemed by Lodovicus Sfortia, Duke of Millain, by Morus, or the Mulbery tree; which name the said Duke took unto himselfe as his surname, not for the blacknesse of his visage; but because he would bear the world in hand, that in his actions he was like this tree; for as it doth not bud nor flourish, till it hath past over the injury of the Winter, and presently after bringeth forth buds and fruits, and therfore called the wisest of trees. By this he would make shew, giving this in his Armes, that it was naturally given to him, to dispose of all his actions ma­turely and deliberately by counsell. But it was but a shew in­deed, for he did nothing lesse, as you shall hear hereafter.

It were well with Nations, if it had been his fault alone, Applicatiō but these evill times hath too many too like him; who would seem to carry all by counsell; but their actions proclaim to the world, that they are at deadly enmity both with coun­sell and wisedome. Such dumb shews of councell, with con­trary actions, are well enblemed by the Centaur; Whose [Page 76] upper part giveth a semblance of care for the peoples good, Estque bo­mo dum si­mulit se po­pulo esse pi­um. Militis est robur con­siliumque ducis. Cic. de off. lib. 1. The neces­sitie of counsell.but the lower part which is the beast, devours the people under coulor of humanity. The excellency of counsell appeareth like­wise in this, that it is a singular gift given to men fitted to command in war.

As this is the excellency of it, so it is of an absolute ne­cessity. What good will forces doe (saith Tully) if counsell bee wanting in managing of war. There is a necessity of counsell, saith Quintus Curtius, and not of rash violence. What good will the wall of strength doe, except it haue conncell for the foundation? Yea, the more strength, without modera­tion by councell, the more speedy and greater ruin. Yea (as Ambrose saith) what avayleth wisedom without counsell? Quid tibi prodest ha­bere sapien­tiam si con­silium desit lib. 2. de off. It is but as a sealed fountain, it neither doth good to a mans selfe, nor to another: And, as one saith pithily, As is a Citie (the walles whereof are ruined and raced to the ground) such is a man that undertaketh not all his actions with counsell. Caesar held, and that truely, Counsell to be as necessary in war, as Physitians in time of sicknesse. Idem est consilium adversus bostes &c. It is the onely thing (saith Vegetius) and the Generals greatest advantage, to haue a wise Councell.

CHAP. XX. VVar especially requireth Councell.

OBSERVE in the third place, the obiect of warre, which is the subject of Councell, and reason will in­force us to walk by councell. Must not the Generall know his own forces, and his enemies; both for nature, power, furniture, and number, as neer as he can? Should hee not know how to dispose of his own, whether horse or foot; [Page 77]to take the advantage of the ground, to disadvantage his ene­mie all that he can, and by all lawfull Stra agems, to con­quer his enemies at the lowest rate that is possible? Besides all these to be considered, there is a further end, namely, the averting of all evill, and the procuring of all good that can be thought on. Doth not goods, liberty, wiues, chil­dren, lands, liues, countries, Crowns, Religion, and Gods glory, (which is worth all the rest) lye at the stake? yea, and on such a hazard often, that if the first be lost, there is little or no hope of playing a second game. All these cry for counsel; which, under God, is the onely wise disposer of the aforesaid meanes, and obtainer of the end. If for other things of lesse moment, wee doe not cast the dice (as we say) but with great care, watchfull forecast, and delibe­rate counsell, we labour to effect them, what should bee done in this, where the adventure is so great, the issue so doubtful, and the least errour may cast all away?

As the spirituall warfare of a Christian is the matter of greatest moment under the heaven; so next unto it, in my judgement, is the bodily warre. If men of all sorts that pro­fesseth the name of Christ, would but take this to their consideration, it would make them in the first place, take up the controversie that is betwixt them and God, that hee might be on their side; secondly, the weight of the sub­ject, and worth of the object, would make them look to the laying of every stone, for making sure the building; lastly, having got a stout resolution, from advice wel groun­ded, and the object wel thought upon, they would stand fast, quit themselues like men, and esteem so high a prize worthy of their dearest bloud, desiring rather to die with honour, then to liue with disgrace.

Fourthly, I come to the utility, The utility of counsel. Prov 2.11. Lib 8. Apo­theg. or good of counsell that enfues upon it. Discretion, or counsell (saith the Wise-man.) shall preserue thee. Erasmus citing that saying of Furipides, that one good counsell may overcome many forces, giveth this [Page 78] ‘comment upon it. It is not of so much waight to carry many forces into the field, as to haue the Commanders of forces, men of counsell; because wise counsell, and wittie skill is of far greater moment, then strength voide of counsell.’ As war without counsell, is as a Citie with­out walls; so counsell in war, is both wals and munition, it affoordeth both invasiue and defensiue Armes. Counsell (saith Caesar) is the same to me against mine enemie, Fame po­tuis quam ferro supe­randum bo­stes.that the Phisitian is against sicknesse; which he haed rather overcome with fasting, then with physick; so had I rather overcome with famine, then with sword. As this Counsell hath often more prevailed then the sword; so is it grounded upon good reason. First, Fames in­trinsecus pugnat, & vincit saepi­us quam ferrum. li. 3 cap. 9. famine fighteth within, as Vegetius vvell observeth, and therefore it prevaileth oftner then the sword. Secondly, if the Defendant haue to doe with a humane enemy, he may saue himselfe by capitulation. Lastly, the forces of the assay­lant are without hazard. If you look but on the good suc­cesse of counsell; yea, even then when forces haue fayled, the utility of it shall further appear. Was not Romes Common­wealth advanced by the counsel of Q. Fabius? Cato in his Ora­tion against Catiline said, that their Ancestors made themselues great, especially by good Counsell. Was not the State of Hungaria, and Bohemia advanced and maintained, to the dishonour and damage of their enemies; the one by the counsell and dexterity of that renounmed Hunniades; the other by the counsel and prowesse of that admirable Sisca, against the two most potent adversaries of the world? Amongst all in­stances of this kind, there is none more remarkeable then that of the State of France, under the government of Charles the Wise, vvho comming to the Crown, found a ruinous State ful of confusion and calamity: for all Guyan, part of Normandy and Picardie were possessed by the English, through the great overthrow of Phillip of Valois, vvith eleven Princes, and tvvelue hundred Knights and Gentlemen, gi­ven by King Edward himselfe at the battell of Crecy, and by [Page 79]another given by Prince Edward at the battle of Poiteiurs, wherein King Iohn was taken, and his son Philip, with many Princes and great Lords sent prisoners into England, besides those two sore defeates, one on the neck of ano­ther, whereby the foundation of France was shaken, and nothing left but the ruines of a Kingdom. These re­liques were all on fire by civill dissentions. Notwithstan­ding all these, the aforesaid Charles Lesage (so called for his gravitie and wisdome) comming to the government, did with such prudencie and counsell compose and order the affaires of that troublesome state, that he first quenched the civill discord, and after, in time, recovered a great part of that, which the two former Kings had lost, and that not without wonder: for he was not so brave a warriour as his father King Iohn, nor his grand-father Philip. Againe he had to doe with as wise a Prince & as great warriour, as happy & valliant a Generall, as euer Europe had; yet for all these, ne­cessitie made him wise, and he tooke a contrary course to the former, undertaking and managing Armes with great advice and counsell, without which he would not moue one foote; it had indeed an answerable successe, beyond the expectation of his adversary; who seeing and admiring his wise courses, whereby he dulled the edge of the English forces, (loosing ground they could not well tell how) King Edward gaue this testimonie of him, Froysord lib. 1. cap. 132. that he never knew king that used armes so little, and yet made him so much adoe. For as by missives he effected much businesse (so said he) he makes me more a doe with his Pen, then his father, or grand father did with their forces and Armes. By this his Counsell he brought his Kingdom from being a field of war, a triumph of spoile, a map of miserable povertie, to be peaceable, plentifull and rich. In these instances I could be larger then the treatise will suffer, but I will shut up all with one, not unknowen, namely, of the state of Spaine. What I pray you is the roote of his over spreading in Europe and other parts? Is it his prowesse & [Page 80]valour? No, the few Spanish warriours of note upon record sheweth the contrary. It is then their counsell and slight, (especially since it hath been fed with a fountain running un­der the ground.) In this their craftie disposing of themselves, they are not unlike the Hedghogge running with the Hare. Let the race be through the hedge, the Hedghogge is too good for the Hare (for what side soever he be on, he is alwayes before.) But that the Spaniard should not be proud of this, let Alva his Trophees stay his boasting. If he had beene a man of as much counsell as crueltie; he might haue saved a sea of bloud, his Master a masse of mony, and prevented Spaines greatest losse, which I hope he shall never reedeeme. What is it but the wisedome and counsell of a Prince, assisted by his privy Councell, that commendeth himselfe, & comman­deth others? It is not any personall indowment, nor the Princely perogative of place without this, that ever will ad­vance his glory, or his subjects good, neyther can he without this, procure his subjects continuance of obedience in love, nor cause his name to smell like a precious oin [...]ment. What made Severus to be beloved, feared and obeyed but his pru­dent counsell? Witnes that exemplary act of his, when his souldiers mutined; because he was carryed lame of he gout in his Horse litter, the [...] would haue his sonne Bassianus to governe. He called the Commanders together, and after a grave and wise remonstrance made to the Army, he caused the chiefe mutiniers to be beheaded, giving this item to the rest, that they should know, that it was the head and [...]ot the feet that com­manded; meaning, thereby, that it is counsell and wisdom in the Superiour that commandeth, and not any gift of the body.

CHAP. XXI. The evill of evill Counsell, or want of good Counsell.

THe last ground for use of counsell is taken from the evill that doth accompany the want of Counsell. Be­cause I haue many things to handle, I would be as brief in every thing as I could. God himselfe telleth us what an un­happy state that people is in (whether in peace or warr) that want counsell. When Israell had provoked God so highly, that he had resolved to make their remembrance cease, Deut. 32.26. What was the cause of this wrath of God and fearfull desolation? furely their sinnes as you may see in the Chapt; which the Spirit of God reduceth to two heads, waxing fat in the abuse of Gods blessings, and fo [...]saking of the living God to follow Idolls. The ground of this their fearfull condition the Lord layeth downe in the 28. verse, namly, want of Counsell, They are a nation, saith he, voide of Counsells in the plurall number, that is, there is never a whit at all amongst them, & there is no understanding in them. Where you see what a vvoefull case that people is in, that is void of counsell.

And if effects demonstrate causes, Applica­tion. and poysonable springs shew corruption of the fountaines head; then let us behold our nation, overgrowen with fatness, in the abuse of Gods blessings, our kicking with the heele against him, and provo­king him to jelousie, with the abhominatiō of strange Gods, and these shall cry aloud to the shame of our faces, that wee are void of counsell, let some talke what they will to the contrary. Though this be by the way; yet it is not beside the way. For to our hearts griefe, you may see, what ground I goe upon. But I proceed. Tully (though speaking lyke a [Page 82]heathen) hath for the matter a divine position; Lib 3. Rhe­tor. that a man that runneth and rusheth upon attempts, he cannot expect any helpe from God. Belluae & pueri non sunt parti­cipes consi­lij. lib. 3. Eth. cap. 2. [...]. 'Chap. 28.28. Yea without counsell what better is a man, be he never so great, then a child or a beast, which as Aristotle saith; doe not partake of counsell. It is observed both by divines and humanists, that it is a fearfull token of Gods indignation, when a man looseth his counsell. Yea, it is the very finger of God taking counsell from him; because he hath a purpose to bring some great mischiefe upon him, or to destroy him. God (saith Ap­pianus) hurting his mind, or taking counsell from him, calamiti [...] is not far of. The Lord doth threaten the same to the diso­bedient in Deuteronomy: 'The Lord shall smite thee with madnes, and with blindnesse, with astonishment of heart, and thou shalt be groping at noone day; which as it is one of the heaviest pu­nishments, as Flaminius wel observeth, that God layeth upon man; So it is just that it should be so; God sending them strong delusions, that they may beleeve lyes, because they would not beleeue the truth. 2. Thes. 2.11.12. Because they would not be ruled by counsell (saith the same Author) God giveth them up to their owne lusts, and to follow their owne counsels, which proveth their bane in the end, even then when they least looke for it. The man thus groping for counsell where there is none, but destruction insteed of counsell, is well compared by Plini unto the Polypus or manie-feet, which thin­king to catch the Oyster, is often caught in the Trap; so the Blindman is often caught in his owne snare.

CHAP. XXII. That great Ones must use Counsell.

THVS having laid down the grounds why, both in peace and warre vve must vvalk and vvork by counsell, I [Page 83]come now to lay down what kinde of counsel this must be, and of whom it must be taken: All men will seeme to agree, that all must be disposed by counsell; but by what counsell, and from what counsellors, there they disagree. The better sort loue not to doe all of their own head; but, be they ne­ver so great, in peace and war they use the counsell of others. Iulius Capitolinus delivereth this, to the commendation of Authonius Pius, That hee would never doe any thing in Civill, or Military affaires, which he had not first consulted of, with graue and wise Counsellors: Aequius est ut ego tot taliumque amicorum consilium sequar, quā ut tot tal [...]s­que am ci meam uni­us sequan­tur volun­tatem. D [...]onis H [...] ­lic. lib. 2. giving this good reason (allowed by all that loue counsell) It is greater reason (saith he) that I alone should follow the counsell of so many of my faithfull friends, then that they being so many should follow my will be­ing but one. Dionisius giveth a particular instance of this Em­perours practise, in a case controverted betwixt him and his Councell, of which was Scoevola that great Lawyer, and many others of good note. To whose advice after much de­bating of the matter, he yeelded willingly. I see, quoth he, (Masters) it must be thus as you would haue it, giving the same reason already alledged. This course did not Salomon despise. This course did Caesar, Alexander, Severus, and all good War­riours and Magistrates follow, both in peace and war. Nei­ther is this any disparagement to the Prince or Generall (as though he had no wit or counsell but from others braines) but it rather addeth to their dignity: because a Prince is al­waies holden so much the wiser, the lesse he is addicted to his own opinion. Gostorum suorum theatrum sublatum esse dixit. Pl [...]tarch in Apoth. When Zeno the great Philosopher dyed (of whose judgement and advice Antigonus that wise King, made use in all his actions) he was not ashamed to say, That the theatre of his actions was removed.

But there be another sort of great Ones, vvith whom it is nothing so, they like no counsell but of Matchiavi [...] his cutting out, that a Prince must haue no counsell but of his own coyning: What fair coulors he draweth upon this false prin­ciple, I haue now no time to discover, I referr you there­fore [Page 84]to his first and second maxime of Counsell. But to learn the lesson it selfe, without further scanning of the truth; Many haue been too apt, to their own overthrow: Princes are naturally addicted, Natura lae­na suae Sauctū est quod volu mus. to admire what is their own, and to presume of an absolute perfection in themselues, as though they vvere Gods, and needed no more. And so it vvas vvith Dioclesian, Caligula, and Nero, vvho scorned to hearken to any thing but their own vvils, and vvhat pleased their hu­mour. This vvas the fault, and vvrought the overthrow of Lantrechius the Frenchman; vvhom Guicciardine doubteth not to call the chiefe Chieftain of France; but being of a lofty nature and high spirit, through his experience in Arms, and authority in the Army; he vvas so ravished with the conceit of selfe sufficiency, that he contemned every thing that came not from himselfe. He thought it a disgrace not to be reputed a domine fa [...]-totum; neglecting many times better counsell then his own; as for instance in the warres of Naples, vvhich turned to the undoing of himselfe, and of the businesse.

Another notable instance vve haue in the aforesaid Lewis Sforcia, a Prince (as Histories report) highly adorned vvith all endowments of nature, Non tutor at crudelis hostis, pro­ripit impe­rium nepo­ti. lov. l. 4, de El. and ornaments of the minde, a quick vvit, eloquence at vvill, but that the bloud of his Nephew did staine all these excellencies; (for of a Tutor he proved a Traytor, like Richard the third) he might vvell haue deserved the name of a meek and benigne Prince; but as his haughtinesse and arrogancie vvas such that he thought to dispose of Italy at his pleasure, so he vvas puft up vvith such a false-conception of his ovvn selfe-sufficiency, that he contemned and rejected all counsell. For though he made a shew thereof in his coulors, as I shewed you; yet indeed he made use of nothing lesse; hee carryed all by the com­passe of his own opinion, whereunto he was so much ad­dicted, that nothing relished with him that came not from himselfe. But this selfe-confidence, and despising of coun­sell, [Page 85]brought him to a tragicall end, as witnesseth Guicciar­ [...]ne: For being foyled by the French, Lib. 4. Hist. Ital. he betooke himselfe [...]ong the Switzers to the habite of an ordinary souldier; [...]t he was discovered, and taken by the French, and in an [...]ominious manner vvas conducted to Lyons, vvhere in the [...]ew of a great concourse of people, he was tossed betwixt [...]vie and pitty for a time; and being denyed the Kings pre­ [...]nce (which he did exceedingly desire) vvas shut up in [...]ison; which served both to limit his ambitious thoughts; [...] which all Italy could not contain;) and likewise to put a [...]riod to his disgracefull and disdained life, after ten yeares [...]prisonment.

One instance more let me giue you in Iames the 4, King [...]f Scots, as braue a man, as vvitie a King; so benigne and [...]acious a Prince to his subjects, as Europe had not so great [...]usticiarie; so that he seemed to be composed of clemency [...]nd equity; and vvhich surpast all the rest; he vvas so guar­ [...]ed vvith the tranquillity of a good conscience, arising from [...]he innocency of his princely carriage; that he counted [...]ot the aspertions of the wicked vvorthy of requitall, with so much as an angry vvord. In a vvord, he did so ravish vvith [...]oue the hearts of his subjects, that as he vvas deerer to them [...]hile they had him, then their very liues; so the remem­ [...]rance of his death did so gall their soules vvith sorrow, that [...]ever a Prince in the world lived more desired; and dyed more [...]mented. Yet this one Coliquintida put death in the pot; name­ [...]y, neglect of counsell, both in undertaking and managing [...]he war against the English, which put an untimely end, Jncertum est peiore concilio an eventu, B. R. Scotie lib. 13. [...]oth to his being, and his princely vertues: Insomuch, that [...]t is well observed by the learned authour. It is uncertaine, whether the counsell, or event was worse.

These examples, and many others of the same nature, makes good that position of Plato, That a proud man, carryed altogether on the wings of his own conceit; scorning the advice both of the wise and warriour, is left at length by God to be his [Page 86]own destruction. To this effect Comineus, a Statesman inf [...] ­riour to none, laies this down as an infallible prognostio [...] of future ruin, both of King and Kingdom, when a Pr [...] neglecting counsell, cleaveth onely to his own wit. Yea, he she [...] eth it plainly to be a fearefull fore-runner of Gods judg­ment, when God doth infatuate the heart, so that it [...] not hearken to counsell.

The instance that vvee had last in hand maketh it plai [...] For the wise Councel, of that good King, did earnestly [...] swade him from vvarre: Besides that strange monitor th [...] appeared to him at prayer (as a man of credit vvith the Kin [...] informed the Historian, David Lin desius eques Montanus. that he saw him with his eyes) y [...] for all this, by the instigation of Lamote, the French Em [...] sador, he would to it. The English forces being gathered [...] gether under the conduct of the Earle of Surry; and Hera [...] being sent to the King, desiring that he would design th [...] day and place of battel; his wise and warlike councel diss [...] ­ded him from it, and that upon substantiall grounds; first they had already the better, and so much as they could we desire; secondly, the English were twice so many, and th [...] fresh souldiers, against them, being wearyed vvith taking i [...] of Castles: thirdly, by delaying fight, they might vvear [...] the English out; or at least draw them to such a disadvantage of place, that they might carry the victory rather by Cour­sell then by Armes, Victoria magis con­silio quam Armis ma­ximi ducis proprium. vvhich (as the Earle of Angui [...] said vvell) is the property of a good Commander. The sai [...] Earle likewise refuted all the allegations of the French, wh [...] put the King on, onely for their own ends. But all this vvould not vvork upon the King, vvho in great indignati­on against the noble Earle, vvilled him to depart if he were afraid; for I vvill fight (saith he) against the English if the [...] vvere a hundred thousand. Which hee did, but to his ovv [...] undoing, and the griefe and damage of his Nation. The vvhich I rather relate, for confirmation of the for­mer position; That when God hardens the heart agains [...] [Page 87]councell in judgement, hee maketh way for ruin.

Foolish then is that forgery of those, who attribute this [...]ngs fall, to the taking sacrilegious Armes (as they call them) [...]gainst Pope I [...]lius the second, Englands holy Lord. It was [...]e Lord of heaven that gave him this defeat, neglect of [...]unsell being the secondarie cause. I might instance this [...]t further in Richard the second, a stout Prince, and gover­ [...]ng well for the time that he was counselled by his three [...]od uncles, the Dukes of Lancaster, Yorke and Gloucester; [...]ut the rejecting of them, & their counsell, made vvay to the [...]sse of his Crovvn, dignitie & life. Iratus ad paenā Deus si quis tra­hit auferre mentem ta­libus primü solet. Poets and other writers [...]e plentiful to this purpose, wherof I give you but a taste:

So another to thesame effect:

And there is great reason why ruine should follow neg­ [...]ct of counsell, not onely from the equitie of Gods judg­ment; but also from the dangerous disposition of a Princes [...]ounsell, without the mixture of advice. For as the [...]imple or pure element would not feed or nourish, but [...]ill or starve; so the counsell of a compound body, The ne­cessite of a mixt Counsell. had [...]eed to be a compound counsell. Plato and others, explane [...]his wel by comparison, taken from the two-fold course of [...]he Sunne. The Counsell of the soveraigne power (say they) is like [...]he diurnall course of the Sunne compassing the earth in one day: which course is swift, rapid, awfull, and violent; but this is tempe­ [...]ed by the indirect opposition of the annual course, in the oblique [...]ircle of the Zodiacke, which also distinguisheth the seasons, main­ [...]ayneth, rerfresheth, and nourisheth all the creatures which other­wise could not endure. So the Counsell of Princes, though en­dued with prudence, yet through the moving intelligence of supreme authoritie, becommeth so fierce, redoubtable, yea and often so devious, that like Phaetons misguided [Page 88]chariot setting all on fire. To be plaine it degene­rateth from calme counsell to sterne will, and from advised government to cruell tiranny; but by the sweet and tempe­rate mixture of choyce counsell from the religious & wis [...] Senate, it becomes pleasant and sweet, full of grace to the Prince, and goodnes to the people. For indeed it is no grace to a Prince in peace or in warre (howsoever Sycophants sug­gest) when he and his counsell rideth all on one horse.

Where this mixture is waning there be ever mad doing for Princes, for want of this, involve themselves, & their sta [...] in such an inextricable laborinth, that when they would [...] wind themselves, they goe the further in their evills; becon­ming like Hidraes heads more then they can deale with. It i [...] an easie matter for a Prince, especially neglecting counsell, [...] put all out of frame, as a Master-of a ship, may run her upon the rockes; but the shipwracke of himselfe and all the re [...] followeth. The aberrations of Princes (saith Agiselaus) [...] the greatest evills of all; because they undoe themselves and others. Princes mounted upon their will, are compared pretrily to one got up, on a wilde horse, who being Asked by one that met him, whether he went, even whether (saith he) this horse will carry me. So some are carryed so far on their owne lusts, or their owne wit, and some on their owne feares, that when they would, it may be they cannot, or dare not alight, but over ride all in their way, and runne them­selves against a wall, or over a rocke.

These are also wittily compared by a learned man, to Eu­crates, ‘in Lucian, who lighting on Pancrates the Aegiptian, learned many secrets of him; amongst the rest, they being by themselves, and wanting one to attend them, Pancrates taketh a peece of wood, maketh it up with cloaths, mur­murred some words over it, & it began to walk like a man. It went and drew water; made ready their supper; ser­ved in their meat, and attended the table. Of all things Eucrates longed most to learne this, but his Master kept [Page 89]this to himselfe as his chiefe secret; yet Eucrates got the word by heart: And his Master being one day abroad, he would fall to, and make up a serving-man, which by the words pronounced was done: but being sent to draw wa­ter, he could not make him leave off, but he was like to drowne up all. Eucrates falleth to him with an axe, thin­king to make a short cut, and cleaveth him in two, but he made himselfe more vvork, and brought himselfe in greater danger. For they both fell to draw vvater; and had not his Master come he had beene undone.’ The Mo­rall is no more but this, make worke and haue work; There be a great many vvater dravvers, vvorse then the Gibeonites, that vvill not leaue vvhen they are bidden. To conclude this point vvith Comineus, such Princes, of all men are the most ‘miserable, not onely in bringing ruine upon themselves, & others, but also in making their cases void of pittie, and their names lyable to an everlasting distaste. And though (saith the same Author) their Soveraignty carry them through, vvithout controulment; [...]. because there is nothing but teares, sighes, & plaints of the vvronged against them: yet let thē knovv the Almightie hath a tvvofold tribunall, he maketh their ovvne doings plague them heere, and and plagues them eternally heereafter.’ Then as Princes would shun these plagues, let them be content to entertaine counsell, according to Menander.

Or if you will that of Iovius in his Elogie of Sfortia. Ergo inso­ [...]entem po [...]e superbi [...]m, qui fidis alti viribus i [...]geni [...].

CHAP. XXIII. The Qualification of Councellours.

BVT as there is necessitie of counsell, so there must be choyce of counsellours. In the choyce of counsellours foure things must be observed, Number there must be number equalitie, abilitie and honestie. For the first, it is a good rule of Comineus, Lib. 1. cap 1that a King should haue many Councellours, and that he should never commit the helme of affaires, unto one mans hand: for as many eyes see more then one; so one man may put out his Ma­sters eyes, and become Master in effect. Among many instances take this one of Sejanus. Coruel Ta­cit. Annal. lib. 5. whom Tiberius advanced so highly with great offices, and the mariage of his daughter. He ruled all as he would; he was honored of all, and followed of all, more then the Emperour; to his image they offered sacrifice, and they were in no small esteeme, to whom he gaue any respect. His brith day, with Cesars, was celebrated. But like a monstrous paracide, he went about to subvert his Master, who, (how vile soever he was) had deserved well of him. But his great fall & ignominious death, together with the death of his, did fully parallel the height of his rize. The like may be seene in Dancres rize and fall.

As there must be a number, Equali­tie of power. so there should be an equalitie of power amongst them: for to commit more to one then another, or, it may be then to all the rest; that one wil goe neere to be Master, & the rest to be but bare voices to serve his desire. One is no number, and where many sit, and one swayeth all, there is a number in name, but none in effect.

Thirdly for their abilitie; Abilitie they must be men of judgment & experience. The Romane Senate were pickt out as men of sufficiencie for counsell; who for their wisdom and gravitie [Page 91]were called Senators, and for their care of the common good, Fathers; whose names were written in letters of gold, and so called Conscripti. It is a question amongst Humanists and Statesmen, Whether a weak Prince, and a wise Coun­cel; or a weak Councel, and a wise King be better. Both reason and experience doe proue the former to be the bet­ter. For many wise, can guide one vveak one better, then one wise many weak ones. Secondly, the wise King taketh no care of giving account; and therfore passeth them at his pleasure: But the wise Councel, the weaker the King is, looketh the better to giue account of their actions. Severus had as many in Councel of War, as the Senate had: but what were they? Ancient souldiers experienced in Armes, Milites ve­teres, litera­tos etiam, &c. ut Lamprid. and in Militarie matters, such as by their service and carriage had deserved well their places. Also schollers such as were well versed in Histories, desiring them to unfold what they knew from the Romane histories, or any other, concerning any matter they had in hand. Pirrhus said of Cyneas; hee had got more Cities by his eloquence, then by his own forces. I knew a very rawe boned youth of a meer Scholler, pro­ved an excellent and much honored Souldier.

The Ancients doe Hyerogliph a wise and able Councel ‘by a little fish, that goeth before the great Whale; which as an ancient Naturalist records, (how truely I will not now dispute) doth seek and finde out every necessary for the Whales maintenance, discovereth all shallows and dangerous passages, demonstrating the way by the moti­on of it selfe. As long as this liveth the Whale is safe, this being dead, the Whale knoweth not what to doe.’ Iust so, a learned and wise Councell provideth how the Throne of the Prince may be established, looks out everie thing that may make him happy in his government, and his subjects happy in him: they foresee likewise the shallows, and the shelfes of base indignity, vvhereupon a Prince may run himselfe at unawares; by good counsels, motions and admonitions, they [Page 92]avert him from every thing that may dishonour himselfe, vex his subjects, or bring his Kingdom into contempt. In a word, a wise Councel, is the glory of his Majesty, and the Theater of his actions; as Antigonus said of Zeno; which being remo­ved by death, or dislike, the pillars of State are removed, and so the edifice must fall. Princes then are not well advised, in making choice of insufficient men for the government of State, that there own sufficiency may appear the more. Wil the Sunne darken the Starrs, that it may shine the brigh­ter? Wil the fountain haue but dripping conduits, that all may come to the Conduits head? Or vvould a man be lame in his hands or feet, that the vvit of his head might the bet­ter appear? God indeed doth great things by vveak and foo­lish means, yet that is his prerogatiue. Again, they are strong and wise in him and through him.

Now I come to the last, Honesty. but not the least; namely, the ho­nestie required in Councellours. Which wee must not take strictly, onely for outward decency vvith the Apostle; or for that Economick, Rom. 12.17 [...]. Ethick, or Politick honesty; vvhich we call by the name of Civill honesty, by which it is possi­ble, (as the Car-men of this age assure,) for some to goe to heaven: But vvee must take it so as it comprehendeth pie­ty, equity and honesty; called by the Evangelist, good and fair honesty. Luk. 18.15 [...].Iethro gaue Moses counsell to make choyce of such Councellours, Exod. 18.20, compare it with Deut. 1.13, and you shall see 7 properties required; Wisedome, Vnder­standing, knowledge, fear of God, ability, truth, and hatred of coveteousnesse: The like choyce vvas to be observed for that great Shanhedrion, consisting of 70 with Moses; Numb. 11.16. These were interressed in the highest matters, and sate vvith Moses himselfe. The spirit directeth vvhat men they should be, namely, known men, that is, such as haue approved themselues by their wisedom and good carriage, worthy of so great a place. One describing the properties of a good Councellour, commeth close to this marke: They [Page 93]should haue experimentall wit in their brains, words of truth in their mouths, zeale in their iustice, and sanctity in their life. Tully giveth a reason from the weight of their charge. De Sence. lib. 3. Coun­cellours of State should be better then other men, because they haue the custody of the Common-wealth. He illustrateth the same by a Master of a Ship sitting at the Helm. Ambrose giues another reason from the quality of counsell, either good or bad, according to the Councellour. Who will seek fair water out of a puddle, or a pearle amongst dirt and Mire? Where lust, avarice, Atheism, or Idolatry remaineth, shall a King, State or Generall, look for good counsell? Can a man gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? [...]. The counsell is as the counsellour; witnesse Salomon, Prov. 12.5, The counsels of the wicked are deceit; the words are very emphaticall in the originall; the craftie counsels of the ungodly are deceit: where he cals them not deceitfull but deceit, as all compo­sed of deceit, and no other thing in them. Anne eum idoneum putabo qui mihi det consilium, qui non de­dit sibi? lib. 2. de offi. The Septuagint Translation is a good paraphrast; They coyn out (in steed of counsell) ungodly deceit. Shall I think him a fit man (saith he) to giue me counsell, that never took any good counsell to himselfe? No; where any sin raigneth there is no room for good counsell: There may well be counsell for Rome.

A third reason may be given from the divers effects that follows from good and evill counsellours. Forreignes use to inform themselues of two things especially in the State; Of the Councell of State, and of the Kings foole; if the Coun­cell be wise and vertuous; and the foole simply plain and honest, there they gather evidences of a well governed State: But if the Councell be shallow, and corrupt; and the foole more knaue then foole, thence they collect the weaknesse of the State. And indeed as the Councellors be good or bade, so falleth, or flourisheth the State. A remarke­able instance of this we haue in Ioash King of Iudah, who under the counsell of Iehoiada his uncle governed exceeding [Page 94]well; hee was zealous of Gods service; he razed out all the High places, purged the Church, rooted out Baals Priests, caused mony to be collected for the repairing of Gods house. In a word, He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, all the daies that Iehoiada lived, all which time he prospered. But Iehoiada being dead, the Princes of Iuda, Baals old friends comes to the King with cap and knee (like dissem­bling traitors as they were) ‘and tels him,The Mar-Kings O­ration. no doubt, a fair tale, that liberty of conscience would doe wel, and he might honour himselfe and please his subjects much, to restore to them againe their old service; hee had too too long been awed by an old hot-spur; who, it might be had shewed more fury then zeale in the harsh handling of his grandmother; and that, happily, for some end of his own; and howsoever he had saved his life, and brought him to the Kingdome; yet all this time he had been but his King, restreyned of those pleasures and delights, that otherwise he might haue had: For as for their parts, they had no delight to come at Court, where, for such a pre­cise fellow, they could not be merry: besides, hee had quitted him of all his regall authority, in matters of re­ligious worship; wherefore it should be greater for the honour of his Majestie, to take the power into his own hand, and to quit himselfe of that yong fellow Zacharie, who would be as saucily peremptory as his father. As for the people it would be meat and drink to them, to haue their Groues and Gods in pomp; and his Majestie should finde more obedience from them, and more loue amongst themselues, then ever he found under all Iehoiada his prea­ching; & as for a few precise fellows that would grumble at it (that would be but for a time) an act of Parliament would fright them, and make them as mute as fishes. Last­ly, their conformity with israels worship, and others, might gain their loue and good liking; yea, who knows but it might bring again the ten Tribes.’

[Page 95]To these, or the like speeches of the corrupt Courtiers, the unhappy King is said to hearken, with whom presently the case is altered, he becommeth an apostata from God, a plague to his people (and that deservedly both in their bodyes and soules,) an ungtate full and a cruell tyrant, in murthering of the priests. But marke what was the end, even such as the proceedings, The wrath of the Lord came upon him and his, and a small company of the Assirians routed their great hoast; he spoyled the land in giving all to the enemies; The Lord smote his heart which cowardyse, and his body with diseases, his servants conspiring against him, slew him, & he wanted the honour of a kingly buryall. 2. Chro: 24. The speciall cause of his death is set downe to be the shedding of the innocent bloud of Iehoiadaes sonne. The like example wee haue in Rehoboam, who forsaking the good counsell of the vvise and ancient, and following the counsell of young and heady Courtiers, set himselfe besides the throne.

Not to take up time with instances, I will but touch some of our owne nation. Sigibert King of the West Saxons, hated good counsell so much, that he killed Combranus his faith­full Concellor; the rest taking indignation at that, conspi­red against him, & thrust him from the throne, who seeking shelter in a wood was found by Combranus his swineheard, who killed him because he slevv his Master. Edward the se­cond, not hearkening to the counsell of his dying Father, P [...]hil lib. 4. namely, that he should take heede of loose counsell; but following the Counsell of the Spensers and Gaveston, lost his Crovvn, and his life. So Richard the second, rejecting the counsell of the three noble Dukes, as I shevved you, and follovv­ing the vvill of the tvvo Earle Marshalls, one after ano­ther, brought not onely himselfe to disgrace and ruin, but also, by his fall, that fire of civill war was kindled, which was not quenched but by an ocean of English bloud. One instance more in Iames the third, King of Scottes; who being of an ingenuous disposition, and a Prince of much [Page 96]hope; yet, through custome and euill counsell being cor­rupted, became a very unhappy Prince, for casting of his No­bilitie, and addicting himselfe to the beastly humors of a few base fellowes, as Preston, Cocheran, English Roger, & An­drew a Phisitian, he spared not his owne bloud. So he runne from one evill to another, till in the midway, that overtook him, Vt Leo a catulis ex­tingueretur. which Magitians told him, & he feared (for he was much addicted to divination) namely, that the Lyon should be torne of his owne whelps.

One reason more, which might make Princes to be choyse in their counsel, may be this. In my reading I haue observed great ones, miscarryed by corrupt counsellours, to haue cryed out when it was too late. An example wee haue in Theodorick Marquies of Brandenburgh; who being of a haughtie spirit, not hearkening to the counsell of the wise, but to the counsell of the vitious and proud, he ran unto all kind of tiranny, and insolency. At last, abusing one Mistovius a Vandalian king, provoked him by his rayling speeches to forsake Chri­stianitie (for he was christened and marryed to the Duke of Sax his sister;) Theoderick rashly adventured with his owne forces, to giue him fight: who being defeated, was banished from his dominions for ever, hated of all, forsaken of his friends, and lived extremely poore in Madburgh upon the Almes of the Monkes. Being thus brought low, with many teares, he confest his outrages in particular, and that by them he had justly provoked the wrath of God against him. Excitavi ego iram Dei adver­sus me. George Sa­bin: in vita Theodor: This he regrated much, that he could never endure sound counsell, but followed such wicked and corrupt counsellers, as soothed his humor, and were bellowes to all his bloudy designes.

So you see, how mislead Princes, in the midst of their misery, can see the evill of evill counsell. I could bring more examples, but let this suffice.

Notwithstanding of all these waighty reasons, Elige tibi conciliarios Deum ti­mentes & veritatem amantes, se­pe enim adulatores blanda facie decipiunt animas audientiū, & intcri­munt. Epist. ad Iulian. Comitem. this rule is not regarded. Augustine giveth excellent counsell, if Princes and Generalls would hearken to it. Choose to thy selfe (saith he) [Page 97] councellors fearing God, loving the truth: for flatterers with a faire shew deceive, and kill the soules of those that hearken to them. But alas, few or none looke to this. A forme changing Pro­ [...]eus; a treacherous Seianus, a time-serving Abiathar; a stati­ [...]ing Architophel; a calumniating Doeg, are the onely coun­ [...]ellers. Is not civill honestie the most, that by most is [...]oked for? who looketh for religious pietie, or truth of re­ [...]igion? Qui suo numini fidi non sunt, nec mihi Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 11. de vita Cō ­stant. Constantine tryed his courtyers fidelitie to him, [...]y their pietie towards God; but now a man truely religious, [...] thought unfittest of all for State affaires. They cannot say it may be) but that he is an honest man, but with this con­ [...]itionall, if he were not a ranck Puritane. Bonus vir G. Sejus, sed in hoc tantū ma­lus quia Christianus Tertull. lib. 3. Apolog. Tu haec pa­teris? tu hoc times? igno­ras te Caesa­rem esse, te­que illorum potestatem habere non ill [...]s tuis? Xiphilim in Nerone. Men shew what they are by their practice. Many Councellers of this age are like those of Cesars. They make Kings beleeve what they list, and doe what themselves list. Nero was bade [...]ough of himselfe, yet wicked counsellours made him worse. They were alwayes buzzing in his eare; What Sir, will [...]ou suffer this? what neede you to feare? know you not that you are [...]esar, and that you haue power over all, but none hath power over [...]ou? I will conclude this point with that speech of Comineus [...] man of much experience, out of which, all Princes & peo­ [...]le, may pick a lesson. Where wise counsell is rejected and novists [...]nd noddies, and arrant assentators, are set up in their place, the [...]uine of that realme and Prince is nigh at hand.

Thus you see I haue gone a long in these circumstances of [...]uncell, making a mixed application of them as occasion was given, both to civill and martiall affaires.

CHAPT. XXIIII. Of the particularities of the Counsell of War.

NOW I come more close to my proper subject of war, Of the ob­iect of war wherein I brieflie meane to shew what is the [Page 98]object of this counsell; what is the ground of it, and how [...] should be carryed.

The object of the counsell of war is, whatsoever ma [...] accommodate themselves, and incommodate the enemie▪ Yea they are to be acquainted as much as may be, with th [...] enemies affaires, forces and counsell; As what number they be; what kind of forces they be, vvhether horse or foote vvhat disposition they are of; vvhat be their Armes, defen­five and offensive; Difficile vincitur qui vere potest de suis, & de adversarii copiis judi­care. Lib. 3. cap. 26. Stratag. lib. 1. cap. 2. and vvhat Armes they are best at. Vegeti [...] giveth a good reason for this, he is hardly overcome that [...] truely judge or discerne of his owne and his adversaries force [...] For the discovery of the adversaries counsell, as it is of grea­use; so some Generals haue not onely been carefull in th [...] discovery; but haue made great attempts for the effecting of it. As Cato in the Spanish war, being very defirous to dis­cover the enemies counsell, and seeing no ordinary meanes to effect it; caused 300 souldiers breake in upon the enemies campe, who brought one of the saide campe safe avvay to the Generall, out of vvhom he extorted the secrets of the enemie. The discovery of the King of Arams councell by the Prophet Elisha, was great advantage to the King of Israel. Beware (saith the Prophet) thou passe not suth a place; King. 6.29. for thither the Sirians are come dovvne. Euen in this respect as for others, the Lord is called an excellent man of war, because he knovveth the forces, the counsell, and Armes of the adver­sary. In this, the diligence of the common enemie doth both blame us and shame us. The devill is a busie Bishop. They vvant no spies; they spare no paines, nor charges, vvhereby they may discover and frustrate, all the attempts of Gods force [...] for his ovvne cause. That serpentine brood (of the devill, o [...] rather devills themselves, as one calleth them) affoordeth al [...] kinds of counsellours, some dormient, some couchant, some rampant, some vvalking, yea creeping & flying abroad for dis­coveryes. The Duke of Bavariaes letter to Richard Blond, Vice-Provincial in England (vvherein he thanks him for his paines [Page 99]and diligence for the Romish See, and Catholique Cause) doth directly discover what weekly intercourse is between the said Blond and the Pope, notwithstanding of Romes di­stance from England. As for Blonds interest in some of the Bedchamber, mentioned in that letter, I will not meddle with it. It were good then they were encountred with the [...]ike diligence and industry. Paulus Aemilius discovered the ambushment of the Boians, by the flying of Birds in the Truscan war. For the fowles being affrighted from the wood, the councell sent out a scout-watch, and discovered ten thousand in ambushment. So by the flying of these black-birds of Rome, their subtilties in war, and infidelity in peace, vvith carefulneffe might be discovered. The Doctors of Doway obserue from Nubrigensis; Lib. 2. cap. 21. rer. Anglic. 2 King. 6.17. upon the ope­ning of Elishaes servants eyes, that a husbandman in York­ [...]hire, named Ketle, had the gift to see evill spirits, whereby he often detected and hindred their bad purposes. As by this lye, they vvould make footing for their feigned miracles; so indeed the Lords Armies had need of sca­led eyes, wherewith to discern those Legionary spirits, who are digging through the vvall to raze down the foun­dation.

But some vvith Gallio care not for these things; Applicatiō. some see them but wil not see; some underhand doe countenance them; and some with the faint-hearted spies, dare say little or nothing to them. But it is to be feared, that these evill spirits will proue like a Hecticke, once openly discovered, ne­ [...]ver cured but by a miracle.

CHAP. XXV. Gods word the ground of Counsell.

IT followeth in the next proper place to shew when [...] this councell should come, the ground whereof should b [...] the word of God. For although the Scripture be not an Ency­clopedia of all the particulars of every Science; yet in it the [...] may be found a Systeme of all sciences; it being the Mistress [...] to whom all Sciences are handmaids. Yea, this directs the [...] ordering of all true principles and conclusions. No better Philosophy, Logick, or Metaphysick, then in the book o [...] God. No better counsel or direction for war or peace, the [...] there is to be found. Hence the Word is called by the nam [...] of Councel. Act. 20.27I haue not shunned to declare unto you all the coun­sell of God: Thy Testimonies are my delight (saith the Prophe [...] David) my councellours, Psa. 119.24or the men of my councell. Tha [...] charge given to the King of Israel, concerneth all King [...] in the world, and they that will thriue in peace or war, mus [...] obey it; namely, that they haue Gods Law-book conti­nually with them, that they should reade it, that they may learn to fear God, to avoid sin; yea, by this rule all their do­ings should be so ordred, that they should not decline from i [...] to the left hand, Deu. 17.18or to the right. So the like direction was given to Ioshua, who was to fight the battels of the Lords. Th [...] book of the Law shall not depart out of thy mouth,Ios. 1.8.but thou sha [...] meditate therin day and night.

Both reason and experience confirmeth this position, a [...] what work can teach a man so well to war as the book [...] God, who is the excellent man of War. Again, hath eve [...] any Warriours paralelled those who haue had their rules and [Page 101]directions from God? Witnesse Moses, Iosua, David, and the rest, Haue all the Worthies come nigh one of these? Adde to these reasons the nature of the Word, vvhose proper en­comy it is, to make a man perfect to every good work. Since lawfull war is a good vvork, and that of a high nature, the vvord must not onely fit men for the undertaking of it, but also for the happy managing of it, to Gods glory, and the and ertakers good. It is a sure Canon in Theologie, That the word of God is not onely the Canon of our faith and life, but al­so of our Calling, whatsoever it be, from the King to the Porter. Would to God we would all obserue it. This may very well be said to be that Tower of David, built for an Armory, vvherein a thousand shields doe hang, Cant. 4.4. even all the Targets of the mighty men: for whether vve understand thereby the Tropies of Christs triumph, hung upon the neckes of the [...]aithfull; or that Panopli, or compleat armour spoken of in [...]he Ephesians; yet all this we attain unto by the Word. A­lexander carryed Homers works ever vvith him, [...]. as the furni­ture of his iourney: and Cyprian used ever and anon, to call for Tertullian his Master.

Oh that those that fight the Lords battels, Applica­tion. Psa. 119.98 or hath inte­rest in them; would take this course with the Word, that they might say with the Prophet David, Thy Commandements [...]re with me; and that they would cast away prophane Pam­phlets, plaguie play-bookes, and froathy complements of [...]le loue; for as these become not Christian warfare; so I [...]m sure that Homer, and all the Tacktick Writers, and rules of Military Discipline in the world; are not able, vvithout [...]his, to teach a man the Art of War. And therefore David giveth a good reason of his foresaid resolution, that the Word should ever be vvith him; Thou through thy commande­ments hast made me wiser then mine enemies. If it be objected [...]hat many great Warriours, and victorious Conquerours, [...]ever knew vvhat this Word vvas. I answer, Great they were [...]deed, but not good. And vvhat gaine they by their great­nesse, [Page 102]but the greater torments? especially they vvho liue in the light of the Word, and yet vvill not be guided by it? This Word doth stretch it selfe through the vvorld as an in­fallible rule to vvalk by; but, Who beleeues the report of it? Who vvalketh by the rule of it? Wisedome standeth without and cryeth; vvithout indeed, for she cannot come in. Coun­sel for the Popes war is brought by the froggs from the bot­tomlesse pit, vvhere Ignatius lyeth Leager for the State. Professedly, they doe disclaim the Word, and the Popes un­written Villanies, must be both the ground and guide of all his War.

As for the Atheist; Matchiavils rules, or vvorse, are his chiefe guide, vvith vvhom the Papists doe vvillingly joy [...] hands. As for the hypocrite and carnal professors, vvhat the Papist speaketh blasphemously of the Word, he maketh good in his profession; namely, he useth it like a Nose of Wax; it must be stampt and cast in vvhat mould he vvil haue it: but he vvill not be cast by it, as in a mould; it shal not square his conscience, nor his actions; but he must square and pare it at his pleasure: yea, such vvill haue nothing to command in all actions, but the great canon of Prosopola­tria, or humane authority. In a vvord, in effect they say, The word shall not raign over them, but they vvil raign over it and the conscience too, though it be Gods Cabonet, not sit for man to sit in.

Gods forces must likewise acknowledge their guilt here­in: vvith this Armorie they are not so acquainted as they should be and must be indeed, before things goe vvel. This vvould clear the judgement, reform the life, overcome passions, kindle zeale, temper vvith discretion, incourage the heart, strengthen the spirits. In a vvord, it vvould make a truely valiant man. If we would but take this sting of David, we should not want a stone to beat out Goliahs braines. But every peece of this is like Sauls armour, too heavy for flesh and bloud to beare, further then in bare discourse. But there [Page 103]must be a denyall of flesh & bloud, before in our courses wee can be happy heere, or heereafter. It is reported of a king of Aragon (to his no small prayse) that besides his other lite­rature, (wherein even in the time of war he much delighted) and besides his love to the learned (whom he honored and used as his speciall councellours, both in peace and in war) that notwithstanding of his many waighty affaires, he read the Bible ouer foureteene severall times, with the spe­ciall comments upon it. I wish heartily, that all Gods warriours would make this word the treasure of their study, and that as I haue said it might alwayes be with them, for there­in is the fullness of counsell.

Neyther will a superficiall looke, or a bare taste thereof, [...]. Col. 3.16. serue to make the persons happy or the affaires prosperous: but as the Apostle saith, it must dwell plentifully or richly; the word doth significantly presse, that it must alwayes be with us. Wee must be the house, & it the furniture. It is not a lap­ping of this word as the doggs doe of Nilus; nor a talking with it, and of it, while it is without dores; but there must be a diligent searching into it, as a man would dig for the fin­ding of the richest treasure, Iohn. 5.39. So did those truely noble men of Thessalonica, they searched duely for the trueth, Acts. 17. There be too too many now of Leo the tenth, stampe, that say in effect, they find no profit in the fable of the word, for so called, that blasphemer, the doctrine of Christ. And some are, like Agrippa: they are almost perswaded by it, but it is, but almost: but it must dwell richly in us, that is, as our onely treasure, as David, did wisely esteeme of it, as you may see through all the 119. Psalme, as his richest treasure.

CHAP. XXVI. Gods Ministers the disposers of this sacred Counsell.

BVt as the word of God must dwel plenteously, so it must be used wisely; So saith the Apostle, in all wisedome. As this word is Gods speciall treasure, whereby he dispose [...] all his mercies towards his; so he hath ordayned dispose [...] and dispensers of his sacred wisedome, namely, his Ministers, who are to stand betweene him and his people in things apper­tayning to God. Hence it followeth that such stewards must dispose this counsell, aswell in war as in peace. As Kings haue their Counsellours, and Courts haue their learned Counsell, to giue them the law: so God maketh choyce of these, and calleth them from amongst the sonnes of men to be his Counsellours and Embassadours, to deliver his will, and counsell to their bretheren. The ne­cessitie of such dispo [...]ets, and the reasōs.

The necessitie of such in war ariseth from these grounds. First, from the depth of the mistery, which they are to dis­pose, and the greatnes of the worke they doe undertake: for who is sufficient for these things? Secondly, from the indisposi­tion of man to understand, or teach, this mistery, except a man be sent from God to informe him: how can I (saith the Enuuch) understand, except I haue a guide? Ananias must be sent to Paul, and Peter to Cornelius, that they may be instructed. It is a mad conceit of many in this age, that they know as much as the Minister can doe; yea, some will say they can teach as well as he, though they be not called of God; which indeed is to despise the gift of prophesy. I speake now of such an one as is called of God; for otherwise, many pri­vate men, are better to advise with. But it is not learning [Page 105]barely, or an aptnesse to discourse, but there must be a set­ [...]ing a part of the man, with an endowement of power and authoritie, with a holy skill, to wound, to heale, to cast downe, to raise up, to instruct, rebuke, correct. In a word, to cast downe every strange thought that setteth it selfe against God. God calleth not every man to this; he gaue some to be Pastors, and some to be Teachers, not all. Thirdly, great are the enormites, that doe accompany warre (as I haue shewed) both in Commanders and in ordinary souldiers; Bello nulla salus. and there­fore, they had neede to be hedged in by the Lords husband­men, with the pale of the word. Fourthly, from their excel­lency, they are the greatest gift; saue Christ that ever was giuen to man, A Prophet will I rayse up from among their brethe­ren,D [...]ut. 18.18like unto thee. In which words, though Christ be espe­cially meant as S. Luke applyeth them, Acts 3.22.23. Yet they necessarily imply the giving of others, though Christ be the chiefe. God by the Prophet Ieremie; speaking of the desolation of his people, whereunto they were fallen by their owne sinnes, and wickednes of their for-lorn Priests, telleth them of a great blessing, Jerem. 23.4. That he will set up sheepheards over them, that shall feede them. Such are called Gods in the booke of God. I haue made thee a God to Pharao, Exod. 7.1. (saith the Lord of Moses) namely, in bringing judgements, and removing of them. They are said by God himselfe in Ieremie, to stand in his counsell. Ier. 23. And for their service with God, pietie and holines towards him, they are called Angells,

Fifthly, for their industry & fidelitie, they are called Seers, Watchmen. Elisha kept Centinall against the King of Aram, over the King of Israel, when he slept. So the men of God in the armies of God, whether they sleep or wake, they are alwayes at Centinall. For though they sleepe as Salomon saith, yet the heart is awake; In this respect Ministers may well be called the foure beasts full of eyes, before and behind, Rev. 4. being round about the throne to watch and discover. As for their industrie and watchfulnes, they are the surest guard; so for [Page 106]their fidelitie and plainnesse they are the safest counsell. Kings with Antigonus, and warriours with Severus, may all in those dayes goe out of the Court, out of the Counsell, and out of the Camp to seeke truth because they cannot find it; but they shall find it with the watchmen of Israel. There were never indeed more vile and wicked flatterers; both in Courts and Camps: for as flesh-flies and other Vermin, are bred out of the putrifaction of some humid matter, by unna­turall heat; so this kind of vile vermin is bred and fed out of the corruption of the times. What a swarme of Munkies, and Marmozets and Ianglers, and Gnatoes are every where [...] It is not my purpose to particularize their differences, but this may be said of them all, they are the corrupters and ruine of King [...] and Kingdoms. To busie the reader with instances of this na­ture, were but to prove that which no body denyeth: for Dio­clesian one of the worst men that ever was, was so pestered with those flyes, that from an Emperour he turned a Garde­ner; & hauing observed (as Flavius Vopiscus observeth) of him, all their villainies, he concludeth thus; A good wise and vertuous Prince is bought and sold by this people; 2. Sam. 15. Yea David, a man after Gods owne heart, holding out against the cursing of Shemei was overcome with the flattery of Zyba. Yet this one thing, is no lesse lamentable then remarkcable, that though they be such ravenous vipers, and haue eate out the bellies of so many great Ones; yet still they creepe into their bosomes, and are nourished by the selfe same heat which they doe ex­tinguish; Yea, they cast King, and Court, and good counsell, and State, first in a Marasmos, or deadly Hectick, and then out at dores; yet for all this, who but they? Comineus giveth one cause of this, because such doe best please the humours of Prin­ces. Princes love better those that are of Placentia, then those that are of Verona. They love the things that please, better then those that profit. [...]b. 1. c. 21Plutarch rendereth another cause, namely, they are often touching that string that Princes much affect, namely, their owne prayses, in things many times not [Page 107]praiseable, which flatterers can cunningly effect, by palliating their vices, with the seeming vicinity of some vertues: ‘As the despising of his people, they wil term it a Prince­ly inawing of them; the imposing of what he pleaseth upon them, an improuement of his prerogatiue Royall; the doing of all out of his own devise, the singularity of wit, or quintessence of policy.’ Secondly, they vvill make them beleeue, they are affected and praised of others, and then it is as wel as can be, when indeed there is nothing lesse.

But to leaue their shifts, and the great Ones evils that accreweth upon them; my purpose is to point out the re­medy, and the Physitian; namely, that plain-dealing Word, from the mouth of the man of God; against the venome of those Aspes, and the poyson of all the sinnes which they loue to palliate; I know no better Physitian then a good Mi­nister. That saying of Gordianus is most true, and worthy the memory, That miserably is that Prince from whom the truth is concealed. And Lewis the 11, complained that this one thing wanted in his Court. Yea, sundry great Princes haue gone in private manner amongst their subjects to un-boult the truth. But this is the way for Court and Camp, to haue the Trumpet of truth in it, that dare not, nor will not lye, or flatter. This impartiall dealing and plain course, is set forth at large in Deuteronomy, where Moses, by the spirit of prophe­sie declareth the excellency of the Tribes, and the blessings that should be upon them; upon Levi (as he sheweth) should be Vrim. and Thummim; yea, he should say of his father and his mother; I respect him not▪Ch. 33.1.9.10.and his brethren he acknowled­geth not, and his sonnes he knoweth not. Where, as there is an allusion, both to the commandement, Lev. 21.11.12, and to the execution of the idolaters, Exod. 32: so the morality of it, is his, that Gods Ministers, gifted with light and per­fection; shall giue every one his portion from the Word with­out partiality; yea, neither Highnesse, nor nighnesse, shall [Page 108]make him play the Huckster with the word. Papinian the Lawyer was never so plaine with Caracalla, nor Ephestion, so free with Alexander; nor Mecenas, so faithful to Augu­stus; as Eliah was plaine with Ahab; Iohn Eaptist free with Herod, and Nathan faithfull to David.

One instance amongst many is worth the noting. When the Gospel of God in the Northern parts of this Iland began to be set on foot, the devill bestirred him exceedingly in the enemies of the Gospel; Queen mother, of the house of Guies, with the Scottish Papists, and her French Forces, did so overtop the Lords, and others of the Congregation, that with griefe enough they were compelled to quit Eden­burgh; and to goe to Sterueling: where a man of God made a worthy Sermon, in his application much lamenting the confusion that was come upon them, but more their sinnes vvhich were the cause. And as he had the Duke; and other Nobles for his Hearers, so he gaue him and all the rest their portion, shewing their particular faylings in that businesse, which they all intertained as from God; and ac­knowledging their sinns, they were mightily encouraged, and began to wax strong, so that by Gods mercy in the end they prevailed, as hereafter you shall hear.

Last of all, the necessity of such doth appear, in the hap­py successe of such Warres, as haue made use of them. Was not Elisha better to the King of Israel [...], then all his strength and counsel beside? Eleazar was joyned with Ioshua, the Priests bare the Arke and blew the Trumpets in the Lords warre; for that was the Lords appointment, Numb. 1.10. & 31.6. One instance may serue for many, namely, of that great battel betwixt Abijah King of Iudah, and Ieroboam King of Israel: Where Ieroboam had the oddes in forces, to the number of three hundred thousand men; yet Abijah by his oration, sheweth that he was confident he had the better: And why? 2 Chro. 13.12. Because (saith he) God is with us for our Captaine; and his Priests with sounding Trumpets, to cry alarum against [Page 109]you. Where you see that Abijah conceived and that truely [...]at he had great oddes of Ieroboam, even in this particular, [...]at he had the Priests of the Lord, and they the Priests of [...]ols. We may see how much the Priests and Prophets are [...]steemed in warre, even of the wicked, by Bala [...]ms desiring [...]f Balak to come and curse the people of God. The ho­ [...]ourable esteem that Bala [...]m had of Ba [...]a [...]k, Num. 22.36. appeare [...]h in this [...]at he went out to meet him: Yea, the Iewes in their rebelli­ [...]n against Adrian, the Emperour, had their Bar Cochab, that [...], the son of the Starre. And so hath the Romish Iebusites. And as to the Iewes finall undoing, he proved Bar Cozibae, the [...]nne of falshood; so shall the Iesuites proue in the end, when [...]heir seduced Crue shall see themselues deceived. Who [...]ught Ioash the King of Israel, to smite his enemies, but [...]e Prophet Elisha, 2 King. 13.14? I will add but one in­stance more very memorable and admirable. In the warres [...] Scotland, for the establishing of the Gospel, the Protes­ [...]nt Army being nigh S. Andrews, resolved upon [...]eliberation not to goe thither, by reason of the Queens [...]reat forces in and about it: that godly Minister spoken of [...]efore (being with them in all their troubles) told the Ar­ [...]y that he was resolved to preach there the next day, being [...]e Lords day. According to which resolution he taketh his [...]ible, and goeth on. When he came to the Citie, the Queen [...]nd her forces were fled for fear. That night, and the next [...]ay, he taught; laying open the haynonsnesse of the sin of [...]dolatry, pressing the Magistrates with the ejecting of it, [...]d erecting of Gods true vvorship; which so wrought up­ [...]n their hearts that the effect followed. Yea, that very act by Gods blessing, was the very break-neck of Babel in those [...]arts.

Thus you see the grounds cleared for the necessity of such [...]cred Councellours in Gods Warres; wherein I haue been [...]e larger, because (howsoever this is universally slighted [...]ver, as a matter of least moment) yet if it be judici­ously [Page 110]and religiously weighed, it shall proue a point of [...] greatest importance.

Doth reason direct men to provide good souldiers, a go [...] Generall, good Officers, a good Phisitian, a good Chi [...] ­gian, and shall they neglect the providing of a good Mini­ster, of whom I may say truely, that in an Army he is bo [...] Fabius and Marcellus, a sword and a bucklar?

But by how much the necessity of such is the greater, Appli­cation. [...] much the more is the neglect and contempt of such to b [...] regrated. Neither in peace nor warr are the Watchmen [...] God in their deserved esteem. The counsell and comma [...] of such, by men of all sorts (as it is from God) should b [...] obeyed and followed. God commandeth us to obey s [...] as haue the oversight of us, and to haue them in singular estee [...] for the works sake. They that murmur against such, the [...] murmur against God; and they that reject such they reje [...] God. If Eliah be found out, he is charged to be the en [...] ­my of the State, because he speaketh the truth. They th [...] be indeed the troublers of Israel, doe falsly charge it upo [...] the Watchmen of Israel. Time-serving Amaziah will conju [...] Amos from the Court, and the Kings Chappell. Lyi [...] Hananiah will not stand to contest against God himse [...] speaking by Ieremiah. If Micaiah will not sooth with a h [...] to destruction, hee must be hated and beaten for th [...] truth, Zedekiah giveth him a bok on the ear, and [...] ther setteth him packing, or fast by the heeles.

In a word, if the man of God with the Apostle Paul, de [...] ­ver painefully, faithfully and freely, the whole counsell of God, he [...] presently charged with conspiracie, against the State, & the land cannot beare the words of such an one. God indee [...] hath given such counsellers, but the rebellious of this time cannot brooke them; eyther they choake them, or chop them on the cheeke. Our case and Israells is much alike, I raysed up your sonnes for prophets (saith God by Amos) & you [...]ong men for Nazarits, but how doe they use them? They [Page 111]gaue their Nazarites wine to drinke,Amos 2.11and commanded their Pr [...] ­ [...]bets saying prophesie not. It is holden a great policie now for Micaiah, that his word be like one of the rest, and that he speake [...]ood, whatsoever come of it: but a Micaiah indeed dare not [...]ally for a world, but whatsoever the Lord saith that he will beake: Men had best looke to it, for whosoever he be that [...]eepeth backe one iote of Gods counsell, for feare of the [...]ce of a mortall man, shall never be able with Paul to make a [...]omfortable account of his Embassye to God, which is far [...]etter for a Minister then life it selfe. Yea, this huckstering of Gods counsell, is the very way to bring the Minister to a [...]earfull, visible and exemplarie confusion. The speech of God to Ieremie, should be the word in the Ministers Banner: [...]ird up thy loines and arise, & speake unto them all that I command [...]ee, be not dismayed at their faces, lest I consume thee before them. Ier. 1.17.

Indeed the faces of Kings and great Ones, especially Generals in a field, are full of feare and terrour to weake [...]llie men, that carry no Armes but the Word. To this pur­ [...]ose the Sermon of one Gregory, Preacher to Fredericke, Duke [...]f Saxon, (a man much approved by Luther) is not un­worthie your view. This man dealing roundly in the Dukes [...]udience against the sinnes of the time, being somewhat [...]fraid to smite at the Princes sinnes in a publique place, he [...]ame home to him very handsomely, with this similitude. ‘A Preacher (saith he) is not unlike to one that uncaseth a Hare; it is an easie matter to uncase or take the skin of all the body; but when he cometh to the head, there is all the difficultie, there it taketh him tugging: even so, a Preacher may freely reprove the sinnes of the people, for in that there is no matter of feare; but whē he commeth to the head (pointing his hand to the Prince) there is the diffi­cultie, there matter of feare presenteth it selfe, & yet it must be done aswell as the rest.’ The like freedome of speech; did Frederick Bishop of Vtricke, use by way of parable, to Lodovi­ [...]us Pius the Emperour, as he sate at dinner with him, being [Page 112]newly consecrated Bishop, the Emperour willed him [...] remember his office, without respect of persons: for whi [...] admonition, the Bishop humbly thanked him, and aske [...] him forthwith whither he should begin with the head [...] that fish that was before him or with the tayle; the Empe­rour replyed with the head, as the chiefest member. It is we [...] said the Bishop, then breake you of your incestuous Match with Iudith: Raunlph. in Poly­chronic lib. 5. cap. 29. Anno 1363 which the Emperour did for a time, but the Pope upon a penitenciary mulct of some thousands of Crowne [...] made up the Match againe, and Iesabel caused the Bishop for his freedome of speech to be slaine in the Church These were honester mē, though the one a Dominick Mon [...]e & the other a Bishop, then that Protean Bandog Spalato, whose Dalmatian Pal hath proved but a P [...], Lib. 1. de rep. Euch: pag. 28. Sect. 13. to the English Church. Amongst the rest of his Sicophantish knaveri [...]s he hath this flat against the Word, That the faults of Princes may not at any hand be taxed in publique, by whatsoever authoritie: where­in, sure he shewed him selfe a greater friend to his owne f [...] ­guts, then to the states and soules of Princes. And yet we [...] want not such Black-birdes in our owne Purpits, who under the name of White, Serm. in Rom 13 pag 18. vent this blacke position, that Ministers are not to inforce Gods commād upon Princes. Iudge you by this what fearfull times we live in, indeed the high Creast of authoritie thinketh much to stoupe to the word of a weake man (as they conceve it). What saucie fellows did Pharao esteeme [...] Moses and Aaron, that they should will him from God to let his people goe. Shall the worlds Minions deified with flat­tery; or Mars his favorites, adorned with trophees, and at­tended with triumphes, submit and render at the blast of a trumpet? yes indeed, that word that can make the blind to see, the deaf to hear, the lame to goe, yea the dead to rise, can command the greatest Commander in the world. Yea, if a man were commander of the vvhole vvorld, he must eyther by this vvord be Commanded, or condemned. See the proofe of this in that powerfull discourse of Paul before Felix. As he [Page 113] reasoned of rightousnes, temperance, and judgement to come, Act. 24 25Felix trembled. Tertullus, and all the smooth-tounged pick thankes under his governmēt, could not haue kept him out of this fit.

These Counsellours are not to be slighted, because the contempt of them, is not onely a fearfull prognostick of fu­ [...]ure ruine, but also a main moving cause, vvhy the Lord vvil [...]estroy both Prince and people.

Amongst many others, Cha: 36.15 16. there is a pregnant place for this in [...]he second booke of the Chronicles, And the Lord God of their fathers sent to them by his Messengers, rising up betimes and fending them, because he had compassion on his people, and on his [...] welling place: but they mocked the messengers of God, and despised [...]his words and misused his Prophets, untill the wrath of the Lord [...]arose against his people till there was no remedie.

The worth of a worthy Minister, is not knowen but in time of distresse, and not then, but to those whom the Lord hath taught how to esteeme of him, heathens, Pagans & pa­pists, may challenge us of our neglect of this. Were ten Ne­stors so much worth to Agamemnō, one Sopirus to Darius, one Cineas to Pirrhus, what is Gods Aaron to his people? what is Nathan to David, and Elisha to Ioash? The Grecians would not part with their Orators on no condition. The Romanes had a great care of their Dogges that kept their Walls. Sagacissi­mos caues in turribus nu­triebant. Viget. lib. 2 cap. 26. Anscribus cebaria pu­blice lo an­tur in Ca­pitolio. Cic: pro sex [...]o Rossio So the Geese that with their cry did awake the watch, when the enemies were about to surprise the Capitol, were in great esteeme with the Romanes, insomuch that their food was allotted by a publique decree, wherewith they were to be fed in the Capitol. Yea in great scarsitie of food, they would not touch them. Will you see what honour Balac the King of Moab, did to Balaam the false prophet; he goeth out to meete him, euen to the outmost border of his land. Deut. 22.36. What honour were Baals priests in, that eate bread at the Kings table? The papists glory much, and giue us often in the teeth, with that honour they giue to their shavellings. Gon­domar, (for an instance) made great bragges of this, that [Page 114]though he were the Embassador of the great King; and beside [...] that he had a breech that was not very bowable; yet he mist not an inch of his manners to Blackwell in the tower. False Prophets are with the wicked alwayes most in request, be­cause they serve their lusts and please their humors. Balac [...] would not let Aaron haue so much as a bit of bread, or [...] draught of water; but Balaam I warrant you wanted no dain­ties. Ioash King of Israel was no good man, and yet how did he honour, & loue, with the best loue he had, Elisha the Pro­phet. 2. King. 13 14. When the man of God was a dying he commeth to him, & vveeping over him, cryeth out, Oh my father, my father; the chariot and the Horsmen of Israel. Alexander the great came dovvne from his horse and entertained Iaddo the high Priest of Hierusalem vvith all reverent respect.

All these and many more examples, may condemne the neglect of this in the Professors of Christ. Applicatiō. But vvee had best looke to it: for neglect or contempt of Gods Messengers in time of peace, maketh a vvoefull vvant of them in time of vvar, especially vvhen the good spirit of God hath left the soule. Saul in his peace vvould haue no Prophet, but such as vvere of his ovvne stampe, and pleased his humor; there­fore insteed of Samuel, he had none but the devill to an­svvere him in the day of his distresse: could all Baals Pro­phets, and his full-fed trencher-chaplaines, say nothing to him? No never a vvord, they vvere all to seeke. A false deceiving Hananiah vvith his hornes; a Doeg or doglike Amaziah accusing the bretheren; a furious boxing Zedekiah smiting Gods Ministers on the mouth, vvill prove but miserable comforters in the day of danger. Therefore they must be Gods Ministers indeed; and not barely in name, of the Lords ovvne sending, that are Counsellours in vvarr. As of al the heavenly creatures, that ever God made, a good Angell is the best, but a bad Angell is become the vvorst; so of all the sonnes of men, a good Minister is the best, and there­fore called an Angell; but a bad Minister the vvorst and [Page 115]therefore may bee called a Devill. As all Gods Saints are his peculiar Iewels; so his Messengers are the Star­shining-Diamonds amongst the Iewels. A mans state is but weak when he pawneth or putteth away his Iewels. But it is a note of ignominie for a Prince to pawn his Crown. Gods faithfull Ministers are the Crowns and Iewels of the King­dom. All the Iewelrie of Venice is not worth one of them.

A question was put once, what Forreignes had received the richest gifts out of the Tower. One answered, the Spa­niard, another answered not so; for the Duke of Bulloin had carryed the richest Iewell out of the Tower, that ever was in it: yea, such an one as was worth all the rest, and the Arch­duchesses inventory besides. Those Princes wrong them­selues much (saith a learned Author) that send such Iewels out of the land; because they may stand in need of them, when they cannot be had. I haue knowne some of the black crue, on their death bed, to haue cryed out and roared for comfort, from such Ministers, whose presence in their health they haue hated, and whose persons they haue persecuted; besides others, instance that Maule of the Ministery, and arch-persecutor; the first letters of whose name were Sir P. M. having persecuted in his life, with cruel persecution, that holy Father, M. R. B. in dispair at his death, he sent sundry to seek him, but nei­ther the man of God, nor the favour of God could be found God giue others of his stamp to look to it in time; for as there be many haters and persecutors of Gods Mini­sters against the light, so I see, or reade, but of a very few reconciled to God. Of all the gifts that ever God gaue to a people, such a Iewel as I shewed is the very best. Witnes that saying of God by the Prophet Ieremy: Amongst many bles­sings promised upon repentance, hee promiseth to giue them a good Pastour, as the Crown of all the rest. Ier. 3.18. And I will giue you Pastors according to mine heart, which shall feede them with knowledge and understanding. But of all the plagues [Page 116]that ever God threatned against a people, or brought upon a people, a Counterfeit Iewel is the very worst. Witnesse like­wise the Lord, Chap. 2.11. by the Prophet Micah. If a man walking in the spirit and falshood, doe lie saying; I will prophesie unto thee of wine and of strong drinke, he shall even be the Prophet of this people.

Let Gods Warriours then take heed of such as God hath not sent; of Wolues in Sheeps cloathing, beware of vile pontificall Iason, who for gain vvill betray the Citie and the Sanctuary to abominable Antiochus, Let Nehemiah beware of couzening Shemaiah, vvho under a colour of sa­ving his life, would earn the hire of iniquity; from Tobiah and Samballet, by suggesting false feares to disgrace him, and to bring an evill report upon Gods Generall. So man-pleasing Vriah is also to be looked to, vvith vvhom change is no rob­bery; namely, to chop out the Altar of God, and in the Altar of Damascus. Take heed likewise of the Turn-coat Levite, at the rate, of who will giue most. And likewise of the belly-god Chop-church, the Bisteepled, or Tristeepled metaphisicall ubi­quitatiue; the enemy to the crosse of Christ, the maker of merchandize of Gods vvord. Never one of this crew vvill doe good, but hurt. These cannot make up the breach, nor rise up in the gap, Ezech. 13.5 nor stand in the battell of the day of the Lord; Hosea 9.8. yea, the Lord calleth such snares, and fowlers, in the way of the people, and hatred in the house of God.

In the name of God then, let Gods Lieftenants get such as are of God, such as are the Chariots and Horsemen of Israel, and they vvill teach them to smite their enemies, as Flisha did Ioash. The ordering of the Lords Army by his own appointment, is an excellent pattern for all others in this point. Moses and Aaron, with the Priests and Levites, vvere quartered about the Tabernacle, between the Sanctuary and the Tribes of Israel, and as they were next unto the holy place, and kept Centinal there conti­nually, so they were the first that moved in the March, [Page 117] Numb. 2. Neither vvas it onely so in the Camp of Israel, but also in the Camp of the new Ierusalem, (vvhere God hath his Throne,) You may see the like, namely between Gods Throne, and the 24 Elders compassing it; There are foure living creatures full of eyes, glorifying God night and day, Rev. 4.5.10. after whom the 24 Elders fall down and worship God. This me thinkes should be a strong motiue to all Gods for­ces, to take this course, since none can giue better order for incamping then God himselfe. Vntill the time such Centi­nall be set, such Watch be kept, such Counsellours be fol­lowed, and such Commanders in the first place be obeyed: giue me leaue to be plain: the Lord will not be with us. But if this couse be taken, as I hope it shall, I durst pawn my life for it, that Gods enemies should flee before us with shame enough to their faces.

As the croaking froggs, the Iesuites, are the incendiaries of warre; so it must be undertaken and continued at their plea­sure. What warre by the Papists hath been undertaken, since they began to flourish, but they haue had a speciall hand in it? It is true, as Remigius Nantelius, a Dane, doth discover, that the Iesuites went not personally to warre, before the Prince of Parmes going into France, about the year, 1595, because they thought it a disgrace to their Clergie, and a breach of a Law made against it, so to doe, but with a non obslante, sundry ensignes of them followed the said Prince, with their Chariots, and all furniture; yea, with their ban­ners, after the manner of Princes, therunto ambitiously an­nexed: they gaped (as the Author saith) for honour and spoile; wherof they did assure themselues, if the Prince had subdued the French: In rationali Iesuitarum. For it should haue been their prayers onely, that moved God to giue the overthrow to their enemies. But they counted before their Host,, and so they were deceived in the reckoning. Yet for all this they cease not to ply it, assuring all that fight for the beast that it shal goe well with them. Their large promises of heaven, of [Page 118]victory, of pardon, of freeing of their friends out of Pur­gatory, and foyling and rooting out of their enemies, ma­keth me call to minde a blasphemous brag of that curse [...] Heretick Nestorius, made Prelate of Constantinople by The [...] ­dosius, to whom he speaketh thus in a Sermon. O Caesar pur [...] me the land of Hereticks (meaning the true worshippers o [...] God) and I shall giue thee heaven; Tripartit. hist lib. 12. cap. 1.help thou me to root [...] them, and I shall help thee to overcome thine enemies. For th [...] hee was called, [...], or fling-fire, in French, Bon te feu. Iust so, the frogges of the bottomlesse p [...] doe croak and call together the Kings of the eari [...] to the battle of Armageddon, with this incouragement; ‘Root out those pestilent Heretickes, quit your Dominions of them, and besides the peace and prosperity with plen­ty and obedience from your loyall Catholike subjects, you shall haue heaven hereafter, as sure as the Pope himselfe, who hath the disposing of it.’ But how they haue sped and prospered that haue followed their counsell I shall haue occasion to shew hereafter. And as they are of their father the Devill, and with lying words deceiue men; so [...] will assure you upon the word of God, who cannot lie, that if you will procure such Ministers as are of God, warranting their Call by their life and doctrine, and hearken to such and obey them, as from the Lord; the Lord hath said it; Deut. 28.7. He shall curse thine enemies that rise up against thee, to be smitten before thy face; they shall come against thee one way, Esa. 1.19.and flee seven waies before thee. If you will be wil­ling and obedient, you shall eat the good of the land. Where ob­serue especially, that there must be a willing obedience, otherwise both the Minister and the meanes can doe no good.

It is a vain thing, and the grossest point of Popery, to pre­sume upon the ordinances, Obadiah 1. or the work done. This is to make the Nest in the Clift of the rock, out of which the Lord will bring every one down that so doth, for God thereby [Page 119]is robbed of his glory, and the soule cozened when it com­meth to reckon. The Trojans trusted foolishly to their Pa­ [...]adium, the Asiatickes to their Pessimuntius, the Romanes to their Ancilia, the Papists to the Crosse and holy-water; and the Israel of God, to the Arke of God. As the idola­trous Papist in any common calamity cals for the pax, and the host; so the Israelites caused bring the Arke, and put­ting carnall confidence in that, without any counsell asked of Samuel, or commandment from the Lord, it must be car­ryed out to battell. They were no better here then the un­circumcised Philistim, or rather worse; for they feared the Arke more then God; and his people trusted to the Arke more then to God; but the Arke was so far from saving them, that God gaue both them and it into the hands of the enemies. Yea, for their wickednesse, and vain confidence, the Lord so abhorred his own Ordinances, that he suffered them to be polluted with the foule hand of the uncircumcised Philistim, who had nothing to doe with them. In the very same predicament be our carnall Gospellers, who being confident upon the profession of the outward badges of Christian profession, as the Word and Sacraments, thinke all shall be well enough: they are baptized, they haue the Word and receiue the Sacraments, and they haue an excel­lent Teacher, and they frequent the house of God, and sit before the preacher, and commend both him and the Sermon; the Word is as a louely song, and they shew much loue to him with their mouthes, Ezech. 33.31, &c. but there is one thing wan­ting which marreth all; They heare the words (saith God) but they will not doe them.

If the distressed people in the Palatinate, Bohemia, and Switzerland, examine the cause of their captivity in their own land; I beleeue they shall finde their presuming on the meanes, with unanswerable walking, to haue deprived them of the means, and made Ashur to lie heavy upon them; their exemplary punishment giues an alarum from the Lord [Page 120]to England and Holland, who presuming on some Watch­men upon the walls, and some manna about their tents, thinkes the Lord will never come against them, nor remoue the Candlestick: but let them know, that except the dead­nesse of Sardis, and the lukewarmnesse of Laodicea be really repented of; the Lord will pull them out of the [...] of that rock. Yea, and rather pollute his own Ordinances then indure their mockerie. The Provinces may happi [...] presume upon some purer reformation, and expulsion [...] the Antichristian Hierarchie; but I protest upon my know­ledge, from the griefe of my soule, that they carry a name that they liue, but they are dead, both to the power of the the Word and Discipline: for besides the infection of all plaguie heresies, that they keep warm among [...] them; where is the power of the Word in Saboath keeping, family duties, gracious words, and holy walking? Where is the Pastor that can say, here am I, and they who [...] God hath given me? Where is the power of the Ministery, in shaking, of the hearts of great Ones? Who will not, like the Nobles of the Tekoits, N [...]b. 3.5.put their neckes to the work of the Lord: Yea, their great ones in a manner, overtop both Word and Ministery; and (as their enemies speak) like [...] many petty Popes, they make the power of both swords, serue onely humane policy; which as it is a justling out of Gods honour, in putting the Cart before the Horse; so it is a thing that God cannot bear; for hee is very jealous of his glory, and of the Scepter of his Kingdom. If the ca­lamity of the aforesaid people cannot work; let them and us take a veiw of Scotland, the very paragon of true re­formation, where there was not so much as one hoofe of the beast left; yea, where their tallest Cedars were made to stoup at the foot of Gods Ordinances: yet for want of fruits worthy of so great a mercie, the Lord cast them in the furnace of affliction, as famine, sicknesse, dearth, and death; yea, which is worst of all, he hath suffered the [Page 121]stinking carkasse of the interred whore, to be raked out of the graue, and the froggs of Aegipt to swarm in Goshen, which is a great and fearfull wonder. What think you? Is Israel a servant? Is he a home-born slaue? Why is he spoyled? Ier. 2.14. &c. Hast not thou procured or deserved the like unto thy selfe, v. 17. My counsell is, that Princes, States and people, both with us and them, might be humbled for this particular; for God doth threaten us if we doe not, Ier. 2.37. that wee shall goe forth from him, with our hands upon our head; yea, he will re­ject our confidences and we shall not prosper in them.

The injoying of the meanes, without the holy use of them, maketh men but the more lyable to the wrath of God. The word and works that were taught and wrought in Bethsaida, made their case more woefull, then the case of Tyrus and Sydon. By how much higher Capernaaum was lifted up to heaven in the plenty of the meanes; by so much lower was it prest down to hell in the abuse of the meanes. Take notice then, it is not the Temple of the Lord, nor the word of the Lord, nor the Prophets of the Lord, that will serue the turn, but labour to be Temples for the Lord to dwell in; Let the word dwell plenteously in you; yeeld obe­dience to all Gods comandements, and especially look to the keeping of the Saboth; hate all superstition, turn away your eyes from beholding vanity, especially from stage­plaies, the very theater of vanity, the chayre of the Devil, and the other masse-book of the Iesuite. Labour as much to doe as to hear, and make much of him that brings the message for the messages sake, and then be sure the Lord will blesse you: He shall blesse all those that blesse you, and curse all those that curse you; and the Viols of odours, which are the prayers of the Saints, shal one day descend upon the head of you and yours, like a precious ointment.

CHAP. XXVII. The wise carriage of Counsell.

NOW I come to the last thing in Counsell, which is th [...] wise carriage of it, namely, it must be kept secret, no [...] onely from the enemy, but also from all that are not o [...] the Councell of War. The disco­very of the enemies counsell. I shewed the discovery of the ene­mies counsell to be no small advantage; so the secrecy [...] our own counsell, is the lock and key to good successe. Fo [...] the discovery of the former, not onely common souldiers, or ordinary Commanders, haue adventured their liues; but even great Generals and Princes themselues, as Fabius Case, brother to Fabius Maximus, in an Hetrussian habite, disco­vered their forces and intent. Saladine, Sultain of Egipt hearing of the preparation and expedition of the Christian for the recovery of Ierusalem; Egnat. l. 9. cap. 8. himselfe in the habite of a private man, went through France, Germany and Spain; and discovering what he could returned to his Kingdom i [...] safety. So Athertus Brandoline, in the habit of a Labourer, under the pretence of selling Grapes, entred the Camp o [...] Francis Sforcia, Duke of Millain, and discovered his forces. But to clear those attempts in such personages of temerity, The secre­sie of their own coun­sell. Nulla con­cilia m [...]io­ra sunt, quā illa quae ig­noraverit adversarius antequam fac [...]as. [...] will not stand.

For the latter, namely, the keeping of their own coun­sell secret, it concerneth the greatest and the best. It is the plain position of Vegetius; That there is no counsell better the [...] that which is concealed from the enemy before it be put in execu­tion. The same Authour in another place, giveth a reason of the said position: It is the safest (saith he) that all the things we doe in preparations, or expeditions, be hid from the [Page 123]knowledge of the enemies Hence it is (as the same Author and others report,) lib. 3. c. 26. Tutissimum namque in expeditioni­bus, &c. that the ancients gaue the Minotaur in their ensignes, that as he was placed by Dedalus in an inaccessable aborinth, so the counsel of war should be wonderfull secret. Hereupon One hath made a prettie Embleme, the applica­tion whereof is this, unfolding the reason:

For keeping of secresie in war, Vegetius hath a marveylous good rule; of that which seemeth fit to be done consult with many; Quid fieri debet tra­ctato cum multis quid vero factu­rus sis, &c.of that which you intend to doe, indeed, consult with a few, and that faithfull ones; yea rather with your felfe (meaning the Ge­nerall) so that from the common souldier, or ordinarie Com­manders, the courses intended are to be concealed.

There be many notable instances of well concealed coun­sell, and the ensuing good in militarie writers; amongst the rest, none more common, and yet none more remarkable then that of Q. Metellus Pius proconsull in the Spanish War, against the Ce [...]iberi or French-Spanish: as he beleagred Con­trebia the chiefe citie of that precinct; with all his forces he could not overcome it. After long deliberation with him­selfe what to doe, he withdraweth his forces on a sudden, and marcheth a pace to other parts, and encamping some­times here, and sometimes there, the cause of his so doing wa not onely hid from his enemies, who did not regard it; but also from his owne souldiers; who wondring at his strange courses, one amongst the rest being very inward with him, demanded what he meant by these removals, Valerius M [...]x lib 7. cap. 4 Front lib. 1. cap. 1.Let alone (saith he) further to inquire, for if my shirt knew what I meant to doe, I would cause it to be burned: thus seeming to direct his course another way, he brings his forces before the cittie; he give [...]h the assault unexpected, wherein they were surprised with such a sudden feare, that without more a doe he tooke it. [Page 124] Cesar C. Nero attending Hanibal, desired exceedingly to pre­vent Asdrubal his brothers forces, from ioyning with him▪ but how to hold Hanibal in hand by concealing the matter [...] from him there was the cunning. He draweth out of hi [...] forces ten thousand of the best, and commandeth his Le­gates whom he left, to keepe the same station, to make s [...] many fires as they used to doe, to giue the same face, or shew, of an intire Campe, and Hanibal indeed did take it so to be. In the meane time he ioyneth with Livius Salinator his coleague, who was too weake of himselfe to ioyne battle with Asdrubal; but the forces being ioyned, and yet con­cealed from shew (least Asdrubal should detract fight) they ioyne battle; Asdrubal is defeated and Nero returneth to the Campe ere Hanibal knew any thing. So that of two of the wittiest Captaines that euer Carthage had, the one was de­feared, and the other was deluded, and that by well conceased counsell: for if Hanibal had had but the least suspition, they might haue lost their whole forces. One example more in Iason, who going to besiege a Towne in Thessalia, he caused his souldiers to Arm, and led them out, being ignorant whe­ther to goe, or what to doe. As they were marching, he causeth a message to be brought that the enemy was mar­ching toward them, and that he had spoiled the fields all about: whereat the souldiers being incensed, the Generall leadeth them on to the very walls, which they assaulted so fiercely & unexpectedly, that the Towne was takē (as the Au­thor saith) before eyther the conquered or the conquerour knew. [...]olyan. lib. 5. Antigonus was so wary in keeping his counsell, that when his son Phillip asked him, in the hearing of divers, when he meant to remove the Campe, he gaue him no other answere but this; Are you afraid (saith he) that you shall not hear when the trumpet soundeth; taxing thereby, partly the unadvisednes of the Prince, C [...]lins Rhod [...]. lib. 13. c. 5. who would aske his father such a question in the hearing of others, and partly intimating, that Princes counsell (especially in warre) is to be concealed. [Page 125] Alexander, having suffered Ephestion to looke upon a very [...]ecret letter, sealed his lips with his ring, inioyning him ther­ [...]y secrecie. If some of our counsellors hearts had been sealed with fidelitie, & their lips with secrecie, the soule of Gondomar [...]ad not so easily entered into the cabinat of our secrets, where [...]e lay so long like an old rat, feeding on a parmisan; That all [...]e ratsbane in the citie will scarse serue to kill the theevish [...]rood of his up-bringing: these haue eat the heart out of [...]ur counsell, the Romish night-crowes were his discoverers, [...]t the leaking she-counsellers convayed all the waters of our [...]ounsell to Holburn conduit; but what remedy for this? In my [...]pinion it were best to cleanse the house of the old Spanish [...]ts, make them pay for what they haue eat, and spoyled, and [...]aue no more to doe with them: ferrit out that corroding [...]rood, with their leaders, clip the wings of the night-crowes, [...] for the grand-couzeners of State, whose lips are not sealed with the ring, of state-secrecie, Two Courts of guard for secrecie. The out ward Court of guard for secrecie. Ne explo­ratores in­ter nostros versentur impune. Vegetius lib. 3. cap. 5. Direction for the dis­covery of Spies. it is a pitty but their lips should [...]e seared with a hot Yron, & their foreheads with indignitie. [...] For the custody of secrecie in counsell their be two Courts of guard, the one an outward Court for the attaching of spies from the enemies winding themselvs into the Camp for the discovery of forces or counsell, or to get the word. The se­cond is an inward Court, with Argos eyes, attending the car­riage of their owne, that none bewray their counsell to the enemy: against the former, namely, spies from the enemies. There is a rule in war, that spies in the Campe goe not unpunished. It is the approved use and custome (saith a Civilian) though not a writtē law, that spies from the enemies shall loose their heads.

Directions for the discovery of Spies, out of the actions of the greatest warriours are reduced to these three particu­lars; as to cause euery one to attach his fellow, to giue an accompt what he is, & whence he is, to cause them march through some strayt, which the Spies will labour to shun, finally to cause every one to retire to his tent: But varietie of occasions & dexteritie of wit will afford more directions [Page 126]then rules can contayne. Notwithstanding of all this it is true that your greatest Captaines, haue taken the Spies of the enemies into their Camps, shewed them their forces, muni­tion and order, and sent them away untouched. And thi [...] they haue done, eyther to terrifie the enemy, or to keepe correspondency with the Spy in his kind, under a semblance of giving credit to serve their owne ends. An instance of the former, Lib. bellorū punicorum. wee haue in Scipio, of whom Appian reporteth that he caused the apprehended Spies of Haniball, which he had sent three severall times into the Romane Camp, to be carried about the Camp, and through the Campe, & shewed them all the Armory, munition, the order of incamping, and the course of their discipline. Which being done, Preter morem castrensem (as the Author observeth) not giving them the course of Campe law, he sendeth them safe away, that they might tell their Generall what they had seene, and with­all extoll Scipio his generous disposition. For the latter, wee haue an instance of that witty use that the Generall Ventidius in the Parthian war, A wittie Stratagem made of King Pacorus his Spy, named Pharneus, who made shew to Ventidius of discovery of the Parthian affaires, & intent, but directly intending to discover Ventidius to the Parthians. The witty Generall served him in his owne kind, and made him against his intent, to serve his purpose. And to bring this about, he used this generall, whatsoever he desired that the Parthians should doe indeed, he told the Spy that he feared they should doe the same. According to which (being the direct rule) Pharneus gaue the Parthians intelligence, but being ignorant of the crosse rule by which Ventidius walked, he brought them to the pit of de­struction, by this trick put upon him. Ventidius of all things feared most, It is requi­red that a Generall be a good Geogra­pher. that the Parthians should passe Euphrates, before the Legionary forces that were beyond Taurus in Capadocia should come and ioyne with his: Wherefore he dealeth earnestly with the Spie; that he would perswade the Parthians to crosse Euphrates at Zuma, where the river was narrowest [Page 127]and the cut shortest, where that by the streightnesse of the passage, and advantage of the adiacent hills, he might offend them, and delude the force of their Archers: for his onely feare, as he faigned, was that they should fet a compasse, and crosse the river against the plaine fields, where he should never be able to defend himselfe, nor to bid them battel. The Spie taking the Generall, as he spake, & not as he meant (for what he seemed to desire he feared most, and what he seemed to feare, he desired most) perswadeth the Parthians to doe what he seemed to feare. They bring their forces about, and through the many impediments they found, and the great deale a doe in making and ioyning bridges and other engines, they spent 40 dayes ere they could passe the river, by which time Ventidius, and his other forces were come together, Front. lib. 1 Cap. 1. and set in order three dayes before the ene­mies approached, to whom they gaue battle, and therein gaue them a sore overthrow.

Now to come to the latter, namely, intestine perfidie, The in­ward Court of guard for secresie. in the discoveries of counsel; as it is the more dangerous; so it requireth the more watchfulnes, and the narrower search. For it is an euill shut dore, when the thiefe is left in the house. When the King of Syria his counsell was discove­red to the King of Israell, it is said, that his heart for that was fore troubled, and he called his servants and said unto them, will you not shew, which of us is for the King of Israel? Where first observe, what a heauy trouble it is to haue a counsell-carryer within; And secondly, by the search it is implyed, that if there had beene such an one indeed, what should haue beene his portion if he had beene found out? Egnatius lib. 7. cap. 4 Shamefull and fearfull was the end of Robert Recatensis, a special commander of Venice. This man, being much affected by the souldiers, and desirous to be great, he bewrayes their counsell of Venice to Genua, with whom they were at warre. But his perfidious dea­liug was discovered by Carolus Zenus, another Camillus; yea the restorer and conservator of the Venetian common­wealth. [Page 128]He suffered the said Robert to enter Clodia, but with a watchfull attendant of his owne appointment, by who [...] his treachery being discovered, he had in Iustice his deser­ved punishment. It shall then be the part of euery wise war­riour to looke well to his counsell, and whom he maketh his counsellours. Counsell concealed can doe no hurt, bu [...] once revealed it cannot be called backe againe. I haue rea [...] of a man that was in the mouthes of many, and of excellent parts if he could haue used them. He had cunned by heart, the lesson of Q. Metellus, and had it often in his mouth, That if his shirt were privy to his counsell, and could speake, he would burne it. But like a bad hearer, he said and did not: for had his pra­ctice answered his theorick, he might happily, as yet, haue knowen where to haue found his head, & all the cunning of the proiecting Spaniard had not served to picke the Elixir out of it.

It shall not be amisse for Gods people to learne this of their enemies. Simeon and Levi diggs deeply and closely through the wall, into whose secrets the soule of Israel doth not enter. To these secret and deepe diggers, that Hierogliph of counsell, set out by the learned, doth very well agree. They picture Pluto with an helmet on his head, and Proscerpi [...] ­na ravishing. By which they would signifie the subterranea [...] secrecie of counsel, so their deep counsels, are hellish indeed, closely covered, hauing Pluto and Proserpina for their Presi­dent. Yea the Cabala is kept no closer by the Iewes, nor the Sibills by the Romans, nor the Druides verses by the ancient Gaules; then they keepe their secrets. It is good to cast a counter-Mine against this counsell, and though you worke not on the like subiect, but rather on the contrarie: yet la­bour to keepe as close as they doe. When God will giue his people into the hands of their enemies, he either taketh away the spirit of councell, as he did from Israel when they grieved him; or he discovereth it to the enemie as he did the counsell of the King of Siria. Therefore, as I haue shewed, [Page 129]let his people consult with God, and let him be president over all their counsels, against whom there is no counsell: and let them looke likewise to the sealing of their counsell, that their enemies might not reade it. Take heed of the Baby­lonish Spyes that convey themselues into your Courts, Camps and Chambers, in strange habits, under the colour of travell, traffique, profession of Sciences, or any such like. These be the Hyenaes that lye by the walles, with mens voy­ces, but wolues hearts, ready to discover every one that look­eth out at dores. These be like to that dissembling Romish hypocrite, Aenobarbus, with a brazen face indeed, and a lea­den heart. These are trayned up and taught the Art of disco­very, so that all Cyphers and Hyerogliphs are familiar to them; but if they be caught, it is good to make them pay for their learning.

But to come neerer home, into the inward society of se­crets: Kings and Generals in these daies especially, had need, not with Osiris King of Egipt to haue an eye onely in the top of the Scepter, or Sword; but they must haue their eyes in their own heads: yea, in their hearts, ad discernenda regia pericula opus est oculo animi. To discover the danger of great ones, they had need of the eye of the minde. As Achitophel is without giving counsell against David; so Doeg is standing before the Lord when David asketh counsel of Achimelech, whereof Saul being by him informed, it costs the Priests their liues. You see this hel-bound came to the place of Gods service; as some it may be with us come to the Church to blow up the Church; and made likewise a shew of Gods service, 1 Sam. 21.7, an Edomite by Nation and Condition; yet an Israelite by outward profession. This shew without doubt made the Priests not mistrust him, but like a bloudie Edomite or Esauite he seeks their bloud, and hath it. His heart was dyed in bloud; for there he conceiveth the mur­ther, his tongue dipped in bloud; he maketh the matter worse by relating; his hand bathed in bloud; with that he [Page 130]executeth the malice of his heart. Secrecie (if God had so so ordained,) might haue saved all this. Such be the kan­ker wormes, and fretting moaths that cat out the heart of good counsell, ere ever it come to light. Such be the pick­locks of the Cabinat of counsell. Yea, such and so many close deceivers now there be of all sorts, Quos fu­giamus sei mus, quibus credemus nesctmus. Cic. ad Atti. Micah 7.5.6.7. that it may be too truely said, as Tully said in another case: Whom to shun wee know, but whom to beleeue we know not. Yea, the book of God maketh it good of these evill daies; Trust yee not in a friend, put no confidence in a guide, &c. He sheweth a reason, The son dishonoureth the father, &c. In a word, a mans enemies are th [...] of his own house. If Sampson be deceived by his own Heifer, and Noah dishonoured by his own son; Isaak mocked by his own brother, and David finde no place to rest in for his own father-in-law, Psal. 12. what shall a man say then? Surely, this is his best refuge; Help Iehovah, for the gracious Saint is ended, and the faithfull diminished from the sonnes of Adam: And for the present, till the world mend, it shall not be amisse to follow the counsell of Epicharmus; Sis prudēs, memento diffidere.Be wise, remember to distrust.

But since counsell must be used, quest. and some must be trusted with counsell; here a question may be moved, what should be done in this?

I answer, answ. doe as Constantine did with his servants; first try, and then trust. Yea, here ariseth another question, how should they be tryed? To which I answer; First, just as he tryed his servants, as I shewed in the qualification of a good Counsellour. For he that consulteth with God, can both giue counsell, and keep counsell: He that keepeth with God, will keep with man: but because these are very rare birds, as I haue shewed you, and one of these is as a Lilie amongst thorns: For the tryall of meer civill men, let the practise of some great Warriours be insteed of a rule. Rules of tryall. They would first try their fidelity with things of seeming impor­tance, but in themselues of no moment. Dionysius going by [Page 131]Sea to besiege a Citie, gaue a sealed commission in shew, to every ship-master, but never a word written in it. Withall he commanded, so soon as ever a signe was given from a ship, thereunto appointed, they should open their Commis­sions, and make their course whether they should direct them. Withall he ships himselfe presently in one of the best Saylors, and comming about before the sign was given, he demandeth of every man his Commission: those that had opened their Commission against the charge, he executed as Traytors; to the rest who had obeyed, he gaue commis­sion indeed whether to direct their course. By which means he both discovered the perfidious from the faithfull, Polyaen. li. 5 and by his secresie concealed, he assaults and takes Amphipolis, that neither expected him, nor was provided against him. Again another rule of tryall of trust directeth you to take heed of two sorts. The first is such as their very Religion maintaineth treachery; namely, Papists, professing that faith is not to be kept with Hereticks upon any relation. The second sort is such as by their practise haue made ship wrack of their fidelity to any. Qui semel est malus semper praes [...]mitur esse m [...]lus in eodem genere. He that is once evill is ever so presumed to be in the same kind, except the Lord renew him by repentance. It is the nature of faith, neither for fear nor flattery, for gain or glo­ry, for hatred or applause of men to deceiue. Pontius Centu­rio, a Captain of Caesars, being taken by Scipio, Pompey his father-in law, had his life offered him, with an honourable place, if he would serue Pompey, who answered Scipio, That he thanked him exceedingly, Brusoni l. 2. c. 35.but of life upon such unequall con­ditions, he stood in no need. So he chosed rather to die, then to falsifie his faith to Caesar. Constantine would trust those Courtiers no more that had cracked their credit with God. Theoderick an Arrian King, did exceedingly affect a certain Deacon, although he was an Orthodox: This Deacon, thinking that he should gratifie Theoderick much, and attain to advancement, became an Arrian, which when the King understood, he changed his loue into hatred, and cur­sed [Page 132]the head to be struck from him; affirming▪ that if hee kept not his faith to God, Euseb. lib. 2what duty in conscience could a man expect from him. But to conclude this point of keeping coun­sell, pray to God for wisedom, and for wise and faithfull Counsellours; for it is God that giveth and directeth the counsell of the wise; Cum consi­lium tuum cognoveris adversariis proditum, dispositionē [...]uta. lib. 3. cap. 23. and also discovereth and confound­eth the counsell of Achitophel. To end then with the rule of Vegetius; if your counsell be discovered to the enemy, take an other course.

CHAP. XXVIII. The execution of things consulted on.

THVS having finished my discourse of Counsell, with the conditions thereof, together with other things conducent to the good and guiding of warre, I come now to the execution or managing of things wisely consulted of: or if you will, to discourse of the practick of warr. As in all Arts and Sciences practicall, practice is the proper end; so especially in the Art of War, wherin Counsell and Strength are required. Innata est nobis vis a magis com­munibus ad minus com­munis pro­cedere. Primo Physicor. Counsell to deliberate, and Strength to execute. There is an inbred sagacity in man, as Aristotle saith, to pro­ceed from things more common, to things more particu­lar; which course in this Treatise I keep, applying the un­folded generall rules to their particular objects; not that I take upon me to direct in every particular (for that is both beyond my element, and unpossible to the best experien­ced, by reason of new occasions arising, requiring rather an exception then a rule.) As it is the discretion of the Phisiti­an, in the cure of this or that particular man, by reason of occurring circumstances, of implicate or opposite diseases, [Page 133]not to walk by his generall rules; for so he may kill rather then cure: so an excellent rule of war, evill applyed in the particular, is like a Cataplasme to a true Plurisie, in steed of Phlebotomie. But not to insist in Apologie, I intend to follow my ayme; namely, having touched the particulars, to take them along with me to the standard of the Word, where­by they being ordered and directed; they may likewise be blessed from aboue.

CHAP. XXIX. The true use of Stratagems.

THE managing of war, according to the nature of war (as you know) is either Defensiue or Offensiue (taking the denomination from the chiefest part) otherwise a pure unmixt war, especially if it be defensiue, will proue but a poore one. It may likewise be distinguished in regard of place, in field-fight, and oppugnation of holds. In both which services, before I come to touch the particulars, let this position take place without controversie, That strata­gems are both lawfull and necessary; neither doe they (being lawfully used) deserue the name of deceit. That they are as usuall as war it selfe, there is no question; Witnesse all that haue written of war. Vegetius; Stuchus, Egnatius, Polyaenus; and Frontine who hath foure whole books of Stratagems. But because the examples of men must rule us no further then they are ruled by the Word, you shall not onely see the ex­amples of Gods people in his warrs, warranted by the Word, but also Gods own expresse direction for Stratagems, for the destruction of Ai; though the Lord had decreed it, yet he giveth order for all necessary secundary means, that might [Page 134]serue for the overthrow of it. Ios 8.2. Cum justā bellum sus­cipitur utrū appertè pug­net quis an ex insidiis nihil ad ju­sticiam in­terest; do­minus enim &c. Quest. 10, in Iosua. Dolus an virtus quis in hosce re­quirit. Lay thou an ambushment (saith the Lord) for the Citie behind it. In which words Ans [...] observeth very fitly, When a iust warre is undertaken, wh [...]ther one overcome by open force, or stratagem, it is all one in th [...] ballance of Iustice; for God (saith he) commanded Ioshua th [...] to intrap the inhabitants of Ai. The very saying of the He [...] then is sound enough in this point, so his termes be we [...] construed; ‘A Stratagem, or Force, all one to foes.’ Neither can a Stratagem be properly called by the nam [...] of deceit; because deceit presupposeth some trust unde [...] parley, league, or kindnesse; so that this being put upon a [...] enemy, is rather, as I may say, doins acceptus, then dolus d [...] ­tus; because he should haue looked better to it. The wo [...] Dolus, that the Poet useth abusiuely (as A [...]ujnas saith) [...] taken in the better part: wherfore the Ancients when they took it in the worser part, to make a difference, called it [...] ­lum malum. Homer likewise taketh it in the better part; so [...] commending Visses for his excellency of wit against his ene­mies, and that by just proceeding, setteth it down under th [...] very same name. It is said of Phillip of Macedo, that he [...] prevailed more this way, then by all his forces.

But as the course is both lawfull and commendable; so you must look to use it lawfully; you must not shift in false deceit and couzenage, under the colour of a true Stratagem. There is as much difference betwixt these two, as is be­twixt a Magistrate using the sword of Iustice, and a man ly­ing in wait to cut his neighbours throat.

In every Stratageme there be two things especially to bee avoided, fa [...]se-deceit, and lying; the former hath relation to any league, or parley, or interim of truce, promised or pro­claimed. Vnder these terms, to attempt any thing directly against the enemy; is on the doers part to deceiue. With this soule blemish, Lucullus that great Roman Warriour did stain all his honour. He being under termes of peace with [Page 135]the Portugals, whose forces lay in severall places; desired them so to remain, and he would shew every company where they should build and seat themselues most conveni­ently: He commeth to the first company, and under shew of friendship perswadeth them to lay down their Armes; whereupon he causeth his Army to fall upon them, and kill them every man; yea, so quickly was it done, Appian in hist. bellor. Hispan. perfidiae & non strata­gematis no­men mere­tur. that the last knew not of the murthering of the rest. From this treache­rous Massacre a very few with Viriatus escaped. One speak­ing of this, giveth it the proper name; namely, Perfidie, and not a Stratagem. Likewise in a stratagem, the least lye is to be avoyded. It is true, that the most of your memorable Stratagems, where speeches hath past, haue been strewed with untruths: but we must not use in the best presidents, [...]he least evill that is in them. Gen. 12.27 We should follow the Mid­wiues piety in saving the children; Exod. 1. Rev. 19. Abrahams charity in securing of himselfe, Rahabs mercy in saving the Spyes; Ia­ [...]obs industry in getting of the blessing, and Iohn his zeale and admiration of Gods good power, and of the glory of the Saints: but withall we must not follow Abraham his counterfeiting, Rachabs, and the Midwiues lye; Iacob his untruth, nor Iohn his do [...]ing on the Angell.

I know some will hold it much precisenesse in Strata­gems to be effected with speech, not to allow an officious lye, since all such Stratagems hath been so effected, and almost it is impossible without such a lye to bring it to passe.

I answer. First, what hath been done de facto will not serue; but what may be done, de jure, we must examine. Secondly, the Word is so precise both in the generall, and even in the very particular, that it will allow no lye at all. For the generall, this rule is without exception. We must not doe the least evill, that the greatest good may come of it. Rom. 3 8. Epes 4.25. As for the particular, put away lying, saith the Apostle, Lye not one to another. And least men should take these places with a Pharisaicall glosse; Lev. 19.11 that the Spirit forbiddeth lying [Page 136]one to another, that is, to a brother, or neighbour; but to [...] enemy we may (especially upon necessity;) the Spirit will haue no lye at all, upon whatsoever good intent, to come from the children of truth. [...] Ioh. 2.21 No lye (saith S. Iohn) is of the truth; that is, no lye will sort with the truth; let the ground or pretence seem what it will.

Heathens, that sees no further then Owles, permits lye [...] upon some necessity; [...]. P [...]s [...]nder. De repub. lib. 3. Iob. 13.17. as a certain Poet, he is not to be blam [...] that maketh a lye for saving his life. Plato affirmeth, that Phy­sitians upon necessitie, must haue leaue to lye, that they may comfort the sick, and hold them up with hopes, although [...] there be none. But neither recovery of health, or saving o [...] life, is a sufficient ground for a lye; because we may not lye for the glory of God, which should be deerer to us the [...] our own salvation. Will you speak wickedly for God; and talk deceitfully for him? Hence it is that the defence of an offi­cious lye fals to the ground. We haue examples indeed, both of pernitious, merry, and officious lyes, but in the book of God, Duo men­daciorum genera in qu [...]bus non est magna culpa, sed tamen non sine culpa in Psal. 5. Ex si quis peccatum non putet seipsum de­cipit. every lye is condemned, and no lye warranted. Austi [...] having spoken much of the divers kinds of lyes, upon good ‘deliberation giveth this resolution: There be two kinds of lies (saith he) that are lesse faulty, yet are not voide of fauit [...] (for he who thinks any kind of lye not to be sin, deceiveth him­selfe:) Neither is there any reason we should use this lie, if we consider it well.’ First, by this we cannot effect any­thing; for it is not a lye that can saue life, nor gain advan­tage of the enemy. Secondly, we dishonour God exceed­ingly, and shew our distrust in the using of evil means: Third­ly, and lastly, we provoke God to curse his own work, for mixing that with it, which is an abomination in his sight. We must not then imitate Sopyrus mangling of himselfe, and lay it upon others, though it be to gain dominion to D [...] ­rius, glory and grace to himselfe, and the good of hi [...] Countrey. Neither must Synons cogging craft be a warran [...] to doe so, though it were to gain Troy: Neither must we emu­late, [Page 137]or imitate the new Synons of Rome; the croaking frogges, and other Papists, who are become their crafts-masters in shamelesse lying, and hellish equivocation. They are apt schollers in Lysanders schoole; tell them to their Thame, as some did to him, That by divellish lyes, they haue brought many massacres, treasons, and outrages to passe. They laugh it off, and answer with their Master, That a man must put on the Fox skin, when the Lyons will not serue: that is (as Plutarch expounds it) that which cannot be done by fair deal­ [...]ing, must by fraud and dishonest meanes be accomplished. But they need not goe so farre to schoole, their hollow fathers, fogged up with deceit, will teach them to cast the keyes in Tyber, and the Sacrament in the fire, when plain dealing will not serue. Yea, old Leo the tenth, hath taught the yong Whelps a Text, which all of them hath by heart, and all the comments upon it: Flectere si nequeo su­peros, &c. ‘Fetch help from hell, if heaven deny you aid.’

Neither, last of all, must we follow a multitude to doe evill: The whole world lyeth in wickednesse, and truth and faith haue left the world. Men are now grown naturall Cre­tians. It is a great peece of policy with great Ones, to lye as ordinarily as to speak; but it is a great shame and disgrace to them. Prov. 17.17. Excellent speech becommeth not a foole, much lesse doe lying lips a Prince. For this quality in great Ones I cannot passe a remarkeable passage in the Scottish History. Yong Malcom King of Scots, fled into England from the cruel­ty of Macbeth, who had murthered his father, and usurped the Kingdom: Macduff Earle of Fife escaped likewise from the Tyrant, and comming into England to the King, did solicite and incite him with arguments, to labour for the deliverance of his people from the tyrannie of a Traytor: Malcom fearing deceit, which Macbeth by sundry means against him attempted, he desired to be excused, because he had two evill qualities incompatible to Kingly government, namely, avarice and lust. Macduff answered, that these [Page 138]might be remedied by matrimony, and aboundance: The King replyed that he would be plain with him as a friend, lest afterward he might be deceived; that hee had another fault intollerable in any man, much lesse in a King; There was no truth in his words, no sincerity in his heart; he trus­ted no body, neither was hee trusted by any. At which Macdu [...] brake forth in these speeches: Away with thee (saith he) the dishonour of the name of Kings, a monster rather to be abandoned society, then to be called to rule a Kingdom: With which spee­ches, going away in a great rage, the King got him by the hand and told him; hee put the case but to try him, for he was no such man indeed: Hist. rer. Scoti. lib. 7. yea, there was not a more religi­ous, faithfull, just and magnanimious King amongst them all, then he was. Davids lie to Achimelech did more hurt then if twenty others had lyed; 1 Sam. 21.2. he said, the King had com­manded him some secret businesse; which was not so indeed: And though he coyned upon neer necessity, yet cannot he be excused of infirmity, although he made no trade of it. This lye cost the Priests their liues, as he ingenuously con­fessed, 2 Sam. 22.22. I haue occasioned the death of all the persons of thy fa­thers house. Besides; this fault in great Ones, as Kings, Ge­nerals, and Councellours, makes inferiours of all sorts, to count lying a grace. The Courteours of Meroe, a Kingdom of India counted themselues highly graced with limping and halting, because the King halted. Exemplary sin in great Ones, maketh sin common; and vice once common is counted no­vice, but vertue: though a lyar (as the Poet saith) is to bee hated to hell. Yet for all this, that hell is so hugely inlarged upon earth, that we are become like the Egiptians, who had no punishment for lying, Nullus mo­dus menti­endi & summa mē ­tiendi im­punitas. Alex. lib. 6 cap. 10.nor no measure in lying. Two sinnes of all other, the Persians most abhorred, lying and breaking; & these two of all others, bear now no little sway. Yet it were our best to break off this sin. For though we may lye by authority, and no man can call us to account; yet God will call us to an account for every idle word, much more for [Page 139] every lye: And though there be no penalty on earth; yet the Iudge of heaven and earth hath appointed hell hereafter for lyers, if they leaue not of and repent. Rev. 22.15 Without shall be dogs (saith the Lord) and whosoever loveth and maketh a [...]ye.

But some may reply, what would you haue a Spy to doe; how shall he accomplish his businesse, except he deliver some untruths? To which I answer, as his calling is lawfull, so he must use it lawfully, whatsoever he doth he must not sin; God putteth sin as a necessity upon no man; he may conceale the truth, or some part of the truth, change his habite, make shew of what he meaneth not to doe: In all which he must take heed that they be not in matter of Religion; for that will endure no part of dissimulation. But some may instance that stratagem of Hushai in subverting the counsell of Achi­tophel, wherein it seemeth he delivereth sundry untruthes, 2 Sam. 16.16. and that against his knowledge; as first he saluteth Absolom by the name of King, and that he would be his, and serue him. Vers 18. Fuit offi­ciosum mē ­dacium. Ambigue sermone lu­dificatur.Osiander answereth that it was an officious lye; but Iunius bet­ter, That he dallied with Absolom in a doubtfull speech. Peter Martyr pleadeth for warrant, Divine instinct, because David so directed him, ch. 15. v. 34. But howsoever, if there were either untruth, or equivocation in it, it is no warrant for us.

CHAP. XXX. The Oppugnation of an Hold.

NOW I come more particularly to the oppugning and defending of an Hould, wherein I mean to be briefe, because the particulars of the service, dependeth much upon the circumstances of the subject. First, then to the Assay­lants: There be two kinds of waies, as Writers well obserue, [Page 140]and experience teach, Obsidendi duas esse species. Veg. lib. 4. cap. 7. to besieg any place; either by conti­nued assault, or by cutting off all supply of means, wherby they may be forced to yeeld. The latter of these is first to be attempted, Fame po­tius quam ferro. as Caesar well observed. The Assaylants having chosen the best advantage of ground, for entrenching of themselnes, and planting of their Ordinance, they are in the first place to look well to themselues: Cum negli­gentia in­tervenerit, paribus in­sidiis sul­iacent obsi­dentes. Veget. lib. 4 cap. 28. for if neglect or care­lessenesse overtake them (as one well observeth) they are sub­ject to as great danger as the besieged. Claudian the Poet, both expresseth the danger and directeth the remedy:

The Apollinates whom Phillip besieged, served him such a trick; in the night time, through the besiegers neglect, they took in the Roman supply (their enemies not knowing:) All the day following they kept themselues very quiet, gi­ving occasion to the Assaylant of security: but in the silence of the night, they sallyed forth without any noyse, and pos­sest themselues of the enemies Camp, where they slew some thousands, Livi lib. 33. and took more then they slew; the King him­selfe without his cloaths very hardly escaped. Frontine gaue the same caution upon the same ground: For whether the Assaylant (saith he) be taken with sleep, or surfet, or idlenesse, or with any neglect of their place, the besieged on a suddain sallyeth out, they take, kill, consume and spoile with fire; they ‘undoe all their works, take their munition. In a word, they marr all in an houre, that the enemy hath been making, and devising many daies, moneths; yea, it may be years. Therefore (saith he) they must look to guard themselues with all manner of defence and vigilancy, as trenches, towers, Lib. 4. c. 28 or sconses, against eruptions, as well as with means to assault. For men being blocked up, where they [Page 141]must either fight, starue, or yeeld, it may be to a cruell and faithlesse enemy; they make a vertue of necessity, the pinch putteth them to their wit, and despaire strength­neth their resolution, Foelices sae­pe sine rati­one. upon the wings whereof they are carryed to desperate attempts,’ wherein they proue often happy beyond all reason.

Hereupon as the Assaylant must secure himselfe; so in the next place he must keep the besieged doing. Fiuethings necessary for the op­pugnant. To direct the Assaylant against the besieged, these fiue things are requisite; he must be wise, cunning, dilligent, constant, and upon occasi­on, wisely adventurous. By the first he is taught not to per­sist against that which must needs cost him more then it is worth.

The second includeth all lawfull stratagems, whereby every wise Assaylant should labor to possesse himselfe of any place, rather then by main force; because so, on both sides, bloudshed may be prevented. It is not possible, as I shewed, to giue rules for all stratagems, because of new occasions; yet for taking in of places these be most usuall. The Stra­tagem of corrupting Sometimes the Assaylant corrupteth some of the besieged, who be­trayeth the Town or Citie into the hand of the Assaylant, and so it is taken with little or nothing a doe: So Papyrius Cursor, the Consul dealt with Milo, who kept Tarentum a Town of the Epyrots. Being taken with the great promises of the Generall, both of reward and safety to him and his; he perswadeth the Town to send him as a Legate to Papy­rius, of whom he received the reward promised, return­eth to the Town, and by fair speeches casteth the people in a deep security, and so delivereth up the neglected Town into the hand of the enemy. So Marcellus used Sosistratus a Syracusan, for betraying of the Citie: On a day when Epi­cides did feast the people, he gaue intelligence to Marcellus, who (while the secure inhabitants did revell it out in pro­fuse hilarities) scaleth the walls, killeth the watch, entreth the Town, which was a glorious victory, and a great booty [Page 142]to the Romanes. So Hanibal took Tarentum by a corrupted Citizen, who was taught by Hanibal to aske leaue of the Captain to goe out in the night a hunting, which they durst not doe by day. Hanibal had good store of Boores killed ready for him, with which he often returned laden into the Citie, wherof he gaue a share to the Captain: But one night Hanibal put his souldiers in the habit of Hunters, who being laden with prey, and let in at the gates, they killed the watch suspecting nothing, set ope the gates and let Ha­nibal in, who killed all the Romanes saue them that fled in­to the Castle. Examples of this kind are so frequent, that I will not trouble you with more.

Some to effect this, haue sent the trustiest of their own, to proffer their service to the enemies, who under complaint of a fayned injury (or at most feignedly offred) maketh the enemy to beleeue, that they will doe or suffer any thing for revenge, when they intend nothing but deceit. This kind likewise hath had good successe, witnesse Sopyrus whom Cyrus so much esteemed) who by a mangling of himselfe, and fleeing to the enemy, by some fayned service, got Ba­bylon into his hand, and delivered it unto Cyrus. When Tarquin the proud, could by no meanes prevaile with the Gabians to surrender, he taketh rodds and beateth his own son Tarquinius Sextus, and sendeth him to the enemy, to whom he accusing his fathers cruelty, desireth in shew of revenge to be their Captain against his father, to whom when they came to fight, he delivered them up.

But here ariseth a case of conscience, Ob. since one man to be­tray the rest is paricide, or the highest kind of murther, how can the perswader be free of the sin, since a perswader ab ante or before is the chiefest principall? Ars. Inst. Answ. Hostes fallere & v [...]stū & [...]on [...]st [...].

I answer he may very lawfully perswade them all to surren­der, Ergo he may lawfully perswade one to doe what he can. Yea but the means used be naught. I answer, on the perswa­ders part they are good, who may as lawfully by cunning as [Page 143]by force overcome. Neyther can it be called treason in him because he is not in trust. Si amicus fuiss [...]t nun­quam pre­didisset. Againe the enemie is become his friend, though he be an enemie to his owne. If it be lawfull for a man in authoritie, to cause one thiefe, or traytor, to be­tray an other being all enemies to the state; it is no lesse law­full for a commander in this kind to divide his enemies one from another, & to make one serve his turne against another. But in this, and passages of the like nature, I refer my selfe to the iudicious divines.

Another stratagem of use is to fayne remisnes, Feying of remisness. or neglect of assaulting, or to doe some other thing then the main thing they intend. Alcibiades Generall of Athens besieging the citie Agrigentina, which was almost impregnable: He desi­reth the citie to send some of their counsell to him, with whom he might consult of matters concerning the com­mon good. He causeth a Theater to be erected, and in great pomp, according to the Grecian manner, he holdeth the eyes of the besieged with a shew of consultation; who neglecting to stand upon their guard, were supprized by the Athenians before they were aware. Domicius Calvinus besieging Leucas, a Towne both well fortified, and well manned; tooke often this course, to compasse the wals, with all his forces without the least shew of attempt, & so to lead them back againe into the campe. The Towne being induced by this accustomed course, to beleeve that the Roman did it onely for use of ex­ercise, began to slight it as a toy and to grow remisse in their attendance; He turnes his obambulation into a sudden and unlooked for assault, and taking the walls he forced them to render the Towne and themselves. Neyther doth the like action of Iosua, in compassing the walls of Iericho, want the nature of a stratagem. For though the Lord had givē it into his hand; yet he neglecteth no secundary meanes, eyther of force, or cunning to accomplish the Lords decree. And no doubt the continued compassing of the citie, with­out any further attempt; made Iericho slight it off, as a toy, [Page 144] ‘rather then a strategem. As the custome of things doe dull and alter the sense; so it bindeth up the mind from judg­ing, and disordereth the affections from fearing, or affec­ting of things indeed according to the true nature.’

Besides; this generall hath likewise another tricke of slight to simulate the raysing of the siege, and departure for a time, that the besieged, neglecting their watch, they may returne upon them, and take them at unawares. This did Phormio, of Athens, against the Chalsidians; Agiselaus, of Lacedemon, against the Phocenses; Alcibiades against the Bizantines, and Q. Me­tellus, as you heard, against Cantrebia.

The last that here I relate, for all I cannot (and with many I will not cloy) is the drawing of the besieged to sallie out, with laying ambushment to take the place. Of many exam­ples, I will giue but a tast. Of this stratagem God himselfe was the author to Iosua, as I shewed you, Iosu. 8. Cato in the very eye of the Lacedemonians, whom he besieged, set the Suessens, being the weakest of his forces to assault the Walls, and layeth the strongest in ambush for the service indeed; the Towne breaking out upon the assailants (who fled for their lives, and they followed as eagerly;) the towne was taken by them that lay in ambush. Hannibal, besieging Hymera caused not onely his souldiers to flee before those that sal­lied out; but also to quit the Campe into the enemies hand, for which the Hymerans were so ravished with Ioy, that they runne all out of the Towne unto the Campe; and so the Towne was taken by those that laie in waite. The like stra­tagem he used against Sagunt.

The third thing required in the assailant is diligence in fol­lowing the worke, Diligence: [...]. loosing no opportunitie, nor omitting any occasion of diligence. It may well be said, that all things are subiect to the service of it; yea nothing is so hard but it will overcome; without this, nothing with honor can be atchieved, and by this, many times, things seeming impossible are ac­complished. It is wel observed by Demosthenes of Alexander, [Page 145]that his happines did not attend his fortune; neyther by it did he attaine to so great victories: but his industrious d [...]li­gence, his boldnes and serving of the occasion, brought those great things to passe. Neyther will this service suffer any delay or slipping of occasion: for occasion (as one saith well) is the soule of action. The Israelits did compasse Iericho for six dayes together; and when they came to the point of the service, they did compasse it twice. It is reported of Cesar, [...]. that being asked how he had accomplished so great and admirable things, that he should answere, by de [...]aying no occasion. The dexterous and cunning Hanibal, neglecting his attendance upon this great commandresse, lost the Crowne of his victorie, namely, the taking of Rome.

Fourthly, Cōstancie for the taking in of a place of any worth there is required Constancie. It is not common, to come and see, Venire vi­dere & sic vincere.and so to overcome. The place is very weake, or pestered with Co­wards, or traytors, that yeelds at the first, therefore the assai­lant must resolve to stay by it, yea and to be at some cost with it, if he meane to haue it. They that come to besiege any places (as Livi well observeth) must ever haue that of Ap­pi [...]nus Claudius before their eyes. Preseveran­tia in omni genere mili­tiae est ne­cessaria, maxime ta­men in ob­sidendis nr­bibus. Apud Livi. lib. 5. That perseverance in every part of war is very necessarie, but especiallie in the besieging of townes. Titus besieged Hierusa em six mone [...]hs; the siege of Troy continued ten yeares. In the time of Leo Iconoma­chus, Cal [...]ph Sull [...]man besieged Constantinople for the space of eight yeares. Anno Domine 719. So the siege of Constantinople, and the Rhodes, when they were taken, con­tinued for many dayes. But how short while soever it be continued, i [...] shalbe good policie to make shew of continu­ance. [...]lea [...]chu [...] the Lacedemonian environing the Thracians, they were confident, that want of provision, would force him [...]o depart (for they had carryed all into the mountaines.) As they sent their legates to him, he caused a captive to be cut in peces, & in the presence of the Legates to be distributed, as though it had beene for victualls, which the Thracians taking [Page 146]as an evidence, that he and his would endure any thing ra­ther then breake their resolution, they rendred themselves into his hands. When the Portugalls told Tiberius Grachus, that they had provision enough for ten yeares, and therefore they did not feare blocking up, well (said he) the worst is, then I shal take you in the eleventh yeare: with which resolution they were so daunted that they rendred themselves, notwith­standing of their provision.

The last, The cost of oppug­nation. but not the least, thing to be thought on, is the cost which they must be at. Stratagems, nor wearying out, it may be, will not serve the turne; they may find the besieged as resolute to hold out, as themselves to continue; as cun­ning to prevent, or to retort a Stratagem, as they are to de­vise it. They must therefore come to handy blowes, besides plying of ordinance. Neyther must the assailant be daunted with the valour, or resolution of the defendant; but it must the rather whet him on to his attempt. First, considering wh [...] an adversarie he hath: the valour of the adversarie addeth spi­rit to the valiant. Cesar Domitian, knowing that the Germans, against whom the French were to fight, would add strength to strength, courage to courage, if they should know of hi [...] being in the battell, came closely with his forces under th [...] colours of the French, and so overthrew them.

Secondly, the worth of the adversarie, addeth to the glory of the victory, & to the gaine of him that overcōmeth him. Aulus Torquatus oppugning a Towne of Greece was told, by one of his army, that the yong men within the citie wer [...] excellent Archers, & that it would be hard to expugne them all the better (saith the Generall) for I shall haue the richer prey. When Aristotle his Elenchus will doe no good with the besie­ged, [...]. Aut per­dant aut percaut. he must bring Achileum argumentum, an irresistable arg [...] ­ment, they must be in their assault (as Homer saith) like the wik [...] ­boores; who run upō them that provoke thē, not shunning the launce Yea, the assault must be given with that resolutiō, eyther to [...] or dye, as one (saith well) where there is onely place for bold adver­ture; [Page 147]and of all the services of warre this requireth it most: Yet this adventure must be with good advice; as men must not be timorous, so they must not be temerous. [...]. It is a part of magnanimity to dare, but to be desperate without ground, is no part of manhood.

In making of assault there be three cautions. First, Cautions in assaul­ting. if by blocking up, and cutting off meanes, the place may be taken, it is vain to make a desperate attempt upon it: and therfore I thinke the Duke of Alva his will was aboue his wit; and that it was rather cholor, then true courage in him, at the siege of Harlem, to spend so many men, to the number of 20000, where he might in time haue famished them out, as some of his own requested him to doe. Secondly, to attempt, continue, & re-inforce assaults, where no good can be done, standeth neither with the wit, nor credit of a Commander. It was well observed by Chilo, that things are not to be attemp­ted that cannot possibly be done, and that being effected, the evill overgoeth the good. The great Turke, that cruell beast, con­tinued and re-inforced his assault upon the Rhodes so long, with the losse of so many, that the souldiers refused abso­lutely, notwithstanding of his threatnings, to renew the assault. It is a good saying, and experience proveth it true, that expence of danger, reclaimeth a man from fool-hardinesse. This was verified in Spinola at the siege of Bergan-upzome, where he came short of himselfe in two things; first in loo­sing his opportunity; and secondly, when they were too good for him, he made such desperate and hote assaults, and was so prodigall of the bloud of his souldiers, that every one might know, it was none of his own: but the cost of his rash attempts made his courage to coole, till at last he left of a little wiser then when he began.

The last caution concerneth the person of the Generall, Reservati­on of the Generall from dan­ger. Iudg 9. that in the siege or assault, he be reserved from the point of danger. Abimelech comming close to the Town of Thebes, which they were besieging, was killed with a peece of a Mil­stone [Page 148]out of a womans hand. Alexander the Great was more adventurous this way, then it became so great a King to be: For he indangered himselfe in taking the Towr of Iupiter Haman, where entering first by himselfe, and put to his own defence against many, was very sore wounded be­fore any help could come at him. Charles Duke of Burbon, at the taking of Rome was so eager in entring the breach, that upon the wall he was slain with a bullet. D. de Maine, at the siege of Montabon, viewing of his works, and comming too nigh the walls, was likewise shot with a Musket. The reason hereof is this, that when the Generall is lost, the bu­sinesse is often quashed, A [...]imelech being slain at the Town of Thebes, they proceeded no further, but every man went into his own place. And thus much for the Assay­lant.

CHAP. XXXI. The carriage of the Besieged.

NOW I come to the Defendant besieged, who as their case is the worser, so they had need of the ready­er wit, both how to hold out, and how upon necessity of surrender, to make the best condition they can for them­selues. As contraries laid together, discover one anothers nature, so out of the directions of the Assaylant, the De­fendant may pick matter of instruction. Things required in the besieged, Seven things ne­cessary for the besie­ged. may be reduced to these generall heads, Pro­vidence, Vigilancy, Cunning, Fidelity, strict censure of Traitors, Warinesse, and Continuance. By the first of these they are di­rected to get all within themselues that they can, and to consume the rest, that it may not serue the enemy. To th [...] [Page 149]head belongeth the making good of every place by water or by land, that may serue them for sallying forth, or bringing in of necessaries, and for annoying the enemy. To the second head may be referred the managing of all things and actions, that make for holding out. As nothing doth more incommodate the Assaylant, then secure neg­ligence, so to the Defendant it is much more obnoxious, because in a repulse th [...]re is place for a second errour, so is there not, if the place be taken. Presumptuous security was the ruin of Laish. Dan (saith the Word) came to Laish, Iudg. 18.27a people that were quiet and secure, and they smote them with the edge of the sword, and burnt the Citie with fire. A constant care must not be intermitted; watch must not be neglected. When Alcibiades, Generall of Athens, would haue his soul­diers to keep strict watch in a Citie besieged, he comman­ded the Watch to obserue a light that he would shew them from a Castle, at the sight wherof, they should all hold up their lights, and whosoever should faile in that should dye for it. While every man expected a signe from the Generall, all kept constant watch, to the safeguard of the place. This diligent and watcfull care, should be alwaies as a Watch up­on the Wals, which the learned termeth well, [...]. the Shield of the Citie. The neglect wherof, in regard of the danger, hath been severely punished in particular delinquents. Iphi­crates of Athens, keeping Corinth when it was besieged, went about the Watch himselfe, even when the enemy was about to make an assault; and finding one of the Watch a sleep, he thrusteth him through with his sword; Qualem in­veni talem (inquit) re­liqui. and to those that taxed him of severity, he answered thus, that he left him such as he found him. The like is reported of Epaminon­das the Thebane: To omit the example of diligence, used in the defence of the Rhodes, Constantinople, Belgrad, and such places of former times, look but upon the diligence used by the Defendants in the siege of Harlem; where, to fortifie the Town against the whole force of the Spany­ard, [Page 150]200 women wrought as pyoners, and that under the ensign of a woman Captaine, called Margaret Knenault, in one moneth they made the Town three times stronger then it was, making Sconces towards the mouth of the water; to assure safe passages for their necessaries. Such was the dili­gence of Leyden, Bergan-upzome, Montabon, and others.

The neglect hereof, Applica­tion. and want of mature providence, was a means, amongst the rest, to lay the Palatinate in the mouth of the enemy: and indeed it is to be feared, that the same faylings in us, together with our sinnes, may make way for the tribe of Dan to smite us, as Laish was smitten, Security is one of the nationall sins of Brittain, and so much the more dangerous, because it vayleth it selfe, and all other sinnes; from being taken notice of; yea, it is the stalking Horse to sin and judgement: It is the mother of Negligence, and the Devils dore-keeper. As there was never greater secu­rity; so was there never a time wherein it was more dange­rous. That speech of the Father may be fitly applyed to us; No man should be secure in that state which is assaulted continu­ally by the enemy; Nemo secu­ [...] yea, indeed it may be called all one assault; their case may be ours, except we repent. For (as the same Father saith) we become rather worser of better, then bet­ter of worser. The devil now hath set all his Miners a work; that Antiochus of Rome; and Senacherib his Generall, means to block up Zion to the very gates. The Foxes are not one­ly got upon the walls, but the Spyes are got within the Ci­ties; and howsoever we are too credulous to take their word with Iacobs sonns, that they are not Spyes; yet when the Assault is given they will proue such. It is time therfore that every one that is zealous of Gods glory, carefull of his life, and the life of his, and true to his Country, awake himselfe and others as much as he can, to make up the breach, before the enemy enter.

But to proceed. It is a main point of diligence to make sure at every point. That rule of Gregory is true in all kinds [Page 151]of defence, that in vaine doe wee fortifie all the rest, In cassum munita sunt caetera, cum locus unus, de quo hosti patet aditus non est mu­nitus. Morall.if we leaue one place unfortified by which the enemie may enter. A dange­rous thing it is if there be the least breach in the wall, or the wickat of a gate be but open: but if the surest-seeming part of the wall, be but daubed up with untempered morter, or if the citie gates beleft open by night, though the keyes for a fashion be carryed up, is that citie sure thinke you? Iudge by your owne private house, and it will tell you the danger. Sallying out.

A third point of diligence is to be used in sallying out upon the enemie: so Furius the Roman consul brake out by the gate called Decumana, and did the assailant great hurt: So Ce­sar in the French-war telleth us, how he served the enemie; Sic nostros contempsere▪ lib. 5. slighting us (saith he) they fell to their worke, some to cut trenches, some to fill up ditches: Cesar in the meane time sal­lyeth out at all the gates & put the enemie to flight. The like did Labienus & Hircius upon Pompey. Harlem made many brave Sallies upon Duke Alvaes forces, and not onely killed many, with small losse to themselves, but also carryed divers en­signes out of their trenches, nayling some peeces of their batterie. Without further example, it is an usuall thing. A meere Lyon couchant, or a Serpent dormient, though they h [...]ue both courage and wit; yet (not imploying it to of­fence) are not fit to keepe a hold.

The third thing required is cunning: Cunning. for the art and cun­ning of the assailant must be opposed and cut off with the like. Stratagems in defence are of exceeding great use, ney­ther is it sin by those to deceive a deceiver: for this is but to take him in his owne net. As there be many examples of this kind, well knowen to men of reading and experience; so I will shew you but two or three examples for instance. In the besieging of Rhodes, the enemie made an Ambula­torie or walking-Tower, an engine then of great use, not un­like (it may be, though of greater quantitie) to the moving wooden sconces used at the siege of Harlam. This over-topt all the Towers of the citie; to cut off the use hereof, the enginers [Page 152]caused to digg through the walls, and in the night to make the way hollow, by the which they did convey it, which the enemie not perceiving (being covered with earth) as it came that way, it sunke downe with the owne waight; so they lost their engine and all their labour, and the citie was delive­red. There were many prettie Stratagems used in the de­fence of Harlam, amongst the rest, this one put Duk de Alva from working any more that way. The defendant preceiving that the enemie meant to lodge in a new battered bulwarke, they left rampering against it, and fell to the mining of their owne bulwarke, wherein they put barrels of powder casting many trenches round about it, the enimie offering to enter they quit the bulwarke; As a multitude of the ene­mie pursued and were come to Push of Pike, at the barrier of a trench they fired the mine, blew up, kild, and tooke to the number of 1600, and sallying backe to their owne tren­ches, recovered the ground of their bulwark, which againe they re-intrenched and kept. One more of excellent note, related by Vitruvius in the siege of Apolonia. Trypho Alexan­drinus did mine through the wall in sundry places, till he brought his mines a flights shot without the gate, in all which he hung up vessells of brasse; so sone as ever the enemie began to mine towards the citie, by the sound of the vessells they understood where he wrought; whereupon they countermined the enemie, by penetrating their owne, and powred vessells of hot boyling water, urin, boyled sand, and such like upon the heads of their enemies, lib. 10. cap. ult. whereby they plagued them. Not unlike to this was he practize of a car­penter at the besieging of Berca by the Persians, who carrying a brasen shield about within the walls, and laying it to the ground, Herodot in Melpemo­ne. by the sound of the same discovered the working of the enemie. In our time it is usuall to set basins full of beanes or peason upon the ground, which rebounding at the strokes of the miners, discovereth the enemies workes.

[Page 153]There were never more Miners or Enginers under Zions walls then now there be. Pharao hath said to the Egiptians, come let us worke wisely with them; that is, craftilie; for so the word signifieth. It is not unworthy our observation; when that Typicall Phara [...] began this undermi­ning of Israel; euen then when they began to corrupt their religion, & to commit whoredomes with the Idols of Egipt. That this is true, looke in Ezech. and sundry other places of Gods booke; the Lord sheweth what direction he gaue them, namely to cast away the Egyptiā Idolls, wherewith they were defiled: Eze. 20.7.8 23.8. I [...]s. 24.14. but they rebelled against me (saith the Lord) they did not every man cast away the abhommation of his eyes, neyther did they forsake the Idolls of Egipt; then I said I will powre out my fury [...]pon them to accomplish mine anger against them, in the middest of the land of Egipt.Ps. 105, 25.Then (saith the Psalmist) he turned the hearts of the Egiptians to hate his people, to deale craftilie with his ser­uants. You see when his peoples sinnes provoke God, the enemies wit beginneth to worke against them, being guided thereto by the overuling hand of God: So standeth the case betweene us and Pharao his Antitype. Wee haue hugged the gods of Rome so long, and kept in the strange fire of their sacrifice so carefullie; that we are become, as some call us, a Nation of devi [...]s, for reasons and conspiracies: by this meanes many are infected, others growne lukewarme, the most part key cold, for which the Lord hath increased the hatred of forreyne, and of our homebred Egiptians against us, & sharpe­neth their wit, that they may deale craftly with us; not that God is the author of the evill of sin, but of the action as it is a just plague and punishment to us. With their craft they haue undermined our wit, they haue undermined our State; and which is worst of all, the haue undermined, yea and almost blow en up the power of our religion; they haue made Israel naked, and Iuda contemptible and bare: Wee stand in neede then, that wit should awake, and some Trypho should discover their undermining (for wee see but a litle:) But [Page 154]vessels of brasse, or tinckling cymbals will not serue, but some silver Trumpet must giue Israel the alarum, and awake them out of sleep, that they may hast to the breach. We had more then need of some cunning Archimedes to countermine the Ro­mans, for keeping of our Syracusa.

It is likewise a part of cunning to meet with the enemy in his own cunning, Anti-cun­ning. in feigning a regresse, or raysing of the siege, for that (as I shewed) is a speciall Stratagem in op­pugnation to withdraw themselues, that the besieged may be secure, and they may return with the greater advantage. It shall be their care therefore to make use of that time as oc­casion shall be affoorded.

Our enemies seeme to withdraw themselues from the work about which they are, Appli­cation. Astu se subtrahunt ut ex inspe­rato nos op­primant. as though they had given it over. Vpon the Parliaments proceeding, some seems to turn, that they may overturn us; the frogs keeps a croaking at the proclamation; the nymphs of Babel seems to mourn that their ghostly fathers must be gone; and great Dian [...] droups right down, as though Iupiter were in an evill aspect. In a word, all the Edomites take on, as though both Spain and Babel were fallen: yea, and the Spanyard himselfe take [...] on, as if Gondomars works were all blown up. But for all this they haue not said in their heart, there is no hope. Their night counsels, their continuall intercourse with the Pope and Spanyard; their Scout-watches every where; their threatnings, out of their abrupt passions, doth plainly tell us that they meane yet to haue a round bout. Their seem­ing retraits are trecheries; the Iesuit can goe out at the fore­dore, and come in at the back-dore: yea, under Gi [...]es ring he can goe where he list. Therfore right Honourable, and most worthy of the Parliament, look nighly to them now especially; lest their re-attempts upon us, with greater force and counsell, cause us one day say of our de­ceived selues; The foole beleeveth every thing.

The fourth thing following, Fidelity. namely fidelity; which as [Page 155]it is the bond of all other societies; so it is the Man, the mu­niment, and munition, in maintaining of an Hold: without this, neither valour, wit, nor fortification will serue. What was the speciall maintenance of many places mentio­ned in this Treatise, as Constantinople, Rhodes, Vienna, but fi­delity? And what hath betrayed many impregnable places into the hand of the enemy, but infidelity. The instances of later times, and of our own memory, are freshest and of fittest use. When Solyman the great Turke besieged Buda, Thomas Madastus, a braue Captain, possessing the Castle, de­fended it valiantly; and, without doubt, had kept it, with great dishonour and disadvantage to the Turke, if his souldiers had not betrayed him into the hands of the enemy: For they took him (denying to render the Castle) and delivered both him and it to Solyman, upon condition, that with bag and baggage they might safely depart. So the Isle of Rhodes was betrayed by a Varlet to the Turke, on condition that he should haue the Turkes daughter to wife, with a great por­tion. Lastly, Deventer was betrayed into the hand of the Spanyard, by Sir William Stanley, the staine of his Nation, though treason be the common badge of his black profession.

But if you will haue inslances of fidelity; let me giue you one of note for all the rest. William Seton, Captain of Bar­wick, having maintained the Town, against Edward the first, for [...]he space of three moneths; and besides the hot assaults made continually at all quarters, hee was driven to great want; the Town being blockt up, & not able to hold out any longer, he conditioneth with the King, that if supply should not come within a moneth, he would deliver up the Town to the King; and for further assurance of performance, giveth his eldest son, Thomas Seton, in pledge. Not long after, the Scots raysed their forces, under the conduct of Archbald Douglasse; they present themselues before the English forces, which the King perceiving (though the time of the condi­tion was not yet expired) he sendeth to the Captain, wil­ling [Page 156]him either to deliver up the Town, or he would hang both his sonnes before his eyes (for the one was taken, and the other was a pledge.) In the distracted soule of the wor­thy father of so hopefull sonnes, loue, mercy, honour and fidelity, could not choose but make a great conflict. But to be short, his rarest wife, the mother of the children, proved here an helper aboue her sex. Shee laid the honour of his house, the duty to his Country, and loyall fidelity to his Prince, in ballance against his private affection; she shew­ed him that they might haue more children, but honour and fidelity once lost, he could never recover; and she had often heard from the learned, That to sacrifice their children in the service of their Country, was their highest prayse. The Captain admiring the spirit of the woman, was perswaded with her words, and removing himselfe to another part, that he might not behold so dolefull a spectacle, was con­tented rather to part with the sonns of his loue, then with his fidelity in his service.

But because places of note in the time of oppugnation, The pu­nishment of traitors be often not onely pestered with Traytors, but also betray­ed by them; it shall be the States care, to look narrowly to such, and to giue them their desert if they be found out. These be the speciall underminers, and nothing can be safe so long as they are within. If the name of a Traytor be odious, what should be the penalty of a Traytor? Each na­tion hath laboured to exceed other in the rigour of punish­ing Traytors. The Fgiptians prickt them through all their members to death. The Grecians threw them headlong over Rocks; the Macedonians stoned them; the Romans drew them in peeces. Quae nex tanta tanto sceleri inve­niri potuit? In a word, to so heynous a cryme what death can be sufficiently devised? Yea, as they haue been hatefull to those whose ends they haue served, as to Caesar, Phillip of Mace­don, and others; so from some they haue received a shame­full death in stead of a reward. Instance these Villaines that betrayed the Castle of Buda, with their Captain: notwith­standing [Page 157]of Solymans promise of safe departure; when he understood how villanously they had used their Captaine, he caused to put every man of them to death. The other that betrayed the Rhodes was as finely served: for his promised wife and portion were presented; but the Turke told him, that he would not haue a Christian to be his son-in-law; but he must be a Musil-man, that is, a beleeving Turke, both with­in and without; and therefore he caused his baptized skin (as he called it) to be taken off, and him to be cast in a bed strewed with salt, that he might get a new skin, and so he should be his son-in-law: but the wicked wretch ended his life with shame and torment.

Not to trouble you with more examples, Two sorts of men to be taken heed of. take heed of two sorts especially; namely, of Traytors to their God, or Idolaters. The Towne, or people, professing the truth of Gods worship, can look for no safety where they are in trust with the place. Constantines position (as I shewed you) of his apostate Courtiers is very true: They that are not faithfull to God, how should they be faithfull to men? A second sort is, such as haue been tainted with treacherous dealing; they that are inured to their tricks of Legerdemain, and are once fallen a peddling with the enemies of State, they can never leav chopping. A traytor will never be true till he get a new skin, with the Turks son-in-law. When Lycimachus K. of Macedo, besieged Ephesus, he used the help of Mandro, a very wicked perfidious fellow, and an arch-pyrat: he was quickly corrupted by Lycimachus. And as he used to bring in ships laden with men, and goods to Ephesus for a prey; so one time he brought in the strongest of the Macedonians with their hands bound, as though they had been captiues: who fitting themselues of Arms out of the Castle, brought in Lycimachus, who possessed the Town. When the Ephori com­manded Agis to take the yong men with him, and to goe with one there present, Plut. in Lacon. who had promised to deliver them up a Castle: How shall I (Lords, saith he) trust him with [Page 158]these yong men, who hath betrayed his owne country? giving thereby to understand, that nothing can be safely committe [...] to them that will betray their country.

It is to be feared, Applica­tion. that wee haue too few Setons, & too many Stanleyes: the treasure cannot be safe when the thief is in the house. Besides (the dissembling Giliadits, who may passe the watch without inquirie for the word) there be the craftie Bala­mits, there is the double hearted Semiiah, eyther to curse or to cog it over for the enemies ends. Whē Tobiah & Samballat, wil seeme to build,Nec fami­liaritate nec intinctione buccellae, &c. Hier. Epist. ad ruse:take heed of Gods house. One observeth well of I [...] ­das his treason, that no bond could tye up his wicked hea [...] from that monstrous act, neyther the common graces which he had, nor his familiaritie with Christ, nor the giving of the sop, nor the knowing of him to be the son of God: when men are sold to worke wickednesse, they will sell their country, & that for [...] ­gaine. I read of Clearchus the Tyrant of Heraclea, that taking an [...] indignation against his owne people, could find neyther cause nor occasion to plague them; at last he calleth out all the special youth, in the very heat of the caniculer dayes, to besiege a town in Thracia; he incamps them in a marrish ground, and commandeth them there to stay, taking the higher ground himselfe with his mercenaries, where there was plentie o [...] fresh springs, he caused them stay so long, that through ex­treame heat, Polien. & corrupt water, they lost all their lives, which was the thing he desired. Was not this to betray the lives of his people, and that without any hope of gaine?

The more eminent the person, the more odious the trea­son. All circumstances considered, could there be a more odious treason then that of Barnevelts, who was advanced by the State to what honour, wealth, and esteeme, that the com­mon wealth could afford him; of whom at any time could a State deserve better? Should a piller of the State subvert the State? his Excellencie gaue him no just matter of envy: fo [...] though he sate at the sterne; yet many a waue went over hi [...] head, that never touched Barnevelt. What, would nothing [Page 159]serve but Spaine must haue all? What wanted he that Spain could haue giuen him? nothing but a traytors reward, and that he had in the end. I would all of his cut, were as openly knowen, and as closely followed: but God will unmaske them to their eternall shame. It shall fall out with all grand traytors, as it fell out with the Duke of Venice, name­ly, Falarius, who (beside the condigne punishment, that he suffered, for conspiring against his country) lyeth under an hierogliphe, of infamous memorie to this day: for where as the statues of all the Dukes, from the beginning of the State to this day, are erected in the Senate house; insteed of the statue of Martin Falarius, that pernitious Prince, there is se [...] an empty chary of State, covered with a blacke vayle, in­timating thereby, that traiterous Princes to the state deserve the obliteration of their names, with a monument of perpetuall hatred. As there is no punishment greater then publique hatred; so [...]here is no sin better deserveth it, then the betraying of the country. Had the danger of these bin well pondered, the nests of such well searched, and all that were found foule in the gun-powder Treason duely punished, the lowing of the oxē, and the bleating of the Sheep had not this day beene so loud in our eares. As Sertorius in Spaine dispersed his forces for his greater advantage, (which being recollected did more an­noy their enemies;) so since that time their dispersed forces are hugely increased. Our slighting over of that unparelelled attempt, what will it not incourage traytors to doe: our lop­ping of some superfluous branches maketh the tree more fruitfull: the casting a litle water upon a hot fire, maketh it burne so much the hotter. The not casting out of those whom God would haue cast out, may cause them doe to us as wee should haue done to them.

I come to the last, which is Constancie in holding out. Constan­cie in hol­ding out. As he is a pusillanimions assaylant that rayseth siege upon the first repulse; so he is a faint defendant that gives ouer at the first assault. The enemies semblance or resolution of conti­nuance [Page 160]should not daunt a whit or discourage the besieged? How bravely did Constantinople hold out against the Saracen? where, besides those that were slaine there dyed with famin and cold 300000, and so they desisted. Likewise hot and furious were the assaults that Soliman made upon the same citie in Anno 1529. His army consisted of 144000: but Fre­derick, count Elector, Generall of the Imperiall forces, did man the Towne exceedingly well, three dayes before the Turkes approching. Philip, Count Palatine shewed himselfe a braue souldier in that siege, by whose meanes, under Gods favour, the Towne was safely defended, the Turkish tyrant with shame and loose repulsed and set a packing. He lost as it is re­ported 80000, besides those that perished by famine & cold in the way. Harlem maintayned their siege for 10 moneths to the very last pinch. Ostend held out against all the Spanish force, and Italian cunning, for three yeares and three mo­neths, and gaue it over at last on honorable termes.

There be manie reasons to bind the defendants to all pos­sible preseverance. Reasons. First, there is nothing more dishonorable, then to quit a place in all apparence defensible: for he that is not a man in a Hould, will never be a man in the field. Se­condly, while men put on noble resolution, and quit them­selves like men the Lord in straits doth send them admirable deliverances. In that lamentable miserie of the siege of Sa­maria, beset by Benhadad King of Siria, you may see how they bought & eate asses flesh, & doues dung; yea their childrens flesh, & yet holding out against hope, & aboue hope, the Lord was seene in the mount, the Lord made the hoast of Syria to hear a noyse of chariots & horses, 2. Kings chap. [...]. v 7. & of a great hoast, saying one to another, the King of Israel hath hired the neighbour Kings to come against us; wherefore they fled in the twilight, & left their tents, & their horses, & all the campe, as it was, furnished with all plentie: So that Israel was not onely delivered, but also had their wants supplyed. When Duke de Alva with all his forces, after the taking of Harlem had ingaged Leyden, that [Page 161]they could neyther sallie, nor receive supplie, he battered their bulwarke with 18 peece of ordinance, making a suffi­cient breach as he thought, insomuch that they were in a desperate case: but when he came to the entry, he found such brave entertainment, that in three assaults he lost many of his best Captaines, and no fewer then 1600 of his bravest souldiers: but being never a whit daunted, but rather inraged with this encounter, the next day the Lord rayned from heauen, so that the raysing of the waters caused them to raise their siege, where they left some of their battery. The like may be said of Mountaban, where Duke de Maine had advanced his battery, made fit all necessaries for the very last assault; insomuch that he doubted not (as himselfe said) but within two or three dayes he should take the Towne: but one day after dinner walking along to view his works, one that was come thether out of S. Iohn de An­gelot observed him a far off, who with a peece of a longer sise then ordinary, did levell at him, and strucke him starck dead; after which the siege was raysed.

Thirdly, some by the brave entertainment of assaults doe quit themselves of their enemie. Fourthly, by holding out they attayne to honorable conditions, which the enemie would never afford them, but that he feareth their valour will answere their resolution. Fifthly, and lastly, a resolute continuance saveth both life & honour, where, an untimely surender might loose both, by laying them downe in the hand of a merciles and faithlesse enemie. The best of the defen­dants at the siege of Leyden, did ingenuously confesse, that through the feare of the people, and also of the Souldiers, they had quitted the Towne, if it had not ben blocked up; in doing whereof, they had lost their honour, and it may be their lives; yea which was more, they might haue lost the country: but being bound to see it, by continued valour they overcame, sauing their lives, honour, and the place; yea they so daunted the courage of the Duke de Alva, and so de­faced [Page 162]his credit as all his former encounters had never done the like: after this he never attempted any thing worthy of note. To conclude this point, let them take heed in this continuance of the enemies dalliance; yea (to giue them a caveat) to beware whose word they take, or whom they trust. I will say no more but remember Wesell. The law­full usage of the sur­rendred, whether on com­position or at mer­cie.

There is one point more concerning the oppugnation and expugnation of houlds to be treated of, namely, the just and lawfull usage of the surrendred or taken: for the de­fendāts, sometimes render upon composition, sometimes they are taken in the very assault: In the former, fidelitie is to be kept; and in the latter, crueltie to be avoided. The word of a souldier, is the worth of a Souldier. As publique faith invio­lable by the lawes of nations, in all places should haue place; so especially in keeping conditions with the surrendred, whose lives as they are be-trusted into the enemies hands upon articles; so it is a kind of sacriledge to breake any one of them. What honour from man, or blessing from God can that souldier expect, who hath torne his colours and flung away his shield? To dye, lapt in the colours, or with the shield in the hand, is counted a matter of the greatest honour. The Graecian lawes set a mulct for him that lost his shield, but none for him that lost his sword, signifying thereby, that their care should be greater for their owne defence, Au. Cly­peus salvus Amian. lib. 25. then to offend others. This was all the care of dying Epaminondas, is my shield safe (said he.) It was the onely command that the Gre­cian woemen gaue their children going to warr; eyther to dye upon their shield, or to bring backe their shield with them. This fidelitie is the shield and colours of a souldier, [...]. which when he hath lost, he hath no more to keepe. By this allu­sion Henry the 4, was nipt in the quick by one of our owne Poets, he lost (saith he) his shield. The execution of the two sonnes of William Seton (formerly mentioned) contrary to covenant, & the law of nations, was a foule staine to Edward the first, and much regrated of his owne. All the excellents [Page 103]parts, and magnanimious actions of Charles, Lib. 8. de rebus gest. Gall. Duke of Bor­bon, were eaten out with this one Canker-worm: the In­scription of his Tombe, mentioned by Ferronus, declareth his valour. Aucto imperio, devicto Gallo, pontifice obsesso, Roma capta, Caroli Borboni hoc marmor cineres continet; that is, The Empire increased, Italy overthrown, France over­come, the Pope besieged, Rome taken; this Tombe containeth the ashes of Charles of Borbone: But his fidefragie vayleth all these with black; for, as Histories tell us, he oppressing Millain, much pressed it at last with the payment of 30000 Crownes for to pay his souldiers. And though he had sundry times broken with them, yet he got them to beleeue him upon his oath, and imprecation, that if they would let him haue it, if ever he troubled them again, he wished, that a bullet might strike the head from him. On this hope to be rid of him (though they could hardly doe it) yet they made him up the mony; but they were never a whit the better: for once having the mony, without faith of promise, Guiceiard. Hist. Ita­lic. lib. 7. or fear of ex­pressed imprecation, he let loose his spoyling souldiers to all their wonted outrages. This was an hereditary fault in Hanibal, for it was his Nationall sin: Hence the proverbe, punica vel Carthaginea fides, &c. But now the Papists haue ta­ken the badg from them. For in both these two, infidelity and cruelty, they exceed the African, Turke, Grecian, or Thra­cian; if any goe beyond him, let him haue Pluto his chaire. Nunquane ista natio coluit fidē. [...]. It may verily be said of that brood, as Tully said of Africke; That that Nation was never to be trusted, for it never respecteth faith. When all things are at the best with them, as they suppose; yet there is one thing wanting with them, as Lewis the 11, said of France; namely, truth or fidelity.

And in this one thing they exceed all other, that they doe not onely practise, but preach perfidie. After the burn­ing of Iohn Hus, contrary to the Emperours safe conduct, they made an act in the Councell of Constance, That no faith should be kept with Hereticks. Iulius the second goeth one point [Page 164]further, and telleth us, the Church is not bound to keep oathes. And as their position is (which I shall haue occasion further to handle) such is their practise, in their Capitulations which is the present point in hand. How was the capitula­tion of Sancere performed by the French Papists? D. de Al­va his faith to Harlem, Narden, and Zutphen, was washed out with bloud. And here I renew the challenge to all the Romish calumniators, to tell me if they can, what Pro­testants, at any time, contrary to their faith given, hath put any, surrendered upon termes, to the sword. The Devill I know hath been about to make where he wanteth. [...] Instance an imposture of the French Papists, who to cover their more then Turkish infidelity, and bloudy cruelty, like the Fox that lost her tayl, did labour to bring the Protestants un­der the same aspersion. Popilintere a French Historian re­cordeth (but falsly) how a Popish town in France, being besieged by the Protestants, was surrendred upon com­position of life and liberty to the besieged; which composition (saith he) was not kept by the Protestants: But according to the truth indeed, it was rendred at their dis­cretion. Oubigne Historian to Henry the 4, of France, meet­ing with Popiliniere, the penner of the said calumny, char­ged upon him the wronging of the Protestants with his pen, contrary to his knowledge: Popiliniere, with teares in his eyes, confessed that his pen had been hired to it, to the end that the Protestants might bee charged with falsifying their faith, O [...]bign. Histor. Fr. in one particular of that kind, as well as the Papists.

Miniers that bloudy Tyrant, having taken by treachery the Town of Cabriers, entered the Church whether the peo­ple were fled for succour, and caused man, woman, and child to be cruelly slaine. So the Duke of Guise at Va [...]iacum, caused his souldiers to enter the Church, and put all to the sword. No murther so monstrous, nor no act so unnaturall, which against the firmest oath, or strictest bond in nature, [Page 165]they will not commit. Amongst a million of instances, none more remarkeable, then that horrible act of Gaveret the French-man (if he might be called a man, and not ra­ther a monster:) He being given to all manner of vice was cashierd by his father; yet found entertainment by a Gen­tleman of great nore, in whose house he swore himselfe brother to a yong Gentleman; but comming to his patrimo­ny he turned Papist, of whose fidelity the Papists could hardly be assured: He to put them out of doubt, undertook the killing of Henry the 4, then King of Navarre; and to that end he boughtan excellent horse: But a little from Burdeaux he was discovered to the King; where the King [...]ryed his horse, discharged his pistols that hung at his saddle, [...]nd so dismissed him. Having fayled of this, he plotteth [...]he death of his deerest friends the Protestants, whom he [...]nvited to his house; namely, the Gentleman his father, Monsieur Seamats; his sworn brother, and six other Gentle­men of good note. All the dinner time he entertained them with protestation of obligements to his said father: but this was the bloudy Catastrophe. Sixteen men came up in Arms, [...]nd laid hold on all the guests; himselfe layeth hold on his father; and willing the rest to stay their hands, till he had dispatched him; he stabbed the old Gentleman (crying for mercy to the Lord) foure times to the heart. After that he [...]unniades all the rest with his own hands, saue three that were dispatched at their first entrance. The yong Gentle­man, his brother, he reserved to further torment, whom he [...]rought to a window, and caused him to sing (as he could very sweetly, though then; no doubt, he did it with a very [...]eavy heart) towards the end of the ditty; that bloudy Traytor cryed out with many blasphemies; that there was [...]ut one Gaveret that could end that Tragedie: and with that tabbed his brother, first in the throat, and then to the heart; [...]nd so flung the dead body of him, and all the rest, out of the window into the ditch. The act being discovered, it was [Page 166]known, that he had promised to his Confessor, to manife [...] himselfe an undoubted Catholique, Oubign. by setting a sure seale t [...] his profession. Iudge you if the devill himselfe would not b [...] of this profession, that hath such a Seale.

As for their monstrous outrages and cruelty, the blo [...] of the slain in the Massacre of Paris, proclaimeth it, whe [...] they neither spared age, sex, nor quality, as Natalis Comes tel­leth us: Hist. lib. 23 where were murthered 60000 persons, or up­ward.

To this add the loud cry of the late and fresh bleeding State of Bohemia, and the Palatinate, wherein the Spany­ard and Austrian haue renued an Indian cruelty; no yeare nor sex, haue they had any pitty of. View but that immane and monstrous murther, of an ancient Minister, and ma [...] of God, Mounsieur Mileus, by the Spanyard in the taking o [...] Heidelberg (notwithstanding that such should be safe by th [...] very lawes and practise of the Heathens;) yet they took him having abused his daughter, and tyed a small cord about hi [...] head, which with trunchions they wreathed about till th [...] squeased out his braines.

To thinke on their cruelty, me thinkes, should make o [...] heart to bleed: But when God maketh inquisition fo [...] bloud, woe to that soule of whom God shall require any of it.

As the comming of these Dragons from Babylon in red and their bloudy executions, bewrayeth them to be of th [...] bloud of the Whore (for she is the mother, and Romulus the father) so it shews the nature of the Religion, or rather Arch-Heresie, which they doe professe. A bloudy disposition i [...] the very badge of heresie, as Hierom telleth us; for Heretici quos non possunt ver­bo, eos pu­tant glabio feriendos cruentas le­ges ore dic­tant manu scribunt. In Grat. Auxen. de non trad. Basil. Tom. 3. Heretith when they cannot overcome with the Word, they smite with th [...] sword; they indite with their mouths, and write with the [...] hands bloudy lawes. Hence it appeareth, that Vnde ap­paret ubi scaevitia, ibi sophistica, & haereti­cos in Ec­clesia sem­per fuisse crudeles. Hereticks ev [...] haue been cruell; because cruelty and falshood of Religion goue [...] alwaies together, where the one is, there the other is. But i [...] [Page 167]this they are worse then heathen Rome, fides hosti data ser­vanda. Off. lib. 1. who by the very light of nature and by the law of nations, both protested, and professed against this breaking covenant with the enemie. Assurance made to the enemie (saith Tully) is at any hand to be kept. Iosua kept with the Gibeonits.

If men will not be moved with all these, let them observe the judgment of God on such as haue broken in this kind. A remarkable example of this in Sauls posteritie, who were hanged up for breaking of the covenant made by Iosua with the Gibeonits, although it is said he slew them of zeale: 2. Sam. 21.1. Was not Edward the first, served in his owne son Edward the second, as he served William Seton in his sonnes? For by Mor­timer his owne subiect, against all loyalty, his life was taken from him. And what became of Charles of Borbon in the ta­king of Rome, while too too adventurously he scaled the wal, according to his imprecation, he was shot quite through, and so for breaking with Millaine he made his end.

CHAP. XXXII. The Exercising of Forces in the Field.

NOw I come from oppugnation and defence of places, to speake of exercising forces in the field, the ordering and ioyning of battle, the lawfull use of victorie; and the be­haviour required in the conquerour and conquered. As the neerer things come to their Center, they move the faster; and the nigher the Sun approcheth the Zenith, it is the hotter: so this, the last part of my subiect, being the chiefest part, & highest point of all the warlike motions, it requireth the speciall workmanship, & that of such a workman as is highly guifted with wit and experience. Haniball could not but laugh [Page 168]at a stoicke, disputing by arguments, that onely a wise mā should be a commander, not knowing that use, and experience must concurre to the making of a militarie man: Stobeus Serm. 52. so if my affection to the businesse, should not gaine excuse; in place of appro­bation, I should move laughing, and insteede of a plaudite, I should gaine an apage: but hauing experience that men of Armes, are generous, euē in affecting them that loue Armes; I proceed to touch, though not to sound, the depth of those things. And if my skill were to my affection, yet could I not direct in every particular: because necessitie offe­reth many inconveniences in war, which the wisest and ex­pertest Commander cannot avoid: for the which notwith­standing there is a good generall rule, to correct that by art and counsell which of its owne nature is adverse. The hearts of soul­diours should be knit to­gether by the bond of loue. Lib. 2. cap. 21. Caritas in­ter milites comilitio augesst.

To this rule, for the better directing of all the particular passages, let me add or perfix the counsell of Vegetius; that the hearts of souldiers should be knit together by the bond of love; yea, they should be compacted and united together, not onely in order, but also in affection: so they all should be but one body or one soule in divers bodyes: where an Army thriveth; a [...] Tryphonius the lawyer observeth, not onely knowledge & fa­miliaritie, but also loue increaseth in the fellowship of war.

The Army being thus bound together, as head and body, in their severall places and functions, ready to serve one another, Two Spe­ciall things there be two things which the leader especially must set before his eyes; namely, laying hold of present occasion and celeritie of dispatch: The former as I shewed is the soule of the action, and the latter is the quick passage of the animall spirits, Lay hold on occa­sion. effecting the functions of the soule. Life once lost cannot be recovered: occasion once past cannot be recalled. Lu­cius Portius Cato, speaking of Catelin, taketh this (as he shew­eth) for a rule approved on by all, that in all our affaires, opportunite is to be served, and nothing more to be avoided the [...] neglect of occasion.Stobeus Serm. 52.Agesilaus being demanded what were the rarest ornaments of a commander; summed them in these [Page 169]three particulars, Valor, Counsell, and laying hold on occasion. That proverbe of Vespatians courtiers taking their best op­portunitie to petition him, is an excellent motto for a com­mander, know thy time. [...]. Avidius ra­piendum, quod cito praetervolat. A man in this sence must be a time-server as, one injoyneth us, serve time. A man, as Eras­mus saith, must snatch at that which fleeth away. Scipio the great Cunctator, did call it the part of a sluggard to pretermit occa­sion. The neglect of this lost Pompey his greatnesse. First, not to dispute whether he did well or no in quitting Rome, at Cesars approching; I am sure he lost his way, when he went to Greece, to cast himselfe upon inexpert and weake forces, de­generate from the use of Armes. Had he rather gone into Spaine, of whose warlike and strenuous souldiers of proofe, (when with Q Metellus he warred against Sertorius) he had experience; without question, he had made his part good against Cesar: for which I haue this ground, that Cesar in his last fight in Spaine with Pompey the elder, was put to such a desperate pinch, that he was in parle of offering violence to himselfe. What would he haue done if Pompey himselfe had been there, especially in the beginning, when Cesar was ney­ther of any great power, nor authoritie in the place? This errour of Pompey made way for many others: for his campe in Greece began to grow effeminate; lazie, full of ryot, and neglect of all good occasions; and that out of the abun­dance of good things euilly abused; insomuch that it was liker the camp of Darius, or Sardanapalus, then of the an­cient Romanes, such as Camillus, Fabritius, &c. But the neglect following is most palpably of all without excuse; neyther thinke I, if Pompey were alive, that he would deny it, namely, in the battel of Dyrrachium, wherein he overthrew & routed Cesar; but he neglected to follow the victory, which when Cesar, perceived he said of Pompey, Negavil eum scire vincere. Semper no­cuit de fer­re paratis.that he knew not how to overcome. You may see then in this instance and others of the like nature, the saying of Lucanus made good.

[Page 170]As occasion thus doth animate the businesse; Vs [...] celeri­ty. so celerity in performance is the energetical power of life in military performances. In rebus bellicis celeritas am­plius solet prodesse quā virtus Qucknesse (as Vegetius saith) is often mo [...] helpfull then valour it selfe. That golden saying of Caesar, should in capitall letters, alwaies be in the eyes of grea [...] Commanders, That whatsoever he had effected, celerity h [...] done it.

Another thing to be thought on in the leading of Forces, How to quit them­selues in a strayt. is how to quit themselues, when they are brought into a strayt, and so invironed with the enemy, that there is no way to passe without hazard; then and there is the speciall use of some cunning stratagem. Examples of such we haue many of good note in Frontine; and none more wittie then that of Hanibal against Fabius, A witty Stratagem although none more com­mon: Where Hanibal was brought to such a strayt that he could quit himselfe no way, but through the narrow passa­ges that Fabius kept: Lib. 1. c. 5. He tyed bundles of combustible mat­ter between the Hornes of Oxen; and set them on fire. The Romans sent out by Fabius, could not tell at first what [...] make of it; for they thought it had been some prodigiou [...] thing: but conceiving what it was, they told the Generall▪ who fearing it to be some slight, to draw them out, kep [...] close in their Camp; so that Hanibal, with all his Forces, past without opposition. This was indeed a witty one, but yet a costly one: for the pattern, out of which he had it, co [...] his father Amilcar his life. The Dukes of Spain, again [...] whom he warred, yoked up Oxen in Waines, loaden with wood, which the Army droue before them, as they came toward the enemy: who counted it a foolish toy, but eve [...] in the joyning battle, they fired the wood, and droue the Oxen and Waines so fired upon the enemy, whose force [...] were broken, and Army quite disordered: so that the Spa­nish, Appian A­lexandrin. de Bello Hispan. following the advantage, slew Amilcar, and many o [...] his Army. Out of this Stratagem, no doubt, did Haniba [...] pick the other.

[Page 171]The next thing following, advantagious to fight, The taking and keep­ing of a fit place. is the opportunity of place, which as they are to take, so they are to take heed they loose it not by circumvention, as some haue done to their own undoing. Praeter vir­tutem locus quoque ad­juvat. Vt arma librata ponderibus figantur lib. 7. Qui adver­sus nitatur clivo, du­plex subit & cum hoste, & cum loco certamen. lib. 3. c. 13. Pugnandū saepe non quia tu ve­lis, sed quia hostes iubēt. Besides strength and valour (saith Livi) the place helps much; He giveth a reason, that Armes being used with advantage from aboue, may fix their blowes with their own waight. Vegetius hath the same position, whereof he giveth this reason; He that goeth against the height hath a double enemy to deale with; namely, both the adversary and the ground. This aduantage was well looked to by Marcus Curius against Pirrhus, and by Pompey against Mithridates; Lucullus against Tigranes; Caesar against Pharnaces; and Hanibal against Marcellus; all these, by advantage of place defeated their enemies. But as I said of Encamping; so I say of the place for fight: It is not alwaies in the Commanders power to make choyce; for sometimes in March they are charged by the enemy, and then being forced to fight, not because they would, but because it pleaseth the adversary: they must take the place as it falleth out: but if the place be incommo­dious, they must labour by all means to gain a better, de­tracting fight all that they can, till they obtain it. Publius Decius, Tribune of the souldiers, obtained leaue of the Con­ [...]sul Cornelius, being to figh with the Samnites, that with some few forces he might adventure the taking of an Hill that was nigh hand by; which he did indeed, to their own gain, and the enemies losse. The sole disadvantage of the place lost the Earle of Anguise the field against Edward the first.

The second branch of this point, The keep­ing of a fit place. concerneth the keeping of a fit place already taken. The wise enemy perceiving the odds of the place, will detract fight by all means and labour to shift his adversary from his place, and then giue him battle. All the cunning in this kind that I haue read, affoord­eth not a fitter instance then that of Hanibal against Fulvius, the Roman Generall; who being seated for fight very com­modiously, [Page 172]was more negligent in watching, and rash in skirmishing then he should haue been. Hanibal perceiving his humour in the very dark of the dawning, presenteth a Perdiu to the Watch, who giving an alarum, Fulvius with his forces breaketh out, whereupon Hanibal, by the most of his forces laid in ambush, interceps the place, chargeth them on their backs, and slew 8000 of the bravest souldiers that Rome affoorded. Not unlike to this, was that Stratagem of the English against the Scottish, at the Field of Floudon: King Iames was counselled by his Nobles, to seat himselfe beyond the river of Til; where, by the opportunity of the bankes, and of the river unpassable (but at one bridge) they might saue themselues, and haue the enemy at their mercy: for planting their Ordinance toward the bridge, they might let some of the English forces passe, as though they neglected the bridge, and therafter cut the bridge with the Ordinance, when they would, and so divide their enemies forces, which they might easily foile without danger to themselues: but this counsell could not finde place with a man hastening to de­struction: yet counsell, or common sense, so farre prevailed with him, as to fortifie himselfe in the next fittest place namely, on a hill, at the foot of a great hill, called Zevist; the place was no where pervious, but by a strayt and narrow passage, which they did fortifie on either side with their Munition; & they stood no lesse then need of this advantage, for they were far fewer in number then the English; who understanding by their Spyes, that there was no comming at them in that place, without eminent danger, they re­moue their Camp, making shew as though they went to­ward Barwick, or otherwise into Scotland, to quit the dammage they had sustained; which the King fearing espe­cially, quits the place, sets fire in the shiels, and such things as they could not carry: the smoke deprived them of the sight of the English, who fet a compasse about and crossed Till, with all their Ordinance, comming on the [Page 173]backs of the Scots, whom they found in an equall plain called Floudon: Thus the Scots drawn out of their strength, having their Ordinance to transplace, at the very incounter with two Battalions, either of them consisting of as ma­ny as all their Forces, they were forced to fight at all disad­vantages; where in a hot and bloudy fight (as most hath been heard of,) they held it out till night overtook them. Great was the losse on both sides, and for number equall: but the Scottish losse exceeded in quality of person; for they lost as Royall a King, and illustrious Nobilty as any Europe could affoord: and all, as you see, upon neglect of good counsell, and want of taking heed.

Neither would I haue any so to presume of opportunity of place, as without valour and vigilancy it could secure them: for the enemy may adventure beyond all reason and ex­pectation, and so surprise them in the same wheron they doe presume. Pharnaces charged Caesar so hotly and unexpected­ly against the steep of a Hill; that had not their inexpugna­ble valour quit them, they had lost both the place and them­selues. Thus being placed, they are to inure their rawest souldiers under some good Leaders to light skirmishes; as the Romans inured their Gally-men first to use their oares by rowing on the sands. Further, in keeping place for the annoyance of the enemy, men must take heed of false fears suggested by the enemy. So was Fabius hood-wincked by Hanibal. Ne terror & error transferant. It is good for a Generall to haue a Lyons eye for his Symboll, with this inscription; Let not fear nor errour trans­port you.

CHAP. XXXIII. The ordering of the Battell.

NOW it followeth, that I come to a point of no small importance; namely, the ordering of the battell, in the undertaking whereof it may be justly said to me, as Pirrhus said to one that would undertake to teach him the Art of imbattling; I stand not need (saith he) of a Commander whose eares did never tingle at the sound of a Trnmpet: Therfore let me apologie my weaknesse once more, with the like speech that the people should use to Archippus; Take heed to thy Mi­nistery: Col. 4.17. so may I safely say to Commanders; Take heed to the ordering of your battles.

The very word importeth the necessity of order; it is cal­led Acies (saith Isidor) from the defensiue Armes of proofe, Quod fer­ro & acu­mine glads orum ar­mata sit.and from the sharpnesse of the sword. When swords are sharped, and the sight of the eye is cleared, then they are fitted for cutting and sight: so when men are set in battle array they are indeed called Acies: A battel consisteth of men & order, as of matter and form. Plutarch. in Marcello. and as man consisteth of matte and forme; so a battle consisteth of men and order. The weale and wisely disposing of a battle, (saith Vegetius) helpeth much to the victory. Gaius Flaminius being to fight against the French, was called off, both by the Senates letters, and by some prodigious tokens; he opened not the letters, but charged the enemy, where he slew 8000, and took 17000. This great victory of Flaminius was got, Lib. 2. as Polybiu observeth by the due ordering of his Forces. This was the main help to Alexanders victories, as witnesseth Q. Curtius in his fourth book. When the Romans had equalled the Carthaginians with a Captain; insomuch that it was hard to tell, whether [Page 175]was the better: where then lay the oddes? Not in number, Non for­tunae ut so­lent ii (qui foelices sine ratione du­ces vocant) sed ducum industriae & acei in­struendae periciae tri­buitur vic­toria lib. 17. nor in fayned fortune, nor in such a Generall, as men call foolishly fortunate without reason: but it was especially (as Polybius well observeth) to be attributed to the ordering of the battell: for the Roman Acies (as the Authour insisteth in commending of it) far excelled that Phalangical forme which Hanibal used, and that for sundry reasons. For in it there is an easier motion, a quicker turning, and fitter distance: This form will fit any place or time, where the Phalanx will fit but place and time appropriated.

As Caesar could not endure the least errour in battle array; so Alexander by no meanes could be moved to break it. In his last battell with Darius, at Arbela, many Companies of the Persians brake in, and droue away the Macedonians goods, Parmeno thinking much of that, desired Alexander to fall upon them. At no hand, answered Alexander, will I dissolv my battle, with which I must encounter the enemies forces, and not goe rescue beasts. Front. lib. 2 cap. 3. For if we be overcome we shall need none of these; but if we overcome, both ours and theirs shall be our own. A few forces so well ordered, with some advantage of place, hath put a huge Army to their stand, and made them glad to be gone. A notable instance of this we haue in Chabrias the Athenian Captain, who having embat­tled himselfe in the side of a narrow Hil, in exceeding good order; Agiselaus, that great souldier, chargeth him with 18000 foot, and 1500 horse; where he was but 5000 foot, and 200 horse; but in contempt, as it were, of him and all his forces, he causeth his souldiers to attend him, with their pikes ordered, and their Targets sunck to their knees. A­giselaus wondring at their excellent order, Fulgos l. 7. cap. 3. Dio­dor. Sicul. lib. 15. and constant reso­lution, that they would not stirre one foot, like a wise man, gaue them over.

Now for the severall forms of battle array, it is neither pertinent, nor possible, for me to discover them. The Grecian Phalanx, and the Roman Acies, or the mixture of [Page 176]both is the most common; the frame of the first, you may gather from Vegetius; the description of the second, word for word you haue in Polybius.

In this point of imbatteling, The mat­ter in or­dering of the battle to be loo­ked to. there is not onely a due form required, but also fit and convenient matter in the due place: some doe order the weakest forces in the front, and the strongest in the wings; some doe the contrary: no cer­tain rule can be given in this, but as occasion shall be given from the enemies order, so must they doe. The ordering of Xantippus his forces, was the onely means of restoring Car­thage from her ruines: He placed his stronger forces in the wings, and his weaker in the front. In the fight against Marcus Attilius Regulus, he charged the light forces, that af­ter they had shot their shafts, they should retire themselues within the wings, drawing the enemies after them, and withall they should get themselues without their own, and help to compasse in the enemy.

As the powers are often placed, as occasion is giuen by the enemie; so sometimes the enemie will deceive by a sudden transposition of his order. Change of forces is of use.Publius Cornelius Scipio, whose sur­name was Africanus, warring against Asdruball in Spaine, led out his Army some dayes before the fight, with the strongest in the front, and weakest in the wings: but that day that he came to ioyne indeed, he led them in a contrary order, Front lib. 2 c. 3. Num. 10. and so circumvened them. I will conclude this point of ordering with these generall rules to be observed, in every forme of battle (though especially in a four square battell with a long front,) namely, first, that there be no gulfe, nor emptiness (for so they terme it) in front or wing, or any particular part of a battel, In acie or­dina [...]d [...] ne sit sinus aut curva­tura. because in it the order by the irruption of the enemie, is easilie broken.

Another rule in battell ray, is this, that the Sunne, dust, or wind be with them, and adverse to their enemies. Where this advantage is got, it maketh much for the victory. This helped Hanibal, that suttle Commander, to the day, at Cannas, [Page 177]to the almost undoing of the Romanes, Livi. Florus Plut. Front. lib. 2. cap. 6 as Historiographers relate. The great advantage of this, doth herein manifest it selfe, that the greatest Commanders haue contended for it. It stood the Romanes instead (being taught by their owne euill) against the Cymbrians; and the Generall of the Cym­brians made use of it against Marius. The victory alwayes went with the advantage of this Stratagem.

CHAP. XXXIIII. The Ioyning of Battel.

NOw I come to the [...], or highest point of warlike exercise, namely, the ioyning of battell, or fight it selfe, which determineth in three or foure houres, that which hath taken up a long times preparation, and a great deale of deli­peration; therefore this adventure is well and wisely to be considered; Praeliorum delicta emē ­dationem nō patiuntur. Veget. lib. 1 cap. 14. Non licet in bello bis delinquere apud Plu­tarch. Nulla est negligentiae venia ubi de salute certa­tur. lib 3. cap. 5. and the rather because failings in fight leaues [...]o place for amends. That Apothegme of Lamachus, to a Cap­taine of a Company, is worth the remembrance. The Cap­taine being rebuked for an errour in fight, told Lamachus the Generall, that he would doe so no more: to whom he answered prettily, that for a second errour there is no place in fight. Vegetius giveth another reason, from the preciousnes of [...]ife that lyeth at the stake: There is no pardon (saith he) for an errour in fight: because all the good of life, and life it selfe, is that which is contended for. This as the same Author saith, is the [...]atall day, wherein the fulnesse of victory doth laureate the temples of the conquering with a wreath of glory: but it layeth [...]he honour of the conquered in the dust: And be he never [...]o great, he is at the pleasure and service of his triumphing [...]nemy. How wise and carefull then should Generalls be in [Page 178]committing fight: and how couragious and resolute in the fight it selfe?

There be many remarkable cautions that should accom­pany the good advice of fight. The dispo­sition of the soul­dier. First the very day of fight; the disposition, or indisposition of the souldier to fight is much to be regarded, which may be gathered by their words, countenance and cariage. A second thing to be looked to, is the avoyding of temeritie: a litle of this, like a Coloquinti [...] marreth all the rest. Fresh men at Armes may out of their hot bloud haue a great mind to fight; because they know not what it is to fight, nor what lyeth upon it. Aman that never sayled thinketh it a sport to be at sea: because he never fe [...] a storme. Pericles being pressed by his souldiers to fight, and ‘that with vile reprochfull termes, replyed thus; that if he could repayre losse, and recover life, he would as gladly ad­venture as they: but you see (saith he) Trees being cut the grow againe, but men once slaine revive no more.’

The disposition therefore of the souldier is not enough, except other things concurre. Avoyding of temeri­tie. It is here as it is in Physicke, e [...]sie to erre, but the least errour bringeth great damage. An [...] therefore it is a good axiome, Temeritas in bello an­te omnia vitands. Nihil in bello opor­tet contem­ni. that nothing in fight is so much [...] be avoided as temeritie. The rashnes of Vladislaus that yong King of Hungarie, lost him his crowne and his life. It is a [...] good precept, the least disadvantage in war is not to be con­temned. Contempt of the enemie, and confidence in forces, maketh many reckon twice, and sit downe by the losse. Instance this in King Iohn of France, who presuming of his multitude, would admit no conditions from Edward the blacke Prince, but fight: who with a few wearyed forces, driven to a strayt, gathered courage from dispaire, and gane the French such a foyle, both in their honour and forces, that they blame themselves much in this, that they had no mo [...] wit. Agiselaus that worthy Captaine, was wiser, in not ad­venturing on Chabrias the Athenian Captaine against ad­vantage of the ground, giuing this reason, that courage, oppor­tunity [Page 179]of place and necessitie are the wings of victory. A wise feare of such is no cowardize, but rather a good temper of resolu­tion. Aristotle calleth this discreet feare, [...]. the right hand of counsell. Incogitancie (saith one) begetteth temeritie, but considera­tion breedeth a wise or cunctatorie fear. It is a pretty Adagie; the mother of the fearfull seldome cryeth. Augustus compareth them well, that cast themselves upon disadvantages & unnecessarie dangers, to those that angle with golden hookes. Poliaen lib. 8G. Iulius Cesar dictator, who had no fewer then fiftie times bin in fight with the enemie, & in this, unparalleld by any of the Romās, lear­ned this in the end as his master-peece, to be very wary with whom, how, and on what termes to fight. In this particular, as in many other, wee may worthily admire his Excellencie indeed the Prince of Orange, who by age, industrie and experience, hath learned to play the Fabius, as well as the Marcellus; he hath got much honour to himselfe, Festinae lente. and good and glory to the State, by the use of that Motto, that Augustus gaue to his Captaines; make hast deliberatly. There was never man more desirous of fight, then that wise politick Emperour, Dion. Ni­ceph. Xiphilin. in eius vita. & great Commander Trajan; yet in this he did so temper himselfe, that he would rather breake his enemies with delay, then unadvisadly, or unnecessarily, adventure his owne.

Thirdly, Not to fight at the adversaries pleasure. a considerate Generall must not fight at the plea­sure of the enemie, but at his owne best opportunitie: none will draw our their enemie to fight but upon some assured advantage. That vexed Hanibal, that he had more a doe to get Fabius to fight then to overcome other Romane Generalls in fight: and therefore he sayd he feared Fabius more detrac­ting fight, then he did Marcellus, though a great warriour, in fight. To this point, that speech of Gaius Marius fitteth very well: who being importuned by his adversary, Theutonus to fight, Front. lib. 4 cap. 7. answered him thus; if he were weary of his life, there were wayes enough to rid him of it.

Fourthly, Omit not opportu­mtie. as he must avoide temeritie and not serve the enemies desire; so he must not omit opportunity: by this [Page 180]I haue formerly shewed how great things haue been done, and how the greatest Commanders haue attributed much to this.

No more I say of it; Applicatiō but the neglect or losse of this, giveth us all just cause to Iament: for had battle been given to Spi­nola approaching the Palatinate, when opportunity was af­foorded, it may be the Sanctuary of the Lord had not been possessed by the enimie: yea, by all likelyhood, all the out­rage committed might haue been prevented; all the bloud saved, and all the country preserved; but where the fault lay, there I leaue it.

I come to the fifth thing very necessary in fight, The neces­sity of ex­hortation. that is, an exhortatory oration from the mouth of the Generall, that they quit themselues like men. It is fit that the Generall haue the faculty of incouragement, as well as of commandment. C [...]sar was excellent at this; Et manu & lingua promptus. for he was a man both with tongue and hand amongst many. Of other instances, none sheweth more cunning then this, that being to fight against Ario­vistus, and the Germanes, the hearts of his souldiers, through the forces and fiercenesse of the enemy, began to fayle them; and amongst them all the tenth legion especi­ally, which Caesar, very cunningly fell to commend in his oration, and told the rest, that he would use none but that le­gion: Which speech so affected them, that being partly ashamed of their former fear, Fro [...]tin. li. 1. cap. 11. numb. 3. and partly ambitious to make good his seeming conceit; that no service seemed too hard for them: and the rest being emulous of their commenda­tion, Oratio saepe plus valet, quam pecu­nia. Com­ment. did striue to deserue it as well as they. Thus by experience Caesar made good the proofe of his own po­sition: That a good speech prevaileth sometimes more then money.

The motiues whereby Generals may perswade are these, The mo­tiues of an exhorta­tory ora­tion. and the like; as first, from the goodnesse of the cause; for every one (at least) pretendeth a good cause, as you may see in all the speeches of this nature. From this Ioab did inforce [Page 181]valour upon his souldiers: 2 Sam. 10.12. Be of good courage (saith he) and let us play the men, for our people, and for the Cities of our God. Of which one saith very well, Non potui [...] vox duce dignior c [...] ­gitari. Pellic. That though he was no good man; yet no speech could be worthier of a great Captain. Se­condly, they perswade from the valour of the enemy, and sometimes from the weaknesse of the enemy: to over­come the former, it is exceeding great glory; Pro aris & focis pug­natur. and to haue the other to fight with, assureth victory. Thirdly, from the preservation of them and theirs; for goods, liberty, wiues and children; life, honour, and religion it selfe lyeth upon it. When the Romanes were to fight, they brought all the prey, the sallary and richest substance that the souldiers had, Alex. ab Alex. lib. 4. c. 2. and laid it bound in fardells hard by the colours, that there­by they might be whetted on to fight. The Persians bring their wiues and preciousest things into the field; and so doth the Spanyard the richest things he hath.

Fourthly, they moue with hope of glory, and promise of reward. Feare and punishment are the bonds of Camp Discipline; but the souldiers must be carryed on to the bat­tle, on the wings of hope and reward.

Fifthly, it is no small motiue to obserue the impossibility to escape the enemie (if they should flye) through the na­ture of the place wherein they fight. Myronides the Athe­nian Generall, leading his souldiers against the Thebans, brought them into a fair large field, where they were to fight; where he caused them all to lay down their Armes, & view the place all round about. You see my souldiers (said he) what a large field is heer, and our enemies are brauely mounted on swift horses; therefore if we flee there is no possibility to escape; but if we stand to it, there is good hope of victory. Vpon which speech they pur on resolution to stand it out to a man, and did second the same with such courage, Polyaen. l. 1. that they carryed the day, and had a great victory, which they followed to Phocis and Locris.

The last motiue, and that of no small force, is taken from [Page 182]the cruelty and inhumane condition of the enemy with whom they are to fight. If men fight against such as are worse then Beares and Lyons, that are never satisfyed with bloud; such as the brood of Gog and Magog, Turkes and Papists, whose very mercies are cruelties; Were it not better to die upon the sharp, with honour in the field, then to be re­served for a while unto some cruell torment, intollerable sorrow, and disgracefull reproach? Fpaminondas, Generall of the Thebans, being to fight with the Lacedemonians, that he might not onely strengthen his souldiers, but also sharpen their indignation against their enimies, delivered in his Ora­tion, that it was the determination of the Lacedemonians, if they overcame, to kill all the Males of the Thebans, man and mothers sonne, and further to make slaues and captiues of their wiues and daughters, and last of all to equall Thebes with the ground. This did so inflame the Thebans against the Lacedemonians, that at the very first shock they overcame them.

Doth not the belluin rage and cruelty, Applica­tion. executed upon the Germanes and Bohemians, by woefull experience tell us, what mercilesse and inhumane enemies we contend with; namely, the bratts of the bloudy whore. The ripping up of women, the shamefull abusing of them, not to be na­med, the torturing of men with new devised torments; the bathing in the bloud of inoffensiue children; the cruel mur­thering of Gods Ministers, (who by the lawes of God and Nations, haue alwaies been sacred.) In aword, their unparal­l [...]ld immanity, aboue Turkes or Barbarians, would put life in a man to fight to the last gaspe, rather then to liue and see, the least part of these horrible indignities. To passe by the Spa­nyard outrage upon the Indian and Hollander (whose re­solution and valour, ariseth out of the Spanish cruelty and perfidie) cast but your eye upon the Spanish provision for 88, and you may see how like the base bramble Abimelech, they were determined to burn up the inhabitants; and as the [Page 183]scourges of Gods wrath, to whip us to death with tormen­ting scorpions; as if they would haue made the torments of the English a terrour to all nations. But by you, my Lords and people of the Vnited Provinces, let this particular be observed in your encounter with the Spanyard. I know the monuments of the more then Saracen cruelties remains with you; you haue pictures in your houses, and draughts drawn in the tables of your hearts: Yet let this sharpen your resolution to fight it out to the death; that if ever the black brood be masters, you shall haue the blackest day that ever men had. If Radamanthus and Minos were come out of hell to torment, they could not exercise more cruelty then they would, upon you and yours; yea, as they would make you a spectacle to all the world, so they would send you, bodies and soules to hell, if they could. As Hani­bal therefore was a sworn enemy to the Romans in his childhood; so teach your youth, rather to die, then to liue at the mercy of the Spaniard: But, withall, fit your selues, and yours for death, better then you doe; and then let fire or water haue the land, and all that you haue: yea, if I may so say, and make it good in dispute, let the devill haue it (as he had all Iobs substance) rather then the Spanyard haue it, who is a devill incarnate.

As the bloudy disposition of so devilish an enemy, should put you on to fight it out to the very last pinch; so should it likewise terrifie you from any terms of peace, which if once you intertain, you are caught in the trap. The Spany­ard is like the Irish, who under a perfidious peace doth his adversary more mischiefe then in open war. Your charge and paines in peace shall be never a whit lesser (for I am sure you dare not trust them) your damage and danger shall be greater. For who ever gained by peace with the Spanyard, England excepted, who hath of late gained repentance, I wish they be not too late in bringing forth the fruits of it. But to speake of this, though I cannot speak enough, I shall [Page 184]be further occasioned; onely I will shut it up for the present, with shewing what I thinke of that distressed people of Bohemia and the Palatinate, under the yoke of the enemy. If they had expected such barbarous cruelties, they would all haue dyed upon the point of the pike, or edge of the sword, rather then to haue trusted themselues in the hands of such men of blouds. But to conclude this point, all and every one of these meanes hath often prevailed; in so much that Ge­nerals had need to be well versed in this faculty, to which Vegetius doth not unworthily attribute very much; If exerci­sed souldiers (saith he) doe fear to fight, the exhortatiue power of the Generals oration, will rouze up their strength, and kindle their courage.

But here ariseth a doubt not unworthy the answering. A doubt. What if the heart of the souldier be so sunck, De fuga maius quā de conflictu eogitat. Veget. lib. 3 cap. 10. and his cou­rage so quailed, that words are but wind with him, his fear hath made him deafe, and he minds nothing but taking of himselfe to his heeles?

I answer, as the Noble Generall in this case is in a great strayt; so some haue forced their souldiers to fight. For this we haue many examples of note, both in the most ex­pert Grecian and Roman Generals, whereof I will observ but two or three. Themistocles, and the Grecians having their Navie at Salamis, they fearing the enemy, would needs flye with their ships, for all that Themistocles could doe or say to the contrary: he seeing this, sendeth Sicinus his sonns Tutor to the King, and telleth him (in shew of good will) that the Grecians were about to flye, therefore it should be his best, with his whole Navie to come and charge them: To this the King did hearken willingly, and bringeth all his sea forces into the narrow sea, where he cooped up the A­thenians ere they were aware, where they were forced to fight, Polyae [...]. l. 1. yet with great advantage: and so nil they would they, by the dexterous policy of a witty Captaine, they had the victory. Where obserue by the way, that to fight at the enemies in­stigation [Page 185]or counsell, is no sure nor safe course. Another instance in Fabius Maximus, arriving at the same place, Front. lib. 1 cap. 9. Polyaen. l. 5. and being to fight with the enemy, setteth all the ships on fire, that no place of refuge should remaine for flyers. The like did Generall Vere, at the battle of Newport, in sending away the ships that attended them. Timarchus Aetolus did the like. Clitarchus choosing rather to fight the enemy, then to be blocked up in the Citie, draweth out his forces; and lest they should recoyle back again from the fight, he caused the gates to be shut, and the keyes to be laid up on the top of the walles, which he shewed to the Souldiers; admonish­ing them thereby that there was no refuge left, but for fight; who making a vertue of necessity, fell resolutely upon the enemy, and carryed away the victory. The like of this did Charles Martil against Abdiramus the Saracen; knowing that the valour of his souldiers would countervaile the mul­titude of the enemy, he preventeth all refuge for flight, by setting of the Camp on fire, Aegnat. l. 2. cap. 2. and shutting of the gates of Turon, so that there was no way but even to fight it out.

Yet for all these examples, in my simple opinion, this will not alwaies be safe, but onely where there is fortitude and experience in the souldier; yet overdaunted and quashed wi [...]h the feare of the enemy, being overmatched in mul­titude, or some other oddes: But where insufficiency con­curreth with feare, to force such to fight, were but to stop a ditch with Cowards, to flesh the enemy, and to spoile a good Com­mander.

The sixth main thing to be observed for the ioyning of battle, is this; not to be daunted with inequalitie of number, Incourage­ment a­gainst in­equality of num­ber. if necessitie inforce the fight; (I say if necessitie inforce it) for otherwise to adventure upon great inequalitie, without some odds, to countervaile the number, were not the part of a wise Commander: but if he be put to it upon this odds, I may boldly use that speech to him, being such as he should [Page 186]be, Iosu. 1. that God often useth to his Generalls; Feare not be, strong and couragious, &c. The reason of this particular may be taken from that speech of Ionathan, there is no restraint with God to overcome with many or with few. 1. Sam. 14.6. Which speech, as it is an infallible truth, so it is full of incouragement: for though God prescribe meanes; Saepe nu­mer [...] pau­ciores sub bonis duci­bus re­portaverunt victoriam. lib. 3. cap. 9yet he is not tyed to meanes; for he wor­keth aboue meanes, & without meanes, and against meanes. Besides the instances of proofe for this point from the word (which some may thinke to be extraordinary) there is plentie of examples in militarie treatises, humane histories. Vegetius hath the position it selfe, that often, the fewer in number under good Commāders, doe carry the victory. The Commenter giveth instances in Datames, who never fought but with the fewer number; Aemilius Probus. Plutarch. Florus. yet by his wise carriage, & using of his best oppor­tunitie had ever the better. Sertorius with a handfull, got ad­mirable victories over Marcellus, & other Romans, with great armies. Admirable was that victory that Charles Martill, great Master of France, & father to King Pippin, had ouer the Sara­cens, in the battel of Tours, where Abdiramas encountred him with 400000 Saracens: but with a number for inferriour, yea with a handfull in respect of them, he did not onely foyle the Saracens, but made the hugest slaughter, of any that wee read of, to wit, he slew 370000. One instance more of no lesse wonder, if wee marke all the passages of it; in the battle of Poictuiers, where Edward the Blacke Prince with a handfull of weareyd souldiers, not passing 8000, ouercame King Iohn with an army of 40000; of which besides the nobles, 10000 where slaine, King Iohn & Philip his sonne taken prisoners, with 70 Earles, 50 Barons, & 12000 Gentlemen: so that they both slew more, and tooke more, then themselves were in number: likewise at the battel of Cresy, the English where but 1180; yet they overcame the Frēch being in number 70000; of which besides, Iohn King of Bohemia, 11 Princes, 80 Barons, 120, Knights, there were slaine 30000 common souldiers.

So that you see it is not the multitude of our foes that [Page 187]haue prevayled against us: Applicatiō For if they had covered the face of the earth like grashoppers, the Lord could haue swept them away. But as wee shall heare hereafter, wee haue provoked him to strengthen their hands against us; he goeth not forth with us, be­cause we goe not out & in with him: the Lord is not with us, but hath left us and forsaken us: because wee haue left & for­saken him. Why doe wee not prosper in any thing whither soever wee goe as Iosuah did? euen because wee doe not as Iosuah did. Wee walke not according to all the law of God, which he hath commanded; and yet for all this, if we would turne to the Lord, wee need not to feare the increase of their forces. It is true, that they doe increase, and must once make a head, & that in great number; for as the great Whore sitteth upon many waters; that is, as the spirit expoundeth to be, the inha­bitants & Kings of the earth; so the three uncleane spirits come out of the mouth of the Dragō, of the beast, & of the false Pro­phet, to gather the Kings of the earth, & of the whole world to the battle of Harmagiddon; & that they may the more pre­vayle, they come with lying miracles in iudgment, to those whom they doe deceive. You see their number must be great; for they must be many Kings; yea of the whole world in account, thē there must needs be many people, to maintayne the tottring Kingdom of the devill, whē it is euen at the downefull. Yet, for all these hands, they shall haue enough to doe. The An­gell that powreth out the seventh violl saith, it is done; Rev. 16. yea the cup of the wine of the fiercenes of Gods wrath, shal be giuē her by the hand of Gods litle flocke. The multitude shal neyther maintayne her, nor themselves, but all shall perish together. Avoide su­perstition.

The seventh thing to be looked to is, that superstition be avoyded; whereunto, as corrupt nature is very subject, In Moral. so most of all in extremitie. A superstitious man (as Plutarch well observeth (feareth every thing, except that which he should feare. Foure especiall wayes doe men in this particular commit su­perstition, by consulting with sorcerers, or southsayers; How many waies superstition is cōmitted. by taking some casualties as ominous; by observing of dayes; and [Page 188]by seeking to Idols. To the first, Gaius Marius had a Witch out of Scythia with whom he alwaies consulted of the event of warr, Front. lib. 1 Cap. 11. before he undertooke it. Did not Saul in the like case seeke to the Witch at Endor? They who forsake God, and whom God hath forsaken, may run to the devil for counsell; for that is all their refuge: yea when men take that course it is a shrewd evidence that they are forsaken of God. As he would not answere God with any kindly obedience; so God would not answere him by any manner of manifestation; not by a dreame: for he had no temper of the spirit; not by the Vrim or Priest; for he had killed the faithfull ones; and so in his greatest necessitie, he wanted the comfort of them; not by a Prophet: for he despised the spirit, he runneth therefore to the devills dame (for so the word doth signifie) or the mo­ther of a familiar, [...]al alah ob [...] 1. Sam. 28. and she must tell him what shall be the event of the battel When God leaveth men to themselues, they know not what to doe, all his wit and policie, and all the cunning of his courtiers could not helpe him out with this lurch. This, amongst the rest, made way for Pompeys over­throw: for he consulted with a woeman of Thessaly, who brought him a souldier as he thought from the dead, Luc. lib. 6. decla­ring to him the bad successe of the Pharsalian battel. Iulian after his apostacie, betooke him wholy to Sorcerers and Conjurers. Richard the third, made this a speciall part of his counsel. Iames the third of Scotland, was much corrupted with this kind of vermin; and so much was the more pittie; for he was a Prince of excellent parts; but he plagued him­selfe with two sorts of euill beasts, namely, superstitious fi­gure-flingers, and cater-piller favorits, whereby he brought desolation upon the land, and himselfe to an untimely end. Considering Gods hatred against the sin, and the euill end of all such as haue taken this course, it is a wonder, especially that men illuminated should looke this way: but whom God will destroy he giueth them up to corruption of judgement and madnesse of mind (as Austin well observeth of Saul) [Page 189] being become a reprobate he could not haue a good understanding. Mox repr [...] ­bus factus, non potuit habere bonū intellectum.

As for the Papists conjuring and consultation, it is a main part of their Leiturgie. Yea, they haue one tricke more of this kind, namely, to giue Amulets to souldiers going to fight, whereby they assure them of securitie from all hurt. A worthy Historiam giueth an instance of this. The French under the conduct of Charles Alobroge, going against Geneva; in the yeare of our Lord 1502 had Amulets from their char­ming fathers to hang about their necks, wherein were ingra­ven crosses with the beginning of S. Iohns Gospell, the name of Mary, Iesus, of the Trinitie, with many odd Characters & inscri­ptiōs; promising to all those that should wear them, that they should not perish that day by earth, water nor the sword. But the devill was cunning enough to cozen thē: Salustius Pharamum­dus de ad­ventu Alo­brogum in Genevam. for though they scaped those particulars; yet they perished another way: In the night their Characters were taken from them, & they were strangled and blowne in the ayre. Iesuits know it is foule play to wear amulets in fight, and against the lawes of Armes, and yet they will be doing. Let such as loue soule or life, beware of these; for such things haue neyther hid force, nor elementary qualitie to saue or preserve. Austin of such, hath a very good speech, with a counsell subioyned; Many (saith he) being driven to a strayt, seeke helpe of the devill in the persons of Charmers or Enchaunters, and in the supposed force of Amulets: what is this but to goe to our invisible enemies, who kill the soule perswading us that there is no helpe with God? The eares of such ‘(saith he) are shut at the voice of God, saying, In Psalm 34.the Lord is my salvation: but let us (saith the father) inquire of God, and not of any other: for our deliverance is of God howso­ever he worke it by lawfull secundary meanes, which wee may use: but all the meanes of charming, wee must hate as the devill from whence they are.’

The second thing to be avoided, is an ominous construction of casualties. When Scipio transported his souldiers out of Italie unto Africa, as he went a shore, his foot slip, and he [Page 190]fell on his face (whereat his souldiers being astonished, con­conceiving it as a token of evill successe,) Scipio with a braue courage making a better construction; Goe sport your selues (said he) my souldiers, for I haue already taken possession of Af­frica. It is fit for avoyding this, that a wise Generall be seen in some measure in the causes of naturall things, which seeming to the ignorant prodigious, they may therin giue them satisfaction. Lucius Sulpicius Gallus, foretold to his soul­diers the Eclips of the Moon, and the causes of the said Eclipse, that they might not be dismayed at it, through the igno­rance of the cause. Pericles going to war, as he went aboord of his ship, the Sun was eclipsed, at the darknesse of which eclipse the Master of the ship was exceedingly astonished, taking it for some ominous or prodigious thing; but the General cast his cloake over the Masters face, and asked him if there were any matter of terrour in that; who answered no [...] No more in the other, said the General, but that the cause is not so well known. If Heathens were thus wise, is it not a shame for Christians to startle at the signes of heaven, or at the casuall occurrences of accidents below? Let Gods com­mand, medcine this shie disposition (which is worse then heathenish in the Lords account. Ier. 10.2.) Be not dismayed at the signes of heaven, for the Heathens are dismayed at them.

The third thing is seeking to idols or false Gods; so did all the Heathen: and new Rome is not one whit short of old Rome in this. Maior coe­litum po­pulus, quā hominum, lib. 2. cap. 7. Yea, as Plinie saith of the one, so I may say of the other; that the number of their gods, exceedeth the number of the Papists. And as another saith well; they are Lapideus populus, a people made of stocks and stones: to Saint George, and to such they goe for successe in battell.

The last is difference of daies, as some daies they hold good to fight on, and some bad; as though the Lord, had made one day good and another bad. This superstitious differencing of daies, the other Rome held both in posi­tion and practise. They were called Fighting-daies, saith [Page 191]one, wherein it was lawfull to fight with the enemy; Proeliares dies appel­lantur, qui­bus fas est hostem bel­lo lacescere: erant enim quaedam fe­riae publicae, quibus ne­fas fuit id facere.for there were some feriall daies, wherein it was not lawfull to fight. Of these irreligious daies, and of their strictnesse in this point, Cato maketh Festus, mention in his commentary upon the Civill Law. In those daies (saith he) they did not levy men, nor ioyne battell, nor sit in iudgement. The Macedonians abstay­ned from fight, all the moneth Tacit. Dio. in Pompo. of Iune. The Germans held it unfortunate to fight in the beginning of the new Moon, or in the full of the Moone. It is observed of the Iewes, that they neglecting to defend themselvs on the Sa­both, Pompey took Ierusalem. Lucullus the Roman Captain, considered better of the matter, who being to fight upon the eighth day of October against Tigranes, was by some of the company disswaded from it; because Scipio, as on that day had had a great defeat: Plut. Rom. Apoth. Let us (said he) therefore fight the more stoutly, that we may make to the Romanes, a good day of an evill. Ioshua and Israel compassed Iericho seven daies, and on the last day took it, which was the Saboath of the Lord. Ios 6. One perswa­ding a Generall not to fight, upon some ominous conceit taken of the day; Optimum augurium est, pro pa­tria forti­ter pugnare' I hold it (saith he) the best kind of divina­tion to fight stoutly for my Country. To obserue daies, or months, and times, standeth not with Christian liberty. It is charged upon the King of Bohemia, when Prague was taken, that he would not fight on the Lords day; but it is one of the lightest aspersions put upon him by his calumnious enemies. If he had fought and carryed the day, they would haue put his fighting as an imputation upon his profession, for fighting upon the Saboath.

As fighting hereon, and all other works should be avoy­ded, as much as may be: (though the Papist (as one saith) pestereth the week with idoll-holydaies, and heathenishly maketh lesse reckoning of this then of the least of his devised holy­daies:) yet if necessity command, either to assault or de­fend, the day is made for man, and not the man for the day. That restriction which the Heathens held concerning their [Page 192]daies, agreeth very well to the Lords day. Si ultima necessi­tas suadeat administretur; Cato in cō ­ment. de ju­re civili. that is; if necessitie inforce to fight, we may.

Let Gods people therefore, both in peace and warre, beware of Romes superstition. It is said that old Rome had their superstition from the Hetruscians, whether they sent every year, Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 1. six of the Patricians sonns to learn the rites of religion: but all Nations now haue their superstition from new Rome, which is become the Mistresse of Whorish in­ventions; and whether our Romanists send their yong Cobbes, to learn their postures and motions. Of her, whoso­ever borroweth for garnishing, or rather for gaudifying of the worship of God, may justly feare, to the woe of their soules, that they pay as deer for it, as Israel did for the golden Calf. The Altar of Damascus, provoked the Lord to forsake his own Altar, wherein Achaz presumed of safety (oh! Cimm [...] ­rian blindnesse and fearfull apostasie!) but it proved contrary, for it was the ruin of him, 2 Chron. 28.23.and of all Israel; according to the word, it was the break-neck of them; or as some translate, not unfitly, it plagued him and all Israel. Was the Apostle in fear of the Galatians, Ga. l. 4.10 because they kept daies and moneths [...] And may not we feare and tremble, who haue not onely their dismall hollow daies (mince them as you will) but [...] great deale more of the devils dirt, wherwith, as with a gar­ment spotted with the flesh, the garment of Christ is fearfully defiled? The strange Armes, or colours of the enemy in the field or Cittie, are ominous indeed: for by them the wall [...] haue been scaled, and the forces slain and routed, without so much as a blow given in defence; even so, doe not the Armes of the Beast, and the colours of the Whore, set up cheek by joull with Gods colours in his House, and amongst his Armies in the field, presage some fearfull plague approching; especially to those that are a sleep: our Laodicean conceit, shall be so far from sheltering us, that thereby we provoke God, that he can beare no longer, but that he must needs sp [...] [Page 193]us out of his mouth; which, if he doe, it is to be feared we are such a loathsome thing, that he will never take us up againe; but make a new people to himselfe.

‘Wherefore, in the first place, Awake you Angels and Watchmen indeed upon the Walls, whom I charge, as you will answer before God your Master, that you will cast away the inverse Trumpets of Furius Fulvus, which soun­ded a retrait, when they should haue sounded an Alarum, With the Prophet Psay, proclaime the iniquity of those things, which pestereth Gods worship, Isa. 30.22. and run so many upon the rocks of separation. Are they not the coverings of Idols, or Idols themselues? Shew the people how they should loath them, and account them as a menstruous clout; and that they should hold them unworthy of presence, & should say unto them, get you hence. Let them plead for Baal that are of Baal. Hold never that to be clean in Gods worship, that the Pope, or Pagan hath once pollu­ted, being mans invention. No, it is unpossible that it should be cleansed. With [...]he sound of the Trumpet, awake the Kings Maiesty, awake the Prince, the Parliament, the Councell, the Nobles, Gentry, and Commons, that we may meet our God in sackcloth and ashes: for great is the con­troversie that he hath w [...]th us all. You are the Physitians, content not your selues with the bare theoricke, or generall rules, but apply your rules, and pick out particular me­di [...]ines, for particular diseases, in particular subjects; for Chronical, pandemical, or Epidemical diseases. Haue your specifick rules and receits, discover the darke day, and the devouring people, wherewith wee are threatned; Ioel 2, v. 2.3.11. the day of the Lord is great and very terrible, who can abide it?’

‘As for your Majestie, on the knees of my soule, with all humble duety, I doe intreat you, as you haue begun in the spirit, you would not end in the flesh: but that you would beat down that Altar of Damascus, bray [Page 194]the golden Calfe to powder, crush the brazen Serpent to peeces, and break off those bonds of superstition: Ease Sion of her burthen, under which she groaneth; help not those that hate God; and hate not those that loue God. Let not God be robbed of his Sabboath, nor his name be torn in peeces by bloudy oathes; for these, and the like, are like to make your Dominions mourn. Yea, if your Highnesse loue the Lord, your soule, your life, your Crown, your people, look to it: Aegipt is deceitfull; Nilus is ranke Poyson; mixture of his worship is a mockery, and no worship; and God hath said he He will not be mocked. For the Lords sake down with Balaam, Balaamites, and all their pedlery ware; giue the Lord all or nothing, for he is a jea­lous God. In a word, Dread Soveraigne, remember I be­seech you, by how many mercies God hath ingaged you to be zealous of his house; and that of all sins, he cannot endure back-sliding.’

‘As for you Gracious Prince: If you desire to present your selfe to God, as a member of his unspotted Spouse in Christ, be not unequally yoked; away with that Lincie­wolsie Match: (with reverence be it spoken) it is a beastly, greasie, and a lowsie-wearing, unbefitting your Grace. Scripture will apologie my termes, which speak­ing of spirituall whoredome, giveth it alwaies the vilest termes. Then good Sir, curtall Baals Messengers by the middle to their shame: Cast out of Gods house all the garish attire of the Whore, and bring not an Athaliah (what soever she be) into your bosome; who will adorn Balaams house with the riches of your God. Let it never enter into your Princely heart, that Dagon and the Ark can stand to­gether; for Christ and Belial hath no communion. Let no pro­fane person, nor Popishly affected, like briars and brain­bles, pester your house, nor choake both life and practise of holy disties in you. Keep good and plain dealing Physi­tians for your soule, chear the hearts of Gods people [Page 195]with the loue of your countenance, and in so do­ing you may bee assured, the Lord will make you a sure house.’

‘And you right Honourable, and most Worthy, of the High Court of Parliament, together with his Majesties Coun­cell; Vse the counsell of a great King to his councell: He would alwaies haue them to leaue two things with­out; Simulation, and dissimulation: be either, first for God, and the reforming of his house, or otherwise you can bring no honour to your selues, nor good to your Country.’

‘You illustrious Princes, Nobles and Favorites of the King; serue not the times, nor your own turnes, Ezr. 3.5. with the neglect, or opposition of Gods cause; withdraw not your neckes from the work of the Lord, with the Tekoites, nor break not the yoke of Gods obedience, by impiety, pro­fanenesse and superstition; as those Princes did, in whom Ieremiah sought some good, but found none: Ier. 3.5. be not like those Princes of Iuda, that with their false flatteries, fay­ned curtesies, and fleshly reasons, 2 Chro. 24.17. made Ioash cast down all with his heele that he had set up with his hand; but let Nehemiah his care, Daniels zeale, the three Childrens reso­lution, Gid ons valour, and Obadiahs loue, possesse your soules, for the purity of Gods worship, with a loathing hatred of all superstition.’

‘And to you great Prelates, or sprightfull Lords; the very hearth that keeps in the fire of all this superstition, and the Ensigne staffe that fixeth those strange colours in our Camp. (If I could perswade you) let your train fall. Away with the little beast with the two hornes: Rob not the Nobility and Magistracie of their Titles and places, no more then they should usurp the office of the Ministerie: Lord it not over the Stewards of Gods house, and let not him finde you beating his servants, when hee cals you to a reckoning; in a word, lest Pashur his case proue [Page 196]yours, if danger come. Let Christ raign in his Ordinan­ces, and let that maxime once be made good, in a good sense, no ceremony, no Bishop.’

‘Lastly, to you people, which be of two sorts, carnall, and called of the Lord: to the former, Thinke not the rot­ten walls of your profanenesse, or meer Civilisme, shall still be daubed over with the stinking morter of Romish superstition, the durt whereof you cast in the faces of Gods faithfull Ministers, if they touch your galled sores: away with those fig-leaues and leprous clouts, and let the Word haue its course with you. To you the latter sort, that with some lazie wishes are content to haue it so (as the Prophet speaketh) giue me leav out of my very loue to tell you, that Is [...]char his caraiage, or bowing down, like an Asse be­tween two burthens, will not serue, but you must hate the garment spotted with the flesh, and say to the Idols, Get you hence what haue we to doe with you?’

‘Lastly, to conclude the point, to you all, I say again from the highest to the lowest (with my duety to all in lawfull place reserved) if admonition will not work, let terrour of iudgement prevaeile; Levit. 10. the strange fire in Gods worship was punished with the fire of Gods wrath from heaven. God proportions iudgement to the sin; we haue ever kept in, and pleaded for the excommunicate thing, for the which the Lord may plague us: we haue like fooles reserved the seedricks of superstition, & therfore the Lord is like to giue us enough of it; Hos. 8.11. we haue made many Altars to sin, and they may be unto us for sin; let King and Prince, and Nobles, and Ministers, 2 Chron. 25 14, &c. and people look to it. King Amasiah setting up the gods of Seir, by the God of Israel, caused the wrath of the Lord to be kindled against him, which never slaked till it consumed him: for he ran from one evill to another, while his own conspired against him and slew him. Shebnah, that great & rich Treasurer, who was hewing out his Sepulcher, and scorned the Lords call to humiliation; for idolatry and [Page 197]other sinns, Esa. 22.15. he is tossed by the Lord like a ball in a strange Countrey, where he dyeth; so that the chariot of his glory becōmeth the shame of his Lords house. If Diotrephes will not leaue his Lording it over Gods house, and beating his ser­vants, till he cast them out of their own houses and Gods house, forbidding others to receiv them; 3 Ioh. 9. Wil not the Lord remember their deeds? If the luke-warme Angell, with people of this loathsome quality, will not grow zealous and mend, Will not the Lord spue them both out of his mouth? In a word, Rev. 3, 16. if we doe not as one man humble our selues, for partaking with Idols, and suffering of Idols, and eve­ry man in his place put to his hand, to bring Iezabel from the window; we may justly feare, that neither peace, nor warre, nor Parliament, nor Plantation, nor Traffique shall pros­per with us? Yea, to shut up the point; if we will neither hearken to counsell nor threatning, we may feare, that be made good upon us which the Prophet threatned against Amaziah; that God hath determined to destroy us; 2 Chr. 25.1 [...]because we haue done evill, and will not hearken to the counsell of God. I hope I am no enemy because I tell you the truth; the Lord in mercy make us hear the sound of the Trum­pet, that we may stand up in the breach and liue.’

As all these things aforesaid are duely to be considered; so in the eight place followeth, a thing not immateriall to be thought on, and very often helpfull to the victory, being thought on; namely, that souldiers wearyed with a long March, Multum virium la­bore itine­ris pugna­turus amit­tit lib. 3. cap. 11. Livi. lib. 2. should not imediatly (or if they can) that day ioyne battel. Vegetius giveth a reason, by a great March the souldier weakeneth his spirits, and looseth his strength. Instance of this may begiuen in the Volscians fighting against the Romās; after too great a March, & much crying, they ioyned in fight, and at the very first encounter were defeated, and abando­ned their Campes. Sergius Galba, with his wearyed souldiers, set upon the Portugalls, and routed them at the first, and pur­suing them unadvisedly with his over wearyed souldiers; the [Page 198]Barbarians, with their recollected forces, returned upon them and slew 7000 Romans, very able souldiers. The neglect of this observation did the A [...]ch-Duke no good at the battle of Newport, Appianus de bello Hispan. who after a long March, as I am informed, gaue battle to his adversary and that upon a sandy ground. Had Spinola with an easie march brought his forces fresh before Bergan-up-Soom, & presently giuen an assault, he had hazarded the taking of the Towne: but with over marching, they were so wearyed and weakened, that fiue dayes past, before they were able to assault, & by this they lost their best opportunitie. He laid the blame on Velasco: but it was well howsoever.

The ninth, and the last thing to be remembred, but not the least; The neces­sitie of fer­vent pray­er. yea, the chiefest thing of all, is devout and servent prayer unto God for the victory. If an eloquent and pithy speech, from the mouth of a natural man prevail much (as I shewed) in provoking them to courage, how much more couragio [...] shall these men be, whose hearts God doth touch, and whose hands God doth strengthen for the day of battel. Now [...]hese by prayer are ob [...]ayned of God; witnesse that instance of Moses praying, and, the people of God fighting, when Moses held up his hand (that is, was strong in prayer) then Israel pre­vayled, and when he let downe his hand, (that is) when his spirit failed, [...]. 17.1.Amalec prevayled. A man may thinke that Moses should rather haue gone into the field being the Lords Generall, then got him up to the mountaine to pray; but Moses knew well enough what he had to doe; he appoints a man sufficient for the place; he knew wherein the strength of Israel lay, name­ly, in their God, and what would most prevaile with God, namely, fervent proyer. One good man praying is worth an Army of men fighting; and therefore Moses the man of God guided by the spirit, tooke this as the best course for obtayning of the victory. The prayer of the righteous (saith S. Iames) avayleth much if it be fervent. Iam. 5.16. This is the key that openeth heauen, and the steps of the ladder, whereby we ascend: This maketh the Lord to bow the heaven [...] [Page 199]and come downe: By this wee wrastle with God that he may giue us strength to wrastle with the enemie: This strengthneth the feeble knees, and hanging downe hands, of those that fight Gods battels: Finally, this blunteth the forces of the enemie, and overturneth the horse and the rider. Origen on that practize of Moses maketh this applica­tion; lift thou up thy hands to heaven, Eleva & tu manus in coelum, &c. Homil. 11. in Fxod.as Moses did and obey the Apostle his precept; pray without intermisssion: for Gods peo­ple did not so much fight with hand and weapon, as they did with voyce and prayer. This time of battle is the very pinch of extremitie; and therefore the best opportunitie for prayer. Deut. 33.7. Moses ioyneth these two together in the blessing of Iuda, heare oh Lord the voice of Iudah (or as the Chaldee well trāslateth the prayer of Iuda) when he goeth forth to war. If wee be com­manded to call on the Lord in the day of our trouble; what greater trouble then this when the enemy is ready to devour us, and to reproch the name of our God? This you may see to be the ordinary practize of Gods people in the fighting of his battels. Iudah cryed unto the Lord. 2. Chron. 13 14. Chap. 14.12 Notable is that prayer of Asa, going against the Ethiopians, he cryed unto the Lord. He [...]pe us, oh Lord our God, for we rest on thee, and in thy name wee goe against this multitude. So, that of Iehosaphat, going against the Ammonites, is a president at large for all Gods people, how to behaue themselues in this particular: First, 2. Chron. 20 that good King discovereth the strayt wherein they were; wee know not what to doe. vers. 12. Secondly, his re­fuge, but our eyes are up towards the, ibidem. Thirdly, his pressing God with petition, oh our God wilt thou not judge them, ibidem. Fourthly, the arguments whereby he would moue God to heare his petition, from the 6 vers. to the 13. Fif [...]ly, there is the preparation to this duetie, that it may be the more effectuall; and Iehosaphat feared the Lord, and set himselfe to seeke the Lord, & proclaymed a fast through all Iudah. vers. 3. I shew the scantling of the place, the rather, 2. Chron. 32 20.21.22. because I know no place in all the booke of God fitter for this pur­pose. [Page 200]Other instances there be, as that prayer of Hezekiah against the Asstrians. The like course tooke the Israelits being to ioyne battle with the Philistins. So Iacob looking for no­thing but for battle from his brother, he prepareth himselfe by prayer. So did Ezra. I urge the more places, the rather because I would inforce the necessitie of the duetie, and ma­nifest the good effect of the same, being performed; and justly to tax our selues, to our humiliation, for the neglect or uniound performance of this duetie. To the first; you may see by this cloud of witnesses, how strict Gods people haue beene in this duetie. To the second, it is likewise cleare that good successe hath followed the duetie, in all the quoted te­stimonies. Ezra relating how he had commended the cause to God, whē they stood in feare of their enemies, sheweth us what was the issue of this their holy practize; Ezra. 8.23. So wee fasted and besought our God, for this and he was intreated of us.

And for the last, namely, our neglect, would to God our mourning for the sin were as manifest as the sin it selfe: looke but on the successe of our battles, that argueth our neglect. God is one & the same God, & the cause is likewise Gods: but God is not sought unto, he is not importuned. Wee are like to the Israelits going against Beniamin, who inquired of the Lord whether they should goe up against them or no, and what tribe should lead them: and hauing their direction in both these, they set themselues in order. Heare they make the cause sure, and for avoyding contention about the leading, they haue the bravest Leaders allotted them, Iudges 20. and for their forces they were eyther enough, or too many; yea of the choyce souldiers, and very well ordered: but how sped they? But very meanly, as you may see in the text: they were twice foyled, and lost to the number of 40000 men. But what was wanting heare? I answere, even the selfe same things that are wanting in us, Search of sin, and seeking to God. Wee doe not read in all the text that they did eyther of these, till they were beaten to it: And what needed they in their owne [Page 201]conceit; They had a just cause, and the Lord his owne war­rant, and braue Commanders, and for multitude they might haue eaten them up, and why should they goe to God for the victory? they doubted not of that: but as they looked least to the matter of greatest waight; so they were plagued in that which they least feared; to teach them and others to take their whole errand with them, God gaue them twice into the hand of their enemies, and then they saw their ouersight, and went up to the Lord and wept, and fasted, Vers. 26.and offered burnt offerings and peace offerings before the Lord; then by the Lords direction they went up and prospered. So wee may lay our hands upon our mouthes in this case, and proclaim our selues to be faulty: for wee haue presumued much upon a good cause, and secundary meanes, but wee haue not wrastled with God for the victory. The Pagans and Papists doe condemne us in this, who toyle themselues with their idols, babling out many blasphemons prayers, and that for the most part, for the prosperous successe of wicked designes. Lib. de bello punico. Appianus telleth us, that before the Romans ioyned battel they sacrificed to Audaci [...]ie and Feare. Plutarch, Satim ante acient im­molato equ [...] concepere votum. Florus. telleth us that the Lacedemonians before the fight sacrificed to the Muses. The Mysiās before they fought did sacrifice a horse. To what a number of Saints doe the Papists sacrifice, when they goe to fight; how doe they ply the idoll of the Masse in which they put their con­sidence. The Iesuits indeed, the Popes bloud-hounds, trust more to the prey then to their prayers. They much resemble, as one saith well, the Vultures, whose nests (as Aristotle saith) cannot be found; yet they will leave all games to follow an Army: because they delight to feed upon carryon: neyther will they be wanting with their prayers (such as they are) for the successe of the great Cracke, and blacke day (as they call it) wher­in these harpies thought to haue made but a breakfast of us all; they erected a new Psalter for the good successe of a wicked coun­ter parliament, the depth of whose consultation was fiery meteors, the proiect, whereof, was the rending of mountaines, and tearing of [Page 202]rockes, & with an earthquake of firie exhalations to consume and swallow up both hils and valleys, and to increase the iniquitie with wicked Iesabel, they would colour it with a fast, and with blasphemous and lying Rabshakah, they would beare the world in hand by this their Psalter, that they came not up against us without the Lord, 1. Reg. 25. and the Lord had bidden them doe it. Their develish dittie consisteth of a seven-fold psalmody, which secretly they passed from hand to hand, set with tunes to be sung for the cheering up of their wicked hearts, with an expectation (as they called it) of their day of Iubilie. The matter consisteth of rayling upon King Edward, and Elizabeth, and our Soveraigne that now is; of perition, im­precation, prophesie and prayse for successe. I will set downe some of these, because the Psalter it selfe is rare, or not to be had. For they are taken up by the Papists, as other books be that discover their shame.Prayer Psalme 1. ‘Confirme (say they) the heart of those thy laborours; endue them with strength from aboue, and giue successe unto their endeavours.’

Howsoever God in mercie disappointed them; yet by these, you may see, as by so many ignivomus eruptions of the hel­firy-zeale of Aetna, what their diligent endevour was: for they would be wanting in nothing. The necessitie therfore of the duetie, the good successe of it, the sinister zeale of idolatrie in this point, according to their kind, and the danger of the neg­lect [Page 203]of it, may provoke us if wee be not void of sense, to set upon the duetie. If idolaters, who by their prayers and sa­crifice bringing nothing but sorrow upon themselues, doe so be­stir themselves; what fooles are wee in slighting off so ex­cellent a duetie wherein the Lord hath promised to be with us; yea, giue me leaue to speake the words of trueth, whereat I would haue none offended, but rather offended with their owne negligence, that all that haue had their hand in Gods bat­tels, from the Kings Majestie himselfe, to the meanest soul­dier, haue bene, and are yet exceeding faultie in this, as their owne hearts (I know) upon examination will tell them; which neglect indeed, to them and us both, doth minister matter of great humiliation. If they doe reply, Instance. that prayer hath been made, & God hath been sought to, by themselves and others for them. To this I answere, Answ. why doth not God heare them, is his eare deafe, or his hand shortned, or is his good will to his abridged, that he will not, or cannot heare or helpe? No, no, the fault is in our selues, and our prayers, our sinnes haue made a separation betwixt us and God, so that if wee cry and shout, Lament. 3.8 yet (as the Prophet saith (he shutteth out our prayers. The linea­ments of prayer.

Though it be not my purpose, nor for the place, to handle the common place of prayer; yet for the better discovery of our neglect, and the amendment of it, let me briefly lay downe what things in prayer (if wee would speed by it) should be observed, namely, the matter of it, the person that maketh it, the manner of it, the qualitie of it, and the helpes to sharpen it.

First, for the matter, it must be such as the spirit approveth on; the rule whereof is laid downe in the word. For the per­son, he must be good, otherwise his prayer is not good, nor can it do any good. The prayer of the just mā prevayleth much. If I regard iniquitie in my heart (saith the Prophet) the Lord will not heare me. And as the blind man in S. Iohn, Ios. 9.God heareth not sin­ners; Moses, Iehoshaphat, Ezechiah & Ezra were all good men; [Page 204]their prayers were of force against their enemies, The Lord heard them, & gave them the victory. Kings & Commanders should be good themselves, if they would haue any good by their pray­ers: for God is no respecter of persons; the greater [...]he partie is, if he be not good, the worser is his prayer in the sight of God; yea let them haue some good men of God, to be their mouthes to God. The people of Israel being to ioyne with the Philistins, 1. Sam. 7.8 they say to Samuel, Cease not to cry to the Lord our God for us, that he will saue us out of the hands of the Philistins. Where no doubt the people ioyned with him, but he led them in the duetie, and was their mouth. I shewed the ne­cessitie of such before: the Lord touch your hearts with a desire of such, and stir up such for you.

Thirdly, the manner of the prayer must be performed, by going along with the spirit, who helpeth our infirmites, with sighes and sobs, that cannot be expressed. We must not be like to Iulius the second in our devotion, who sate by the fire and said over his prayers in the time of the fight. It is not the ringing, nor chanting with the voyce, nor the Barotonus lowing of a mightie lung, that will prevaile with God Moses cryed hard to God, Exod. 14. [...]5 though he spake newer a word. Which cry did so ring in Gods eare, that he could not but answere; why cryest thou Moses? Egit vocis sileontio ut corde cla­maret. Aug Q. 52 in Ex: yea as one saith well, upon that place, he held his peace that he might cry the louder; not that the cry of the voyce is to be condemned; but the cry of the spirit commendeth the matter to God.

Fourthly, for the qualitie of it, it must especially be fer­vent; it prevayleth much if it be fervent. This is the fire that doth burne the odors in the Censor. Moses zeale in this parti­cular was so fervent in that battle against Amaleke, that (to use the words of the Prophet David.) It did eate him up. A key cold Leiturgie galopt over, or cast through a sive with a many parat-like Tautologies, or a luke-warme lip-labour, can never bring downe a blessing from God.

Fifthly, and lastly, the helps of prayer, are fasting and [Page 205]mourning; wherein, and whereby the soule is humbled with God, and fitted to hear from God, and to speake to God. The necessity of these you may see, by the practise of Gods peo­ple in all the former examples. 1 Sam. 7. [...]. The people of Israel in Miz­peth, are said, to draw water, and poure it out before the Lord, and they fasted. What is that, but as the Chaldee well ob­serveth, they poured out their hearts before God, and shed teares in such aboundance, as if they had drawn water. So Iehoshaphat proclaimed a fast. So Ezra proclaimed a fast, and he and the people afflicted themselues before God. Witichin­dus. It is recorded of Otho the great, Emperour, to his great commendation, that ‘being to joyn battell with the Hungarians, he proclaimed a fast in his Camp, and called on the name of God. This af­flicting of the soule, and pouring out of the heart is not yet come home to you the Warriours of the Lord, and giue me leaue a little in particular to intreat your Highnesses to lay home the neglect of these duties to your hearts, with both your hands. Affliction, or nothing, will driue men to God. God threatning his people that hee will leaue them (which is indeed the fearfullest punishment) tels us; Hos. 5.15. that in their affliction they would seek him early. Histories tell us, that the dumb son of Croesus found his tongue in the danger of his father. The Lord hath been sought for you, both frequently and fervently; but you must seek him ear­nestly your selues, or all is lost labour. Hezekiah in his trou­ble sent to Esay the Prophet, desiring him to lift up his prayer for the remnant that were left, ch. 37. v. 4; but in his own per­son also he fasted, mourned and prayed hard, v. 1.15. You should not want some of Gods Maisters of requests, to lift up their prayers for you, but you must also in your own per­sons, with Hezekiah cry mightily to God if you mean to be heard. There be too many (though your Graces are not) of the mind of that popish Earle of Westmoorland, who said; He needed not to pray, he had Tenants enough to pray for him. Turn in (for Gods cause) upon the closets of your own [Page 206]hearts;’ examine your selues and be still: And that it may not be a lame nor a liuelesse prayer, get matter from reading, hearing, and meditating on the Word. Labour for holiness, without the which it is impossible to see God. Get the gui­dance of the Spirit; for bare saying is not prayer: be fervent & frequent: and for fitting you the better, afflict your souler in fasting and mourning, as your State is afflicted. With Hester make your servants fast and pray; Try but this course in truth; and as sure as the Lord liveth, hee shall heap glo­ry and honour upon your heads, and shame upon your enemies.

This course will break the heads of the Dragons of your sinns; this will offer violence to heaven, and as it were in­force God to answer: this will be like an earthquake to your enemies, it will sinke them, it will swallow them up. A pretty instance of this, I remember from the confes­sion of an arch-enemy of the Gospell, namely. Queen mo­ther of Scotland; who fighting against God, and the erecting of his Kingdom, confessed openly, That she feared more the fasting and prayer of the man of God Iohn Knox, and his Disciples, then an Army of 20000 armed men. As your neg­lect hath been great in this particular; so the blemish of out Nation, in neglecting and opposing this office, is indeleble. No Nation professing the Gospell, but they haue publique­ly been humbled in some measure, we excepted: we one­ly, haue not set forth to help thus against the mighty; which I thinke verily hath accursed all the rest of our helps, that they are as Water spilt upon the ground. It is true, that the soules of Gods people haue been exceedingly humbled in secret for the afflictions of Ioseph, and haue poured out their hearts, in aboundance of sighes and teares for their miseries; But what is this to the publique discharge?

Since I am fallen upon the point, I cannot but with griefe obserue, that this Nation hath been at such opposition and enemity with this duety, that it is thought as dangerous a [Page 207]thing to undertake it, as it was in Athens to make mention of the recovery of Salamis; or as it was amongst the Iewes, to speake in the name of Iesus. What should be the cause of this I haue often wondred; I am sure of this, It is an evill sign of an evill cause; yea, a fearfull fore-runner and provo­ker of Gods long protracted wrath to fall upon us. Not any finne of omission, or commission, hath a more fearfull threatning against it, then this; Witnesse the Prophet Esay; Ch. 22.12.13.14.When God (saith he) called to weeping and mourning, and to humiliation (in the highest degree, as the word importeth) then behold (saith he) ioy and gladnesse, slaying of Oxen, and all the contraries; by which they braved out God to his face. But what followed? A fearfull threatning; Surely, this iniquity shall not be purged from you till you dye (saith the Lord of Hosts.) Whose eares should not tingle to heare this? And whose heart should not tremble to thinke upon it? And yet the best in this is too secure.

But since the duety is so called for, and since it setteth such an edge on invocation, it hath so prevailed against the ene­mies of Sion, and the neglect of it is so severely threatned; what may be the cause, may some say, that in a Christian Common wealth it should be thus neglected and withstood? If you will haue my opinion, in my judgement, I conceiue these to be the Remoraes, or break-necks of this duty. First, the universall plenty (except the wants of the meaner for;) so long as there be Oxen and Sheep to kill, and sweet wine enough; so long no humiliation: Ioel 1.13. When the meat offering and the drink-offering fayleth them, then will the Priests (saith the Lord by Ioel) gird themselues in sackcloth, and lament and houle. A second let is the conceited glory of the Church; the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, say they, and that imgreat pompe and glory, and what need we mourn? It is an outside glury indeed, but there is but a little glory within. A third let is this; men are so inslaved to sin and Satan, and so vassalled to their own corruptions, that they [Page 208]dare not incounter with their Maisters, for whose service they haue bored their eares. The fourth Remora is this, the plants that are not of Gods planting, know well, that the use of humiliation, would find out the causes of our evill, amongst which themselues would be found to be the chief: So that it is no wonder, that they cannot endure to hear of humiliation. But if men be thus fearfull to awake sleeping dogs, and will hazard themselues, and the Nation upon the point of Gods Pike, what a fearfull plight shall they be in, in that gloomy day that is like to come upon us, wherein the Lord shall giue the Alarum. May not Ahab condemne us in this? Obliviscitur se Regem esse, ubi De­um omniū Regem per­timescit, purpuram abjicit, &c. And where shall we appeare when Ninivie shew­eth it selfe? Of whose King Ambrose giveth this pretty ‘observation that he forgot himselfe to be a King when once his heart was smitten with the fear of the King of Kings; hee casteth away his robes, and beginneth by his repentance to be a King indeed: for he lost not his command, but changed it from the worse the better.’

But to conclude the point: oh that my counsell could please all those that I haue spoken to, both Kings, Ministers, and people, that we might be humbled as one man toge­ther; and every man apart by himselfe: and renting our hearts before the Lord, never leaue importuning him, nor let him goe till he were intreated. If we would humble our selus, the Lord would humble our enemies. It is his Covenant; Psal. 81.13.14. Oh that my people had hearkened to me, and wal­ked in my waies, I should soon haue subdued their enemies, and turned my hand against their Adversaries. Oh that wee were like Israel in the Iudges, Chap. 20. who went to God the second time, humbling themselues and offering burnt-offerings and peace offerings, whereupon the Lord gaue their ene­mies into their hands. So if we would humble our selues and kill our sinnes, our enemies should quickly loose what they haue got, and pay full deerly for all costs and damages. But before I conclude the point take one caveat with the [Page 209]duty; that it be performed with sincerity and singlenesse of heart; for if it be done in hypocrisie, or perfunctorily slighted over in the performance, it provokes God, and plagues the performer. The Hollanders and French fast, (but without exprobation be it spoken) they had need to send, as God speaks, for mourning women, Ier. 19.17.that by their cunning they may be taught to mourn. A soft heart sets well to a mournfull dit­ty, where this is wanting, there is no musick. Humiliari­on, without reformation, is a mockery of God, and the undoing of a good cause. The Lord tels us in the 58 chapter of Esay, and the 7 of Zacharie, how he abhorred the fasting of his people without reformation, he giues a good reason in the fift and sixth verses; They fasted not to the Lord, but to themselues; that is, for their own ends: as if men would serue their own turns with God, and care not a whit how hee be served of them; it were just with God to mock both them and us with shews of favours, because we mock him with shews of service and amendment. And surely, if we look not to it, in the humbling of our selues indeed, all our hopes may be on a sandy ground, and then that of the Lord by Ieremy be verified of us: Ah Lord God, Ier. 4.10.surely thou hast greatly deceeived this people; and Ierusalem saying, Peace shall be unto you, whereas the sword reacheth unto the soule: the word doth signifie in our Language, to put a trick upon them; and so he may doe indeed, for the many we haue put upon him. But God giue these words to work upon our hearts. I haue been the longer in this point, because in it lyeth the strength of all our forces: for pray well, and repent well, and you cannot chuse but fight well. Prevaile once with God, and it must needs follow that you shall prevaile with men.

CHAP. XXXV. The Fight it selfe.

I Come now to the very point at length which doth deter­mine all, and that is the fight it selfe: Men must not one­ly pray, but they must also fight against the enemy: they must not onely speak, but they must also strike: Strokes and words will doe well together. Moses and Aaron prayed against Amalecke, Ioshua and Israel fought against them. Amalecke is a smiter, and he must be smitten. It is a generall fault amongst us that professe Christ, that wee can dis­charge a few prayers against Antichrist; but a heart to abhor him, and a hand to smite him (even so far as our places reach) we haue not; wee are too too like that white livered Roman in Tully, who under excuse to keep the Camp, stay­ed back from the battle, to whom Africanus said well, hee could not endure officious seeming Souldiers, Non am [...] nimium di­ligentes, in quit, Africanus. whom indeed doe starke nothing. When Moses cryed hard to God, Israel being in a great strait, the Lord answered; Where­fore cryest thou unto me; speak unto the children of Israel that they may goe forward. He doth not check Moses because hee prayed, Exod. 14. but because he went not on with the people, as he was commanded, and therefore God reneweth the charge. The Ancients commend the Lacedemonians, that with their prayers, their hands were prompt to fight. To this effect was the speech of that ancient Roman, that by bare wishes and woe­manish cryes, we must not look from God to overcome, but by counsell, [...]l [...]stianus [...].watchfulnesse and doing (which are the secundary means whereby God hath appointed us to help our selues) we must looke to overcome. In comming to the very shock, what part of the [Page 211]enemies battalion, and with what forces it is first to be charged, is at the Generals discretion. As for that Military cry used, and commended by many in the joyning bartell; yet holden as a base and barbarous thing of others, I will not much contend; onely this, as it is a thing most used by Turkes, Barbarians and Savages in their fight; so it rather spen­deth spirit, then she weth spirit. The Barbarians haue this obser­vation against this crying; that dogs that barke much, doe not bite much. True fortitude consisteth in a stout heart, and in an able hand. Of this mind was Regulus Mauritanus, and others. As for the Israelites using of it, Ios. 6, it was the Lords command, and they had little opposition in the fight. As for Cato his commendation, and Casars approbation of the use of the voyce in his Commentaries; I take them not to mean hollowing and hooping, but rather a couragious stirring up of one another, and daunting of the enemy with high words, and austerity of looks. Howsoever, let the souldier remember, not to be daunted at the encounter of such as come on with a cry.

CHAP. XXXVI. The Generals and Souldiers part in Fight.

NOW the Battell being joyned: The duety of Gene­ral & soul­diers in fight. as the Generall and the souldiers, as head and body, are to perform the charge; so to each of those in particular somewhat belongeth; as to the Generall, with the spirit of wisedom and magnani­mity to command and incourage; [...]. and that as Xenophon said of Clearchus, with a pleasant and cheerefull countenance, [Page 212]which will refresh and incourage his Souldiers in their greatest dangers: Boni duces publico cer­tamine nū ­quam nisi occasione, aut nimia necessitate conf ligunt. lib. 3. c. 25. Front. li. 4. cap. 7. but hee must not fight at all, except necessity driue him to it. Vegetius setteth it down as the property of a good Generall, not to fight except necessity compell him. When it was objected against Scipio Africanus, that hee was no great fighter; he was not ashamed to answer, That his mother bare him, not to be a Fighter, but a Commander. The Romanes were so carefull of their Commanders, that Q. Petilius the Consull, being slain in the fight against the Ligures, the Senate decreed, that that Legion in whose front he was slaine, Ibi. l. 4. c. 1 should be neglected, they should haue no annuary stipend, and their Armes should be broken. In Pelopida Rashnesse in a Generall deserveth rather blame then commendation. Marcellus and Pelopidas, two great Captains, and very famous for their exploits; yet (as Plutarch telleth us) by adventurous rashnesse, they lost both their re­pute and their liues.

As this rule of warinesse is given by Vegetius to a General, that he should not onely haue a care of the whole Army, that he may bring them off, as he leadeth them on; but al­so of himselfe: so Iphicrates giveth a good reason, from a similitude taken from the head, which is the fountaine of life and motion; if it be cut off, the body is but a trunck; so the losse of the Generall, Caeso duce facile vin­cuntur mi­lites. 2 Sam. 18.3.is the losse of the Army. Agreeable to this, is that speech of that loyall people of Israel to David their King, disswading him from going forth to battell, Thou art worth ten thousand of us. Yet for all this, upon necessity, when honour, life and victory lyeth upon it, the Generall must (as many Noble ones haue done) put his life in his hand, and sometimes with Pompey take the lot of a common Souldier. M. Furius Camillus, a man of Consu­lar dignity, perceiving his Army to slack the charging of the enemy, he layeth hold on the Ensigne, and carryeth him upon the enemy; whereat the Souldiers being ashamed, they went on. Lucius Sylla, seeing the Legions giue [Page 113]way to Mithridates forces, under the leading of Archelaus, drawing his sword, he made toward the body of the battle; telling his souldiers, that if any asked for their Leader, they should say they left him fighting in Boesia; at which, the souldiers being ashamed, they went on to their service. I could instance the like attemps in a number of our own nation, as the renou­med Norice; the redoubted Vere, and the never dying Sidney, but let these suffice.

Now as the Generall, from whom the life and motion of the service, dependeth must be carefull of his souldiers, & of himselfe that he expose not them to any desperate service, nor himselfe to danger beyond his place; so all the soul­diers must be carefull to quit themselves in their places: for the defence of their head; the maintenance of their good cause; the glory of their nation; the good of all that depend upon them; & their owne honour and reputation. For mili­tarie directions in fight, I think there be no better rules then that of the Apostle Paul, though in another kind; namely, a spirituall fight. The termes are borrowed from a bodily fight, and therefore they are the fitter for the purpose. The words of the rule are very significant and emphaticall, and therefore I set them downe; watch yee, stand fast, 1. Cor. 16, 13.quit you like men, be strong. The words, as they are applyed by the A­postle, expresse the whole use of every part of the spirituall Armor, unfolding fully all the cunning and dexteritie of a spirituall fight; So the words in themselves, are as so many rules, out of which every souldier may reade his duetie in fight.

All things required of a souldier in fight may be reduced to those fiue heads. Vigilancie, Fidelitie, Five things re­quired of soulciours in fight. Valorous Magnani­mitie, Promptitude & Perseverance. All these are included [...]n theforesaid termes.

First, then there must be a wise & heedie watchfulnes, espe­cially in subordinate Commanders, [...]. even from the file-leader [...]o the highest in subordination, that thereby they may take, [Page 214]or giue command, Nil magis ad victoria facit quam monitis ob­temperare signorum. lib. 3. cap. 5. Interest quoque non parum ut milites in praelii con­fusione de ducis consi­lio certiores fiant. In Veget. pag. 216. by or from signall, cryer, or trumpet, o [...] from the motion of the Commander; which is an excellent director for all militarie motions. As there is nothing accor­ding to Vegetius, more avayling to victory then the true ta­king and observing of command, by what meanes soever i [...] be given; so there is nothing more dangerous, then the mis­take of the mind of the Commander. It is a matter of no small consequence, (saith Stuchus) for the souldiers in con­fusion of fight to be well possessed of the Generalls mind: and by the contrary, the mistaking of his mind may mar all. Appi [...] ­nus giveth a pregnant instance of this in Hanibal, who being in fight, and seeing some troupes of French and Spani [...] horses, goe to the ascent of an hill, he made towards the [...] to bringe them on for renewing of the fight; the souldie [...] and Commanders, not understanding his intent, but suppo­sing him to flee presently forsooke fight, and routing them­selves fled without any order, not after their Generall, bu [...] whether each one listed. By this you see what shame, & con­fusion, followed upon a contrarie construction of the Gene­ralls intent. At the battle of Newport (as I haue been infor­med) there was a foule mistake, & full of danger in Lieute­nant Yakslie, who having his command from General Vere t [...] bring up such forces, for such a service, was so takē up, eyther with a jealous emulatiō of Lieutenant Honywood (with whom that very morning he should haue fought) or with some other transporting cogitation, that he quite mistooke the matter, and brought on such as were not any way fi [...] for that service; which the Generall perceving in grief & anger, gaue him this farewell; Goe on Yakslie (said he) and adieu, for th [...] hast lost this day, all the honour that ever thon hast got in thy life. The Lieutenant being brought to this strayt, that there was no place for retreat, nor opportunitie for change was forced to lead them on howsoever, who being to weake to enter­taine the charge of the enemie, gave presently backe, and would not for any thing he could doe, or say, stand to it, [Page 215]whereat the Commander being vexed exceedingly; and being ashamed to come off, & live with the blot of that mis­scarriage, desperately threw himselfe in the gulfe of the ene­mies fury, to the pittifull losse of a noble souldier, and a very brave Commander, and all as you see upon a mistake. Thus then in fight, it is first required that the souldier haue a good eye, and a good eare, both being given in charge under the word watch.

Now to the second thing required which is fidelitie, [...]. in­ioyned in the word stand, this is as much here as [...], to be resolutely bent to endure the worst, or [...] to stay by it faith­fully, and not to flee a foot: for as men must overcome the devill, not by flying or shifting; so must souldiers their ene­mies. And this word here is properly opposite to flight, which is holden by the currant of all millitarie lawes, very [...]ignominious, and if it be to the enemies very treacherous. Vegetius (as Stuchus expoundeth him) hath the very same in effect; to fly beastly, or to be taken cowardly, Illa ad ignominiā pertinet haec Remp. pro­dit. Lib. 1. cap. 20. pag. 44. In praeliis maxime timentibus maximum est periculū.is ignominious to the partie that doth it: but to flie to the enemie is to betray the cause and the country, hurting with those same Armes and hands the very parties, that haue inarmed them. Againe as they en­danger all the rest; so they are so far from exempting them­selves from danger (as the same Author observeth) that they are in most danger of all others: and therefore he calleth it madnesse in men to flee if they can doe any other. The case may so stand, and such may be the adversary that men had better dye like men in fight, then to forsake their colours and be at length made subjects of the enemies tyrannie: Wee read of the Romans in fight, that when it was told the Tri­bunes of the seventh Legion that the left wing was cleere defeated, their colours taken by the enemies, Caeser 7. Belli Gall. Mercina [...]ia fides unn­quam durat in adversi [...]. who were charging them upon their backes, they gaue not way one foote, but stood to it till they were slaine every man. But be­cause there is too much mercinarie faith, which never endureth in a strayt, Generalls haue taken course somtimes to tye the [Page 216]run-awayes to their service. Lucius Lucellus preceiving the Macedonian horse to flee to the enemie, caused presently an alarum to be given, and sendeth some out after them; the enemie conceiving that they were comming against him, en­tertained them with a flight of darts. When the fugitives, preceived that they were pursued by their owne, & encoun­tred with the enemie, they fell upon the enemie, and quit themselves like honest men against their willes. So Datames fol­lowing his fugative troupes, commended them, out of cun­ning, that they would first charge the enemie; with which speech they being ashamed, they did it indeed. It was very frequent with the Romanes to inviron such as were suspec­ted of cowardize, or infidelitie, with their choycest troupes, who might eyther cause them, for feare, to stand to it; or cut them off if they attempted flight. It is reported to be the manner of the Cymbrians to tye their companies together with long chaynes, Alex. ab Alex. lib 4 Cap 7. that they should not breake their orders nor run away in the fight.

Yet all this that hath been said doth not abridge the soul­dier of the benefit of a faire retreat, which is a speciall part of service, and of no lesse cunning and commendation, then the highest point of atchieving the victory; neither barreth it the benefit of an honest flight, which some Generalls haue commended, and accelerated upon good grounds for better occasions. That brave retreat of Horatius Cocies, from the overswaying power of Porcenna, is worth our memory. He caused his forces to returne by the bridge into the towne, and to cut the bridge, to cut off the enemies from following; but like a valiant Champion for his country, stayeth him­selfe to stop the enemie, Front lib. 2 cap. 13. till they cut the bridge; and when he heard the cracke of the fall thereof, he cast himselfe into the river, swimming through, loaden with his Armes, and a great many wounds upon him. As many were the brave ser­vices of that noble and compleatly qualified souldier, Gene­rall Norice, so none is held of greater note then that retreat [Page 217]at Gaunt. It is no lesse vertue sometime to fly well,Non minor est virtus aliquando bene fugere, quam forti­ter pugnare.then to fight stoutly. It was a pretty policie of Sertorius in Spaine, being compassed almost with the Army of Metellus, to cause his souldiers disperse themselves by an orderly flight, and ap­pointed them a place where againe they should meete him.

The third & fourth things, [...] be magnanimious valour, with a promptitude in the usage of the same; which all are inclu­ded in this phrase, quit your selves like men. The Greeke verbe contayneth more indeed, then can be fully exprest, without paraphrase; yea, I read not one word in all the new Testa­ment, that contayneth more in it, except the words that expresse the Dietie. The word doth import, an expressing of a manlike fortitude, by maney actions. The Latines translate it viriliter agere, to play the man; this is that indeed which striketh the stroake (as were say) ‘This gets the day and gaynes the laurell wreath.’

Two things (saith Stuchus commendeth a souldier, Aside & viribus cō ­mendantur milites. pag. 224. Sermo ad militis tem. Pli. cap. 2. fidelitie & valour. And though Barnard was no souldier; yet he hit the marke prettily well in these directions. A souldier (saith he) must be circumspect to saue himselfe and others; he must be expedit, & faithfull in his place, & he must be valorous and prompt to give his enemies blowes. Admirable it is to read, how the heathens haue excelled in this. And because all souldiers are perswa­ded of the trueth of this, and haue plentie (if they have read) of instances in their memory. I will onely present you with a view of the Lacedemonian valour, in Lucurge. much commended by Plutarch, & cited to good use, by that industrious Ambodexter (mistake not the word) Captaine Bingham. pag. 70. A Goat being sa­crificed by the King, according to the Lacedemonian manner, and the command being given, they crowne their heads, and at the sound of the flute, and the song Pean, taken up by the King himselfe, they measure out their March, and come on with such an undaunted, and advised resolution, that they seeme ioyfully without astonishment to entertaine the en­counter. And as herein they shew their magnanimious va­lour, [Page 218]so their carriage and demeanour is very fearfull to the enemy; according to this encounter they performe the service.

I come at the last, [...]. to the last thing required; namely, constancie in holding out: be strong, hold to it, endure to the end. So Iosua is willed to be strong; be strong and of good courage, that is, continue in thy courage. To the same effect, saith one; he is said to be a strong man that hath endured with an unconquerable mind. It is not the giving of the first stroke, nor the getting of the first ground; but a continu­ance in valour, and holding out to the end, that carryeth the day: He that overcommeth, saith the Spirit, shall be clothed in white; which is the colour of triumphant victory. Pertinent is the speech of a Father to this purpose, though in another case; Nec paran­ti ad proe­lium, nec pugnanti ad sanguinem, multo mi­nus tergi­versanti, sed vincenti ad victoriam. Serm. 141. de reip. Non deserā meum asti­tem, quo cū sunctus fu­ere: pro sa­cris & pro­fanis, siue solus, siue cum mul [...]i [...] dimicabo. Not to him that prepares to fight; yea, nor to him that re­sisteth to bloud, much lesse to a coward that giveth back in the battle; but to him that overcommeth by conquest shall the Crown be given. A continued battle proveth often like a Cock-fight, where the case is so altered on a sudden, that he that was thought to be the Conqueror is the conquered. Stobeus maketh mention of an oath that the Athenians took, I shall not leaue my fellow in fight with whom I am ioyned, b [...] I shall fight for Religion and Country. It was one of Scander­begs speciall honours, that he never fled. It often falleth out, that by holding out, men obtain the victory that they haue little looked for. Divus Iulius, at the battell of Munda, being forsaken of some of his forces in fight, who saw they were like to haue the worse, hee caused one to carry his horse out of sight, and leaped into the front of his foot: which the same souldiers observing, and being ashamed to leaue their Commander in the field, they re-inforced the fight, and so had the day. This couragious holding out at the battell of Newport, especially by that thrice true­ly Noble Sir Horace Vere; gaue the Spanyard a me­morable foyle, got much honour to the English, and re­deemed [Page 219]the Low-countries from the mouth of the graue.

For such souldiers, so qualified, Applicatiō we should be earnest with God, for a few of these are worth a great many meer merce­nary fellows, that fight onely for themselues (that is) for their own gain, and flye for the advantage of their enemies. There is lit­tle good to be expected of the fearfull and faint-hearted, who when they come to joyn, are ready to lay down their armes, or run away, having no other thing to cover their cowardize withall but calling for pay. There is no way with those, as ancient practise teacheth us, but hemming of them in, and holding them to it; and even in this the best is bad enough; for compelled prayers and forced fight, are much of one nature, and hath often the same effect. God himselfe the great Warriour, and Lord of Hoasts, who knoweth best the danger of feare, and faint-heartednesse in those that are to fight; gaue a law concerning such, that they should depart from the Hoast to their home. Deut. 20.7. And to that end hee caused the officers to make proclamation: What man is there, that is soft or tender, (that is) faint-hearted, let him goe and return unto his house. The like proclamation did Gideon make at Gods command, when he was to fight against the Midia­nits; and of 32000 men that were with him, Iudg. 7.3. 1 Mach. 7. there returned 22000. Iudas Ma chabeus being to fight against Licias maketh the same proclamation. The Law-giver himselfe giveth a reason of this Law, that his brothers heart melt not, or grow not faint as his heart: a good reason indeed; for as melting mettall cast upon other, may make it also melt; so a sort of fainting swoonding fellows, may cast all the rest in a syn­cope. As the faint-hearted spyes, returning from the view of Canaan, discouraged all the rest; insomuch that they durst rather rebell against God, then look their enemies in the face; so a company of cowards may dash the courage of the best: and as the Spyes brought a plague upon Israel, for their faintnesse and incredulity; so faithlesse and fearfull [Page 220] Cradons bringeth the rest to destruction. And as this faint­nesse is dangerous to their fellow souldiers, so it bringeth themselues to further evils then they are aware of. It brin­geth sin, shame and destruction: for besides, that with de­served ignominy, they die often like doggs and swine, they bring also (as the Hebrews obserue) the bloud of all the rest upon their heads. Yea, these white livered fellowes haue a double curse. First, this soft, feeble, and effeminate heart is a curse in it selfe▪ the Lord speaking of the curses that he would bring upon his people, if they would not obey, threatneth this as a speciall one. I will even bring softnesse into their heart in the land of their enemies. Lev. 26.36. Secondly, they are accursed in with-drawing their hand from Gods work, or in doing the work of the Lord deceitfully. Cursed is he that doth the worke of the Lord negligently, or deceitfully, and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from bloud. The 300 valiant and couragious men, that lapped water with their tongues, Indg. 7.4.5 were worth all the 32000. Caleb and Iosua having another heart, were of more esteem with God, then all the rest of the people. I would haue all Gods Warriours to take heed of softnesse of heart in this sense; and at any hand not to trust such: for commonly they haue hard and cruell hearts against any thing that good is. The King of Britaines observation upon the Lords prayer, maketh this good by the instance of the Deer, which being the softest hearted and fearfullest of all other beasts; yet is the cruellest of all, to minde an injury, and an opportunity to revenge it. Hence a fearfull man is called, A Man like a Hart. Ancients doe tell us, [...]. and examples doe testifie, that there is no greater Tyrant then a cowardly King; Witnesse Nero, Caligula, Ti­berius; yea, according to Plutarch, as feare and cowardize is the cause of their cruelties, so the greatest coward of all is a faint hearted souldier. The idolatrous Gentiles both Ro­man [...] and Grecians, Dii [...] made a Temple to Fear, as to one of their [...] which they sacrificed [Page 221]a dog, intimating thereby, Alex. ab Alex. l. 1. cap. 13. p. 21 that they should haue no fellow­ship with feare. It is better to haue a coward to thy foe, then to thy counsellour or copartner: for a man can look for no true good from the fearfull. Benevolen­tiae vis est metus ins­becillis. 2. off. Faint feare (saith Tully) is an ene­my to good will. The Camelion (saith Pliny) is the fearfullest creature of all other, and therfore it turneth it selfe into all co­lours that it may shift for it selfe. So fearfull men, without respect of faith or friendship, they turn themselues into all colours but the truth, that they may saue themselues. And whom they fear most, they serue most, though it be least to their credit or commodity. [...]. Cowardize is well compared by the Grecians, to a white livered disposition, whence we take our proverbe white livered: as that wate­rish duscrasie, or distemper of the liver, causeth dropsies and Lienteries, and so hurteth the body more by corrupt humours, then it helpeth it by sanguification; and howso­ever life for a time be protracted; yet colour, strength, and appetite faileth exceedingly, and breath at length forsaketh the body: so a fearfull white livered friend, may seem to keep life in a good cause for a time, but it is but an hydro­pick, or lienterick life, which being both together are symp­tomes of inevitable death. Some corrupt counsell, luke­warme comfort, and weake forces to no effect, they may affoord; but it is but a palliation; it is no cure: it is but to quench the Citie with a pottle pot when it is all on fire, which indeed will make it burn the faster.

In a word, the fearfull man is a foe to his friend, and a sriend to his foe. What made Saul eye David continually to doe him hurt, but his conceived feare; though other cau­ses concurred, yet this was the speciall: 1 Sam. 18.8.9. What can he haue more but the Kingdom? Whence arose the ruin of A­chaz and all his, but from the servile feare where­with they were possessed, as the the holy Ghost, by the Prophet Esay witnesseth: When hee heard that Syria was confederate with Ephraim, hi [...] heart was moved, and the heart [Page 222]of his people,2. Tim. 1.17.as the trees of the wood. Where this spirit of slavish feare is, the spirit of God is not. God (saith Paul) to Timothy, hath not given the spirit of feare, but of power, of love, and of a sound mind. Where the Apostle opposeth the spirit of God, or the graces of the spirit, as power, loue, and soundnes of judgment, to this slavish feare, which for the prevayling power of it, he calleth the spirit of feare, which cannot con­sist with the power of the foresaid graces, whether it be in ministers, souldiers, Captaines, Generalls, or Kings. As it is spoken there directly to the Ministers; so of all men they had most need to looke to it: for the spirit of feare in a Mi­nister is a most fearfull plague to himselfe and others, especially in these fearfull times, that requireth so much use of the Spi­rit of power. A sound conclusiō But observe this, as a main conclusion from the place touching all persons, that where this spirit of feare resi­deth, there is neither soundnes of judgment, nor sinceritie of affec­tion, [...].nor power of action to be looked for. What should men then doe with such Ministers, friends, souldiers, or any other such? these white livered men, as the Grecian noteth well, are good for nothing.

As I desire that all men might remember the fearfull pu­nishment of this slavish feare; namely, the burning lake; for the fearefull and unbeleeving, Rev. 21.8.&c. Where observe, they are the very first in front, so I wish and pray, that all that put their hand to the worke and fight those battels, would take courage to them. I would that speech of God, by Moses, unto the people might prevaile with them, Heare oh Israel, you approch this day to battle against your enemies, let not your heart be soft, feare not, and hasten not away; neyther be you terrified be­cause of them. The Lord addeth a reason, for Iehovah your God is he that goeth with you, to fight for you against your enemies; to saue you: Euen, so would he be with us, if we would be with him; if you will fight for God as David did, that bles­sing that was pronounced upon David by Abigail, shall be upon you and yours, the Lord would certainly make you a [Page 223]sure house, and honour you and your children for ever, because you fight the battels of the Lord: 1. Sam. 2 [...].28.and he would bind up your soules in the bundle of life. I will not herein play the Pope, to assure life, and reliefe of friends, out of purga­torie for fighting of the Lords battles; No, if such a fight would serve the turne, in vain, did Christ fight that great battle on the crosse: but thus much I will assure them, that they that fight these battles, they fight the battels of the Lord, for the maintenance of which, the Lord hath given his promise: and surely such as dye in these, they dye for the Lord; and thrice happie they, if they dye in the Lord. As for their enemies fighting against the Lord, they haue none of this assurance, and howsoever it goe with them they can haue no sound comfort.

One thing more in the fight to be observed is, that beaten rule of much use and practize; not onely to let the enemy fly, but to make way for him to fly, if he be so disposed, for this there be both lawes and a multitude of examples. Po [...]aen. lib. 1. Licurgus gaue a written law to the Lacones, not to stop the enemies flight. It was the saying of Scipio Africanus, that he would not onely giue way, but he would also make way for his enemy to fly. A number of examples you haue in Frontine. Caesar having inclosed the Germans, standing to it desperatly, made way for them to fly. Haniball did so with the Romans at the battle of Thrasimena opening his orders, he let them fly & so defeated them. So did Camillus with the Gauls. The Grecians having got the victory at Salamis, Polyaen. lib. 1. they determined to cut the bridge over Hellespont, to stop Xerxes his passage: but The­mistocles that old beaten souldier with danger, counselled to let him passe: for it stood with greater wit to rid the land of him, then to force him to fight.

The reasons of this rule be two; the first given by Vege­tius; necessitie is a desperat vertue which will effect (as Themiste­cles well observeth) that which neyther valour, nor magnanimitie durst adventure to doe. Secondly, by this the victory is [Page 224]more easily obtayned: they may kill, and take at their plea­sure routed forces without the losse of themselves, Desperatio magnum est ad honeste moriendum incitamentū Curtius lib. 9. where as by keeping them to it, they may buy the victory to deare. Despaire will incite some to dye with honour, (if dye they must) that it may be, never meant it. G. Maulius the Roman Consull, keeping the Hetruscians too strayt, lost his life, and had lost the field, if his Legats had not opened their orders and let them passe, and so they had them at their pleasure. Yea this sometimes hath lost the victory; witnesse King Iohn of France invironing Edward the blacke Prince, not suffering him upon any conditions to passe, put him and his handfull so to it, that the French had shame and repentance for their paines. To conclude the point, I will shut it up with the saying of Count Poetiline; If mine enemie (saith he) would fly I would make him a bridg of gold to fly upon; yet all this must be taken with a graine of salt; Not so to let the enemie fly as to loose the occasion of the victory, or for feare, to hold backe the sword from bloud (that were to incourage the enemie, to redintegrate the fight.) That wise speech of Kings Agis, is worthy of observation, who in the pursuit of his flying enemies, Plutarch. in Apotheg. being counselled to make way for them; an­swered thus: If wee be not able to overcome our flying enemies, how should wee overcome our fighting enemies? intimating there­by that no occasion against the enemie should be lost.

CHAP. XXXVII. Of the Issue of the hattle in Generall.

NOw I come to the Issue of the battle, which giueth the one partie the victory, and the other the overthrow: for seldome they part on an even hand. It is true indeed that [Page 225] the victory is so deare bought many times (that as the Learned observe) it scarse deserveth the name of victory. Victoria mag [...]o empta non est victoria sed calami­tas. [...]. Of that deare bought victory, the Grecians haue a pret [...]ie proverbe. The conqueror cryeth and the conquered is undonel. Pyrrhus that Mir­ror of Generalls made this good out of his owne experience; who having twice defeated the Romans, but at so deare a rate, that he was forced to say: such another victory would un­do us. Yet since there is alwayes a better and a worse, my taske putte [...]h me to it, to discover as briefly & perspicuously as I can, how both the conquerour, and he conquered should carry themselues. Seneca layeth downe the generall:

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the Carriage of the Conquerour.

TO begin then first with the victor: Victoria est semper in­solens. for (as Tully observeth) victory is alwayes rash and insolent. For the ordering of victory there be two sorts of directions, the former for ma­king of it up, the latter for the right usage of it, when it is fully a [...]ained. In the former there be these two observatiōs. Be carefull to make up the vic­tory. First the conquerour must take heed of the rash and disorde­red pursuite of the enemie. To this effect serveth well that counsell of Iphicrates ioyned with his practize. This Com­mander following his flying enemie, at his leasure in good order, gaue order to his souldiers in the pursuite, that they should beware of ambushment, and that they should not [Page 226]follow too hard, Lib. 3. nor neere to the Wals or forts planted with munition, giving a good reason as Polyaenus well observeth, that many by doing so haue lost the victory, that they had obtayned. Vegetius telleth us, Frequenter jam fusi aeies dis [...]er­so [...], ac pas­sim sequen­tes repara­tis viribus interimit. lib. 3. cap. 25. that it often so falleth out, that forces put to flight, recollecting themselues against the disordered pursuers, doth alter the case, and killeth them right downe as conquered, that ere while were the conquerors. This change of fight, by way of a proverbiall speech, is called osculana pugna, or a battle wherein they, which before had the victory, are now overcome; as though victory with a kisse had saluted them, and so forsaken them. So it fell out with Pirrhus, who having in a manner overcome Valerius Laevinus, the Roman Commander, was by him in the same battle by the recollection of forces overcome. A nota­ble instance of this, Historians give in Q. Fulvius that noble Roman Commander, who being overcome by Carus, Gene­rall of the Segadans, and hauing lost six thowsand, he obser­ved the disordered pursute of the enemy, out of his too too much pride and confidence, as though there had bene no danger of re-encounter; whereupon he commanded some troupes of Horse being laid to keepe the strayts, to charge the disorderly purfuying enemie; who presently-un­horsed & killed the Generall Carus, Appienus de bello Hispanie. being in the front of the followers: besides him they slew 6000, and pursued the victory till night.

Yet with this caution, another extreme is to be avoided, namely the slacking so of the pursuite, that they loose more which they might haue, then that which they obtayne is worth. This neglect of Hanibal at the battle of Cannas lost Rome, which would haue been the crowne indeed of the Charthaginian war: had he, according to the counsell of his friends, flowne to the marke, that is, pursued the defeated and routed, Romanes into the cittie; he might haue taken the prey, of which againe he had never so faire an offer; neither doe I thinke (though otherwise a great Commander) that he could giue any good account of his neglect; o [...]ely this [Page 227]generall might excuse him; no man is wise at all times. Nem [...] om­n [...]s boris sapit. Vincere scis H [...]mb [...]l. victor [...]a uti­nes [...]. For this Barchab the Carthaginian gaue him this Motto, to his ever lasting blemish; thou canst overcome Haniball, but thou canst not use the victory, to thy best advantage.

The second observation is, that they abstayne from spoyle, till [...]hey haue fully secured themselues, Avi [...]itate prae [...]ae saepe exercuus victoriam camiserunt. Hantbal. Scotus Pla­centinus. from any further re­attempt of the enemie: some snatching at the prey before the victory insured haue often lost, both prey & victory. Tacitus giveth an instance in the Germanes, who onely out of their greedines of the prey, were overthrowne by the Romanes at the battle of Lib. 1. Au­nal. Horminius. Therefore Saxo Gramaticus giveth a good rule for this: with Auro spre­to, anr [...] d [...] ­m [...]nos in sequimin [...].contempt of gold it self, pursue the p [...]s­sessors of the gold. Many examples there be of this kind, let this one more suffice. The Germans at the battle of Erlam in Hungarie, Anno 1596, having thrice defeated the Turkes; yet through untimely falling on the spoile, were themselues defeated. And so much for the insuring of the victory.

CHAP. XXXIX. Of the true Vsofe Victory.

THus having shewed you as well as I can, Fiue things to be obser­ved in the true used of victory. Acknow­ledge vic­tory to be of God, & be thank­full for the s [...]me. how to secure the victory; I come now [...]o the true use of the victory being thus secured. The true use or good carriage of the vic­tory consisteth in these fiue particulers. Thankfulnesse to God, moderation of themselues, C [...]emencie toward the conquered, Law­full usage of the creatures, and due respect to their owne souldiers.

Now to the first, wherein there be two things to be noted, First an acknowledgment of the victory to come of God, and next to be thankfull to God for it. For both those there be plentie of testimonies, both in Goods booke, and other wri­ters: [Page 228]the former of these two all men will easily acknow­ledge in word (except they be Atheists) but the neglect of the latter sheweth the former, in the most, to be but verbal: for if men would acknowledge that victory were from God indeed, they would never carry themselues so insolently in their victories against God as they doe. But to come to some proofs. First, that all victories are of God. Samuel speaking of the victories that David and his worthies obtayned: 2. Sam. 23.10. Gen. 14.20 Iosuab. 11.6. Exod. 15. Iudg. 5. and the Lord wrought a great victory that day. God is said to giue Abra­hā the victory ouer his enemies. So to giue Iosua his enemies into his hands: So you may see in that song of Moses, and in the song of Deborah. As victory is of God, so all the Saints of God haue attributed their victories to God, & thanked God for them; as may appeare at large in the aforesaid songs. Blessed be the most high God (saith Melchizedeck to Ahraham) which hath delivered thine enemies into thine hand. Moses after the victory obtayned over the Amalekits, in token of his thankfullnes erecteth an Altar to the Lord, which he calleth by the name of Iehovah is my banner. I [...]hovab Nissi. Exo. 17.5. The Prophet David at Gods commandement, having smitten the Philistins, attribu­ted all the power unto God, & for the victory giveth him all the prayse; The Lord hath broken, forth (saith he) upon mine enemies as the breach of many waters; therefore he called the name of the place Baal Perazin; where observe how he as [...]ribeth the victory wholly to the power of God, and in token of his thankfulnes for the same obtayned, he leaveth a monument thereof in the name of the place, calling it Baal Perazin, or the plain of division, or broken assunder; because he brake in upon them, by the power of God, like the inundation of waters. To this purpose, the 22, of the second of Sam: is worth your reading.

The very heathens who were ignorant of the true God; yet did acknowledge their victories to be of God, and there­fore laboured to intice from their enemies their tutelar gods, to get them on their side, that they might the easier ouer­come [Page 229]them. Of that mind were the Philistims in that battle against the Israelites, when they perceived that the Ark of God was come into the Campe (though he were not there himselfe) yet were they exceedingly afraid, and said; God is come into the Camp, and they said, woe unto us, 1 Sam. 4.6.7.who shall deliver us out of the hand of those mighty Gods? &c. They spake not this out of any true fear, or yet out of any true knowledge that they had of God: but onely they feared that the Gods of Israel (for so they called the Ordi­nances) would plague them, as the Aegiptians were plagued by them: but God in just wrath gaue his people into their hands: which victory they attributed to their god Dagon, and in token of their thankfulnesse, they sa­crificed the best of their spoiles to him, namely, the Arke of God which they had taken from the Israelites. The Thracians, though a warlike people, yet the most barbarous of all Nations, Marcelli­nus lib. 27. doe challenge Mars for their Country-man, and so make him their God, to whom they bow before they goe to battle, and to whom they sacrifice the best of their captiues, after their victory. Where, by the way, in exercise of Armes, to offer a laurell bough to a fayned Mars, is more Thracian-like, then Christian-like. For in jest or in earnest, wee should not attribute, or make any shew of attributing victory to any other God, Aedes vi­cto [...]iae. Alex. ab Alex. lib. [...]. cap. 11. but to Iehovah. The Romanes likewise had their Temples consecrated to Victory. And to put the Romish Phi­listims in the bushell with them, as they duely deserue, they sacrifice the prayse of their victory, to Iack in the box, or other Idols.

But all these may tax a great many that goe under the name of Christians. They know that victory and delive­rance are from God; yet when it commeth to the acknow­ledgement, and tendering to God his due honour; they say little lesse in their actions then Pharoah said in plain termes; Who is the Lord that I should obey his voyce? Exod. 5. [...]. I know not the [Page 230]Lord. That which is related of Tamerlan, called the Securg of God for tyrannie, may make many blush at their unthank­fulnesse to God. Having taken Baiazet the great Turke, at the battle of Stella montis or Cassona, (as the Turks cal it,) he we [...] out on foot to meet him, brought him into his Tent, s [...] him on the same Carpet [...] a [...] meat with himselfe, and did hi [...] ‘all the honour that possible he could: he began to recou [...] how much they were both bounden to giue thanks un [...] God, for the great things he had bestowed on them; [...] for bringing himselfe, being a poore lame man, to com­mand from the borders of India to the gates of [...]vast [...] from the which he had given Baiazet to command to th [...] borders of Hungarie; insomuch, saith he, if God ha [...] vouchsafed to haue given me a share in the whole world, wha [...] could such a crooked thing as I desire more? An [...] are we not bound (saith he) to giue him many thankes▪’ This is more I am sure then a great many haue thought on in any serious manner; but they are liker to Baiazer indeed, whom Tamerlane questioned, whe [...]her ever he had give [...] thankes to God or no, for making him so great an Emperour; who confessed ingenuously that, whereof many be guilty (though they are ashamed to confesse it;) that he had never so much as thought upon giving thankes to God. To whom T [...] ­merlane replyed, that i [...] was no wonder that so ungratefull a man ‘should be made a spectacle of misery. For you (saith he be­ing blind of one eye, and I lame of a leg, was there any worth in us why God should se [...] us over two great Em­pires, Haec L [...]on­clavius in editione sua Annael. Turcar. of Turkes and Tartars, to command many more worthy then our selues?’ I would haue many to ob­serue this; and if neither Gods workes for them, nor his Word to them, nor their professing that they know him, will serue to work their hearts to thankfulnesse: yet let them for shame pick a pattern out of one of the worst men that ever we reade of: and let them blush at the drowning of many great deliverances in oblivion, as though God had [Page 231] been bound to them. Are not some from their cradle to this day, ingaged to the purity of Religion, by their continuall preservation, and admirable deliveries from the designes of their enemies; yet how haue they requit religion, and her followers? in plain termes, with the devill to their thanks. Yea, let those to whom God in fighting of his battles hath given any victory, be humbled for their great neglect of this. I speak in particular to the Hollander, whose delive­rances hath been admirable, and whose maintenance is from the very finger of God against the whole forces of Babel; but I fear their forgetfulnesse wil make God weary of them: and we may well take them by the hand; for we haue not yet so much as reckoned with God for the debt of 88, and the Powder-plot deliverance. As we haue joyned in this so sacrilegious a sin of unthankefulnesse; so God giue us to joyne both in reckoning and restitution.

It is a thing incident to Gods children to be too too faul­ty in this very particular, if they looke not to it. Witnesse good Hezekiah, who had more minde to shew his pompe and bravery to the Babylonish Embassadours, then to giue thankes to God for his deliverance from Senacherib; and therefore the Lord met with him. In time to come, upon any opportunity, forget not to offer sacrifice of praise, be the victory never so little. David in the very same case, Psa. 116.12 doth mo­dell with himselfe what to render unto God. What shall I render to Iehovah for all his bounty toward me? The returne of thankes in any true manner and measure, maketh an increase of the stock.

To these two former, a third may be added respecting God, that if any place contended for, Purge out idolatry. come under the con­querors government, that he purge it from idolatrie and all salse worship, so much as in him lyeth. A mixture of religion or a linsie woolsie worship, the Lord will not tollerate, and what man dare take upon him then to doe it? The sup­pressing of all false worship, may be pressed upon Kings and [Page 232]Magistrates, Reasons for sup­presing falso wor­ship. wheresoever they haue right to command, by these fiue reasons: from Gods strict commandement in that behalfe, from the nature of God to be worshipped, from the office of the Magistrate, from the practize of Idolaters, and lastly, from the evill that ensueth upon idolatrous worship.

Then to the first (for in every particular I would be briefe) God plyeth this point againe and againe upon his people, and the rulers thereof; namely, that they should breake downe their images; Exo. 23.24 & 32.that they should make no covenāt with them, nor with their gods; that they should not suffer them to dwell in th [...] land;Deu. 12.13they should make no mention of the names of their gods; tha [...] they should destroy their places wherein they served their gods, ye [...] the graven images.Deut. 7.3.Againe thou shalt not stricke any convent with them. What can be more more plainely said against tollera­tion? for herein is forbidden, as one saith well, not onely their grosse idolls, Tota eorum conversatio prohibita est.or superstitious rites and ceremonies in the true worship of God, but generally all conversation is forbidde [...] with them as naught.

If any plead against this, that the charge concerned the Iewes against the Canaanits, in particular; I answere, observ [...] but the reason of the charge, and it will tell you that it con­cerneth all Gods people in the case of idolatrie, or supersti­tious worship, the rule must neede be as generall, as the reason of the rule: Exe. 23.23. but the reason both in Exodus and Deut: concer­neth all; therefore so doth the rule; They shall not dwell in the land (saith the Lord) least they make thee to sin against me: for thou wilt serve their gods, which shalbe a snare unto thee. And againe, thou shalt not make marriages with them, thy daughter thou shalt not giue to his sonne, and his daughter thou shalt not take to thy sonne. Marke the reason: for he will turne away thy sonne from after me. Haue not wofull experience taught us in this land? and were wee not like to be taugh [...] (like fooles) in a deeper and more dangerous instance [...] Of the generalitie of this instance; If any can say of his sons heart that an idolatrous daughter cannot turne it away [Page 233]from God, then he might goe match him with such an one: but the former were to contradict God, 1. Ioh. 5.12 De corona militis. cap. 10. therefore he may not doe the latter. Babes (saith S. Iohn) keepe your selues from idolls. That is as Tertullian saith) ab ipsa effigie eorum. From any relique, or shew of them, all which should be abandoned. In precept Iohn forbiddeth these foure things; The making of Idols; the using of Idols; Lib. 2.8. the keeping of them in the house or land; (for all must be put away, as I haue shewed:) And lastly, wee are to avoide the users of Idolls; they must be aban­doned. Take heed that none spoyle, or make a prey of you. Col. 2.8.

As for the Papists excuse, that they are no Idolaters it is but a covering of fig-leaves, as the word of God, the wirtings of the learned, both ancient and moderne doth fully manifest, wherein they are discovered to be the very worst sort of Idolaters. Pag. 685. Looke Master Perkins in his treatise of idolatrie of the last times.

The second reason may be taken from the nature of God and true religion, which is one, as God is one, one faith, Eph. 4.5.one God. There be many false religions, as there is much coun­terfeit Pearle: but one true religion, Lib. 4 de Divin. in­stitut. compared to the Vnion or Margarit. This appeareth by the Etymon of religion, which is so called as Lactantius; a religando, from tying the soule unto God, non a relegendo (saith he) as Tully would haue it: Nor a relinquendo, as the Atheist would haue it. Relgio est qua se [...]ni­ma deo li­gat. 1. Sam. 4.4 So Augustine runneth upon the same ground. Religion is that whereby the soule is tyed unto God; and so Isidore to the same effect. This unitie will endure no competition: Dagon and the Arke cannot stand together: Yea God will haue no part­ner in his Worship: because he is a jealous God. In that land where God dwelleth he will endure no worship but his owne. Having commanded the Israelits to roote out all idolatrie and superstition, Deut. 12.4.7. he sheweth them that he will choose out a place where he will put his name, and there he will dwell, & thither should they resort: As if the spirit of God should say, where he dwelleth, there must no Idols dwell. Yea let Kings [Page 234]and Princes perswade themselues, if they suffer idolatrie in the place where hee hath put his name, hee will bee gone from them and the place. It is an Athiest-like conceit of carnall wretches, and grosse Papists (as I haue heard from some of them,) That a man may be saved by any religion, as though God would be pleased with any thing.

The third reason may be taken from the office of the Magistrate, or supreme power, whose office as it is to esta­bish true Religion, and to maintain it; so he must extirpate the false. Moses beate the golden Calfe to powder; Ezechiah brake the brazen Serpent; Iosiah and Iehoshaphat, plaid their parts in this; and where they left any relict it is (deserved­ly) laid upon them as a fault: but the high places they took not away. That point of separatism against this is very unsound, whereby they would abridge the power of the Magistrate in reforming of religion. Their evasion likewise, from the instance of the Kings under the Law, is of no worth: for Christ himselfe as a King reformed the Temple, Sic Chry­sostom & Augustini. and that as the Learned observeth two severall times; first, at the be­ginning of his course, Ioh. 2; and lastly at, or toward the end of his course, Non verbis solum sed verberibus etiam. Esa. [...]9.33. Math. 21.12, not onely by words, saith Cyril, but by strokes also, did he reform the abuses, and that as a Magistrate, as all the Learned obserue. Yea, that Evan­gelicall Prophet fore-telleth, that Kings under the Gospell, shall be noursing fathers, and Queens noursing-mothers to the Church. Now fathers and mothers must as well abandon that which is naught from their children, as maintain that which maketh for their good. But since it doth rellish too much of Anabaptisme, I would haue them let it goe. Hence likewise that groundlesse reason, against the truth of the Churches of England, falls to the ground: that they are false, because they had no call but inforced constraint by the sword of the Magistrate: the Magistrate, as I haue pro­ved, in abandoning false worship, and establishing the true worship, doth nothing but what his place injoynes him: if [Page 235]hee be tyed to the former, he is tyed to the latter, Contraia sunt sub eodem ge­nere. because contraries are under one, and the selfe same logicall genus: Neither by this means (as they mistake) were the Churches called; but by the pains taking of the Ministerie: Witnesse that course taken both in the raign of K. Edward, and in the beginning of the raign of Q. Elizabeth; would they but in sobriety difference the weaknesse of being, from the nullity of being; and the purity of a thing, from the truth of a thing, they should come off the quick-sands whereon they haue set themselues. The judiciously sincere, neither for fear, favour, gain, or any by respect, makes their Chur­ches worse or better then they are indeed; neither doe they attribute more or lesse to the Magistrate then is due: Est vindex utriusque tabulae. And as he is the Protector and Acquitter of both the Tables from abuse; so let him haue his due, but let him look to doe his due, and let him not hearken to those Matchivilian heads, who giue too much to him, as the former giue too little, per­swading that he may tolerate any religion so it be for his profite. Matchia­vil relig. Maxim. 2. A more dangerous Principle then this, is not hatched in hell; and whatsoever Prince is perswaded of this (as one faith well) will in the end proue a very mocker of all religion. D [...]scourse against Match. Nature it selfe will evince the falshood of this position: for as Nature teacheth that there is a God: so likewise that there is but one God (for otherwise hee could not be perfect, since perfection and unity are reciprocall) by just consequence then it must necessarily follow, that there must be but one Religion, and that of Gods own appoint­ment.

Some Civilians, who (for the most) are too much Mat­chiavalized, loving the profits better then the Law, labours to palliate this with utilitie, matter of fact, and necessity: And for instance they bring Sultan Solyman the great Turke (a fit example indeed) who being moved by the Mufty, (or chiefe Pope) and the Cadilesheiri (or Arch-prelates) together with some of the Bassaes, to abandon the Christi­ans, [Page 236]Iews, and all of diverse religions; or otherwise to force them to Muzilmanize, that is, to professe Turcism: The Turke looking out at a window, pointed them to the varie­ty ‘of the flowers in the garden; whereunto (saith he) I compare diversities of religions in my Dominions, which are rather usefull then hurtfull, so they liue in obedience.’ The like, they tell us of Alexander, Severus, Traian, and others: but what be these to Christian Kings and Rulers, who haue not so learned Christ? They must walk by Lawes and not by Examples; neither must God loose the least jote of his honour, for their greatest gaines. As for necessity, in regard of disturbance, all wisedom is to be used in avoyding of it, and all faire meanes used to reduce them to the truth: but disturbing must not bee avoyded with sinne. It is a clause worthy the observation, and by the Popes themselues placed in the Canon right, though not observed, Reg. 1. de Regiminis num. 6. but ill abused; That it is far better that offence or disturbance should come, then the least truth should be forsaken. Is a King a noursing father, and will he suffer a plaguy or leprous childe to be in the house, or lye in the bed with his childe that is sound? Will he suffer poyson to lye strawed about, where his childe may reach it? This were to murther his childe, and not to play the pa­rent to it. Will a King suffer forraign Kings to erect their Lawes in his Dominions, and permit his subjects to obey, some one, and some another? No, hee would scorn it, and hold them Traytors that should motion it: and will he put that upon God, and force him (as it were) to bear, that he will not bear himselfe? Surely, the Lord will not bear it.

It was a princely part, and a royall resolution, worthy the imitation in Edward the sixth, a Sun [...]shine over-clouded by the sinnes of this land in the very rising: hee being re­quested with his Councell by Charles the fifth, then Empe­rour, to suffer the Lady Mary his sister, to haue a Masse in [Page 237]her house; the Councell sitting about that and other things, sent D. Cranmer, and D. Ridley to perswade the King to grant it. When he had heard what they could say; he so learnedly and grauely did refute it, out of the word of God, that with astonishment their mouthes were stopt. Then they fell to him with false grounds of policy; as the loosing of the Emperours favour, the hardening of his sisters heart, the discontenting of Popish subjects: to whom he replyed; that they should content themselues; for hee would spend his life and all that he had, rather then agree or grant to that, which he knew certainly to be against the truth. Yet for all this they would not leaue him, but pressing him fur­ther, he fell a weeping, and willed them to let him alone; Fox. pag. 1179. Hee had cause to weep indeed, but they greater: Where they should haue preserved him from sinne, they were made the meanes to corrupt him. The Prelates, and pleaders for Conformity, haue no great reason to brag of these men, (as they were Bishops not of Gods making,) for whilst their heatts were deceived, and their eies vayled with the bewitching honours, and glorious shewes of Pabel, against the light of knowledge; they proved, as you see, enemies to the crosse of Christ; therefore God puld them out of their rags, and cast them in the Furnace, and then they proved his friends indeed; and so may some Prelates proue, if God bring them to the stake: But to the mat­ter; for all that they could doe, such was the zeale of that holy Saint and happy King; that Lady Mary could haue no Masse at that time.

To conclude this reason, men would haue thought, that the union of Britains Kingdomes would haue cut short the increase of Babel his Kingdom; and that the Foxes should haue been forced, either to change their skins or holes: but we see, for our sinns, by neglect of authority, that, to the dishonour of God, the defacing of his Gospell, the griefe of his people, and indangering of life, crown, and dignity, [Page 238]they are so hugely increased in both Kingdoms and in Ierland, that, in their own conceit, they are grown too hard f [...] us: it is most just with God if we spare the Cananits, that the Cananits should vexus.

The fourth reason may be taken from idolaters, who to our shame are zealous of their false worship. The Lord may justly upbraid us with such, as he did his people Israel; hath [...] nation changed their gods,Ier. 2.11.which are yet no gods? but my people haue changed their glory for that which doth not profit. So the Lord may inquire of us, whether heathen Rome, and Antichristian Rome, do tolerate any worship but that which is of their owne appointment. The Laws of old Rome, forbade any strange Gods to be worshipped amongst them, that is, as Tully expoundeth, Cic. de leg. privatim adscitos, of mens private device; but by the Senats publique appointment: so new Rome is as strict, in that they will haue no mixture but of their own making; instance the Tridentin excommunications; witness likewise, with many others, the Doctors of Doway, upon the Lords forbidding of mixtures of seed, Lev. 19.19. cattle, and garments: here all participation (say they) with heretikes, and schismatickes is forbidden. Philip of Spaine said, he had rather haue no subject, then subjects of a divers religion: and out of a bloudy zeale, suffered his oldest sonne Charles to be murthered by the cruell inquisition; because he seemed to favour profession, for which, Non peper­cit filio suo, sed dedit pro nobis. Hieron. Ca­tina. that mouth of blasphemie the Pope, gaue him this for his panagyr, that he had not spared his owne sonne but had given him for them.

As old Rome, called the Christian religion, a new religion; so new Babilon calleth the ancient trueth a new religion, or heresie; and therefore they hold it a damnable thing, to haue any thing to doe with it, expecting but a day when they may race out the remembrāce of it: As for our drawing nigh unto them in superstitious rites; they flout us to our face, and tell us in a bravado, that let us come as nigh to them as wee will, they will not come one haires breadth nigh to us; yea [Page 239]they asperse our religion with this, Quo vadis pag. 13. Heylin. pag. 249. that if it were true wee would never bland it. How bitter then is the friut of D. Hall, his correspondencie with poperie, for which he pleadeth in his treatise of travells, and urged hard for conformitie with popish ceremonies, by Heylin in his Geography. As for the Papists applauding of our leiturgie (as he speaketh there) it is but a sorry prayse to it; when they reckon with him, they will pay him for this, as they doe in the Epistle to Spalatoes re­cantation (where belying him falsly with the name of an unlearned Minister) they flout him for his bragge, In the ho­nour of the maried clergie. pag. 55. that the English Church was honoured with a Dalmatian pall put upon a Bandogg indeed. I know the Doctor knoweth them well enough, and that there is no peace with Rome, who haue sworne themselues deadly enemies to the gospel and the Professors thereof. It is the oath of the Kinghts of the holy Ghost, ordeyned by Henry the third of France, Anno 1570. that they should persecute the Hugonits.

Now I come to the last argument, which is, the evill en­suyng upon the toleration of any false religion. The Lord telleth the Israelits that if they destroy not all the idols of the Canaanits, that his angershould be kindled against them, Deut. 7.4. and he would destroy them suddenly. How angry was God with Iehosaphat, for hauing any thing to doe with idolatrous Achab: therefore he rebuketh him sharply, & threatneth him fearfully by the mouth of Hanani the Seer; 2. Chron. 19 2.shouldest thou helpe the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord: therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord. And falling in the same fault againe in ioyning with wicked Ahaziah King of Israel; he tel­leth him by the mouth of Eliezer; because thou hast joyned they selfe with Ahazia, the Lord hath broken thy workes. 2. Chron. 20 37. If the Lord were thus angry for joyning in civill affaires, how angry would he haue been if he had admitted their idolatry, or matched with them?

The most part of the Kings and great ones, Applicatiō they eyther forget God altogether, or they thinke he is not the same [Page 240]God. I would therefore haue them to cast but their eyes upon examples of later times, and see how the Lord hath met with tolerators of false religion. Henry the fourth of France begun well, but he held not out; whose tolerating of others (though upon extremitie,) and imbracing of popery, for a kingdom, though from the teeth outward; caused the Lord (as one said well to him) to smite first at his tongue, wherewith he had denyed him, and at last to smite at his heart, by one of the furies of the same hellish religion, which for the world, he was con­tent for a time to tollerate. How did Q. Mary pay Cranmer and Ridley, for pleading so hard to the King, that she might haue a Masse. Men must not thinke, first to serve their owne turnes, and then to serve Gods turne; to goe on with policie (making religion dance attēdance to it, which indeed should serve religion) is to set the Asse upon Christ, and not Christ upon the Asse. The disturbance, and distraction, of the Germanes, which weakeneth them exceedingly against the common enemie; ariseth especially from the toleration of diversitie of religion. No thing (as one saith well) doth more combine the minds of men together, then unitie of religion: and nothing more dis-ioyneth them, then diversitie of religion. And it were good (me thinke) for the united Provinces, to make up their union with unitie of religion. And I may say boldly upon my former grounds, made good by instances, that they indanger themselues most by toleration of diversitie of religion. Be­sides the multitude of idols in their houses, whereof they make no bones, (though thereby they keep life in Poperie) what a confused chaos of heresies, what a State renting breach of Schismaticall divisions, with a hotch-potch of opinions are to be found with them: wherin to their ble­mishes they are holden the Antesignans, or ring-Leaders through the world; so that it is growne to a proverbe, If a man had lost his religion, he might find it at Amsterdam. Which proverb. I think may rather be inverted thus: If a man bring any religion to Amsterdam, he had best take heed he loose it not; [Page 241]for reason and experience makes this position good; that a place of opposition is not so dangerous to Religion, as that place where for Religion, every man may doe what he list. They must not think that their manner of government, or necessitie of trading, or any other thing, will serue to tolerate this toleration, against the Law of God and nature: the office of the Magistrate, the example of the enemy, and the evill ensuing on it, I wish they may obserue and ponder; toge­ther with the aim of their cruel enemy, (who looketh for more advantage out of this evill, then out of any other thing.) Where there be many Apes, there be but a few men: Many weeds, a little corn: So a small deale of true religion, where is so much diversity of religi­on. Where there is a Cachexia, or evill habite of humours, there is but a little good bloud; so an evill habit of corrup­tion, taketh away the life of true Religion, in which indeed consisteth the life of true policy. I pray God they may look to it; and that he would open our hearts from the head to the foot, to look to it at home, where Popery is as free­ly practised, as if it had publique toleration, and that by con­nivency, which God will not winke at.

And because matching with Idolaters, setteth up the grea­test gate to idolatry; and by consequence layeth us open to Gods heavy wrath, as God himselfe doth witnesse: Deut. 7.4. They will turne away thy sonn [...] from following me, that they may serue other gods: so will the anger of the Lord be kindled against you, and destroy you suddenly; We must shut that floud-gate if we will not haue the plague come in and consume us. I wonder how men can hold up their faces to speak for such Matches. They are first flatly against the Word, 2 Cor. 6.12 be not une­qually yoked; which the Doctors of Doway quote in their Marginall note upon Levit. 19, to condemn all matches with schismaticks and hereticks: For confirmation whereof they cite Theodoret. Secondly, the Lord taxeth such Matches as a high measure of sin, instance in Ahab, of whom it is said; [Page 242] as if it had been a light thing to haue walked in the waies of his father, 1 King 16.31.hee took to wife Iezabel who served Baal. Thirdly, of the evill effects of these Matches; we need not goe no fur­ther then our own Nation. It is reported in our Histories of Vortigern, who Anno 450, at the perswasion of Hengist, brought in a multitude of Saxons, and marryed Rowen daughter to Hengist: Intravit Sa­tanas in cor eius Math. Westmona­steriens pa. 156. of whom it is said, that the devill en­tred into his heart; because, being a Christian by profession, he matched with an Infidel, which was a plague to him­selfe, and his, and all the whole Nation. As for that Country­gentleman Moderator, I will say no more but this, that he maketh a pretty shew, if there were no Bible: but of the two places he quoteth thence, the last marreth all that he hath done: 2 Chr. 28.9 For sure it was a part of Davids admonition to Salomon, that in seeking the Lord he should shun and abhor all Idolatrous Matches; for David hated all those that held of superstitious vanity. And as Salomon forsook the Lord in this crossing Gods command, and his fathers counsell, so he and all Israel smarted for it. I am sure that this place well understood, and well applyed, is worth all the rest that he hath said: Yea, if his moderation be but laid in the bal­lance, with principles of humane policie, it will be found lighter then vanity: And if he know no more of the Spa­niards nature, practise and projects against us, then he hath delivered, he is but a Country Moderator indeed. I would but intreat him to take notice of the judgement, of as wise, as great, and as good a King as any lived in his age; concern­ing matching with the Spanyard. Lewis the 12, of France, who for his goodnesse was called pater patriae, being much importuned by Anne his Queen, Ex lib. fa­cetè dicto­rum. Com­mentar. Aenae Silvii de dicts ac factis Al­phons. to match his daughter Claudia (after wife to Francis of Valois) to Charles the fifth, son to Maximilian, made this wise answer, You may as well desire (saith he) the Cat and the Mouse to agree in one, intima­ting thereby (saith the Authour) that it was impossible for the Spanish and the French at any time to agree; and all men [Page 243]know it is lesse possible, for many respects, for the English and Spanish to agree, especially as things goe now. If he would peruse Guicciardine but a little; whom he citeth for their prayse, he might see the Spanyard painted out in his colours; as also in other Histories, both forreigne and do­mestick, as in their pride, Atheism, Cruelty, Filthinesse, Fi­defragie, Avarice and Beggary: yea, in one of their own Writers, that they are loved of no Nation; and yet we must dote upon them. I was taken thus off the way a little, by reason of this occurrent, but desiring of God, that that Match may never be, I return to conclude the point against Toleration, with that threatning of Christ against the An­gels of the Churches of Pergamus and Thyatira, if they suf­fered any longer the doctrine of Balaam and Iezabel, which he hated, he would come against them, Rev. 2.12.and giue them accord­ing to their workes: So indeed will he doe with all, both Mi­nisters and Magistrates, that tolerate false Religion.

CHAP. XL. Of the moderation of the Conquerours passions, and of his Temperance.

I Come now to the second particular of the Conquerours carriage; namely, the moderation of himselfe, which brancheth out it selfe in these two things; [...]. the moderation of his passions, and temperance in the use of things: in the com­mand of these, doth a man conquer himselfe, which indeed is the greatest conquest: for what shall it profite a man to overcome all others, and to be a slaue to himselfe, that is, to his own corruptions: but if a man can overcome himselfe he [Page 244]cannot be conquerd. Where the soule is free (saith Plato) and is the Commandresse of the Passions, there is the bravest vic­tory.

That speech of Claudian to Honorius the Emperour, is wor­thy the noting; where he sheweth him, that if he could conquer from one India to another, and all the world should obey him; yet if he should obey hi. inordinate p [...]ssions, as fear, lust, and wrath, he were no free man.

In a word, as Seneca saith; He overcommeth twice, that over­commeth himselfe.

Excesse of passion was a foule blemish to Phillips victorie; vaunting himselfe of his great victory at Cheronea, over the Grecians, he grew to such a height of pride, that Archida­mus Agiselaus his sonne, took him wisely down with this cooler; Rhodig ii. 6 cap. 26. That he could not see his shadow to be any longer after the victory, then it was before the victory. A fit answer indeed; for this exorbitancy of passion is from want of knowledge of a mans selfe. That divine Oracle should ever be with us, [...]. Know thy selfe. Augustus Caesar, Severus, and other Heathens, were so eminent in this excellent Motto, that it commended them more then all their victories: and though they had but the rules of nature, and meer Morali­ty to direct them; yet they may make many a one blush that liveth under the light of the Gospell. Charles the Great, was not so truely great, from that Majesty and Dominion wherein hee excelled, as from that care hee had, that hee and his, should behaue themselues worthy of so great [Page 245]victories; as may appeare by a speech worthy of himselfe, made to his souldiers after the victory in that long war against the Lombards and Saxons; Heroes vo­cabimus, [...] socit regum. wherein he calleth his souldiers by the name of Nobles, and [...]ings fellowes, and wil­leth ‘them to carry themselues as Kings over their owne corruptions, and that they should not deface that glory gotten in war by drunkenesse, scurrilitie or beastlinesse, of which if they should keepe themselues unspotted and car­rie themselues toward women, and orphanes, as became generous spirits, he would not onely maintayne them, but he would also account injurie done to them as Les-majestie against himselfe: but if they should let loose their raines to disorder, they should turne their glory into shame, and his bounty into punishment. Aeneas Sil­vius lib. 2. Commentar de rebus gestus. Alphonsus. Rom. 12.21 Question. I would haue all conque­rours, both Generalls and souldiers; to take a patterne our of this.’ To this I may add that carriage of Fredericke the Emperour, after his victory over the Gunzians in Hun­gary: Wee haue done a great worke (saith he) my souldiers; but their remaineth a greater; namely, to overcome our selues by brid [...]ing our avarice, and desire of revenge.

To apply with the Author, had the now Emperour and his, learned of him, the blood and outrage of their victories, had not made so loud a cry in Gods eares, as at this day it doth. It is a good rule for conquerours; Applicatiō be not overcome of evill, but overcome evill with good: Rom. 12.2. And it were a greater glo­ry for some to conquer their passions, rather then Pulpits.

To come to later times, Lewes the 12, was eminent in this vertue; and Henry the 4 of France, is for this much extolled in a Poem by Stephanus. And not to detract from Generall Norice, it was the crown of his commendation, wherein it is said that Henry the 4, did not disdaine to emu­late him. If a question here be put, whether Christians may rejoyce in the victories over their enemies or no? I answere, all things concurring to make the victory lawfull, without question they may rejoyce in their overthrow, especially as [Page 246]they are Gods enemies. Psal. 58.11 12. The just shall rejoyce when he seeth the vengeance, and he shall wash his feete in the bloud of the wicked, and when the wicked perish there is shouting ioy: Pro. 11.10. But this must be as they are the enemies of God, therefore the heauen & the earth, and all therein, are said to sing for ioy, at the spoyling of easterne Babilon; Ier. 51.48.49 because shee had caused the slaine of Israel to fall. So at the fall of western Babilon, beyond her in impietie and crueltie; heauen, and all the holy hoast, shall reioyce over her, Rev. 18.20when God shall avenge them upon her.

The second branch of selfe-government, consisteth in the temperate use of such effluence of things, as in their con­quests many times they meete with all; as the beautie and bravery of their captive woemen, the delicacie of their fare; for this Scipio was much commended, and it was great Alexander his greatest grace, that he would not so much as look upon his captives, the wife and daughter of Darius, but with good deliberation. But his last did not answer the first: for after that he had overcome all, he was overcome of cups, which marred all, and lost him more glory then ever he got. Drunkenesse in a King is a capitall sin. As the corruption of a fish beginneth at the head, and so goeth through the body; so the drunkenesse of a King maketh the land reele, and therefore woe to the land whose King is a drunkard. Philip after his victory, falling foule on cups, began in his drinke to insult ouer his Greeke cap­tives: but Demades, a captive, tooke him boldy up; thus, Art not thou King Philip ashamed, whom the Grecians haue chosen Gene­rall, as another Agamemnon, to shew thy selfe like a bibbing Ther­sites? at which freedome of speech, Philip taking up him­self, and not his captive, cast his Crowns and Garlands from his head, and his rich robes from his backe, and for very shame and sence of disgrace, done to himselfe, by himselfe, did set free Demades, and all the rest of the Greeke captives. Behold in this a looking-glasse for great ones, how incident it is to them to err especially in puffing-up victories; but it [Page 247]is more then Princely to correct themselves at the checke of their vassals. Wee haue too many Philips forgetting them­selues, and their places in their carriage of successe, but too too few Philips humbling themselues with shamefastnesse, when by their inferiours they are rebuked. The delights and delicacies of proud and luxorious Capua, Hanibilem armis invic­tam volup­tate vicit, & enervavit Capua. wherewith Hanibal was taken, when he had taken the towne, did him more hurt then all the Romane forces. To this effect there is a pretty saying of Hanibal; that he being invincible by Armes, was overcome with the pleasure and plenty of the place. Asia undid Alexander, and Iulius Caesar was slaine with good suc­cesse: for as Authors observe, he being capable of all things, and fortunate in every thing, grew so insolent of his victo­ries, that usurping the priest-hood, Sueton. he would needs be Dei­fied; he spoyled the treasurie, and growing sacrilegious: perfi­dious, and lustfull, he ruled all by lust, and not by law.

Now I proceed to the third maine thing; namely, their carriage toward the conquered. First, they must shew huma­nitie, in humando corpora captivorum, in giving the slaine to be buried, or causing them to be buried. To that end, the Armies entered conditions, as Authors mention. Appion recordeth how Asdrubal, at the request of Scipio did bury the bodyes of the Tribunes. It was an evidence of yeelding amongst the Grecians, if they demanded their bodies to be buried. It was counted (as Tacitus writeth in his Annalls) great crueltie in Tiberius, to forbid the buriall of the dead, with whom the cruel brood of Rome deserveth to be ranked, and that in the first place; who not onely deny the buriall of the dead, but with all inhumane abuses doe injurie the bodyes of the dead: they come nothing short in this of the old typical Babel, hindering (as the Psalmist saith) the buriall of the Saints bodyes, Psal. [...]9.2.3. giuing them to be meat to the fowles of the heauen, and their flesh unto the beasts of the earth, but the Lord will one day (as it is there) render them, seven-fold into their bosome.

[Page 248]Secondly, they must not envie their captives but as they are Gods enemies, and so they must hate them with a per­fect hatred. It is reputed as a foule fault in the Athenians, and Lacedemonians (otherwise the bravest souldiours in the world) that they hated captives with an irreconciliable ha­tred, Alex. ab Alex. lib. 4. pag. 2.3. which was in the end their onely overthrow.

Thirdly, they must not, like vulturs, or Harpies, reioycingly glut themselues in the sight of bloud-shed, as the Dragon and the scarlet whore of Rome doth; shee must be drunke with bloud, ere shee bid hold, or say it is enough. Instances of this unquencheable bloud-thirst in them, I could give you to­many; take the carriage of Charles the 9, in the massacre of Paris, for a scantling of the rest: Beholding the bloudy bo­dies of the butchered professors, and feeding his eye upon a woefull spectacle, he breathed out this bloudy speech: how good is the smell of the dead enemie; Quam bo­nus est odor hostis mor­tui. which speech it seemeth he had from that beastly and cruell Vitellius, who having over­come Otho, went into the field full of slaine bodyes, & not­withstanding (as Tacitus saith) of the fearfull spectacle, & fil­thy corrupt smell; yet delighting in it, he used the same say­ing, Lib. 2. hist. Hanibal Scotus. that a slaine enemie smelled well, but a slaine subiect better. Tyrants must haue bloud though it be of their subiects. Yet for all this crueltie unbeseening a man, much more a King to­wards his subiects, that furie of France wanted not a popish helhound, to commend his crueltie in a set oration: but as he lived a man of blouds, so he made a bloudy end. Another in­stance we haue in Queen mother, of the house of Guise (who was the contriver of the Parisian massacre) shee confessed that shee delighted in nothing so much, as in the slaughter of Professors of the Gospell, although they were her owne subiects. To these wee may joyne our owne Queene Mary who could never be satiated with the bloud of her subjects, yea shee had preyed on the life of her owne sister, if the Lord had not restreyned her: and which is mounstrously unnaturall, shee meant if shee had lived, to haue taken up her fathers bones and bur­ned [Page 249]them. In this, popish Rome is worse then heathen Rome, who had written in their Capitol for moderation of victory; parce victis, frange superbos, spare the conquered, and bring under the proud. Epaminondus may be a patterne to all in this; who hauing reioyced for his victory at Luctris, came forth the next day amongst his souldiers, all evill put on, and with a sad countenance; the cause whereof being demanded by his friends; I did please my selfe too much (said he) yesterday, with conceit of the victory; but thinking on the bloud that is shed, I chastise my selfe to day. Agiselaus, after his great victory at Corinth, seeing a great number of Corinthians and Athenians lying slaine, was so far from reioycing or growing proud of the victory, that in sorrow he cryed out; woe is me for Greece, Plutarch. in Lacon. Malo unū civem ser­vare, quam mille hostes occidere.who in civill combustions hath lost so many brave souldiers, as might haue conquered all the barbarians, (for so they termed other nations.) It was a frequent, and a worthy saying of Antonius Pius, for the which Capitolinus commendeth him much, that he had rather save the life of one subiect then kill 1000 enemies.

Fourthly, they must not abuse the conquered captive, de­tracting from him, and taking arrogantly to themselues that which doth not become them. This did cruell Adonibezeck, who cut off the Thumbes of 70 Kings, and made them ga­ther their meate under his table like Doggs. So Tigranes, King of Armenia, caused four Kings to waite on his table. Sesostris had his chariot drawen with Kings; and Tamarlan carried Bajazet about with him in an iron cage. That disho­norable & hatefull contempt, done upon the supposed body of Iames the fourth (found dead, as they said, in the field of Floudon) was both voide of generositie & humanitie: but be­cause he tooke Armes against Iulius the second, his usage could not be bad enough. Yea Thomas Howard, Earle of Surry, Commander of the field, being puft up with the glory of the day, forgot his distance excedingly in the adding to his Armes; for where before he gaue the white Lyon, he gaue it then upon the red Lyon, tearing him as it were with his [Page 250]clawes. Rer. Scoti­car. lih. 13. pag. 422. But this his insolencie is thought to haue been pla­gued in his posteritie, whose ends for the most part, and that in both sexes were stigmatized with some note of disgrace. Borbon and Lanoy carried themselues more noblie toward Francis King of France, being taken at the battle of Pavia: for supper being prepared; Lanoy and Alphonsus Vastius did serve the King with Bason and Ewer; both they, and Borbon could hardly be intreated to sit downe, Bartholo­meus Cha­saneus in Catalog. gloriae mū ­di. Pars 9.19. Consid. in fine. but still they desired to attend him at supper. The like, or greater generositie, was showen by Prince Edward, the mirror of man-hood, towards King Iohn his captive, before whom he stood uncovered, and would hardly be intreated to sit down at supper.

Fiftly and lastly, they are to keepe quarters with captives being taken. For to cast off prisoners, and put them to the sword is against the lawes of Armes; though Turkes and Pa­pists make no bones of this amongst the rest of their cruel­ties; yet far be it from any so to doe, that professeth Christ truely. And thus much for the conquerors carriage towards the conquered.

Amongst many motives that I might giue for this mode­ration, take onely this, that the conquerour sometimes may come to stand in neede of the conquered, who as they will remember moderate usage, and repay it with good; so they will requite tyranny with evill. Historians tell us how the Lacedemonians, the great Masters of Armes through all the world, having so great an overthrouw at the battle of Luc­tris, that they were forsaken of all their confederates, and had no refuge but to betake themselues to the Athenians, against whom they had warred, and whose Walls they had raysed; yet for all this they received them very lovingly.

The fourth main thing followeth, how to demeane themselues in the use of the goods or possessions of the con­quered. It is true, that the spoyle is theirs, but the good creatures of God they must not spoile. The Lord giveth a strait charge against this in Deut: when thou shalt lay siedge to [Page 251]a cittie and take it, thou shalt not destroy the trees thereof, and thou shalt not cut them down; onely that which is not for meate thou mayest cut downe. By this prohibition God restrayneth the waste, and spoyl which souldiers usually make in warre; and teacheth them thereby, that there is a kind of mercy to be manifested toward the creatures, specially those that serve for the maintenance of mans life. This respect had Christ to the creatures, when he caused his disciples to take up the broken meate, after the people had eaten and were filled, that nothing should be lost. It is reported of the Danes, Io. 6.12. that with such crueltie and outrage, they made havocke of all where they came, that they seemed not so much to conquer the land, as to consume it; not so much to possesse it, as to race out the remembrance of it.

Now I come to the last main thing required in the con­queror, namely his carriage towards his own. That Generall will never deale well with his enemies, nor get glory to himselfe, that dealeth evill with his owne. As they haue bought the victory with their bloud, and the hazard of their lives; Salustais. Tacitus. Livius. Amain. Polyb. their is no reason but they should be both commen­ded and rewarded. It was the custome of the chiefe Com­mander (as all our ancient writers do record) after the vic­torie, to go up to some pulpit, and there with a solemne oration to commend the souldiers, according to every mans place, worth, and present service; neither was that enough, barely to commend or giue thē thanks, but with their prayse they distributed divers gifts. Is it equitie or conscience that all should fight, and one, or a few, carry a way the spoyle? David was of a more equall mind, who did not onely wil­lingly divide the spoile of the Amalekits, to those that were in the fight; but also gaue the 200 weake and wearyed ones a share that stayed by the stuffe; and that was made a statute and an ordinance for Israell, as his part is that goeth to the battle, 1. Sam. 30.24.so shall his part be that tarryeth by the stuffe: neither was there any wrong done to those wicked men who grudged at it: for, [Page 252]first, they wanted not will, but power to goe to the battle: Secondly, they stayed by the stuffe to keep it, as necessary a peece of service as to fight, and that with as great danger as those that fought, if they had been overcome: And last­ly, they had but a Geometricall share, not an Arithmeticall, or equall with the other. The like instance you haue in Mo­ses, who according to Gods commandement, divided the spoile of the Madianites (on whom the Lord had avenged himselfe) amongst the souldiers and the people. Numb. 31.27. This con­tinued as a Law, 2 Mach. 8 28. and was observed by the Macchabees when they got any spoyle. So that you see it is the Lords own Ordinance; besides, reason and equity, doth in­force it.

Amongst many other reasons for this enduring ordinance, David giveth a speciall one, which I would haue Com­manders to obserue; namely, that the spoyle is of the Lords giving: 3 Sam. 30.23. You shall not doe so my brethren with that which the Lord giveth us. Obserue here that David, the Generall, saith not, giveth me, but giveth us. Should one man, or a few, take that to themselues, that God giveth to all? No surely, Da­vid, out of doubt, as many braue Generals had wont, kept little or nothing to himselfe. Alexander the Great reserved onely hope; and our braue Generall Norice was like that Bishop of Lincolne (a black Swan now,) Quod non­dum dede rat, se non­dum credit habere. that never thought he had that thing, which he did not giue. The defrauding of souldiers of their shares of the spoyle, was severely punish­ed amongst the Romans. Marcus Salinator, a man of Con­sular dignity, was condemned by the people for unequall division of the prey to the Souldiers. Front. l. 4. cap. 1. The wrong in this done to the souldiers, when service is performed, maketh souldiers so loose in the performance of their service; where if they had but hopes of better respect, and assurance of place and recompence upon their desert, it would incourage them many times to stand to it brauely to death, when they mind nothing indeed but shifting for their life. That speech [Page 253]which I related of Charles the Great, to his souldiers; the warre being ended, together with his bounty towards them; shewed him truely to be great. Those that will haue all to themselues, must fight all by themselues: Souldiers are out of request when their service is done. It was a pretty say­ing, and very true, of Generall Vere to the King of Den­marke; that Kings cared not for Souldiers, untill such time as their Crowns hung on the one side of their head. It was the sad complaint of Georgius Fronsbergius, a braue Captaine, and one who had well deserved, both under Maximilian the 1, [...]nd Charles the 5, and yet being much neglected and forgot­ [...]en: Three things, said he, did terrifie a man from a military life; the spoyling of harmlesse men, the godlesse, and dissolute life of the souldier, and the neglect of those who had well deserved. The times are partly come, and are yet to come, that a good souldier will be worth the making on. Yea, let those who looke to liue in safety, and to die with honour, make [...] of them. There be such an Antipathie betwixt some and Armes, that the very sight of a souldier, the ordering of Armes, the sound of a Trumpet, or beating of a drum are as terrible to them, as thunder was to Caligula: others againe loues Souldiers, but onely to make use of them: In the most of this unhappy age, the esteem of Souldiers (be they never so worthy) dies and liues with the necessi­tie of their service; the causes whereof are, under-valewing of merit, and unthankfulnesse. But States must beware, if they will be safe, not to use their souldiers, as the Atheni­ans used Themistocles, of whom he said wittily; Illos non laudo ho­mines, qui eodem vase pro calice & matula utuntur Aelian. l. 13 de varr. Hist. That they used him like the Plantan tree, of which they made both their drink­ing cup, and their chamber [...]pot; they shook him off, and fet him on at their pleasure, when they stood in need of him: But he told them at last, that he could not like those men, that would first drink out of a vessell, and then make their wa­ter in it. My counsell is to the Vnited Provinces, that they would cast back their eye upon the pit, out of which their [Page 254]life, wealth, and dignity are digged; which is not the depths nor hell, (as that Popish pamphletter suggesteth) but the bloud of the valourous Brittains; for the which, the Nati­on should be precious in their eyes: if Xerxes held The­mistocles (on bare hopes of service) to be his rarest Iewell; how should they esteem of Brittain, which to them hath been a field of precious, and profitable Iewels; whose worth they can never valew? Therefore as I would haue them not to slight the Nation, so I wish they may abandon all neglect and dis-esteeme of the souldier: For generous spirits looks for answerable respect; yea, they who sow in bloud, looks to reap at least in honour, and account. A [...] Themistocles left Greece at length, upon continuance of bad usage: So I hope they will take heed, that no such usage from them, shall provoke their best friends to forsake them. And so much for the carriage of the Conquerour.

CHAP. XLI. The carriage of the conquered in Generall.

NOW I come to treat of the behaviour of the con­quered; to whom I must confesse, it is easier to giue counsell, then to undergoe the burthen: and rules of di­rections are sooner given in this case, Vincitur ars vento, nec jam moderator babenis uti­tur. Obid. lib. 3. Festor. Phillip. 1.29. then taken. A tem­pestuous storme (as the Poet saith) may countermand the Art of the best Navigator, and put the stoutest Master from the Helm. Yet for all this, in this greatest evill, there is matter to ma­nifest the greatest magnanimity: there is more worth and valour in suffering, then in doing: Vnto you, saith the Apo­stle, it is given, not onely to beleeue in him; but also to suffer for his sake. Were not our glorious Martyrs the greatest Con­querours? [Page 255]It is a great grace for a conquerour to carry, even the cup of victory: but a greater glory for the conquered to drinke the dregs of Martiall displeasure, or of his ene­mies triumph, with undaunted magnanimity. Victis sola­tio est, vir­tute prae­stantis viri cadere. It is some solace (as the saying is) to be brought under by him, who is worthy to command: And this gaue some ease to the heart of Mithri­dates, who after 50 yeares standing out, with the glory of many victories, at length was forced to yeeld himselfe and his, to the mercy of Pompey the great; Non est turpe ab eo vinci, quem vin­cere esset nefas. Veleius Pa­terculus. yet contenting him­selfe with this faire overture, that it was no shame to be over­come of him, whom to overcome it was impossible. But as it is not in a mans choyce whether he will be conquered or no; so likewise it is not in his choyce, by whom he will be con­quered; and therfore he must fit himselfe to carry it well, whosoever lay it on; whether the enemy be like Pirrhus, contending onely with the Roman, who should command; or like the Samnite, contending with him who should sur­viue, whatsoever it be, or by whomsoever, it must bee born; so that as the Comick saith, it is the part of a man: Istuc viri officium. not that a man should be taken, in this case, with a Stoicall in­sensibility, and quaffe away all care, and wit, [...]. with drinke and Tobacco; or cast himselfe fast a sleep with the opium of delights, or suffer himselfe to be charmed with the in­chantments of solatious company, as though hee cared not what God had done to him, nor what he would doe with him; this is to be under a double conquest, the latter whereof is the worser.

A man therefore vnder the yoke, must not onely suffer, but also doe, and devise how to redeem himselfe. To doe and not to suffer, is with the Lyon in the snare to struggle, or with the fish to wrastle in the net; but to suffer and not doe, is with the sea-calfe, to play and sport themselues when all the waues of God are going over them. God often by the hand of the enemy, as by a Pursivant at Armes, fetcheth in bankrupt Tenants; that is, his own untoward or back­sliding [Page 256]people; and leaveth them in the pursivants hand till they take some course to satisfie for the arrerages. If a man in that case take thought of nothing but strong drunke and Tobacco, a punke and ribauldrie, as sundrie in the fleet and Marshalsey doe, is he not like to ly long enough by it? yea, it may be while all his delights leaue him, and he haue neither inward nor outward comfort; and the more unsensible one is of such a case, it addeth the more to the miserie of his case. So when Gods people are in the hands of their enemies, they must consider where they are, and cast about what to doe. It is the lot of Gods people, that are left alive in the Palatinate, and Bohemia, to be under an Aegyptian captivitie; The Inheritance of God is laid wast and possessed by Gebal, Amon, and Amalecke; they haue consulted together against God and his anoynted, that his name and the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance.

A great part of this woefull calamitie lyeth on their Princely cedars, who with their brāches are rooted up, & like a partridge they are hunted to and fro, so if it were not that God out of the waters hath raysed a litle hill for them to rest upon, I know not whether Kielah and Ziph, would haue affoorded them any safe rest or no.

‘Now since all this is come upon your royall Majesties, & you, and yours, yet lying under, are the subject of the enemies insolencie, to you & yours giue me leaue to direct my speech in the application of this passage; (not but that I hope the rule of the word, the long experimentall know­ledge of heavie affliction, & the great misery of your poore distressed subjects, hath caused you both, to lay to heart the affliction.) But this is further to intreat you to observe whence it is, looke about for deliverance, get you a habite of patience how to beare it, [...].and be directed in some measure what use to make of it. Out of an earnest desire of deliverance to you & yours, & all Gods distressed people, I am bound to offer some rules to yours Majesties consideratiō, which no [Page 257]doubt being followed wil work out your deliverance and therefore I presume they shall neither be grievous nor un­profitable to your Majesties.’

CHAP. XLII. Of acknowledging the defeat to be from God.

TO begin then (with leaue) the conquered in the first place, are to look by whom they are conquered, or defeated; not I mean onely the secundary means; (for to that every one will look; every one will be sensible of that) but they must looke to God, as the first mover of it, the orderer of the means, and the accomplisher of it. As the Lord dispose [...]h the victory to the one, so the foyle to the other. Amos 3.6 There is no evill in the Cittie which the Lord hath not done. Actions (saith Hanna) are not directed without the Lord, 1 Sam. 2.3hee killeth, and he maketh aliue, hee maketh poore and rich, h [...]e bringeth low and lifteth up; Yea, many times hee giveth his own inheritance, and his holy places, with the bodies of his servan [...]s, to be abused at the pleasure of their enemies. Psal 98.6. & 99.12. Places are so plentifull for this, that I could be infinite. The Lord is said to sell his people into the hand of Iabin; Iudg 4.2. he delive­red them into the hand of Midian; & he sold them into the hand of the Philistims; when the Israelites were smitten, they acknowledged that the Lord had smi [...]ten them: 1 Sam. 4.3 Where­fore hath the Lord smitten us to day before the Philistims? That place of Ieremy is very remarkeable to this purpose. I will s [...]atter them (saith the Lord of his people) with an East wind before the enemy; Chap. 18.17I will shew them the back and not the face in the day of calamity. The lamentations of Ieremy are a whole field of such matter; The Lord hath troden under foot all the [Page 258]mighty men,Ch. 2.3.hee hath swallowed up the habitations of Iacob, hee hath cut off the horn of Israel. The Prophet Esay to this purpose is most pregnant. Esa. 42.24. Who gaue Iacob for a spoyle, and Israel to the robbers? Did not the Lord; hee against whom we haue sinned? Again, Cha. 43.28. therefore I haue profaned the Princes of the Sanctuary, and haue given Iacob to the curse, and Israel to repreches. I haue given the deerly beloved of my soule into the hand of her ene­mies. Ier. 12.7.

The Heathens, men without God in regard of power, or Scripturall knowledge, haue been forced, upon their foyles, to confesse so much. Mardonius the Persian Generall, who stayed in Greece behind Xerxes, either to redeem his repu­tation, [...]. or to rid himselfe of his life by some desperate at­tempt, having lost all; was demanded by a certain Greek, how it came to passe that such a huge Army of Persians were con­sumed and brought to nothing by a handfull of Greeks; he answered very modestly and pertinently, That that which God would haue done, none was able to avert, although men will not beleeue those that tell them such things.

Fond (and confused indeed) are the opinions of the Heathens, of divers Sects, concerning the ruin of King­doms, and the overthrow of Princes. The Stoicks ascribe it to Destiny; the Epicure to Fortune; Methodius and Cardanus to Planets; [...]Aristotle to an asymetrie, or disproportion: but Pla [...] and Pithagoras, (to whom Bodin. assenteth) doe lay the blame on Numbers. And because some may wonder what should be the meaning of this last opinion, I will un­fold it, so far as Plato, the chiefe maintayner of it, doth un­fold himselfe. As in numerall notes in the strain of Mu­sicke, Lib. 8. de reip. there is a Diapason, which Art cannot transcend; so there is a diaposon, or [...], that is, the highest-period of King­doms and Dominions, aboue the which they cannot passe. The place of it selfe is so obscure, that Aristotle in his fifth book of the Politicks, and 12 chapter, passeth it over: so doth Proclus, who illustrateth the other seven bookes with [Page 259]notes, but doth not touch that. That opinion is much like to another saying of his, Naturales sunt rerum publicarum conversio­nes. That the conversions, or transla­tions of Common-wealths, run by the course of nature. It is true indeed, as Kingdoms haue their beginnings, increase and height; so they haue their declinings and their ruins. All that hath a beginning, hath an ending, and as Philo saith, the greater height of outward bappinesse that a people attaineth to, the lower is their fall. As after an inundation the waters are dryed up, so States are emptied of their flouds of prospe­rity to the very channell. Experience maketh good that of the Poet.

Yet for all this, these Philosophers, and Sects, are a ground, in giving the ground of this. But Daniel, a better Polititian then either Pla [...]o or Aristotle, Dan. 2.20. giveth the true ground in­deed: Blessed (saith he) be the name of God for ever and ever: for he changeth times and seasons, he remeveth Kings, and set­teth up Kings. That which Heathen Writers, Military men, and others, doe attribute to fortune; namely, events of bat­tles, victories, and foiles, Daniel doth attribute to God. Multum tum in omuibus re­bus, tum in re militari potest for­tuna. Lib. 6. belli Gallie. Applicati [...] ̄ Caesar that great man at Armes, and man of great successe, was greatly deceived in the ground, when he gaue so much to fortune: Fortune (saith he) in many things, but especially in military affaires may doe very much.

It is not onely their fault (for they knew little better:) but it is more the fault of Professors, who know indeed the true ground, but in their carriage they doe not acknowledge the ground: they confesse the ground, but in their profession they follow not to the ground. Obserue a courtly comple­ment, with us in England, wherein great Ones bewray their [Page 260]faultinesse; in this kind they denominate, the evill or good that befalls a man, or State, from fortune; He hath a good fortune, (say they) his fortune is undone: bee their meaning what it will, I would haue them, as Austine counsels them, to change their words; and (as the Apostle wills them) to use a sound forme of phrase, 2 Tim. 1.13 beseeming Christian profession. Mardonius said well; It cannot be denyed, but all these foiles, and defeats, and outrages, and spoyles, and desolations, are of Gods own doing; but men will not beleeue it applicatiuely, or runne the right way, though it be not onely beaten in their eares, but they see it cleerly with their eyes. Men in this are like the uncircumcised Philistims, who though they knew and confessed, that the hand of God was upon them for abusing the Arke; yet they would try whether, or not, i [...] were by chance: Men thus called by affliction to see the hand of God in it, they are like unto Samuel, when God cal­led him; they runne many other waies, before they run to God; they run to the bloudy cruelty of one; to the inna­turallity of another; to the falshood under fellowship of the third; to the pusillanimity of the fourth; and lastly, to the conspiracie or concurrence of all the Crue against them, who haue vowed their destruction without a cause. It is law­full and expedient to haue an eye to all those, and to view every one of them in their kind; but first of all we must look to the sin-revenging eye of God, [...]. and to his all-disposing hand of the very least circumstance of our troubles. Hence it is that they are called the waues of God, and the arrowes of God; yea, God doth afflict his own, that they should see his hand in it, and seek to him for deliverance out of it. The Lord doth threaten, that he will be unto Ephraim as a Lyon, and to the house of Iuda as a yong Lyon; yea, he will teare and take away, and none shall rescue him. The Lord here in effect doth threaten to send such enemies against them, as like roaring, cruell and devouring Lyons, should tear them all in peeces: but the Lord is said to doe it, because without him, [Page 261]neither foe, nor friend can doe any thing. But what is the end of this? Is it not that they might seek the Lord; Hos 5.14.15. I will goe and returne to my place (saith he) till they acknowledge their offence, and seek my face; in their affliction they wil seeke me early. If a man be wounded, will he rather look at the sword, then at the man that gaue the blow? If a stone be cast at a man, will he like a dog, run to the stone, not looking to the hand that cast it? Or if it fall from a height, will he not look up to the place from whence it fell? When Rebecca felt that strange unusuall struggling of the two twins in her wombe (which prefigured the strife between the god­lesse and the godly) to know the cause of this, she goeth un­to the Lord; Gen. 25.22 and she went to enquire of the Lord (saith the Text.) To him indeed in our troubles we should goe, since it is his doing. Heavie and dolefull was that message that Samuel had to Eli, insomuch that he feared to shew him the vision; yet Eli would haue it out of him, that he might know the Lords mind, which when Samuel had delivered, hee runneth presently to the ground from whence it was, and not to any by, or secundary, meanes by which it might be brought to passe; for the Lord wants no means to accom­plish that which once hee doth determine: 1 Sam. 3.1 [...] It is the Lord (saith he) let him doe what seemeth him good. He acquiesceth in the good will of God, and embraceth the judgement, though it were against himselfe and his: he, like a well nur­tured child, kisseth the rod, though it were made for his own back. Then, in the name of the Lord, both King, and Queen, and subjects, take notice of this, that the hand of God is upon you, and upon us in you: it is the Lord that hath done it, and so let us all acknowledge. And thus much for the first particular.

CHAP. XLIII. The mooving cause of the defeate is to be observed.

A Second circumstance of the conquereds carriage, con­sisteth in the inquiring and finding out of the moving cause of their overthrow: for though God be the efficient cause; yet there is a moving cause without him, that pro­voketh him to give his owne people into the hands of his enemies. Psal. 94. It is a question moved in the Psalmes by David, why dealeth the Lord thus, and thus with his people? why dost thou cast us off for ever? why doth thine anger smoke against the sheepe of thy pasture? why withdrawest thou thine hand? and why hast thou broken downe her hedges, so that all that they passe by the way doe plucke her grapes? Psal. 80.12 The Prophet answereth all these questions, by quitting God, and charging upon his people the cause of all this; namely, their inquitie. When in the 79 Psalme, he hath layd out the desolation of the holy temple, the bloudy cruelties cōmitted upon the bodies of his saints, their inhumanitie against the dead bodyes, the reproch they suffered, and Gods wrath against them (which was hea­vyer then all the rest) he layeth downe their iniquitie to be the cause of all; remember (saith he) not our former iniquities against us; let they tender mercies speedily prevent us: for wee are brought very low. v. 8. In all the places quoted from the booke of Iudges wherein I haue shewed the overthrow of Gods people to be from God) you shall still see their sin laid downe, as the moving cause, provoking God to deale so with them: Iud 4.1. & 6.1. and the children of Israel againe did evill in the sight of the Lord: so that this phrase of speech is made a preface to usher in the judgments of God. This was the matter of Abi­iahs [Page 163]message to Ieroboams wife: the Lord shalt smite Israel as a reede is shaken in the water, and he shall roote up Israel out of his good land, and shall scatter them beyond the river; he shalt give Israel up: and what is the cause? 1. King. 14.15.16. because of the sins of Iero­boam, who did sin and made Israel to sin. Where observe the sin of the King and his people, to be the cause of their ruine. This was prophesied of by Samuel to the people; if you shall doe wickedly, you shalbe consumed, both you and your King; Sam. 2.25. and so it came to passe indeed. In a place of Ieremie, the Lord setteth downe the reason, why he would scatter his people with an east wind before the enemie; why he would shew them the backe, and not the face in the day of their ca­lamitie, because saith he, my people hath forgotten me. Ier. 18.1 [...] And to conclude; the Prophet Esay, in the places quoted, layeth down the same cause; Cap. 42.24. for they would not walke in his wayes neither were they obedient to his law: therefore he hath powred upon them the fury of his anger, and the strength of battel. So in the other place; thy first fathers hath sinned, Cap. 43.27.28.& thy teachers haue transgressed against me: therefore, &c. I have prophaned the Princes and haue giuen Iacoh to curse and Israel to reproches. The curse must alwayes accompany sinne, he spared not the soule of his [...]eloved when they sinned; yea, nor the sonne of his loue, becomming surety for sinne: no prerogatiue exempts from wrath, but being in Christ; witnesse Gods prote­station concerning Ieconiah, the last and the worst of the line of Iudah. As I liue, saith the Lord, though Coniah, Ier. 22.24.the sonne of Iehoiakim King of Iudah, were the signet upon my right hand, yet would I pluck thee thence.

Iosephus deploring the unparalelled calamitie of his owne nation of Iudea, layeth downe the cause of their utter deso­lation; namely, the abomniable impietie and iniquitie of the Princes and people; which were growen to such a height, that every one, in their place, did strive to out-strip another; De bello Indaic. lib. 7. cap. 28.in so­much that if one should haue gone about to haue devised some new sin, there was no place for him, they were all growne so cunning.

[Page 264]A fearfull and incorrigible case, Applicatiō and yet (woe is us) no worse in a manner then our owne is, though wee will not know it: the fearfull things, giuen out of this nation, both for sin and judgment may make our eares to tingle, and our hearts to tremble; yea as the same Author reporteth, and that in grief of heart, that if the Romanes had not come against them to execute the fierie wrath of the Lord upon them, he thought a new deluge would haue swallowed them up with the old world; Ibidem lib. 6. cap. 16. or fire from heanen would haue consumed them with Sodome; for (saith he) they excee­ded eyther of their sinnes. The like is related by one of our owne Authors concerning the last loosing of Hierusa [...]em to the Saracens under Saladine their Commander. When the Christians had kept it 80 yeares, Gulielm. Neabrigens. rer. Angli­car. lib. 13. cap. 14. after the recovery of it by Godfrey Duke of Bullion, the height of their iniquities wher­to they were come, did so ascend in Gods presence, and made such a shrill cry in his eares, that he cast them out againe, making their civill dissention, serve for the Saladines advantage. So that you see the cause is within our selues: wee neede not seeke it without: Ne te quae­fieris extra. it is not in God; for he delighteth to do good to his people: nor is it in the wicked; for he hateth them as they hate both him and his people: it is not in the creature of what kind soever; for he made it good, and he loveth every thing as the workmanship of his hands: It is then the sin in our bosome, or our bosome sin that maketh him deale thus with us. As sin doth separate the soule from God; so it often separateth the whole person from Gods house, from country, from wife, and familie, from King from sub­ject; and from what not? Therefore in this our separation, wee should search our sin, Lam 3 40 and every man know the plague of his owne heart which hath made the Lord to plague us. Search your selue (saith the Prophet) and turne unto the Lord.

But herein wee are all faultie; men eyther search not at all, or they search as though they desired not to find; they search, as mē doe for their bade mony, they know they haue [Page 265]it but they would gladly haue it passe for currant amongst the good money. Lastly, they search not for that which espe­cially they should find out. It was a very pertinent question of the Israelits when 4000 were smitten by the Philistins: wherefore hath the Lord smitten us to day before the Philistims? 1. Sam. 4.3. But their answere was not answerable. O (say they) let us fetch the Arke of the covenant that it may come among us, & saue us out of the hand of the enemie. What, were they smitten because the Arke of the covenant was not among them? So they con­ceived, and would conceive no better: but the trueth was, their sinnes had caused the God of the covenant to depart, he went not out with them, Samuel went not with them: these were they that laid both the Arke and themselues in the mouth of the Philistim: and yet these were they, that they never suspected till the battle was lost, wherein 30000 were slaine, their Priests were gone, Eli his necke broken, and which was worste of all, the Arke of God was taken; Then they began in their calamitie to call a new quest of inquirie, to make a new search, and to find out this execrable thing, namely, their sin, 1. Sam. 7. [...]. for the which (as it is said) all the hoast of Israel lamented before the Lord. The like neglect, wee may behold in the people of Israel going against Beniamin. The first day they lost 22000; they lament indeed, and looke about them what should be the matter: but they go the wrong way; they fall to doubt of their commission, as though there had been some fault in that; they supposed they could not prosper, because they had lift up their hand against their brethren, although God had bid them doe it: but there was another matter in it, that they were not a ware of, that was their sin, which questionlesse God did punish by those two overthrows: First they were altogether become cor­rupt and abhominable in their courses & worship of God; in­somuch that (as the Lord speaketh) every man did what seemed good in his owne eyes. It is true, when they heard of the beastly and abhominable act of killing of the Levits wife under [Page 266]their filthy lust, their hearts rose against it, they would be avenged on all the whole tribe, if the transgressors were not delivered. This was all well, but this was not all; they should haue begune at home, and purged themselues of spirituall uncleannesse, and other sinnes that doe accompany that, and then they had been fit to haue punished the beastlinesse of the Beniamits. Againe, for number they were so many, and the other not a gleaning to them, that they made no question of the victory; so that they thought it needlesse to seeke to God (by humbling of themselues) for a good successe. But God for those met with them, and set them in the right way ere he had done with them: for when after the second de­feate, they got sight of their sin, and humbled themselues for it; by fasting and praying they received a better answere, with assurance of the victory.

‘Now give me leaue to applie (and that in all humilitie. Applica­tion.) The ground of your enterprise was good; the commission faultlesse; and the end (for any thing I know) upright; yea, and the enemie Gods enemie; yet for all this, thus far they haue prevayled, and doe prevaile: the cause (I feare) is want of reformation at home, and it may be too much pre­suming of worldly forces and friendship, which the Lord would haue to prove no better then a broken reede. If the commission be good, and the parties disable themselues from the execution of it, what fault is in it, or in him that gaue it out.’ As it is far from me to charge any thing upon any mans conscience; so I intreate every man to charge his owne conscience, as David did, and say, I am the man. A ge­nerall view or search will not serue: for so long as men keepe themselues at generals, they never find out that in them­selues, which most displeaseth God, but often mistake that to be no sin which is sinne, or that to be sin which is no sin. Men must not stay themselues in the Procatartick, or remote causes; but they must dive unto the Proegumene conjunct, or essential, & imediate cause. Empyrickes mistaking symptomes [Page 267]for the sicknesse it selfe, are fayrer to kill then to cure: so in finding out some petty sinnes, some never look at the main sinnes; like those that lop off branches of the tree, but ne­ver strike at the roote: and as by this pruning the trees grow bigger; so by daliance in search, all growes worse and worse: therefore to the bosome sin, the darling-sin, the seed-sinne, that is deer as hand and foot, cut it off, and cast it away. Let every man be severest with himselfe, and favour himselfe not in the least sin: that sin that hee least lookes after, and will not acknowledge to be sin, is commonly the capital sinne; as taking liberty to profane the Sabboth; going to stage­plaies, scoffing precisenesse, pettie oathes, abuse of the crea­tures, & usury; these be Nationall sins, and set ope the gate to all other sins, and consequently to judgment. On the first, my heart giues me to dwell, if it were my place, and the Treatise would permit: for as it is the sin of Nations, so it is the capitall sin, though least thought on; the threatnings against the breach of this commandement, the promise an­nexed to the keeping of it, the backing of it with reasons, and fore-fronting of it with a remember, Zacor. doe necessarily imply all these lessons; as first, the antiquity of it, and the continuance of it, that as it was from the beginning, so it should be remembred to the end, Gen. 2.3: secondly, it dis­covers the propensity of man to the light esteem of it, and to the breaking of it: thirdly, it shews, the greatnesse of the sin, Ezech. 20.12.22: fourthly, Gods great desire to haue it kept, calling it the holy, honourable day, yea, and the delight of the Lord, Es. 58.13. All these cords will pull down inevi­table judgements upon all the palpable profaners of this day, by their pleasures, or ordinary imployments, except they repent. This sin cryes in England; and roares in Hol­land, where by open shops, and other works of their cal­ling, they proclaim, with open mouth, their little regard of God, or his Sabboth. Iudgement likewise hangs over the head of all halvers of the Lords day, making it neither [Page 268]Gods, nor theirs, but divide it: All Iewish translators of the Sabboth: all toleration from higher powers to profane it, at which we may lay our hands upon our mouths. But I hope the Parliament will redresse it: likewise on all that dare proclaime it from Pulpit, to bee onely a Ceremoniall Law; and that the rest now injoyned is a meer Civill Or­dinance. The Papists presse this as a meer humane Institu­tion in religious Worship. Spalato, a little before his depar­ture, told a man in dispute with him, that that Commande­ment was done away. Many Libertine Ministers, and Prelats, in England, maintain the same in effect: and the worst of the Ministers of the Vnited Provinces concur with them in this point: for though some presse the keeping of it; yet they urge it not as a divine Precept, but as a time appointed by a meer positiue law for the worship of God; but this crosseth the nature of the commandement, being Morall; given from the beginning, before the Ceremoniall Law; writ­ten by Gods own finger; proclaimed to all the people to continue to the end. It substracts from the number of the Precepts, being ten, Exod. 34.18. Deut. 10.4, it oppugneth the practise of God, which is for a president to us: It is against naturall reason, and divine prerogatiue, that God should not haue a solemn time appointed for his worship, and that he should not be the appointer of it. Hence it is, that not onely the Hebrews, but also all Greeks and Barba­rians, did rest from work on the seventh day; witness Iose­phus, Clemens, Alexandrinus, and Eusebius: lastly, it afronteth Christs institution, included in the very name of the day: Why is it called the Lords day, Rev. 1.10, 1 Cor. 16.2, is it not because it was appointed by the Lord, and to continue for the Lord? as the Sacrament, for the same reasons, is cal­led the Supper of the Lord. To make an end of the point, let the Magistrates of London, and other parts, who haue kept back their authority from sanctifying of the Sabboth, look to the end, fire is broke out already; but I fear if we will not [Page 269] [...]earken to hallow the Sabboth of the Lord, that the fire spoken of by Ieremy shall break forth in our Gares, and not bee quenched till it haue devoured us. I might say much in this point, both by reason of the commonnesse of the sin, and plenty of matter against it, but I will onely say this: Where there is no conscience of keeping of the Sabboth sincerely, they haue no ground to expect any good. As for Stage-plaies, they are the devils chaire, the seate of Scorners, the plague of piety, and the very pox to the Common-wealth: but I haue a whole Treatise against them.

And as for the other sins mentioned, it is counted but Pu­ritanism to count them sins; but so much the worse. As our Nation is a field of crying sins; so the cry of some sinns must not be discovered, but countenanced in a searfull manner; who knows, but the things which we count trifles may be the speciall matter of our controversie with God? A little other fire then God had ordained might seem a small matter in the eyes of indifferency: yet it was such a sinne as made all Israel guilty, as appeareth by the sacrifices offe­red for that sinne, Levit. chap. 16; yea, it brought such a fire from the presence of the Lord, as could hardly be quench­ed. These sinnes therefore must be taken by the poll, and others of the like nature; as contempt of the Word, and hatred of Gods people: and they must be beaten to powder, with the Israelites Calfe. Goe from a Tribe to a Family, from a Family to a house, and so to every man of the house, till the golden wedge be found out. We must not trust our wicked hearts with this work; for corrupt na­ture is blind as a beetle in the finding out of sinne; wit­nesse the Israelites, even then when all the plagues of God were comming upon them, they sayd; What is our iniquity or sinne against God? Ier. 16.10. Princes and people had need of good Seers, whom they must suffer to shew them their sinne, that either they cannot find, or will not finde; such was Nathan to David: they must not count such, men of [Page 270] contention, and busie-fellows, as the Iewes called Ieremiah; but our evill age doth not onely hide sinn, but maintaine sinne.

There is also too much propensitie both in the bade, and also in the good, to palliate sin, & to tranfer their troubles to other causes then to it. I remember that Traian, Generall to Valence the Emperour, that mirror of impietie, going against the Gothes, he was defeated in the very first battle; for which Valence upbrayded Trajan, at a feast, with cowardize and sloth, as being the causes of the overthrow, but noble Traian, not enduring that indignitie, with freedome of speech told enduring that indignitie, with freedome of speech told the Emperour in plaine termes, that he had lost the day; for you do so war against God (saith he, meaning his perse­cuting of Christians) that you abandon the victory, and send it to your enemies: Niceph. Calist. lib. 11. Cap. 40 Eccle. Hist.it is God (saith he) that overcommeth, and he giveth the victory to those that obey him; but such are your adversaries, and therefore you haue God to fight against you; how then can you overcome? Here you may see a patterne of a wicked disposi­tion well taken up, and the saddle set upon the right horse.

And not onely doe such bloudy monsters as this, shift off their calamities from their sinnes; but also Gods people, by falling in sin, and lying in sin, may be tainted with it; wit­nesse, David a man otherwise after Gods owne heart, yet tainted with this. Amongst the rest of his trickes of legerde­main, when he spun the spiders webbe of his implicit sin, this was one, to cover the murther of Vriah, he useth a prin­cipall, experimentally knowen; the sword devoureth one at well as another; make thy battell more strong against the cittie, and so overthrow it. 2. Sam. 11.25.David spake the trueth but not truely: for he knew that it was not common lot that had cut off Vriah, but his owne heart and hand, had caused him and others to fall; yet he would daube over a filthy peece of business with a litle white plaistring; but when once he was awaked, he was so far from daubing as that he chargeth himselfe more deeply with every circumstance, then any other could haue [Page 271]done; I am the man. And after the numbring of the people; when his heart smote him, grieving at the punishment of the people, he taketh the whole sin upon him, and vvould cleere the people both of the sin and punishment: Loe I have sinned, and I haue done wickedly, but these sheepe what haue they done? 2. Sam. 24.77.let thy hand I pray thee be against me, and against my fathers house.

CHAP. XLIIII. Of quitting God of all injustice.

A Third thing in the behaviour of the conquered, is this, since sin is the cause, they must quit God of all injustice, how heavy soever their burthen lye upon them. David quit­teth the Lord of all injustice, if he should adjudge him to eternall death; Lament. [...] 18. so doth the people of God in the lamenta­tions, being under the verie rod of his wrath; The Lord is righteous; for I haue rebelled against his commandment. By con­demning of our selues, to acquit God, De summo bono. lib. 3. is the readiest way to get an acquitance from God. Yea (as Isedor saith) let a man learne not to murmur when he suffereth, although he were ignorant for what he suffereth: let this suffice to tell him, that he suffereth justly, because it is from him, that cannot deale but justly. Pompey was herein exceedingly mistaken, who seeing all to goe on Caesars side, doubted not to say, that there was a great deale of miste over the eye of divine providence: for with him that offered nothing but wrong, to the commō wealth all things went well; but with him that defended the com­mon-wealth, nothing succeded. But Pompey blamed the Sunne because of his sore eyes. There be many in our age of Pompey his saucie humor; yea arranter wranglers then he, because of [Page 272]greater light, and showes of profession; who if their corrup­tion be never so litle crossed, or the Lord meet with them in the crossing of a way, they will grumble against God, as though he had done them wrong; or as though there were not in them for the which the Lord might not onely cross them, but crush them; but let them know if they change not their note, the Lord will note them for his enemies, and thurst them out for wranglers.

CHAP. XLV. Of humiliation for sin, and forsaking of it.

FOurthly, as the conquered seeth sin to be the cause of his euill, and therein cleareth the justice of God; so he must be humbled for sin, and so forsake it, that (God reconciled to him) may be on his side. It shall nothing prevayle men to see sinne as Pharao did, and never to mourne for it; or to mourne for it as Achab did, and not to forsake it. Israel, after their second defeat, humbled themselues, and mourned ex­ceedingly. So Iosua, when the people that went up to take A [...] fled before their enemies and were smitten to the number but of 30 persons, fell on his face, mourned and cryed unto the Lord: but what meant Iosua (might some say) was this the courage of so great a Generall, thus to be daunted for the losse of 30 men? was that such a matter? might it not be a chance of war? no there was another matter in it. It was not the 30 men, nor 3000 that would haue so much dis­mayed Iosuah, he wisely fore-saw that all was not well at home, and therefore he would not on againe, till the mat­ter was cleared, & the execrable thing was found out. To be briefe, the Israelits under the yoke of the Philistims, found out [Page 273]their sin, & mourned for it. It is said in their humiliation that they drew water and powred it out before the Lord, (that is) they shed teares abundantly before the Lord. 1. Sam. 7.7 The roring Goliahs of our age scorne a stone out of this running brook, to beat the brains out of their roaring sins: oh! mourne and cry? Applicatiō that is woma­nish. Well I am sure there was more true worth and valour in in one litle David, then in all the roarers in Ram-alley or milford-lane; and yet he mourned, wept, and cryed, and roared for griefe of sin; but not as they doe. Foure mo­tives of mourning in Gods people defeated.

For four things the people of God are to mourne, being defeated: for their sin; because they grieved God by it: for the want of Gods presence: for making him depart from his inheritance: for the defacing of Gods glory, by the wicked in their ruffe. For the first: many will mourne; but rather for the punishment of sin then for the sin it selfe: whē the worm of conscience begins to knaw, & the terrours of hell present themselues to them, then they cry and roare as though hell roard for them; but they are just like Mariners, when the storme is ouer; or like fellous, they cry rather for the sentence giuen against them, then for the felony committed. And some will cry for their sin, but rather because it is hurtfull and shamefull, then for grieving of God by it; as if a man by his lewdnes cast into some loathsome disease, regrateth the sin, for the disease it hath brought upon him; and not be­cause thereby he hath offended God: but David cryeth out, on himselfe and his sin, especially for the offence done to God by it; against thee, against thee, onely haue I sinned, Psal 51.and haue done that which is evill in thine eyes. As for the want of Gods presence (so other things goe well with them) it is the thing that the most, least regard: but for the godly, they make more of it then of all the things in the world; yea nothing with­out this will suffice the godly: giue them this (with what­soever) they can be content: the good things or hid treasure of this life will serve the wicked well enough, without this, many say, who will shew us any good, (that is for the belly, backe, [Page 274]possession, or height of ambition: but lift thou up over us the light of thy face (Iehovah:) for that is more joy to me then all the riches of the world wherein worldlings most delight. And herein is a main difference betweene the child of God, and the wicked; let Ismael live and be great, and let Isaack be the heire, with all the troubles that belong to the executorship; let Esau haue pottage, and let the blessing goe where it will; let Saul be honored before the people, and let him be an off­cast from the Lord: but let all this be put together, it is but trash in the eyes of the godly in comparison of his face. Observe their desire in the burthen of the 80 Psal: where, in their captivitie, still they desire; oh God returne us, and cause thy face to shine, and wee shall be saved: their deliverance, and all the happines that may follow it, will not be worth any thing to them, without the amiable looks of Gods counte­nance. So that as Absalon seemed rather to make choyce of death, then not to see the Kings face: so Gods people had rather die, or endure any sorrow or calamitie under the countenance of a reconciled God, then liue Methusalahs age, and inioy what the world could afford, under the frowning lookes of a displeased God. Yea, there is no temptation so sharpe, no plight so dolorous, no fright so fearfull, nor agony so in expugnable, as the angry countenance of a forsaking God: for this maketh a man apprehend and conceive of God, as a God inarmed against him for his destruction. This the people of God conceive of their state, as it appeareth by that patheticall expostulation in the aforesaid Psalme; how long wilt thou smoake, or shew the tokens of an angry countenance against the prayer of thy people? vers. 6. What maketh the wound of cōscience so unsupportable, but that the Chirurgion denyeth to looke at it, he letteth it ranckle and fester, till who can beare it? yea, if the spirit of God should not support his owne by the finger of the spirit (though unsensiblie) the best should be at their wits end, and Sauls impatiencie should drive them to desperate courses: But in this, he differenceth his owne [Page 275]from the damned, that as his one hand is over them, so his other hand is under them; he supporteth them wonderfully, when they conceive nothing lesse, and by a secret instinct extorts prayer from them, even in the fearfull agony of their soules distresse, whē their prayers seeme to be rejected of him: but it is nothing so with the wicked, in their distresses from God his justly conceived wrath: for eyther they seek not at all for the appeasing of Gods angry countenance, or with lost la­bour they leaue presently of, and run to the devill directly, or indirectly, for the alaying of the same. I touch these things but briefly, leaving the further enucleation to accu­rat theologs, and sound soule-phisitians.

Lastly, for the glory of God, trampled under the foote of pride; wee should be most moved of all, since wee provoke him by our sinnes to forsake his owne inheritance, and to leaue his owne cause, to his owne dishonour unmaintained. This lay heavy upon Eli, who when he heard of the loosing of the day, the slaughter of the people, and the death of his sonnes, could sit still and beare it out; but when he heard of the taking of the Arke, he could sit no longer. So Phineas his wife, made more of the losse of the Arke, then of all the rest, then of the people, of her father in-law, then of her husband, or whatsoever? yea her reioycing for the sonne she had gayned, was swallowed up in sorrow; so that shee left a character of her killing griefe in the name of her sonne, cal­ling him Ichabod, where is the glory, or there is no glory. It is the speciall matter of the complaint of Gods people in their greatest desolation, that the heathen, in an insulting braverie; did dishonor their God, upon the seeming denyall of his presence, and providence over his owne people; yea many speeches in the Psalmes hath reference to the thoughts of the wicked concerning God; Psal 79.10 Retsach. Murther for a mur­thering weapon. why shall the heathen say where is their God? yea David sheweth how he was affected in this case, that the reprochfull words of the adversary were as a dagger thrust into this bones, with a murthering weapon in [Page 276]my bones,Psal. 42.11my distressors doe reproch me when they say unto me all the day long, where is thy God. When Hezechiah heard how cur­sed Rabshakah had blasphemed & reproched the Holy One of Israel, 2. King 19. [...]. Hipp. Aphoris. how grieved was he in heart, he got him to the house of the Lord, spread the letter before him, & humbled him­selfe in prayer. It is a principall in phisicke, that when two evills or sicknesses concurre together, the greater taketh away the senoe of the lesser. Experience did instance this in a man so op­pressed and pained with the gout, that he could neither stir foote nor hand, but feared the very touch of a fether: but being taken with a cruell fit of the stone, he forgat the gout and run and stampt in the chamber, as though he would haue beaten it downe. To an honest servant, dishonour done to his Master goeth neerer to his heart, then the cut of a sword: the true child of a father had rather loose his life then suffer his father to be dishonored.

This then, Applicatiō by it selfe, were matter enough of humiliation: why should the brats of Bable say where is the God of the Calvinists (as they call them?) No, should not this pierce our hearts while thus they say of our God? but doth not all, or the most, lay this especially to their heels, that all should lay to their heart: witness the securitie of all; the avarice, oppression, ambition, and time-ferving humor of some; the epicurish, & beastly life of others: giue the men of this world gain, honor, office, yvorie beds, wine in bowles, lascivious Musick, joviall companie, and beastly songs, lordly prelacies, and fat livings: Let Ioseph carrie his afflictions as well as he can, and let the Lords honor lie unlamented in the dust: but woe be to them that are at ease in Zion; Amos 6.1. the Lord suffereth some­times himself to take wrong, to see how men will take it, but when he sees that none regards it, he will quit himself by the power of his own Arme, and when he rekoneth, with the coward, and the carelesse, he will pittie them as little as they did pittie him. Yea, what reckoning can our State make, who helps to deface the honour of God, by suffering our [Page 277]people to serue Gods enemies, against those that fight the battles of the Lord: in this is a greater masse of mischiefes then we are aware of; for beside the setting subject against subject, bloud against bloud; yea, brother against brother (which is worse then toleration of duels) it smites at Gods cause, it makes his honour bleed, it heartens and hardens Gods enemies, it grievs the heart, and weakens the hand of Gods forces, it proclaims that we are not Gods friends in­deed (what show soever we make) and it threatneth the wrath of God against us. I cannot but with griefe and fear, make use again of Gods anger threatned against Iehoshaphats sin of this kind; Shouldst thou help the ungodly, &c. therfore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord. Let us humble then our selues unfaynedly; let us afflict our selues, and powre out our hearts before our God, and doe no more so. Let us sow in teares, for this especially, if ever we mean to reap in joy. Gods honour in the dust, and all the rest of the for­mer motiues, cals us to mourning and baldnesse, and gird­ing with sack-cloth. If we will not seek God with sorrow in affliction, we will never seek him: It is no time to hang our hearts upon the merry pin, when we should hang up our harpes upon the willow trees; & if we doe, the Lord hath threatned us (as I haue formerly shewed) not to purge this iniquitie till we die.

Let us doe as the Israelites did: when the Lord did re­buke them by his Angel, for not overthrowing of the Ca­naanits altars, and that therefore he would not cast out the Canaanits; but they should be as thornes in their sides, Iudg. 2.2. and their gods should be snares to them; all the people upon this lift up their voyce and wept, and from their weeping cal­led the name of the place Bochin: so let us weep much, for we [...] haue much matter of weeping: but we must not onely weep bitterly for sinne, but we must abandon sin, there must be a totall change of the inward and outward man; wee must cease to doe evill, and learne to doe well: the gol­den Calfe must be beaten to powder; yea, and the powder [Page 278]must be drunk, as Moses made the Israelites to doe with th [...] golden Calfe. Divers reasons whereof are given by the Fa­thers, partly to put away all impressions and reliques of idolatry, partly, to shew the vile and base esteem that we [...] should haue of Idols, as of things to be carryed into the draught; and by the bitternesse of the water they might partly be admonished of the bitter curse whereunto all by nature, without Christ, are subject, and partly how sin by the bitternesse of repentance, must be done away. I will not, with some of the learned Chymists, take this act of Moses as an instance of Chymicall projection: but I am sure that out of it we may pick the true projection of repentance, Ezekiah must break the brazen Serpent into peeces. Iosua must find out the excommunicate thing, and consume it with fire: for so long as it is with us, God will not be with us. Non unum tantum vi­tulum, sed multos ha­bemus. As Ferus did wish for the Romish Synagogue, I wo [...]ld we had some Moses (saith he) to take away the evils: for we haue not one golden Calfe but many: so would to God every one of Gods people would reforme one; and that Moses and Aaron (the Magistrate and Minister) would both reforme them­selues and others, by the due and holy imployment of their severall powers, in their places; and every one in the so do­ing must cast out his beloved sinne. Samuel shewing the Israelites the way how to return, layeth down a good and perfect rule in this case, 1 Sam. 7.4 which will never deceiue us. If you will return to the Lord with all your hearts, then put away the strange gods, and Ashteroth from among you. What was not Ashteroth a strange god? Yes, and the greatest Idoll. Why is it singled out then? Because it was their beloved Idol. So every one hath his Ashteroth, his beloved sin, which though it seem a little one to himselfe, like Zohar; yet it is the grea­test of all: Ashterah. it may seem an Ashterah, a sheep, but it is indeed a wolfe in sheeps clothing. At this then must we strike, and neither at great nor small so much as at this; He that conque­reth this overcommeth [...]: but where this beareth sway, [Page 279]no sin is truely overcome. And so much Samuel intimateth by the speech, as if he should explane himselfe further: You say well, you will return to God, you will amend what is amisse; if you will doe it indeed, this is the right way to work, put away Ashteroth: and so must we doe, if we mean that God shall heare us and help us.