THE HISTORIE OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG, KING OF ALBANIE.
Containing his famous actes, his noble deedes of Armes, and memorable victories against the Turkes, for the Faith of Christ.
Comprised in twelue Bookes: By IAQVES DE LAVARDIN, Lord of PLESSIS BOVRROT, a Nobleman of France.
Newly translated out of French into English by Z. I. Gentleman.
LONDON, Imprinted for VVilliam Ponsonby.
1596.
TO THE HONORABLE, SIR GEORGE CAREY, KNIGHT MARSHAL OF HER MAIESTIES HOVSE, GOVERNOVR OF THE ISLE OF VVIGHT, and sonne and heire apparant to the Lord of Hunsdon▪ Lord Chamberlaine, &c.
GEORGE CASTRIOT the Prince of EPIRE hauing long soiorned amongest the French, is now come as a traueller to see the entertainment of the English: his desire is, to be made knowne vnto some honorable personage, vnder whose fauour and protection he may passe freely amongst the English without being wronged or iniured in his trauell: but to whom should he haue recourse? or to whom can he be better recommended then to your selfe? whose respectiue regard of strangers, and Honorable hospitality continued without match or compare: and whose Noble descent vnited in consanguinitie to the thrice honored house of the most renowmed Empresse of our English nation, promiseth acceptance of his deuoted affection and Honorable patronage, against all such dangers as commonly accompanie trauellers in forreine countries. He hath heard in places farre distant from this Isle, aswell of your succesfull imploiments in ambassage for Prince & countrie (as best can witnesse the French and Scottish nations) as of your grounded experience in militarie profession, wherein you haue bene trained from your younger yeares: and being himselfe a souldier, hath therefore resolued to presse into your presence, and in your loue of Martialists, entirely to commend himselfe to the assurance of your protection. If his attire wherein he is clad, be plaine and simple, and nothing sumptuous: if his habit do seeme either too base for the state and presence of the Court, or too contemptible for the nice curiositie of the citie, or too stale for the variable fashions of the countrie: yet for [Page] that vnder the meanenesse of his attire are hidden most rich treasures of incomparable knowledge, and rare experience: I doubt not but you will grace the desert of his vertues without respecting his outward shew and apparance: to the intent that so admirable an example of all militarie perfections, and the singular precepts which may be deriued out of this historie of his life and actions, may haue that due applause and commendation of the world, which the greatnesse of his exploits, and the worthinesse of the worke do iustly deserue in the eye & iudgement of the wise. VVhatsoeuer defects do appeare about him: you may impute them to the ignorance and ouersight of his guide, who knew not better how to direct him: and whose willingnesse was greater to cause this stranger to see England, then his skill and abilitie to giue him the rightes that belonged vnto him. Notwithstanding, if it may please you in regard of the honorable bountie shining in your noble mind, and for Scanderbeg his owne sake to giue him a gratious welcome: I make no doubt, but others likewise, either all, or the most, or the best will be glad to entertaine him: by meanes whereof my selfe also who haue conducted him to your presence, shall both hold me highly fauored, and I shall euer liue in the continuall contemplation of your honorable vertues as a vowed Orator for the greatnesse of your fortunes, vnder the fauour whereof, I desire most humbly to be reputed.
TO THE READER.
GEntle Reader, I haue here presented you with an Historie out of French into English, containing the life and glorious actes of Scanderbeg King of Epyre, a Prince no lesse admired in his life, then memorable after his death. I neede not commend vnto you, eyther the excellencie of the Historie, or the worthinesse of the partie: for that both the one and the other are sufficient to commend themselues, and the shadow of my prayses will but eclipse the brightnesse of their deserts. Notwithstanding because it may be expected that I should say somewhat, giue me leaue to speake what I thinke, though I cannot thinke what I ought to speake. First therefore touching Scanderbeg, so exquisite was his skill and experience in the art and science militarie, so excellent and heroicall was his cariage and gouernment amongest his souldiers, amongst his subiects, and towards his very enemies: so amiable and louely were his vertues▪ so vnspeakable and vnmatchable were many of his qualities, so honorable and glorious were all his actions, and so extraordinarie was his fortune in the multitude and rarenesse of his victories, that it may be a question whether was greater his vertue or his fortune. The one was rare, the other admirable, and both together haue exempted him from comparison: in so much, that if Hanniball the Carthaginian the scourge of Rome, and Scipio the Romaine the plague of Carthage, were now liuing, to reuiue their old disputation, who should be reputed the best Captaine: I doubt not but each of them would giue Scanderbeg the garland, at leastwise they would acknowledge him (if not superiour to all) yet inferiour to none, and equall to the worthiest. If we compare his small meanes with his mightie exploites, you will say they were wonderfull, if you consider his policies and fine stratageames, you will say they were singular: if you respect his corporall giftes and ornaments, nature her selfe will say she was prodigall in gracing him, hauing made him as comely as Edgar Atheling, who was called Englands darling, and as vnpenetrable as Achilles, whom no weapon could fasten on. If you regard his fortune, fortune her selfe will tell you, that she was fond ouer him. For in him onely she shewed a change of her nature, which being vsually changeable and inconstant to all men mortall, yet to him continued constant and vnchangeable. As for his vertues, Oh how they shine most glorious as the sunne beames, dazeling the eyes of the beholders with the excellencie of their obiect. Looke into his life, and let this Historie be the glasse to shew you his perfections, you shall finde, that for warinesse and prudence, he was comparable to Fabius Maximus, who by temporizing repayred the estate of Rome almost ruinated: for loue to his natiue countrie, he was another Camillus, who being exiled by his ingrate citizens, yet rescued them from the Gaules. For discipline he was equall to Manlius, whose seueritie to his owne sonne hath made him euer famous. Couragious as Hector that neuer turned backe to his enemies, bountifull and courteous as Caesar, who by giuing, forgiuing, and relieuing, made himselfe way to the Romaine Empire: mercifull as Traian, who neuer signed Bill for the execution of malefactors but he bedewed it with his teares: deare to his subiects and souldiers as Tytus, who was termed the delight and the Iewell of the world. Alexander the glorie of Macedon, got the name of Great amongst the Greekes, because he ouercame the Orient like a tempest: Pompey the ioy of the Romaine Nobilitie, had the name of Great giuen him by [Page] the Romaines, because he purged the seas infested with Pyrats, and because he stoode for the common libertie: Charlemaine the honour of the French was entytled Great because he brake the force and power of the Sarracens. Gonsaluo the pride of the Spaniards and Italians was called the great Captaine, because he extorted the kingdome of Naples from the Frenchmen. As iustly may the Epyrots vaunt of their Scanderbeg to be the glorie, the honour, the pride, and the ioy of Albanie, seeing the Turkes themselues his sworne and mortall enemies haue giuen and attributed the name of Great vnto him, and seeing the greatnesse of his exploits doe testifie that the name and title of Great is no greater then his deserts. Nay all Europe may worthily acknowledge him to be as great as the greatest: seeing his conquest in Asia and Europe vnder Amurath, the strange recouerie of his kingdome, and of the libertie of his countrie, which he purged from the Infidels: his often and wonderfull victories atcheeued against infinite and huge armies, and the continuall course of his life, and of all his actions doe shew apparantly, that he was the glorie and onely staie of his owne countrie, the sole protectour of the common libertie, a bulwarke to Christendome, a champion for the religion, the paragon of that age, and the wonder of posteritie: a terror to his enemies whilest he liued, and adored by them after his death. Pardon me (my masters) if I be somewhat immoderate or superstitious in admiring his excellencie, for what almost can there be in any man, that was not aboundantly in our Scanderbeg? so many were his perfections, and so few his imperfections, as it may iustly be imagined, that God created him as a mirror for the world rather to wonder at, then any way possibly to be matched, and yet most worthy of all men to be imitated.
Now by the excellencie of the person here represented, the worthinesse of this historie may easily be imagined, for where the subiect is so rare and notable, the estimat of the historie must needes be made correspondent and agreeable. I will not compare it with the best that haue beene written, but this I dare auerre, that therein is litle or nothing wanting which in a historie is thought needfull. The ornaments of an historie are, elegancie of the stile, truth of the reports, varietie of the discourse, and the profitablenesse of the matter. For the stile, howsoeuer this historie may seeme defectiue, it is not much materiall: for though it want the grace of elegant and fine phrases to make it pleasaunt to curious eares and to daintie appetites: yet for all other the accomplements of a good and perfect historie I thinke it may go beyond the most: if it compare not with the best: touching the trueth thereof, diuerse circumstances and arguments do proue it to be without controllment, The age and time wherein it was first written: the consent of succeeding times which haue receiued it without reproofe, and the testimonies of sundrie authors who haue recorded the most notable and strangest accidents contained in this historie. For the varietie thereof to procure delight, I appeale to your owne iudgements when you haue read it. And I doubt not but you will confesse: that you haue found few histories or none, more copious, more delectable and more delightfull. For profit likewise: in many pointes it will shew it selfe to be excellent, and you can turne to no part through, but you shall finde matter of benefite. Hence may the sage Philosopher and prudent Poletist deriue all or the most precepts of the Arte and science militarie. Herein may both the expert Martialist and the simple souldier see the excellencie and perfection of his calling and profession: the benefit of good order and martiall discpline: and out of the Idea of Scanderbeg his actions, may they behold (as it were) the anatomie and shape vnto themselues, the image both of an expert Generall and an absolute souldier. Here may Princes and great persons behold the bright shining lustre of many royall and heroicall vertues, making their names glorious in the eye of the world, their power fearefull and terrible to their enemies, and their persons deere and gratious to their subiects: here may they take a view of those pernitious vices & enormities of those rash & inconsiderat assertions which make them odious to God, hatefull to men, discontented [Page] in their estates, and most wretched and miserable euen in the greatnes of their fortunes. In some, such is the varietie, the veritie, the profit and the excellencie of this discourse: that there is no estate, degree or calling, but may find therein somewhat to admire at, much to delight in, and most things to imitat and to put in practise and execution.
It resteth now (my masters) that you make that estimate and account of it, which both the excellencie of Scanderbeg his vertues, and the worthinesse of the historie doe require and merit: and that you measure the good will and painefull labours both of the authors, and of the translator by their dispositions affecting your good and benefit, and not by any sinister singularitie of your misdeeming conceipt. For if you be not too ingrate and iniurious to the memorie of a Prince so well deseruing, if you shew not your selues more then barbarous in contemning a monument of so great reckoning: or if you be not too austere and rigorous in your censures: you cannot but graciously accept the acquaintance of this historie: you will friendly welcome the rare example of Scanderbeg his peerelesse vertues and his surpassing fortune: and last of all, you will couer the imperfection of this worke (if you find any) with the vaile of your selfe-gracing courtesie.
THE PREFACE OF THE FRENCH AVTHOR TO THE NOBILITIE OF FRANCE.
MY Maisters: If we will exactly weigh and consider the imbecilitie of our natiuitie: we shall find (according to the obseruation of Plinie:) that nature was verie sparie and niggardly in our creation: because that man (who was borne to haue the Seigniorie and Lordship ouer all other creatures) commeth into the world verie naked, fraile and poore, in comparison of them. She hath bestowed vpon all beastes euen in their originall and first beginning strength, wherewith to helpe them, vestures wherewith to couer them, weapons to defend them, pasture to nourish and feed them. But how hath she dealt with man? he commeth naked out of his mothers wombe, weake and feeble, and not able to sustaine and helpe himselfe: man alone of all other creatures is borne without knowledge and hath nothing but what is taught him: he is fit for nothing, he is not able so much as to go or to speake, and when he hath continued a long time learning and getting of experience, and when he is come (as the Philosopher saith) to his owne naturall: he applieth himselfe to nothing but to vice and sensualitie: and he remaineth still (notwithstanding all his paines and trauelles) inferior to the brute beastes: who on the contrarie euen by the instinct of nature do giue themselues to follow that which appertaineth to their function, and which is proper and peculiar vnto them.
This conceipt of the comparison of the impuissance and infirmitie of mankind, putteth me in minde of an olde Italian prouerbe, which is: That it had bene expedient and needfull for men either to be borne sage and wise, or to be borne twice. For if we were borne wise, we should eschew and auoide the inconueniences of this life, against the which by ignorance we do daily and howerly stumble: or at leastwise in the course of our second life, we should put that in practise which we had learned in our first life: and we should not walke blindfolded in the darknes of error as we now do, comming into this world depriued and destitute of the light of wisedome which Solomon demaunded of God before all earthly things whatsoeuer.
Notwithstanding on the contrarie, if we do marke and consider the excellencie of man: we shall see that in stead of these goodly corporall faculties wherein other creatures are his superiours, God hath gratiously endowed him with a singular preheminence of that part of his nature which is intellectuall and capable of doctrine, and that is our spirit, which of it selfe is diuine and celestiall: and whereas by meanes of her prison and earthly tabernacle, it is made rude, sauage, and out of taste: yet being tempered, reformed, and fashioned by the fauour and ciuilitie of good artes and sciences: it estrangeth vs as farre from the nature of creatures vnreasonable: as it maketh vs to approach and draw nigh to the resemblance of the diuine Image.
Seing therefore all men are by nature both capable of knowledge, and haue a necessitie imposed vpon them to seeke after learning; the gentle man of all others hath [Page] most reason to apply his mind thereunto: for that he exceeding all other persons in dignitie of bloud, and in the gifts, graces, and qualities of nature, and being in regard thereof the sooner called to degrees of honour, and to the managing of great matters, he ought also to beautifie and enoble his minde and vnderstanding, and to make it more & more glorious by the knowledge of good letters, especially of good and worthy histories: for in truth there is nothing so louely, beautiful or amiable, but the study of histories wil plentifully supply any man with the knowledge therof, that shal delite to be conuersant, and to exercise himself in them. This bringeth her followers to be priuie counsellers to kings and princes: this preferreth them to the administration of kingdomes and common weales: to the most honorable estates & offices of the warres, and to the gouernments of prouinces: this teacheth vs to be wise, at the cost of others. To be briefe (as Cicero well calleth them) Histories are the testimony of times, the light of truth, the life of memorie, the Ladie and mistreste of life, and the messenger of antiquitie, of the which who so is ignorant, may iustly be accompted as a stranger in his owne countrey. But I will not proceed any farther in her praises: only I will encourage you to be familiar with her: for I see (God be thanked for it) that she hath good entertainment generally, and is well receiued & cherished amongst you: that you are content to bestow a good part of your honest leisure in her companie. Yet thus much let me tell you by the way, & vpon occasion of this discourse: that forasmuch as the principall and most ordinary profession of Frenchmen is to followe armes, and yet they take litle or no care or pains at all to study & know the lawes and rights depending vpon the profession of armes: I desire therefore, that the studie and reading of histories (which representeth vnto vs manifold exāples of so many mightie armies well gouerned, and of so many Captaines and souldiers which haue bene most curious and precise obseruers of the statutes and ordinances of the Art militarie) may prouoke and allure you also to follow more religiously & carefully this ancient discipline, and that you would conforme your selues to the practise thereof: whereby those famous and worthy personages haue purchased to themselues endles & eternall honor, to their Chieftaines and leaders innumerable triumphs and victories, and to their countrey mighty Empires, and Monarchies of infinite greatnesse. What was it that reserued and freed the name and memory of the Assyrians, of the Greekes, & of the Romanes, from the vngratefull silence and the iniurious obliuion of deuouring time? What hath made their glorie and renowme to be so famous euen till this day? What was it that spread abroad the glorious and immortall name of the Gaules, euen to the vtmost bounds and limits of this earthly frame? What made them so fearfull and terrible euen to the proud and inuincible Romanes: that vpon euery rumor made to the Senate that the Gaules were on foote, they speedily had recourse to the Dictatorship, as vnto a sacred anker in the most tempestuous stormes and perils of their estate? Assuredly it was not the supernatural force of their bodies: it was not the infinit number of their squadrons, but the onely exact, strict, and rigorous obseruation of the lawes and discipline of warre.
Thus did that famous Conqueror Godfrey Duke of Bouillon: thus did our generous and Christian Argonauts, and infinit others in times past make themselues way vnto the heauens, & purchased immortal fame vpon the earth. What hath made the Saracins & the Turks to grow to that reputation and honor by armes? What hath made them inheritors almost of all the Empire of the Greeks & Romanes, but this only, that they did first imitate and succeed them in their good orders and discipline? whereof they only of all others at this day are the sole obseruers, and they alone may iustly vaūt, that they haue the true discipline in price & regard: they (I say) only may arroga [...] [Page] this vnto themselues: for I know not any one nation besides them, who make anie account of the same. There is no care had now a dayes amongst souldiers and men at armes, of any rules, precepts or pollicie of warres: we loue rather to learne the duties of the field by experience, and by the euent & hazard of our owne proper perill, then by reason and discipline: and therein do we fulfill the old prouerbe; In losse is learning. But (in my opiniō) this is but a bad maxime: for the course of our life is briefe & short, and vse and experience without reading requireth too long a time to furnish vs with all those things which are necessary for the perfection of our experience. But study & reading of histories being ioyned to experience, is sufficient in a smal time to aduance, to quickē, to refine, & to perfect our iudgement. For (as Philip of Comines hathSaying of Philip of Comines. said very wisely) A man may know more touching the practise of deeds of armes by 3 moneths reading in one good booke, then 20 men shalbe able to know by the eye & experience, if they liue in seuerall ages successiuely one after another. I returne therefore to my matter: and I say, that this science and practise being most needfull and necessarie for our nation (whose profession is to follow the warres▪) the speediest and shortest course, and the best way and meanes to attaine to the true and perfect skill of armes, is to consort and to marrie themselues to the studie and reading of histories.
The consideration hereof hath moued me to communicate vnto you a history, out of the which (I hope) you shall gather no lesse frute and profit, then pleasure and recreation. Howbeit I knowe there are fewe or no good Historiographers auncient or moderne, domesticall or straungers, but they are published in our language by the vertuous labors of many learned & rare spirits amongst the French: neuertheles, in this our historie here imparted vnto you, first of all in reading the haughty aduentures and valiant exploites of an age so nearely conioyned to this of ours, falling in a manner within the time and knowledge euen of our grand-fathers: we haue good cause to reioice & to glorie in the same, no lesse then the world hath euer accustomed to make a benefit, and to attribute vnto themselues the honor of great triumphes, and the glorie of their owne age and times. Besides, here shalbe represented vnto you, not the detestable and bloudie effects of our owne miseries, troubles, and seditions: nor the hatefull conspiracies of subiects against their Prince and countrie: nor the horrible massacres of friends and fellow citizens: of children against their parents, of brothers fleshed against their naturall brethren: nor of husbands against their wiues: you shall not heare in this discourse the piteous cries and lamentations of wiues and maidens violated: you shall not see here the excesse of sacrileges, of burnings, nor the rapine and spoile of the goods of friends and allies: but you shall reade of a most holy, a iust, and an honorable warre: of armes lawfully vndertaken, for the defence both of the Christian, and of the ciuill libertie, against the Turkes and circumcised miscreants, the sworne enemies of Iesus Christ: you shall see their townes maintained and defended, their countrie preserued and protected by the armes of their proper peoples and naturall inhabitants: here shall you behold the image of a Prince most religious, of a warrior most magnanimous, armed with faith and zeale incredible: his souldiers faithfull, louing and obedient: here shall you trace out so perfect an obseruation of militarie discipline, that their notable victories and exploits will appeare vnto you worthie of wonder and admiration. All this shall you see in this historie, of the life of George Castriot, surnamed by the Turks, Scanderbeg, which is, Alexander the Lord, or the Great, King of Albanie: whose immortall name is worthie without all contradiction, to be consecrated to the temple of Memorie, farre aboue all other Knightes, and champions of the Leuant, whose honourable actes haue made them to be recommended for the defence of the faith of Christ against the [Page] detestable and cursed sect of Mahomet. For it seemeth that God had a speciall will and purpose to marke him with all laudable qualities and prerogatiues: as faith, religion, strength of bodie, comelinesse of person, dexteritie of spirit, the practise and skill of armes: all which were accompanied with so wonderfull and vnspeakeable good fortune, that it may be iustly auerred, that his deedes did surmount his destinies. The description whereof I haue according to the truth and sinceritie of an historie, drawen and deriued out of the writings of those that haue intreated of them: and specially out of the Latine historie of Marin Barletus Priest, borne in Scutarie or Scodra, a Citie in Epire, whom we haue chosen and followed as a principall example and patterne, and as an Authour who hath bene reputed most diligent and sincere, and most graue and sententious. In regard whereof he hath purchased to him selfe a place amongest the most notable and famous historiographers of the Latines, that haue liued in these latter ages.
This Historie do I nowe impart vnto you (my Maisters) humbly intreating you, that if ouer much temeritie haue caused me to forget my selfe in taking vppon me a taske which surpasseth and exceedeth the feeblenesse of my spirit, you would impute the blame thereof to the readinesse of my good will and affection, which I haue to do you seruice: and that you would please to receiue this my trauell as graciously as I haue made offer thereof vnto your curtesies with my best deuotion and abilitie.
AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.
WHereas many of our Latine writers of great authoritie, haue written manie and diuerse things of the famous deeds of Scanderbeg, and of the greatnesse of his exploits: for that their honorable testimonies may in some sort argue and confirme the truth of this historie: and because it were too great an iniurie to defraud this Greeke Prince and straunger, of his true and deserued praises: I haue therefore thought it good here to make mention of their names, and to cite the places where they haue written of him: to the intent the Reader may at his good pleasure and best leisure peruse them: The Autors are these:
- 1. Volaterrane, in the 8. booke of his Geographie, in the description of Macedonie.
- 2. Aeneas Siluius, in the description of Europe. Cap. 15.
- 3. Andrew Theuet, in his Cosmographie. 1. Tome. 11. booke. Chap. 3.
- 4. Paulus Iouius Bishop of Nucera, in his Commentarie of the affaires of Turkie, dedicated to the Emperour Charles the fifth.
The cause why I haue not set downe the verie text and testimonies themselues, as they are in the preface of the French copie, is, because in manie points they haue varied and erred in the report of Scanderbeg his actions, and are much mistaken in the truth of the historie. Howbeit I do impute their error vnto this, that they being straungers to the Estate and affaires of Epire, and hauing intelligence of the deedes of Scanderbeg onely by heare say and by report, they could not so truly and exactly set downe the truth of matters as they are here deliuered in this Historie by the Latine Author: who being natiue of the same countrey with Scanderbeg, and liuing in the same age and time that he did, is to be reputed the best witnesse and most perfect reporter of his deedes.
A CATALOGVE OF THE AVTHORS FROM whence this Historie hath bene drawen.
- Marin Barletius, Priest of Scutarie in Epire: from whom the most part of this Historie is drawne word for word.
- The life of Scanderbeg, of an vncertaine Author.
- Volaterrane.
- Aeneas Siluius, aliâs Pope Piùs the second.
- P. Callimachus, experient of the battell of Varna.
- Paulus Iouius.
- Andrew Theuet, in his Cosmographie.
- Peter Perondin.
- Bartholomew Facius.
- Theodore Spandugin, a Gentleman of Constantinople▪
- Andrew Cambin.
- Leonardus Chiensis, Archbishop of Mitilene, of the siege and sacke of Constantinople: at which he was present, and taken prisoner.
- Isidore Ruthenian Cardinall.
- Christopher Richier.
- Wolfangus Chronicle.
- Frances Sansouin.
- Melancthon his Chronicle.
- Pandolph Callenucius of Pesaro in his Neapolitane histories.
- Bonfinius in the Historie of Hungarie.
VPON THE HISTORIE OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, ALIAS SCANDERBEG KING OF THE EPIROTS, translated into English.
R. C. GENT. IN COMMENDATION OF THIS BOOKE.
C. C. GENT. IN COMMENDATION OF THIS WORKE.
Faults escaped in the printing.
IN the Epistle to the reader For ouercame, read ouerranne. For assertions read affectious. For conquest read conquests. for through read thereof for some read summe.
In the preface of the Author, for of the comparison read, and the compassion.
In the Historie, pagi. 1. for Moruua read Moraua. pag. 31. sor. Tholoies read Thopyes. pag. 5. for Darnisse read Daruisses. pag. 6. for Sanziack read Saniack. pag. 13. for, is his cour, read in his court. pag. 16. & 65. for capitoll, read capitall. pag. 17 for Morauia, read Moraua. pag. 19. & 42. for Tribullians, read Triballians. pag. 23. for Monea read Mocrea. pag. 25. for, I haue in you, read I saw in you. pag. 30. for Armathia read Emathia. pag. 31. for Turkes, read Turke. pag. 40. for exhort, read extort. pag. 57. for, at the rising of the moone, read before the sun rising. pa. 62. for Treigno, read Turkie. ibid. for of neither read neither of. ibid. for Alcaran, read Alcoran. ib. for Ruscia, read Rascia. pa. 71. for enlargument, read enlargement. ibid. for Veruia, read Seruia. pa. 74. for yet would, read yet could. ibid. for left their king, read lost their king. pag. 93. for Bola, read Bosa. pag. 133. for moorish, read waterish. 421. for his Prince, read this Prince. 471. for Valure & Valures, read Valmes. pag. 133. for Chronichea, read Oron ichea.
THE PRINTER TO THE READER.
If there be any other faults, as I hope there are not many, I do entreat the gentle reader to amend them with his pen, and in courtesie to heare with the Printer, considering that there was neuer booke printed though but of ten sheets of paper in bignesse without some faults.
THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE LIFE AND FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG, KING OF THE EPIROTS NOW NAMED ALBANOIS.
AMurath the second of that name, King of the Turkes, restoreth the glorie and estate of the Turkish Empire, being greatlie decaied by the ouerthrow and captiuitie of his Grandfather Baiazeth by the armes of Tamberlaine. Iohn Castriot reigneth in Epyre: His linage, vertues, and goodlie issue: The birth of George his youngest sonne, and the strange signes prognosticating his future glorie and greatnesse. Amurath warreth vpon Iohn Castriot: who being wearie of the warres sueth for peace, and deliuereth his sonnes in hostage. Amurath causeth them to be circumcised, chaungeth their names, and George is named Scanderbeg. The manner of the Turkish circumcision, and their orders of priesthood. The education, vertues, and preferment of Scanderbeg vnder Amurath: His notable seruices and good fortune in the warres: He fighteth two combats in the Turkish Court. Iohn Castriot the father of Scanderbeg dieth. Amurath vsurpeth his estate, and poisoneth all his sonnes except Scanderbeg, whose excellent vertues and the enuie of the Courtiers causeth Amurath to haue him in ielouzie and suspition, and to practise by sundrie plots his death and destruction. Amurath warreth vpon the Despot of Misia, and expelleth him his Estate: who is aided by Vladislaus king of Hungarie. Scanderbeg and Carambey are sent with an armie against the Hungarians: Scanderbeg reuolteth, Carambey and the Turkes are ouerthrowen by the Hungarians in the battell of Moruua. Scanderbeg by a pollicie seizeth vpon Croy: and recouereth it and the rest of his fathers estate. The Princes, Nobles, and Commons of Epyre ioyne with Scanderbeg, and by their aide diuerse of the chiefest and strongest holdes of Epyre are regayned from the Turkes. Sfetygrade is besieged by Scanderbeg, who maketh a roade into Macedonie, and spoyleth the Turkish territories.
THAT the Empires and Estates of this worlde are disposed and ordered immediatly by the supreme power of the Almightie, & that they are in the hands of the most Soueraigne and diuine Maiestic: next to the holy Scriptures (which do giue vs euident assurance of it) there can be none more apparant and liuely markes therof, then their maruellous establishment and their miraculous preseruation. For notwithstanding that the greatest and mightiest Monarchies in the earth, haue had their originall from most vile, base, and obscure beginnings: yet hath the diuine Prouidence vphelde them in so strange a manner, and [Page 2] hath made them to prosper with so long continuance: that neither the sundry assaults and trauerses of vnconstant Fortune, nor the attempts of any humaine forces, haue had the power to abridge any one day of their date and terme limitted and prefixed by the diuine ordinance. Of this we haue a sufficient, though a lamentable testimonie, by that insolent Empire of the Turkish Monarchie, (if we may so name that immoderate puissance of those persons) who by a iust and diuine iudgement, and for the manifestation of our ingratitude and securitie, hath obtained at this day the absolute dominion and commaund of Asia, Afrike, and a good part of Europe: conuerting that Empire, which erst was held holy, sacred, and religious, into a fortresse of open blasphemies, and into a filthie stall of prophane Miscreants, the professed enemies of the sonne of God.
This people being growen famous by the conquest of Siria and the lesser Asia, and hauing extended their boundes on this side the sea of Hellespont, and hauing planted their Empire, and set it on foote within Europe, and all Greece being subdued vnder their obeisance: made the Misians, Bulgarians, and Albanians, the Valachians, the Hungarians and Sclauonians to quake and tremble vnder their victorious armes. Besides, hauing laide siege, and pressed very hard vpon the Imperiall citie of Constantinople, and finally hauing triumphed of the Emperor, and of the Christian forces in the East: yet afterwards in that famous iourney and battell of Nicopolis in Romania in the yeare 1396. their glorie was in a maner extinguished, and the name of the Ottomans was welneare brought to nothing. And in the yeare next following, the mightie1397. king of the Tartarians the great Tamberlain (termed the wrath of the heauens and the scourge of that corrupt age:) and Baiazeth the first then Emperour of the Turkes, encountring ech other in the confines of Armenia at the foote of the mountaine of the starre; (where somtimes Pompey obtained a famous victorie against Mithridates) euenthere did the Turkes sustaine so wonderfull and grieuous an ouerthrowe, by the great slaughter and discomfiture of their forces, and the perpetuall imprisonment of their Emperor: that the glorie of their Empire was for a long time discontinued, and there remained not almost any tract or shewe of their former pride and pompe, or of their puissance or maiestie. After Baiazeth succeeded Amurath Nephew vnto him by one of his sonnes, who in that time of their fathers calamity, being but infants, were then preserued aliue, partly by the ouersight of the Greekes, and partly by the deuisions and dissentions of the Latines, or (it may be) by the permission of the destinies: which reserued them for the future plague & miseries of Christendom. This Amurath in processe of time, not without many seditions of his owne subiects, & by great bloudshed by ciuill warres (for he slew his own Vncle Mustapha in battell) by good happe obtained the Empire, & restored their Turkish Monarchie: and was the first amongst his ancestors that reestablished their good fortune. And the puissance thereof being by him augmented, he rendered the name of the Turkes farre more fearfull and redoubted, then it had bene at any time before passed.
The Turkish affaires thus standing, though Amurath were alwaies occupied, somtimes in Asia about the assuring and setling of his owne estate, & somtimes in Greece: The countrie which the Castriots commanded, lying betweene the cities of Durace and Ap [...]llonse, the common sort termed Ariha. afflicting and vexing the inhabitants of that countrie, and labouring to depriue them of all Dominion and Empire: yet was he constrained for certaine yeares to keepe a loofe & to abstaine from the country of Macedony, & from the neighbor nations & regions thereunto adioyning. In those daies (for to ascend beyong those times to the first beginning of strange Empires, or to mount higher in recounting forreign affaires is a matter needlesse and superfluous) in that age I say, amongst many other Princes, which then commaunded in Epyre, now named Albanie, Iohn Castriot, a man of no [Page 3] meane fame and memorie, had the signiorie of many cities, townes, and villages, but principally of the strong citie of Croie. But for so much as I hold it inconuenient, that the family and originall of Scanderbeg should be altogether vnknowen: (and yet my intent is not to lay downe the whole pedegree and the continuall descent of his auncestors;) it shall suffise, that I doe but (as it were in passing by) giue you notice of this: that the authors and founders of the linage of the Castriots had their source and first ofspring from Emathia, and (as some adde) out of VVumestia, which is a part of Macedonie. And their family had earst reigned in Epyre with happie successe and prosperitie, and with no lesse fame and glorie.
This Iohn (of whom we are now in discourse) farre surmounted all his predecessorsIohn Castriot the father of Scanderbeg. in prudence, grauitie, and magnanimitie, and being of an hardie and inuincible courage, he did excell in all other vertuous qualities: and especially (if that may import any excellencie) the corporall beautie, and the comlinesse of his person was very rare and singular. His wife also named Voisaua the mother of Scanderbeg. Alias. Voisaua (a woman worthy of such a husband) was much renowmed both in that she was the daughter of the noble king of the Lord of Pologne which is a part of Macedonie and Bulgarie. Tribullians: as also for her beautie & wisdome, and for the excellencie of her spirit, farre surpassing that of other women. And it may be, that she merited no lesse commendation by reason of that goodly issue and posteritie which discended from her: a thing which hath made many women glorious, and maketh them worthy of speciall praise and commendation. For some do hold that she was the mother of nine children, fiue of them daughters; to wit, Mara, Iella, Angellina, Vlaica and Mamisa: and the other male children: namely, Reposius, Stanisius, Constantine and George. The youngest ofGeorge Castriot surnamed Scanderbeg. them all was George: to whom afterwards (as shalbe elsewhere deliuered) the barbarous Turkes gaue the name of Scanderbeg.
But ere we proceede further, I hold it not amisse to set downe that which (as I haue read) was both by prodigious signes and wonders foreshewed, and by many persons proguosticated touching the future glorie and renowme of this famous Epyrot: albeitScanderbeg his future glorie and renowme prognosticated by diuerse prodigious signes and tokens. I doubt not, but there be many who will make a iest and mockerie thereof as of an olde wiues tale, and a matter meerely fabulous. Some say that his mother vpon his conception did dreame, that shee had brought foorth so great and huge a Serpent, that the same hauing wellneere couered the whole Empire, did stretch out her head ouer the boundes of Turkie, and did deuour and swallowe them vppe with her bloudie throate: dipping her taile in the sea towardes the coastes of the Christians: and especially towardes the confines of the Venetians. This dreame being recounted vnto her husband, he considering the qualitie of the case, helde it a vaine and friuolous thing to seeke out the meaning and secret thereof, either by the superstitious viewe of the entrailes of beastes, or by seeking to the Oracle of Apollo for the interpretation thereof: but hee comforted his wife with an incomparable kinde of ioye, giuing her to vnderstande by an euident coniecture: That of her shoulde bee borne a personage of that excellencie, that should make himselfe renowmed by armes and warre-like exploites: who should be a grieuous and heauie enemie to the Turkes: a happie Captaine and fortunate leader to the Christians: a true defender of the faith of Christ: and ouer and aboue, one that should during his whole life, beare great honour and reuerence to the state of Venice. The hope and expectation of the carefull father, and of others was in nothing frustrate. For the infant being come into the worlde, did exceede farre and beyonde all comparison that which was presaged of him. For on his right arme appeared the forme of a sworde so naturally imprinted, as if it had beene engrauen by the handes of some cunning and artificiall workeman. [Page 4] A notable and euident signe of the reputation which hee shoulde purchase by armes. O the notable bountie of nature which euen in our natiuity doth giue vs aduertisements and in our bodies doth imprint the ensignes and tokens of that which is to ensue & happen vnto vs. This infant being growen to a lad of some yeres (assoone as his age would permit him) began to exercise his bow and other weapons, giuing such proofe of his forwardnes in the first rudiments and apprentiship (as it were) of his tender yeares, that the signes of his future vertue and valure did easily discouer themselues in the eye of ech man sufficiently: and in his youthfull race also there did from thenceforth appeare in him more and more, such an ardent desire to frame his life in goodnesse and vertue; and so comely and elegant a cariage in his behauiour, with a certaine shewe of religion, euen then promising a reuerence and regarde vnto the faith of Christ; that all men had their eyes and their regard fixed vpon him. He onely was the man whom both father and mother, whom his brethren, and the residue of the inhabitants of that countrie did with a secret kinde of astonishment euen admire and wonder at. Of him were all their discourses: of him did the people murmure in all places as of the most rare and excellent paragon of that age. Ouer and aboue these presages of his fortune, he had euen by nature a certaine goodly and stately feature of bodie, which did (as it were) season and grace all his actions. But of a graffe so likely and towarde (if it be lawfull so to terme him) the destinies did not permit the doubtfull parents to gather any frute answerable to their desires. For after that Amurath had ranged Greece vnder the yoke of his obeisance, and had turned his Ensignes against Macedonie, hauing afflicted it with a long and tedious warre, and reduced it to the point of extreame miserie: Iohn Castriot being wearied with the trauell of continuall warres, and weakened by the ceaselesse discommodities of those troubles: was in the end constrained to entreat and sue for peace: the which he obtained vpon condition, that he should deliuer all his sonnes to the Turke in hostage. A more greeuous and intollerable seruitude, or a more deadly & ignominious bondage could they not haue imposed vpon any parents. For what solace or cōfort could they reape by such a peace? and what contentment could they take of their dignitie and estate, which was preserued by such meanes, so lamentable and grieuous? Notwithstanding what is it which the wretched desire of life, and the greedie thirst of raigne and Empire will not perswade timorous and fearefull men to yeeld vnto? So fared it with these vnfortunate old folkes, that they loued rather to cōmit themselues to the mercie of a most felonous and false enemie, and vtterly to depriue themselues of so pretious pledges: then to attende with some delay the extreame ruine of their fortunes, which were euen then tumbling to decay and confusion.
Thus was George (together with his brethren) deliuered in hostage to the Turke,George Castriot deliuered in hostage to the great Turke. causing farre greater sorrowe and lamentation for him alone then for all the others both in publique and in priuate. All this notwithstanding, the father was nothing deceiued of that hope which he had erst conceiued of his sonne. But at the time of his departure from him, after many & often kisses and sweet embracements, he cast himself vpon him as more pitying his misfortune thē any of the rest: and daily & deuoutly did he pray vnto God; that the attent & expectation which he had in him, might not become frustrate & in vaine. And euen amongst the cōmon people there wanted not some, who (wishing vnto the lad the yeares & strength of mans estate with long life) did seeme euen to prophesie that Amurath should in him nourish a domesticall enemie, and the confusion of his owne house and family. These young Princes were no sooner conueyed to Ottoman: but they foorthwith felt the first frutes andOttoman the surname of the great Turke. proofe of his infidelitie, in that (violating the faith and promise which he had giuen [Page 5] to their parents) he caused them speedily to be circumcised according to the lawe of Mahomet. The manner of which ceremonie (for that the knowledge thereof is not vnpleasant) I hold it not impertinent in this place, briefely and particularly in some sort to recite it. The Turkes doe herein obserue a custome and vsage not muchThe Turkish ceremonie in their circumcision. differing from that of the Iewes, but onely in this one thing, which is added vnto it by the institution of Mahomet. And that is: That before anie be circumcized, (if he be of reasonable yeares and discretion) he is brought and placed in the middest of some great assembly: and there, by the commaundement of their Priest (whom they call Darnisse,) he holdeth vp his forefinger, and lifteth vp his eyes towards heauen crying with a high voice, to the intent he may be easily heard and vnderstood. La, Ila, La: Mehumet Resulam. Which is to say, God, God, God alone, and Mahomet his Prophet. After that, his foreskin being cut off by one skilfull and expert in that art, he is presented to the people, and his first name being chaunged, they giue him a new. Immediatly wherupon, all the standers by both more and lesse (if the party circumcized were either a Christian or of any other religion) with exceeding great reioycing doe contribute money vnto him: and they magnifie him, kisse him, and embrace him: and from thenceforth, there is an house assigned for him of the publique charge, with sufficient prouisions for him to liue vpon.
But it shall not be amisse, if (digressing a litle from my matter) I discourse somwhatThe diuers orders & estates of Priestes in the Turkish religion. of the Turkish & Mahometan religion: setting down both the state & diuersitie of the orders, condition, and degrees of their Priests and religious persons in that sect & profession. The first, and those which are of the most strict rule & order amongst thē are called Darnisses: (of whom we haue before made some mention) & we may compareDarnisses. them to the Fryers obseruants. But these (in the time of Baiazeth their king the sonne of the last Mahomet) being detected of diuers foule offences & enormities which they had committed: were by him banished and exterminated: because that (vnder pretence of deuotion & holines) going about on begging, and retyring themselues into deserts and solitarie places, they did beset the highwaies & passages, by which marchants, pilgrims & trauellers were to passe: and espying occasion & oportunitie (no otherwise then as theeues & robbers) they fell vpon them, wounded & murdered thē, and then stripped them out of all that they had about them: The report wherof being come to the eares of the Ottoman Prince, he was so highly prouoked and displeased therwithall, that he caused all of them (as is said) to be cut in peeces & to be destroyed, minding that the memory of thē should haue bin for euer extinguished. Next to these there are a second sort, whom the Turkes in their language call the Hozes: who mayHozes. well be likened to the Friers conuentuels. And last of all after them are the Talasmans, Talasmans. whom they haue for their third order: and they do enioy the last place among them, and are like to the order of Priests Seculars. Besides these three kinds, there be not any other orders, degrees, or manners of Priests or religious persons, in the sect or religion of the Turkes: but the whole charge and administration of the Priesthoode, ceremonies and holy rites of their religion doth appertaine vnto them only. But now returne we to the subiect of this Treatise.
These young Epirots hauing their first names changed at their circumcizion, hadGeorge Castriot circumcised and surnamed Scanderbeg, by the Turkes. others giuen thē according to the custom of that nation. George, (whether that it were by chance & casualtie, or were it, that there was in him a kind of appearance more remarkeable then in the others, promising some thing which should proue in him most rare & excellent) was surnamed Scanderbeg: That is being interpreted, Alexander the Lord, or the Great. Inestimable & great was the ioy which was made about Amurath at the circumcision of these yong Epirots (as is cōmonly seene with vs when any one [Page 6] leauing the filth and infection of Iudaisme doth embrace christianitie and the light of saluation.) And they had ample and large allowance ordayned them for their expences and maintenance.
But the gentle disposition which did naturally flourish and excell in Scanderbeg, The dispositiō, education, and vertuous inclination of Scanderbeg amōgst the Turkes. and his tender age (for he had scant attayned to nine yeares) did render and make him more acceptable and agreeable vnto Amurath then any one of the rest. Thereof it proceeded, that he wanted not good masters and teachers of all sortes according to that age which was most apt and fittest for all the Sciences. And therefore in a verie small time (his spirit being prompt and readie to apprehend all things) he had learned the Turkish, Arabian, Greeke, Italian, and Sclauonian languages. As his force encreased by little and little with his yeares, so did he take delight in nothing more then to acquaint himselfe with all those vertuous exercises which were fit for the warres, without letting any one thing to ouerpasse him wherein he had not some knowledge and insight. And sometimes with his sworde, sometimes with his bowe and arrowes, both on foote and on horsebacke, he gaue forth daily and almost incredibleAdresse. proofes, of an agilitle, disposition and readinesse of his bodie most maruellous: alwaies enterprizing some act or other of great regarde more then was ordinarie for one of his age. And first of all, assoone as the force and strength of his members did match the forwardnesse and fiercenesse of his courage, and that he could shewe himselfe of sufficient abilitie to support the trauels of the warres, he framed himselfe to gaine the fauour and good will of all men, but especially of the Prince: vsing daily to make challenges to his companions in open and publique shewes and often spectaclesIeu [...] depri [...]. of and in all manners of combats and martiall contentions: and commonly he bare away honor and estimation, making those exercises the path-way to his future glorie, and to the increase of his reputation. At length being growen to a goodly stature and full strength of bodie, and being come to ripenesse and perfection of yeares, he did betimes and with facilitie accustome himselfe to all labors and trauels befitting a strong and able bodie, were they neuer so difficult: as to endure hunger, thirst, cold, heate, watching, and such like. By the daily practise whereof, it is not to be doubted but he made himselfe most apt and able for the warres, and so grewe to be complete and accomplished in all militarie vertues: and fit to be employed in all martiall seruices.
This was the occasion, that the Sultan (not willing he should any longer continue about him in the state of a priuate person) determined to aduance him: and euen inThe first actes, seruices, and preferment of Scanderbeg. the beginning he honoured him with the dignitie of Sanziack: (which is the second degree after the Bassaes, and is of greater of lesser authoritie, according to the largenesse of power which it pleaseth the bountie and liberalitie of the Prince more orScanderbeg made Sanziac, with a charge of 5000. horse. lesse to attribute and impart vnto it.) To Scanderbeg with that new degree was giuen the conduct of fiue thousand horse: and his brethren in like case (being aduaunced to the like charges, and sent abrode into diuerse countries, and emploied in many affaires and seruices of the warres, grewe all of them to be very famous and renowmed. But Scanderbeg had scant attained to the age of eighteene yeares, but he was sent into * Asia by the commaundement of the Sultan, iointly and together with other bandesNatolia. and forces: where by a most happie and fortunate beginning, he made the first assaie of his vertue and good successe in warre, embrewing his right hand with a great desire and delight in the bloud of the enemies. Thenceforth in many broiles of one sort and other, which happened to be raised in those quarters: there was not lightly any expedition made, but that Scanderbeg continually was there in person with his regiment. And both he and his companions returned from them victorious to their Lord [Page 7] the Ottoman. In all which exploites his forwardnes, his vertue, and his fortune were daily obserued, and principally marked of all men both in generall, and in particular: all the honor of the victorie, all the good successe of the warre was cast vpon him by the report of all men without contradiction: and in a manner without any mention of the chiefe, or commaunders of the armie. And to him alone by the fauour and acclamations of the souldiers, was adiudged the triumph and the glorie of the enemie vanquished.
As yet had not enuie (hatefull and repining at others vertue) assailed nor gotten hold on the heart of the Turkish Prince: and albeit both the maners and the state of this noble Epirot, were a fit subiect for this humour and maladie to worke vpon: notwithstanding his youth being as yet but of simple and meane experience, and his affections in that age being not caried away with any immoderate, or greedie desire of glorie: but hauing conceiued onely a kinde of liking & loue of honor, it rather purchased vnto him the fauour, grace, and good will of all men. And therefore euen Amureth himselfe did singularly grace and honor him, both with good and gratious wordes, and with great and bountifull gifts and fauours. Short was the abode of this young gentleman in Court, by reason that (as seldome are the Turkes without greatScanderbeg made General of an army in Asia. affaires) there came newes of new troubles, and tumults in Asia, whereunto Scanderbeg was appointed; being chosen by an vniuersall decree, and the good liking of all men, to haue the commaund as Generall ouer the whole armie, with all the honors appertaining to that place in regard of his former desertes, and for that he had borne himselfe so well in the forepassed warres. He had no sooner accepted the charge, but he did easily surmount the glorie of his former actes, by the quicke and speedy defait and discomfiture of the enemie: which he atcheiued with notable good successe answerable to his great diligence. First, ouer and aboue the honest and worthy testimonieScanderbeg returneth home with victorie. giuen by his souldiers, he brought home vnto Ottoman most apparant and euident tokens of his valure and good fortune: namely, great numbers of prisoners: the spoiles of those which were slaine: very many Ensignes of the enemies: and such abundance of engines and instruments for the warres, that it exceeded beyond all opinion. His owne troupes remained sound and entire, and in a manner without shewe of hurt, so as touching the vanquished, sufficient markes were to be seene of their distresse▪ but amongst the vanquishers there was scant any appearance whether they had beene at any fight, or that they had come from the warres. But Amurath did not so much wonder at the happie successe of his worthy deedes, as he did admire his wisdome and prudence. ‘For in the commendation of his good happe, fortune might iustlySentence. claime a part, but in the frute and benefit which proceeded from his wisedome and prudence, by good and sage counsels: the dexteritie of his owne iudgement might challenge that as proper to himselfe onely.’ Through the occasion of this victorieScanderbeg sent againe into Asia, and returneth with victorie. greater forces being appointed vnto him, he was againe sent backe and inioyned to abide in the same Marches, till such time as he should haue reduced certaine townes and peoples in those quarters vnder the subiection of the Turkish Emperour, wherein fortune did not any way faile this young souldier, but that euery thing succeeded speedily to his minde and hearts desire. All things being ended and accomplished to his liking, and the Empire of Ottoman being enlarged: yea farther then he had in charge, or was commaunded: He beganne from thenceforth to purchase vnto himselfe a great name and maruellous renowme euen amongest straunge and forraineThe citie of Andrinople was the chiefe seate then of the Turke [...]. Nations.
Being returned to Andrinople, though there were no more enemies to be heard of abroad, yet there wanted not some at home. For so it happened, that there arriued out [Page 8] of Scythia a certaine aduenturer, more faire and arrogant in outwarde shew and countenance, then valiant and braue in fight and combat: This gallant defied and challengedA challenge of combat made by a Sythian to the Turkes. all the Court of the Turke, demaunding if there were any one who durst encounter him in armes, and to proue himselfe in fight against him. And this was the order of the combat which he offred: That both the champions naked in their shirts being shut vp in a streight and narrow place, with their swordes only should make triall to whom the hazard of the victorie would befall. This rash and inconsiderate plot had this Tartarian laide, and made choise of, either because he was prodigall of his bloud and life, or, it may be, of a vaine hope and conceite, that none durst accept the chance and hazard of a daunger so ambiguous, and of an act so vnaduised: by meanes whereof his happe might be to beare away the praise, and to obtaine some great rewarde without endaungering himselfe in combat. Amurath also had proclaimed and promised to the conquerour a certaine prize of great and rich value, that he might by all meanes possible, animate some of his seruants in hope of so great a rewarde to accept the challenge: as if indeede the onely fruite and glory of the bare victory alone would not haue allured and drawen men on to vndertake the combat. This notwithstanding, there was none but did altogether dislike and abhorre the purchase of honor and estimation, the meanes whereof were so deadly and detestable. Only our Albanois surmounting in haughtinesse of heart, and abounding in courage, whereas all others stoode (as it were) amazed and astonished, he aduaunced himselfe, and pressed foorthThe combat of Scanderbeg with the Scythian. toward the Scythian, & thus spake vnto him: ‘Either shalt not thou, O Scythian, beare away with thee this goodly prize and glorie, without the losse of thine owne bloud, or else being made more honorable and glorious by my death, thou shalt be enriched with these spoiles, and ornaments: vp then and receiue vnto thee an enemie which thy owne desire hath sought and purchased. And albeit these kindes of fight be more befitting and proper to fierce and sauage beastes, and that valiant men may and ought with honestie to refuse them, once notwithstanding let it be lawfull for me to contemne and neglect the safetie of this my person, in regarde that thy selfe oughtest [...] haue had as great reason, as I, to keepe thy lymmes and thy life from daunger and destruction. But vile, and of no account is the safetie of the bodie to that man which hunteth after praise and vaine-glorie. This day therefore I also will make a present of my bloud vnto Amurath, and the rest of my companions.’ The Scythian being no whit abashed nor terrified, thought with most braue & fierce words to haue affraied and appaled him, calling him boy and childe (for he was not as then but in the prime of his youthfull yeares, and the soft downe had not yet budded on his chinne, nor made his faire and smoth face to become rough.) Then being conducted towardes the Sultan, with loud and high clamors of the people: and the field being appointed for the combat according as the Barbarian had demaunded: both of them were incontinently shifted out of their garments, hauing not so much as their shirtes to couer them: and thus leaping all naked into the place, by this new and vnwonted kinde of spectacle, they made all the standers by to regard them with admiration. And howbeit that Castriot both by his voice and by his countenance did bewray in himselfe a wonderfull resolution and assurance, notwithstanding an incredible kind of care intermingled with griefe did assaile the hearts of the regardants, and at one instant both the age, and the comlinesse of his person, ioyned with a gratious and pleasing cariage of all the parts of his bodie, had drawen them both to fauour, and to pittie him. Goodly, high, and eminent was his stature, his armes so seemely as the like had scarce bene seene: his necke strong and somewhat bending, such as is much commended inThe description of Scanderbeg his person. great wrastlers: his shoulders large and maruellously well spred: his visage of colour [Page 9] faire and white (and as it were stained with a litle tainte of purpure): the cast of his eies straight, & pleasant, without bleamish or imperfection, & in all points correspondent and agreeable. These corporall perfections did him great seruice to his other vertues, and the good qualities of his mind, which seemed to be augmented & increased by them. The two champions thus resolute and well assured, being furnished with short daggers, (for longer weapons would not the streightnesse of the place permit) made their entry into the field, & were there left with great silence on all parts. It is not to be imagined that here needed any great counsel and aduise, or any rare and extraordinarie hardines and resolution, but onely a certaine promptitude, and readines, and a quicke and deliuer agility of the hand. Both of them now standing vpon their gard, and ech readie to offend the other, the Scythian gaue the first charge, and onset vpon his enemie: against whom dressing and bearing the point of his dagger, he stroke at his belly with intent to haue stabbed him: Scanderbeg bending his bodie in all partes, and bowing it arch-wise almost in forme of a bow, with his left hand seized on the right arme of the barbarian, and stayed the blow: and in the same instant aduancing his poignard, at one blow he cut his throat, and that with such dexteritie, as he deuided all the arteries of it asunder. So that with his tongue yet staggering and stutteringThe victorie of Scanderbeg. in his head, he tumbled to the ground, litle wanting but that he filled al the place with the massie hugenes of his bodie. But being soone and speedily remoued by those that stood neere at hand to behold the fight, and diuerse of the Courtiers also flocking together full of ioy and gladnes about the Victor, they led him safe and sound vnto the presence of Amurath, vnto whome (being exceedingly ioyous of his good happe) with his hands yet all bloody, his champion presented the head of the dead Scythian. Then were deliuered vnto him the rewardes ordained for the partie that should obtaine the victorie, which he accepted (as it were) vnwillingly: protesting that he did not hazard himselfe in that enterprise, neither for gold nor siluer, but onely to maintaine the honor of the Court, and to represse the arrogancie of the barbarian. So great was the modestie of this braue Epirot, that thereby he allured vnto him more and more the good will of ech person: the naturall bountie and dexteritie of his gentle heart abolishing the enuie and hatred, which the excellency of exceeding vertue doth vsually engender in men of his sort and calling. I hold it not amisse here in this place also to recount one other exploite which he atchieued with no lesse honor and commendation, and with like courage by force of armes. At such time as he followed Amurath into Bithynia in a voiage which he made thither rather for his pleasure and recreation then vpon any occasion of warre: There were at that time in the citie of Bursa (which is at this present the capitall city of the empire of Asia) two Persians named Iaia, & Zampsa being of a very faire & goodly stature, & most sumptuously apparelled,The second combat of Scā derbeg against two Persians. (as is the manner of that nation) they came to seeke out the Turkish Prince & demanded entertainment in his seruice. Ech of thē pleaded in the behalfe of the other, and by magnifying and extolling their owne acts, the one sought to further the others sute with mutuall testimonies and soothing vp of ech other, that it seemed to proceed more of a kind of impudent and shamelesse audacitie, then of any valure or resolution in them. At last Zampsa the younger of the two spake vnto Amurath in this manner. ‘To the intent (most mightie and puissant king) it may not be thought, that we are come, furnished onely with glorious speeches and great wordes to demaund thy pay, and that (the certaintie thereof being vnknowne vnto thee) we be not condemned of vaine arrogancie, nor of foolish hardinesse and forward temeritie: behold here we are readie to make proofe before thee of our courages, if not haughtie, yet at least desirous of honor and glorie. Though there be here many braue men, and full of valure, [Page 10] we chalenge them all to take armes, that it may be tryed whether we be worthy or vnworthy to liue vnder the commaund of thy greatnesse.’ Then shewing that they had no other armes but their horse, sword, launce, and shield, and that their bodies were not otherwise armed: they sayed that they would combat only thus appointed. Amurath (as he was both courteous and gracious) after he had spoken vnto them with a kind of benignitie, he promised them that they should want nothing which on his part might be conueniently yeelded vnto them. And then turning his head, and looking here and there round about him, he stayed to see if any one would receiue the chalenge. But perceiuing that euery man stood still and mute, and that all his seruants did by their silence bewray a secret confession and acknowledgement of their faintnesse & backwardnes, supposing it would be smally for his honor & reputation, if the presumption of those Persians should so rest vnpunished: casting his countenance vpon Scanderbeg as being well acquainted with his hardines and fierce courage, by meanes whereof he made no doubt, but he would vpon any termes vndertake it though the perill were very doubtfull and hazardous: he thus spake vnto him. ‘What is thy cause of stay (my sonne) in whom all vertue and valure doe abound so exceedingly? This doth belong to thee, and the glorie of this victorie doth tarrie for thee. Go to then, once againe at this time let the gallantise and brauery of thy youth, and thy inuincible arme, be made yet more famous and memorable, by some notable act in this spectacle.’ Litle entreatie needed to encourage him to this attempt: for hauing kissed the prince his feete (according to the Turkish custome) he called for horse and armour▪ to be giuen him, and issuing forth (with great applause of the people) into the middest of a large plaine appointed for the combat, with a braue audacity he called his enemies vnto him: demaunding of them what order they ment to obserue in the fight. The conclusion was, that Iaia should first assay his fortune, and if he were victorious that then the fight should be determined, but if he were vanquished then his companion should succeede him, and at all aduentures to abide the hazard of the like condition. Scanderbeg would not refuse their order, albeit the kings seruantes (who accompanied him into the listes) did alleage the inequalitie of the order, affirming that it was against reason that the party which had the victorie against the one (if he hapned to be either weary or wounded) should endure a second enemy fresh and sound: notwithstanding (after that the presse of people was auoided out of the place) the trumpet gaue the signall of the battell, and the champions set▪ spurres to their horses, fetching a full course ech against the other. Then the Persian hauing fastned his lance in the shield of his aduersarie, bare himselfe close coutched with all his force full vppon him, thinking to haue throwen him from his horse, and therewithall he brake his staffe vpon him. On the other side, the Albanois (who ranne onely at the head) did misse altogether in his course, by meanes whereof, both the one and the other hauing runne in vaine, they held on their cariere, ech passing beside other that they might afterwards betake them to their courtelaxes. But Zampsa hauing lost all patience (without tarying for the issue and euent of his companions fortune) aduaunced himselfe, and coutched his lance against Scanderbeg: who on the other side quickly perceiuing the danger, and that it was not now time with bootelesse termes of expostulation to accuse his enemie of disloyaltie, prepared himselfe to assaile him manfully, and pressing hard vppon him with his launce, he pierced him cleane through the throate. Scarcely was he laide on the ground, but that Iaia running hastily thither, and with an horrible voice addressing himselfe against Scanderbeg, with his sword in his hande, it litle wanted that he had not slaine him, but he speedily gaue his horse the turne, and returning vpon him with his sword likewise drawen, he sustained the force of his enemie cōming against [Page 11] him. And as they redoubled their blowes twice or thrice ech vppon other, enforcing themselues to drawe blood one of the other, Scanderbeg lighted vpon his right shoulder neere vnto his necke, and with one onely blowe he gaue him so deepe a wound that he had well neere cut it off: and the vnhappie horse trailed along the bodie of his vnfortunate master almost parted asunder. Thus, these two stout and hardyScanderbeg his victorie of the two Persi [...]ns. warriors (to the great contentment of the beholders) came to their end by the hand and prowesse of one man alone: but had they auoided the death in the conflict, yet could they not haue escaped the wrath of Amurath, for that so cowardly and traiterously they had surprized his champion, and tooke him at the disaduantage. Castriot was conducted towardes the Sultan charged with both their heades, as being triumphant in a double victorie. From thenceforth all his former exploites in the warres▪ and the remembrance of the Scythian lately conquered (albeit fresh in memorie) were now cleane forgotten, and did vanish away to nothing in respect of this new purchased glorie: both the Emperour, the great Seigniours, and all his companinions in generall did honour him with diuerse large and bountifull presents: calling him the auenger, and the author of their honor and reputation.
It may be that I haue dwelt ouerlong, and beyond all measure vpon the deedes of this worthy person: but in my opinion the praise and commendation of men of war and the commemoration of their actes in particular; is a principall point which doth wholly and especially belong vnto them. ‘For that which is done in the warres, others haue their part and interest therein: but these exploites did Scanderbeg atchiue with his owne proper hand: and therefore my desire is (if it must needes be) that our discourse should be noted rather to exceed in being superfluous,’ then to seeme ingrate in not giuing him his deserts, & the rather, for that I mind to be but briefe in other seruices effected of like nature and condition, of which also I am presently to intreat. That which he did in the sight of Amurath at the taking of Nicomedia, and Prusia, and at Ottrea a good towne in Asia is nothing inferiour vnto his former deedes, whether we regard the daunger, or the greatnes of the fact: for he was the first man that mounted on the wall, and displaied his ensigne on the rampier: and entring the towne in maner all alone, he was the chiefe cause of the winning of the same. Likewise being sent into Europe against the Christians: sometime against the Greeks, and at other times against the Hungarians, he did more often purchase the renowme and estimation of a sage & prudent Captaine, then of one too venturous and ouer hardie. If he saw any necessitie that hee must needes ioyne in battell, and that he could not either refuse it without suspition, or giue it without griefe: he would before all things, desire of God, that it might be far from him to purchase honor by shedding of the blood of Christians, & to keepe him from vsing crueltie towards them: for in outward appearance only, and in his externall habit, he was a Mahometist, but inwardly, and in his hart, he did most constantly obserue the faith and profession of a Christian. Neuerthelesse as often notwithstanding as he was enforced to marche against them, he did euer seeke by all meanes possible, as litle as might be, to endomage them: prouided alwaies that he did not thereby wrong his owne forces of which he had the command and gouernment. By meanes wherof, he did beare himselfe so well, & did his deuoire in so good fashion, and did so fully discharge the dutie of a good and politique Captaine in all seruices of charge both within the campe and in fight, that euen the Christians themselues did not maligne him any whit the more for it. And this his moderate, stayd, and aduised behauior seemed to proceed rather of true discipline and prudence militarie, then of any fraude, ignorance, or want of courage: and continually did he gouerne himselfe with such arte and dexteritie, that he would neuer suffer himselfe (if he could chuse) [Page 12] to be beaten: and yet by all meanes possible, would he giue oportunity to the Christians to saue thēselues: or (if he could not do otherwise) he would take them prisoners: holding it farre more tollerable for them to endure seruitude and bondage, then to be put to the sword, and vtterly to be destroyed. When he would exhort or endourage his souldiers at any time, he did it with such a grace, & so effectually (were it in campe, or in the middest, and heate of fight) that he would worke in them both shame and feare almost at one instant: and afterwardes in the furie of fight he would order all matters so subtilly by the liuelinesse of his spirit, and the state of his armie should be disposed so cunningly, that the preseruation thereof (seeming to be with a certaine difficultie, and by his extraordinarie vertue) did afterwardes purchase him more honour and estimation with Ottoman, then others could obtaine by many a notable and famous victorie. From thencefoorth there was none that went beyonde him in credite and authoritie about the King: and no man was more agreeable, and better accepted amongst the souldiers, by reason that he was courteous, familiar, and friendly, not challenging to himselfe in particular, the honour which was gotten in common, but attributing it to the whole companie. Whatsoeuer money came to his handes he would distribute bountifully, and dispend liberally; iudging the same (and not without cause) to be of great efficacie and force to drawe vnto him the mindes and goodwill of men: and the surest bond to tie the heartes of the popular sort vnto him. Euerie man of his owne free will and motion, and without call, would gladly haue beene ranged vnder his ensigne: and for the loue of him would expose him selfe freely to the hazarde of all perilles. But fortune did not long forbeare to powre foorth her venome: for Iohn the father of Castriot inIohn Castriot dieth. this meane time happened to dye in Epire, whereof Scanderbeg being aduertized, albeit by these lamentable tidinges (according to his naturall dutie) he conceiued exceeding sorrow in his minde: yet did he neuer discouer by any open and apparant signes of sadnesse or mourning, the secret dolour and griefe which lay hidden within his heart. For so it was, that vsually hee called the Sultan his verie father andAmurath vsurpeth the kingdome of Epyre. soueraigue Segniour. Hereupon Amurath (neither more nor lesse then as if he had beene the lawfull heire of the realme of Epire) did speedily dispatch thither Sebali [...] with a strong garrison: and caused him to seize vppon Croie, and other places of importance: and by this meanes all at leisure, and without effusion of blood, he obtained the peaceable possession of all the fortresses and strong holdes of that kingdome, the inhabitantes thereof being either of small force, or ill prouided to maintaine their libertie, and being not well able to hinder the Turke in the right and interest which he pretended to the succession of Iohn their deceased prince: because he had all his sonnes in his custodie, and at his owne disposition, hauing purposelie gotten them into his handes: to the intent the scepter comming to be voide, and without heires, he might in the end vsurpe it vnto himselfe. Voisaue (who after theVoysaue dieth. death of her husband did continue in her house with her daughter Mamisa, who was left vnto her as the onely wretched remainder of that miserable realme) by the appointment of Amurath had a certaine small portion of land assigned her in Macedonie for the prouision and sustentation of the residue of her aged yeares. And the report is, that she departed this life in an extreame age, before the comming of her sonne into Albanie, vnto whome she left her sayed daughter vnmarried, after that she had long and carefullie kept her in the estate of a virgine, and afterwardes she being by him prouided of an husbande was reestablished in her former place of dignitie.
Looke with what courage this generous youth had borne and concealed the [Page 13] griefe of his fathers death: with the like did lie dissemble all things whatsoeuer. Ottoman on the other side, nothing doubting but that this his dealing would be verie hardly digested both by him and his brethren who were then resident is his Court (as hauing reason to expect the possession of that crowne appertaining vnto them) continued his disloyaltie towardes them, and made away the brethren of Scanderbeg, Scanderbeg his brethren poysoned by Amurath. causing them (as many haue affirmed) secretly and closely to be poysoned. And afterwards conuerting his thoughts vpon Scanderbeg, he cast diuerse wayes & deuises in his minde how he might not disfurnish his Realme of so worthie a person (of whom, as of another Hercules, he did serue his turne in all difficult and perillous aduentures) and yet assure him selfe in the meane time, and remaine free from the burthen and danger of that suspition which did mightily perplexe him. In this humour and affection he called Scanderbeg vnto him, and (as some say) with a long discourse fitted to that purpose, began to comfort him, as well for the death of his father, as for the miserable and vnhappie ende of his brethren: and withall, he made offer vntoAmurath his notable dissimulation in vndermining the thoughts of Scanderbeg. him (if so be he had [...] desire not to continue anie longer in the state of a subiect) that he should either haue his fathers kingdome, or some other rich estate in Asia, and prayed him neuerthelesse that he would not leaue and abandon him, especially being encombred with so great affaires and so manie warres: for that abiding with him, he should haue at his owne disposition and in his owne hands, all the best, and most excellent meanes, which might make him glorious and honourable, and might render his life most happie and fortunate. The fraud and cunning of this old foxe being soone discouered by this youth, he tooke no long time to aduise himselfe, but with a readio and suttle wylinesse framing his countenance to his speech, he made himSanderbeg his answer to Amurath. this answer. Iohn my father, and all my brethren do lieu in thee most soueraigne king and most bountifull Amurath: ‘as long as I may remaine neare thy person, neither anie desire of my countrey, nor the regard of any kingdome shall enter into my mind being sufficiently contented. Albeit then thou do presse me at this instant to accept these giftes, or rather burdensome charges, willingly do I hold my selfe contented in the great magnificence of thy spirit, and I will gladly embrace the liberalitie of my Prince his fauour. But this is my full resolution, to liue continually vnder the wing of thy Maiestie: and assure thy selfe that hardly, or not at all, will I be of anie other minde. Besides, old age (which is vnprofitable and vnfit for the warres) will soone suppresse and mortifie my courage (though otherwise inuincible) from any such desire. My present yeares are farre fitter to beare the charge of the warres, then to sustaine the waight and burthen of a kingdome: and more fit is this hand to manage armes then a royall scepter. Giue vs therefore some enemie, ô Amurath, that we may more cheerfully receiue a kingdome conquered by our vertue, rather then that which should come of thy gift and liberalitie.’
The king tooke singular pleasure at his speeches, and so great credite did he giueScanderbeg his wisedome and prudence. vnto his wordes, that he heaped promise vpon promises, endeuouring to fill him with hopes, and the expectance of great matters. From that time forward the Albanois beganne secretly to feele the maladie and griefe which did dayly spreade it selfe more and more: and notwithstanding that with singular discretion he did dissemble all things, yet did not that make him negligent, but that he did looke nearely vnto him selfe, and tooke great care for the safetie of his person; and the more he was in doubt of the tyrant, the more did he studie to purchase the fauour of the commons, and the affection of the souldiers. Neuerthelesse being vncessantly occupied in some one or other tumult in the warres, he did euerie day adde newe matter to make him selfe renowmed, and no lesse did he growe to be enuied. For he could [Page 14] not so easily preuent the faithlesnesse of men, either by the modest shew of his mind, or by his liberality and ordinary curtesie: but that with the time euen vertue it selfe did engender the contrary to his desire. In so much that there were some in the Court, who (not able to endure the apparaunce of so great vertue in a straunger, euery dayScanderbeg enuied, slaundered, and suspected in the Turkes Court. more and more increasing) as soone as they perceiued that Amurath did any thing encline or hearken vnto them: they would daily slaunder him behind his backe, giuing their Lord to vnderstand for certainty, that the sumptuous expences which he bestowed vppon the common sort so bountifully, and the fauour of the people which he sought for so ambitiously, were a ready meane to raise him in power, puissance, and authority: Alledging moreouer, that he being suspected by those in court, it was a good and sufficient proofe of that which he did inwardly intend and aspire vnto. All this it was easie to perswade the Prince, and the rather for that the accusation of his magnificence and his large expences, did openly shew it selfe to be true according to their surmise. Also the old age of the Sultan, being of it selfe fearefull, iealous, and suspitious, did curiously interpret all other matters to the worst; in such sort that a certain doubt did by litle and litle engender in his spirite, causing him to be mistrustfull not only for the Realme of Albany, but also for the soueraignty euen of his own Empire. And his conscience being confounded and conuinced by the gilt of his owne misdeedes and wickednes, and the iealousie which he had of his estate ill gotten, made him repute all things ful oftrechery and infidelity: and to suspect his most inward and familiar frends as most dangerous and secrete enemies. This his suspition being augmented, he began secretely to hate Scanderbeg, and to beare a more watchfull and intentiue eye vpon him: to see if he could by any couert and close meanes cut him off, and worke his confusion; not that his wicked and pernicious will wanted power and liberty to doe any mischief, but because he had no reasonable cause, nor sufficient colour to procure his death & destruction. To oppresse him wrongfully and by violence he was afeard, because he saw him so well beloued of all men generally; and for feare least he should alienate the hearts of others, and by an example of such cruelty, shut vp and take away in time to come from his Kingdome, the hope of all vertues and good deserts by any straungers: by which meanes principally the Ottoman Empire had bene amplified, and raised vnto his greatnesse.
But whilest these things were thus a doing, other affairs of greater waight and importanceThis Seruia, Bosnia, and Russia is called by the Turkes Segoria. happening abroad, did sucke and swallow vp these domesticall suspitions & distrusts: for open warre was proclaimed against George Lord of Misia, commonly called the Despot of Seruia. The king of Turkes desired nothing more then to commit this charge vnto Scanderbeg, and that for two speciall considerations: The one, because he could not finde any man, whose seruice in his affaires was so fortunate as was his: The other, for that knowing him to be hot & forward in the war, and prompt & ready to hazard him selfe to all dangers, he did well hope that he should see him miscarie in some one encounter or other against the enemy; as in armes it doth oftentimes betideScanderbeg sent with an army against the Despot of Seruia. to diuers. For this cause hauing leauied his forces, Castriot was sent against the Misians. This was at that time, that he dealt worser with the Christians, then he was accustomed, for feare least in temporising, & attending some fit oportunity of retrait, if he should not take the occasion to ouercome when it was offered, he might minister matter of suspition to Amurath, who was already enclined to take any impression of mistrust in his iealous and suspicious head. Oftentimes therfore he defeated the Despot, and put him to the worse, returning in all conflictes with victory to Andrinople. Againe, at such time as the said Despot had newly repaired his forces, and did begin to make head againe, and to reenforce his army; Scanderbeg being dispatched against [Page 15] him with more lusty forces, did vanquish him in battell, and put his army to flight. And hauing razed many of his holdes and fortresses: he ledde backe his souldiers loaden with the spoiles and rich booty of their enemies.
These tumults abroad being appeased, the old wretch by the like pursuit of his formerAmurath conspireth and practiseth the destruction of Scanderbeg. detestable desseignes, did againe addresse himselfe and conspire against him, who had bin the author of so notable a victory, and of the rest, and tranquillity of his estate. To this end he caused the same time a solemn Iusts and tournement to be proclaimed both on horsebacke and on foote, promising gifts and rewards of great value to them that should beare away the prize: to the intent that by this deuise and policy he might expose and put Scanderbeg to all perils and extreme dangers. But as his counsails were abhominable, so did they appeare to be vain and of no effect: For albeit great numbers both of subiects and of strangers, all hardy, actiue, and able men did daily present them selues to this triumph: yet did Scanderbeg continually shew himselfe amongst them, & with an admirable hardines & brauery, and no lesse good hap held against all cōmers, and as one fatally predestinated to be victorious, he alone did cary away the honor & the prize, with the extreme wonder and singular fauor of all men. The vnmatcheable vertue in this gentle warriour, which might haue sufficed to asswage and mollifie the arrogancy & fiercenes euen of his enemies, could no whit bend the corage of Ottoman alone to any curtesie or clemency, but his distrust ech day growing more forcible, his heart also began to be enraged & enflamed with anger & hatred, making him to bethink with himself more ardently, how he might by some other secret kinde of death dispatch him. But why am I thus caried away in the pursuit of these vain reuenges, & foolish counsailes of Amurath on the one part, & the prouidence of Scanderbeg on the other part? why rather do I not in a word attribute the safety and preseruation of this man vnto God only? Assuredly he it was that confounded the spirits & senses of Ottoman: he it was that raised vp those disturbances of the wars, and new commotions in Misia: finally, he it was that stirred vp the arms of the Hungarians, to the intent that this mans life (being vowed and destinated to maintaine the dignity of the Christian religion) should not be abridged & cut off: and that the ancient liberty of Epire might once again be reuiued: for had not a kind of diuine power interposed it self in this case: there is no doubt but that Amurath had attained to the height of his intent and desire. Did he want any means to bring him to his end? might he not haue had a thousād deuises with which (without the least fear of sedition) he might haue circumuented him? where were poisons? where were secret traines & ambushments? where were fals and slanderous accusations, which are the ordinary weapōs of tyrants to execute their malicious and mischieuous attempts? Scanderbeg hauing with great facility discouered these trains & secret practises, & perceiuing that (if he cōtinued long about the prince) he should hardly be able to auoide his snares, he found it high time to bethink himself how he might aduance his affaires, for the recouery of his fathers estate by some good & vertuous exploit, & by the subtelty of his own spirit (a thing which he had alwaies conceiued in his thoughts by the sweete remembrance of his liberty) he deuised some honest colour to quit him selfe of the seruice of Amurath, & vnder pretence thereof, to return one day into his own natiue country, so greatly by him desired: where all men with one mind did attend and wish him with a vehemēt & generall affection: yet did he neuer impart this his determination to any man liuing: neither did any person euer discerne his hidden conceite, either by word or by any other signe, notwithstandingScanderbeg sollicited by the Albanians to the recouery of his estate. that there were many, & especially of the Albanois, in whō he might haue reposed speciall confidence, by reason of their ordinary frequenting, & long familiarity together: & especially some of them, who after the decease of Iohn his father (inuited thereunto [Page 16] aswell through the bruite of his great renowne, as for the desire they had to recouer their libertie) were come vnto him on the behalfe of the principall and chiefest persons in Albanie, to offer him the meanes, occasion, and oportunitie, together with the aide of the subiects, to pull his fathers crowne and scepter out of the hands of Amurath. Notwithstanding, knowing how great the inconstancie and lightnesse of men is, and considering the greatnesse of the perill, he dissembled it verie wisely, and the rather for that (holding it a verie easie matter to get the possession of all other things) yet he had his minde mightily perplexed and distracted, how he might recouer Croie, which was his principall care. The Turke had furnished it with so strong a garrison, that it was impossible to gaine it by armes or by force, but onely by art and industrie. It was also the chiefe and capitoll citie of the realme of Albanie, situated vpon the crest of a most high and ragged mountaine, and on all sides almost inaccessible, being so fortified by art, and so defended by the naturall site thereof, that (except it were by famine onely) for an enemie to vse any other force or violence against it, it mightScanderbeg his wisedome and singular discretion. be held meere folly, and a verie mockerie. By meanes whereof, if the mind of Scanderbeg were at any time sounded in it, he would commend their affection, and the remembrance of their libertie not yet wholly extinguished in the hearts of their nation: But he alledged the wonderfull power and puissance of the Turke: telling them, that his gouernement was not grieuous nor insupportable, and that it was but a follie and meere madnesse, rashly to begin any tumult or commotion, where was wanting sufficient forces to bring them to a good conclusion. And that they ought not to account of that libertie, the possession whereof would be of short continuance, and for which they should afterwards be brought, not into the like and so easie a seruitude, but into a bondage, and restraint of libertie farre more grieuous and intollerable: bringing themselues in the end to be murthered and massacred as sacrifices to appease the wrath of the Prince, who would be mightily incensed against them, by reason of their rebellion. And yet did he alwayes comfort and cheere them vp, promising them, that according to the credite and authoritie which he had with Amurath, he would procure, that their yoke might be gracious, and his gouernement so moderate as might stand with the condition and state of their affaires. Thus did he discreetly prouide on all partes both for them and for him selfe: and did continually temporise, finely plotting & deuising the way and oportunitie how to escape and get away; no more nor lesse then as a poore prisoner, who attending with great patience and deuotion some sedition within the place of his restraint, and a generall astonishment of all persons, by meanes whereof, whilest euerie man is busied in extinguishing the fire of the dissention, he may in the meane time strike off his fetters and breake prison: and (assuring thereby his libertie) it may be the meanes to auoyd the hard sentence of the rigorous and seuere iudge.
True it is, that fortune did not long hold his desire in suspence, for whilest these things were thus in doing, the Despot of Misia (of whom we haue lately spoken)Despot of Misia reestablished in his estate, and expulsed againe by▪ Amurath. was reestablished againe in his estate, as well by the reuolt of his owne subiects from the Sultan, as by the forces of his neighbours, and the ayde of his friends sometime chasing and expelling, & sometimes cutting in peeces some of the Turkish garrisons. By occasion whereof the Sultan being grieuously incensed against him, & perceiuing that to bring him to reason he must not from thenceforth any more commit the conduct of his affaires to other chiefes & commanders: he determined to go thither him selfe in person, and hauing leuied a most puissant armie, hee marched against the Misian, with purpose vtterly to suppresse and destroy him; the which did verie soone and easily fall out, euen according as hee wished: for that the Despot being [Page 17] farre inferiour vnto him in power and puissaunce, did (as it were) at the first stroke, loose all his holdes, and places of strength, and flying into Hungarie, left all vnto him, without any one droppe of bloud shedde in defence thereof. Some say that Ottoman in this voyage, did aide him selfe with the counsell and seruice of Scanderbeg, rather then of any other in his Court: as of one, who by his happy conduct in many other warres forepassed in those quarters, had gotten more knowledge and experience of the places, and of that countrey, then any other whatsoeuer. But as yet for all that, could he finde no fitte occasion to effect his owne dessines and purposes, howbeit that the time was not now farre off to accomplishe it. For Amurath had scarcely brought backe his troupes to Andrinople, and licensing them to depart, had scant broken vp his Campe; but a publique bruite and report began to grow of new troubles, and emotions of the Hungarians, and of other daungers approching, farre more furious then the former. For the misfortune of the Despotte by the mediation of Iulian the Cardinall of Sainct Angell, (whom Pope Eugenius had sent into Hungarie, Vladislaus king of Hungarie, aideth the Despot against Amurath. and had expresly giuen him in charge to labour the king to that effect) made Vladislaus king of Hungarie, to arme him selfe for the reestablishing of the Despot in Misia. The Turkishe Emperour being enformed of this practise, did speedily assemble his forces, and put them in a readinesse, to the number of foure score thousand fighting men: and before that the Christian army should make their entry into Misia, he caused the Bassa of Romania named Carambey, and Scanderbeg iointly,Scanderbeg & Carambry sent by Amurath against the Hungarians. with twenty thousand men to set forward into Hungary, and there to mee [...]e them [...]re they approached any nearer. He (according to his accustomed manner) with the body of his army, and all the baggage, followed after them faire and easily. On the other side, it was a goodly sight to see the Ensignes of the Christians, both for their number, and for the brauery of the souldiours and the Captaines, who were no lesse then thirty fiue thousand fighting men; but especially the great Huniades that famousIohn Huniades. Captaine, commonly surnamed Iancus, whose very name alone (as hath bene reported) had many times foiled and vanquished the Turkes. One thing notwithstanding did much abate the courage and fiercenesse of our forces: and that was because for default of bread, the souldiers hauing no other but boyled wheate to liue vppon: they died for the most part sodainely, through a certaine violent flixe of the body, caused by this kinde of victuall. The Bassa therefore hastening with his troupes, did incampe him selfe neare to the riuer of Morauia. Huniades In Bulgary. not able to endure this brauado, first of all he sent certaine espialles to get notice, and to bring him tidings of the approach of Amurath: and as soone as he could make any true coniecture of his forces, and of his determination, with tenne thousand men, the best appointed of all his hoast, leauing the King behind in his campe,Battell of Moraue, betweene Huniades and the Turkas. he passed ouer the Mora [...]e, and with notable violence, went to charge the Barbarian, who at the first approach being somewhat astonished, did a little recule, and giue backeward: but all sodainely perceiuing and contemning their small numbers, he attended the comming of Huniades, and receiued him to the fight. Castriot (who now spied the time and opportunity [...]it to accomplish his desire and determination, which he had before conceiued in his minde, and did seeke with all his power the ruine of the Turkes) euen in the beginning of the battell did put him selfe with his owne bandes by litle and litle to the retrait, and afterwards by plaineThe reuolt of Scanderbeg. [...]ght, did turne his backe before the enemy: striking into the others by his example a feare and terror, and withall a certaine perswasion to do the like. And indeed the Bassa was much terrified by this accident, either because he saw so braue a man, and one so resolute in the warres, now contrary to his wonted manner, prepare him selfe [Page 18] rather to flie then to fight: or because he was in doubt that he was deceiued and betraied, in regard whereof he charged the enemy more faintly and with lesse stomack, This was the occasion that the Hungarians being encouraged (as it appeared) by the feare of the other, without any great force or effusion of bloud, brake and scattered the battell of their enemies, who abandoning their armes, and baggage, their CaptainesTurkes ouerthrowen by Huniades. and Ensigns, without any care of their companions: and hauing no other recourse but to their heeles, endeuoured to saue them selues by running. Huniades pursuing the aduantage of his victory, neuer left killing so long as there rested any for execution. Euery place was full of mountaines (as it were) of dead bodies heaped together: all was filled with feare and tumult, especially at the sacking of the pillage and the ransacking of their campe. Of prisoners there were about a foure thousand: amongest others there was one taken aliue, who was in chiefe accompt & authority of the great Turk. The Bassa with a very small company had much adoe to escape. Then Scanderbeg as one carefull and diligent in his enterprise, hauing first communicated and imparted it vnto his frends (amongst whom was Amese his nephew, a yong man of singular hopeAmese, sonne of Reposius, alias Carragusa. Scanderbeg ceàzeth vppon the Bassa his Secretary: and can seth him to write letters for the deliuery of Croy vnto him. and appearance of vertue, the sonne of Reposius afterwardes by the Turks named Carragusa, by a wife which he had maried before he was empoisoned by Ottoman) and now seeing the fortune of the Turke to decline towards a change, and their army defeated, he laid hands vpon the Secretary, which was nearest vnto the Bassa, (vppon whom of purpose he had borne good espiall) and hauing stayed him, with a good corage he caused him to be fettered, compelling him speedily, after some refusall, yet through feare of his life, to endite for him counterfeit letters to the Gouernor of Croy: by the which it was enioined him in Amurath his name to consigne the place into the hands of Scanderbeg, as newly appointed and deputed to haue the entire charge & gard thereof: making him also to set downe in writing many reasons seruing to that intent and purpose, for the better confirmation of the matter, with some appearance of truth and probability, to draw the Gouernour and his people the sooner to credite it. The letters being written, both the Secretary, and all the rest which were taken together with him, were presently put to death, to the intent that the matter might the longer remaine concealed from the great Seigniour▪ and not they onely, but as many as fell into the hands of Castriot had no better fortune. So that this army of the Turkes was almost all brought to nothing: for that those also which escaped the fury of the souldiers, comming (by meanes of their dispersed and scattering flight) into the handes of the Paisants by one and the same death made an end of their daies. A great number of the souldiers Albanois who were present at this encounter, after they had intelligence of the act of Scanderbeg, as they went here and there wandering and dispersed, aswell to auoide the hand of the Conqueror, but principally pricked with the desire of their natiue countrey, did gather them selues neare vnto him: and in an instant they were found to be a troupe of three hundred good and able men. Haniades and his people charged with inestimable spoile and booty, did retire themselues to their companions. I may not here let passe in silence that which some haue seemed to affirme: That Scanderbeg had before hand had some intelligence with the Hungarians, and by secret messengers had acquainted and instructed Huniades of all matters in particular, & that he was the cause that made him hasten with his forces. Howsoeuer it was as I dare not auerre it▪ so I doe not greatly stand vpon it. But this I beleeue well, that all things were guided, and directed with singular prudence and good aduise: and the euent and issue of the matter (which many times is a true Iudge of our actions) doth authorise and confirme this opinion. But leauing Hungary for a season, let vs draw backe into Epire, whilest in the meane time the renow me of this great losse; and the newes [Page 19] of this notable discomfiture is posting towards Amurath.
The victorious Castriot hauing fully satisfied his wrath, and accomplished hisScanderbeg i [...] receiued into Dibria. People of Misia on the Westerne part therof: after whom succeeded the Bulgarians. vowes and desire vpon his enemies: and hauing likewise rather adorned then charged his souldiers with honourable spoiles: dislodging from thence with very long iournyes, he arriued with his troupe into the vpper Dibria the seauenth day after. This towne is seated in the confines of the Tribullians, seauenty miles from Croie, and is very famous amongst the Epirots, for that it bringeth forth men very actiue and valiant: and it was singularly esteemed and fauoured of Scanderbeg, by reason of their fidelity, and many commendable seruices which they had done for the defence and protection of the state vnder Iohn his father, at such time as he was molested by Ottoman. Other towne or fortresse there is not in those Marches towardes Macedony, but onely Sfetigrade: but the people of the countrey dispersed throughout mountaines, and vallies without any enclosures of walles, doe preserue them selues by the onely naturall fortification of the places against the violence and iniuries of their enemies. Castriot then there first of all made some stay, not holding it conuenient to passe further, till he had ordained and set in order certaine affaires of some consequence and importance as you shall heare. Hauing sent (very secretely) for some of the principallest in the towne to come vnto him (for he had a speciall care to conceale, and keepe all things secret, and therefore had so disposed his iourney, as he might arriue thither in the night) he discovered vnto them the secrets of his thoughts, and he obtained al things to his content, not so much as one person being found, (as the report goeth) that would in any thing gainesay his demaund, either for feate of the grand Seignour, or for mistrust of an act so dangerous; or of his owne disposition, as some would haue done. But on the contrary, their owne desire so long time nourished, the incomparable reputation of himselfe, conceiued by so many yeares (which was a great furtherance vnto it) and withall the loue and singular desire which they had of liberty, had wonderfully wrought him into the good grace and fauour of euery man. All therefore in generall, which were about him (as it were) in emulation each of other, sometime with great ioy and triumph: sometime sheading of teares through excessiue gladnesse, with long embracements, some kissed his handes, others his face, one the head, another his feete, yea and al parts of his body, seeming to be rauished with the ioy of his good fortune: and shewing the singular contentment which they had in the resource, and restitution of the Albanois name and maiesty. And presenting vnto him all the means of their vtmost power, and ability, they offered the same vnto him: both their bodies, their hearts, their children, and whatsoeuer was of any better accompt, and value then other euen vnto their liues. The first thing that they tooke order for, was to set good and speedy watch and ward, for feare that (during these affairs) some aduertisement should come from the Turke to the gouernour of Croy, which might discouer the practise. It was aduised also touching the leuy that should be made; what forces should take armes at the first signal and token that should be giuen them. Of the three hundred horse which he had brought with him, reseruing but a very smal number (with which he determined to ride to Croy to present the Packet to the Gouernour, and to receiue the gouernment) the residue he sent before, and well neare as many of the Dibrians, who knew all the passages of the countrey, willing them very closely to ambush them selues in the woods, and thickets next to Croy, til such time as he had gotten possession of the town, and that then he would couertly let them in to cut the throates of the Garrison. All things being well disposed and in order, the selfe same night that he came thither (it was in the end of Autumne, when the nights began to grow long) he whom the ardentnes of his desire did make impatient of delay, and who held that the least stay, was [Page 20] of great importance to endanger his enterprise, earely in the morning before the breake of day, he departed from Dibria, accompanied with his troupe of horse, and his baggage, and certaine of the Dibrians who attended him, and he drew directly towards Croy, with as great speede as might be. And as he approched towardes the towne, willing by this deuise to set the better colour vpon his deliberation, and to make it seeme more probable, he commanded on the way that Amese, with two others as his seruants, should goe before to cary the newes vnto the Gouernour, and to aduertise him, that he with his traine was not farre off. The young man being of an excellent quicke spirite, and good courage, and so well dissembling him selfe both in habite and in speach, as if he had bene a Turke naturall, was receiued into the towne, and went speedily to finde the Gouernour: vnto whom, (hauing after their maner) done his reuerence, with a good grace he began to make mention of Scanderbeg, saying that he was his Secretary, and with great modesty told him withall, that his master and his traine onely, would be there very speedily. As God would, that which Amese deliuered, was from point to point beleeued, and from thence forward the Barbarian began to prepare and make him selfe ready to depart: and before that he had either read the letters, or had any notice of the will and pleasure of his Prince, he trussed vp his baggage, and prouided to dislodge: in such sort, that Scanderbeg being come, and the Packet opened, and the letters read, credit was giuen vnto the same, and they obeyed thereunto, according to their tenour and contents, and the Albanois wasThe gouernment of Croy, resigned vnto Scanderbeg, by the Gouernor. receiued with great ioy. Then were called before him (as is the vse) all the ordinary garrison, and the auncient inhabitants of the towne of all ages and estate. His great renow me being dispersed ouer all partes, made him much esteemed and welcommed of euery man. The Turkes loued his naturall disposition because he was popular and familiar, by occasion whereof, all of them tooke it in good part to be vnder his command. The Croians, who saw before their eyes the race of their good Prince, did forth with take heart and courage, and (neither more nor lesse, then as if they had presently bene deliuered from some long captiuity and misery) they began sodainely to conceiue in their inward thoughtes and wishes, the secret counsailes and enterprise of Scanderbeg. And in especiall, some of those who were of eldest yeares amongest them, and did as yet retaine their auncient desire, carying in their mindes the apparaunt signes of his vertue shining in him from his infancy, they would discourse of his education, the beginning of his birth and natiuity, and the curious presages of his parents; yet was there not any one of them all the while, that durst open his conceite vnto the new Captaine, nor yet betake him to armes, till they saw that he him selfe did aduaunce forward, and set in foote as chiefe and leader to regaine their liberty. (It was concluded betweene Castriot and a few others, that some should stirre vp the youth of the towne, and when time serued prouoke them to take armes: and it was forbidden them to make any signe or token of alteration, till that the succours of the men at armes, (which lay neare the towne in ambushment) were let in within the gates: the which being enioyned them to be done secretely, and in the dead time of the night, was put in execution, and they were brought into the towne. The portes being shutte, the streetes, the crosse wayes, and all the strongest passages being filled with armed souldiers, the Turkes not knowing any thing of their counsailes, or at least for feare dissembling it: and the errour of the night augmenting the feare of the daunger, Scanderbeg gaue the signall to beginne the massacre. The first thing that was done, was to oppresseThe Massacre and butchery of the Turkes at Croy. the Sentinels, who being dispersed vppon the walles, as the manner is, in litle standings or cabinets of woode, were easily subiect to their violence, and soone [Page 21] put to the sword, others being disposed in their places. With no lesse furie the priuate houses being forced open, the bands of Croie were the first that marched, Scanderbeg himselfe doing the office both of a commander and a souldier. At the shutting vp of the gates, many being surprized suddenly, had their throtes cut in their beds. But the alarme being come from one and other to all the rest, a great number being wakened, ran presently to armes according as the tumult, and the darknesse of the night did giue them leasure: and rendring them selues vpon the place, they endeuored to cast themselues in order of battell, with intent either to die honorably, or by making head a while against the enemie, and gaining one of the ports, to saue them selues by flight. This notwithstanding, all the passages being shut vp, and both the one and the other of their desseignes being assayed in vayne, they saw them selues on all partes murthered and slaughtered as beastes. Thus the hope of all flight being taken away from them, and being depriued of all good and honest meanes to dye with honour, they had recourse to cryes and lamentations, which they had long forborne; and with teares (abhorred of all generous hearts) they called for mercie to Scanderbeg, praying and adiuring him to make a stay of further slaughter, and not any more to deface ‘and staine the fortunate beginning of his estate with bloudshed: and that he would make choyce rather to let them liue, and to reserue them to a seruile estate of bondage, for the further increase and ornament of his triumph: then to disgrace it so with the shew of their bloudie & slaughtered carcasses: and by too too much crueltie to dishonor this day of ioy, and the assurance of his estate with their innocent bloud, howsoeuer iustly spilt; that they had not merited any such thing: that they had not deserued the ill will and malice of the people, nor had bene iniurious to any; but that they had as friends (rather then as enemies) inhabited and conuersed with them in the towne which was committed vnto them by Amurath: and that for their part they would not from thenceforth debarre any man from regaining their libertie, but laying downe their weapons and their armes, they did prostrate them selues inuocating the mercy of the vanquishers.’ On all sides were heard horrible and fearefull cryes, clamours, plaints, howlings, sighes, threats, and lamentations full of confusion. In the middest of the heate and furie of the massacre, Castriot with all his power causing his souldiers to retire, and to sound the retrait, was easily moued with the pitifull voyces of these miserable suppliants: and he deferred the course of his proceedings till the morning following: in hope that this people so beset on all sides, and ouerwhelmed with infinite miseries and mischiefes, might peraduenture either by faire or fowle meanes, by flatterie or by threats, be brought and drawen to embrace the Christian religion. Neuerthelesse for all that, wisely ordering his companies, and appointing to each man his place, he commanded to keepe good watch, for feare and doubt of some surprise that might be made by the enemie. Him selfe in the meane time rode directly to the port, accompanied with Amese and some others that followed them: and there sent and dispatched him away with certaine Dibrians to carrie the tidings to Dibria vnto them who were of his faction, how that Croie was his owne, and of all the rest which passed: admonishing them all in generall to take armes, and to sollicite their allies and neighbours to the recouerie of their libertie: and that they would not faile (during this troublesome change, and vnexpected astonishment on all partes) to expell and driue away the garrisons of the enemies: especially now that Amurath did not yet know any thing, and whilest he was occupied in the wars against the Hungarians. And as for him, that as soone as he had cleered the towne of the Turks, & set the state thereof in good peace and quietnesse, he would incontinently be with them, with the best and brauest troopes that he could possibly assemble. The next morning [Page 22] at the sunne rising, being desirous to make an end of that which rested vndone within the towne: he caused it to be cried by sound of trumpet, that all those which would be baptized, and become professed Christians, shoulde retire them selues neare vnto him without armes: and they should both haue their liues giuen them, and be indifferently admitted to all places of charge and dignity within the towne. But all those which should neglect and refuse this fauour, should be held for enemies, and it should be lawfull for euery man to punish them with all extremity of cruelty. The terrour of this Proclamation did not much moue their wretched soules and obstinate mindes, and few there were that did hearken vnto this good and wholesome counsaile (so liuely were the old preceptes of their auncesters fixed in their feeble spirites: and so deepely had they taken roote, and were (as itThe obstinacy of the Turkes. were) engrauen within their bones, that they could not be disswaded from them.) Most willingly therefore did they make choise, that their miserable bodies should accompany their guilty soules to destruction, rather then they would enioy the exceeding clemency both of God and men. The Turkes therefore, desisting from prayers, for that the condition propounded vnto them by the Christians, seemed vnto them very vnreasonable, and hauing recourse vnto a vaine and bootelesse flight, they did rather delay then auoide their torment, by reason that the corpes du gard of armed souldiers disposed on all the wayes, did easily oppresse them being amazed and dispersed. And albeit that many of them enraged (as it were) when the hideous image of imminent death and destruction did present it selfe to their eyes, did with their naked swordes make them selues a passage in some of the streets through the middest of their enemies: yet could they not for all that, auoide the handes of the rest, and though they ranne here and there as birdes shutte vp in a cage, and did wander by all the crosse wayes of the towne, hauing no way to escape, yet were they ouerthrowen by the souldiers comming vppon them: or else did they murther them selues with their owne weapons. For it is sayed that some of them were slaine by their owne hands: others getting into the Temples and sacred places to hide them selues, were drawen out by the souldiers desirous of bloud, and were made (as it were) a sacrifice for the common liberty. Libertie was in euery mans mouth, and euery where sounded the sweete name of Liberty. Many of them being not yet for feare gotten out of their houses, but keeping themselues within dores, did there shedde their owne bloud, excepting such as retiring them selues into the inner and most secrete partes and corners of their houses, did for a time beguile the souldiers notwithstanding all their wilinesse and diligence: a great number of them also had refuge vnto Scanderbeg, not for that the feare of so hideous a spectacle, had withdrawen them from their former intention, but onely to prolong (as long as they might) the course of their vnhappy liues. For this fury being appeased, and the tumult ceasing within the towne, euen as Castriot was in making preparation to haue them to be baptized, the most part of them with faire intreaty and supplications did not cease to importune him, that he would not against their wils force them therunto: that well they might faine themselues through the feare and horror of present death to yeeld them selues to be Christians, but that they could not forget the auncient lawes and ceremonies of their Elders; that they meant not obstinately to oppose them selues nor resist against any of his commaundementes, though it were to present them with a cruell death: neuerthelesse, that this could not enter into their thoughts, because that such ceremonies and traditions ought to be vsed to such as are willing, and not with constraint and violence. And they required him by the faith which he had plighted vnto them, and by the reuenge [Page 23] which he had sufficiently of late taken of their parents and brethren: that he would at least wise make them Messengers vnto Amurath of this straunge hap and maruellous accident.
Scanderbeg his wrath together with his arms being abated & laied aside, and seeing them all disarmed, and with their handes erected to humble themselues before him, was easily intreated to giue them both life and liberty, albeit he did not esteeme this faithlesse and infidell nation worthy of any fauour and compassion. But litle ioy had they of this benefite, for that at their departure out of the townes, their destiny did deliuer them to the indiscretion of others outrage, and to the mercilesse greedinesse of the communalty. As for those that were baptized (of whom there were some) besides the exceeding shewes of ioy and triumphe made by the townes▪ men for their conuersion; they were abundantly also prouided of all necessaries, as of houses, victualles, pensions, and all other seruiceable commodities at the publique and common charge. Notwithstanding, it was ordained that good gard should be had of them, till such time as the new seale of their Religion were knowen to haue taken roote and increase within their hearts, being as yet but fresh and newly begun; and principally for doubt least vpon these alterations they should attempt some kind of treason. Of all those which afterwards did come forth of diuerse holes and secret places, some lighting vpon such of the inhabitants, who were of a more milde and curteous disposition, were kept prisoners, hauing promised great summes of money for their raunsome: the rest were killed vpon the place.
These thinges thus accomplished, and all things chaunged and reformed withinThe countrey about Croy reuolteth from the Turkes in fauor of Scanderbeg. the towne, the standards and ensignes of the Turkes being either torne or burnt wheresoeuer they were found, and all tokens of their remembraunce being vtterly abolished and defaced: Castriot speedily dispatched some of the best and most appara [...]t persons in the towne throughout the next places, depending of the iurisdiction of Croy, to acquaint them with all the successe of his dealings, and to make them all to take armes. But they needed neither messenger nor solicitour: almost all of them were found ready in Armes, attending onely for some one to be their chiefe and leader to their resolute and couragious stomackes. And therefore in a moment with a good and sufficient troupe of souldiers enrolled, passing from thence further on, they went forwardes to incite others to doe as they hadde done. The Garrisons of the Turkes with whome they encountred, were all put to the sword, and when they had gathered on all partes, such numbers of men as they thought sufficient, they tooke their way backe againe to Croy: where Scanderbeg at the same houre, hauing made all his companies to march together, by long iourney [...], arriued at Dibria, where he found Amese with an other good troupe of souldiers, and all things in good peace and quietnesse: For hee had a good while since [...]ased and expelled from thence the Garrison which the enemy hadde in that place. The old Gouernour of Croy was in like case slaine and all his family, without sauing any one of them, and his baggage ransacked. But now before all other matters, and ere hee pursued the conquest of the surplus of his estate; Castriot ordayned two thousand good men vppon the Frontiers neare to Sfetigrad, and the mountaine Moneo, as well to stoppe vp and debarre the issue of the enemyes which should be found within his prouince: as also for to fortifie and defend the passages, if any forces should happen to be sent thither by the Sultan; For on that side was the way more at hand, and more frequented to come from Macedony and Thrace into Epire. Himselfe with the rest of his troupes, descended into base Dibria. [Page 24] In this place Fortune presented vnto him amongst others a worthy personage, notable for the nobilitie of his bloud, and for the haughtinesse of his courage▪ one Moses Moses Goleme Goleme, by whom afterwards Scanderbeg was aided as a principall companion, both of his vertues and his trauailes in many high and difficult enterprises. After this he visited the other places and fortresses neare adioyning, the which for that they neither were enuironed with walles, nor defended with any great numbers of Turkes, did giue him (as you may imagine) easie accesse and entrie. From thenceforth all others which remained, of what age soeuer (as hauing quitted all other care, and setting their minds on nothing but armes) did wholly betake them selues to follow him, and called him the Protector of their libertie. Libertie sounded in their mouthes, and liberty was all their hearts desired.
Whilest these things were thus in doing, many Turkes (as I haue heard) beingScanderberg discomfiteth the Turks that make head against him in Epyr [...]. rallied and assembled together out of diuerse quarters, came in troupe to encounter the Christians, and to assay the hazard of fight with them: but the victorie was no lesse impossible to them, then it had bene before to their companions. The residue then knowing that it was bootlesse to attempt by force to make any resistance against him, rendred themselues vnto him: and casting their armes downe at his feete, they chose rather to make a triall of his faith, then to feele the weight and puissance of his arme. To the intent therefore, that by exercising rigour against persons disarmed, and who submitted their neckes vnder the yoke of his obeysance, he might not incurre the estimation of a man cruell and bloudie minded, as also to draw vnto him the hearts and good will of his owne subiects; by this humanitie and dexteritie of his spirit, he referred them to the discretion of his souldiers, putting it in their choice, & giuing themTurks y [...]lding themselues prisoners to Scanderbeg are referred to the mercie of the souldiers, who put them to the sword. the power either to pardon or to punish them. In vaine were all prayers, and in vaine were all exclamations to perswade the courages of his men at armes, whose eares were deafe, and would not hearken vnto them: for but a verie fewe of them were reserued aliue, and such as of whom they hoped to haue great ransomes. Scanderbeg did neither openly approue, nor in his heart did he condemne this seueritie▪ yet it was that which he most desired, doing alwayes the like, to the intent he might altogether abolish the name of Turkes out of the prouice. For the residue of his affaires, because he could not be present in all places, and for that the present occasions did require expedition and extreme celeritie, he made a diuision of his troupes. Some of the chiefest young men he sent into diuerse parts of the countrey here and there, to dispatch that which remained: as to stirre vp their confederates, and to preuent their enemies. Amese with about two hundred men was appointed to enter within Croie: for he was certified that there were not sufficient forces to gard the place: and yet was that to be regarded as their principall garrison. Him selfe riding and posting into all quarters, sometimes on one side, sometimes on another, and hauing a verie carefull eye to all occasions, he employed and spent certaine dayes for the recouerie of some other places, and to gayne by his presence the amitie and good affection of all parties.
There remained one onely point, but of greater labour and difficultie then all theScanderbeg cō sulteth & prouideth for the recouery of the strong holds & fortresses of Epyre from the Turkes. rest, and that was the subduing of the other townes: in the reducing of the which to his obeisance consisted no small importance of the recouerie of his estate. B [...] for that they were all defended by good and strong garrisons of the Sultan▪ it was aduised that the fort ought to be enterprised with more puissant and brauer forces: and with mature and readie deliberation. For this cause it was concluded, that all those whom he had departed and deuided into sundrie quarters, and vpon diuerse charges, should reenforce, and with as much speede as might be, augment their bandes with fresh [Page 25] supplies: and this done, they should repaire incontinently to Croy: Scanderbeg himselfe tooke his way thither forthwith, and there continued attending their comming. Litle distance of time was there betweene his arriuall and theirs, and the report hereof did drawe manie others also into the action. For manie noble and excellentMusache de Angeline. Goique and George Stre [...] ses. Gyue Musache. Musache de Thopy the husband of Mamisa. S [...]euen Cernouiche the husband of Mar [...]. Captaines, especially of his allyes, came to seeke him speedily and well accompanied: amongest whom were Musache de Angeline (so called by the common sort) being his Nephewe by his sister Angelina: and the two Streeses, Goique and George brethren, his Nephewes also by his sister Iella, and Gyne Musache the husband of Vlaica: for Iohn his father before his decease, had married all his daughters to diuerse Princes and great Lordes of the countrie (excepting Mamisa, who was giuen by Scanderbeg to Musache de Thopie, after the recouerie of his Realme, and the pacification of his estate.) Also from Steuen Cernouiche (who had espoused Mara and had by her many goodly children) he wanted not ambassages to visite him, and to congratulate his good fortune and prosperitie: besides great succours that he sent him both of men and money. More then these there did gather & assemble together from houre to houre, such a concourse of people comming & resorting vnto him, that they came at length to exceede the number of 12000. men on his parte. Castriot being notably encouraged by this fauour and good affection of his friends and subiects, and seeing them fully prest, and readie to march, he would not set forward, vntill he had in full counsell deliberated vppon his affaires, and that he had vsed some exhortation vnto his armie. Thus therefore, or the like in effect, he spake vnto them.
I see not here (braue Captaines and valiant souldiers) any new & vnexpected ‘matter,The oration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers. nor more then I haue heretofore in my minde coniectured, or that my hopes did make promise of vnto me, as often as I called to mind the auncient worthinesse of this Nation, and your singular deuoire towardes my deceased father. For (be it spoken without presumption) of my selfe I neuer doubted but that I should alwayes retayne the same minde, and the selfe same loue and affection to my countrie: and that I should be alwaies of like courage for the recouerie of our publique libertie. In like manner your desires, your vowes, and your wishes were in effect together with mine ioyntly, but as one and the same thing. For manie times (whereof willingly and freely I doe delight to make often rehearsall) you did by all manners and meanes of affection and dutie conuite me vnto this charge whilest I was yet abiding about Amurath. Peraduenture in your opinion I might seeme to haue beene forgetfull of my countrie, to haue forgotten mine owne honour: and it might be, you thought me carelesse of our deliuerance and freedome, at such time as I sent you home to your houses charged with sorrow, without any certaine hope, without anie apparance or likelihoode of anie generous or honourable thought seene or discerned in me. Certainely (my good citizens) by that dissembled remissnesse and default of mine, I prouided both for your suretie and mine owne securitie: the estate of our affayres being then of that qualitie and disposition, as they required rather to be put in execution, then to be consulted on: besides that I haue in you a greater necessitie rather of a bridle to restraine you, then of spurres to pricke you on to the recouerie of your libertie. True it is that I concealed from you my deliberations, but the cause why I so long forbare to make knowen vnto you my readie will and affection, was: not for that I either suspected your loyaltie, or that I had not sufficient knowledge of your good hearts (for your selues were the first that entred into this dangerous course, and made me acquainted with the secrets of your thoughts) but that which turned and withdrew me from it, was the frailtie of mortall men, and the inconstancie of mens mindes: the which, as in all other actions [Page 26] it is brittle, variable, and inconsiderate: so must it be drawen with force and violence, and not guided by any gentle entreatie and vsage to seeke and purchase libertie. For it is in nothing stable and constant, neither doth it obserue any good order or direction, and if there fall out any the least occasion or opportunitie, which may giue any hope or plausibilitie for the purchasing thereof, or for the attempting of it onely: not a thousande swordes, not a million of perils, not manifest death and apparant hazard to loose both life and goods might haue diuerted and turned vs from our purpose. But after that the matter once in vaine attempted, had made knowen your endeuors, either must you haue endured a most cruell punishment, or a bondage farre more hard and intollerable, all hope had beene quite taken from you in time to come, and the oportunitie once let slippe had beene lost for euer after: so that this fact must haue bene enterprised once for all, and if it had not succeeded at the first, all future means to accomplish it had bene vtterly lost without any hope euer to returne againe. For this cause (I will speake it freely) hardly durst I trust my selfe with my owne conceipt of my enterprise, neither could I thinke my selfe assured in that I had communicated it to my owne thoughts: I mistrusted least my tongue, impatient of a case so important, should discouer it to the very walles of my priuate chamber, witnesse thereof is Amese my Nephewe, my chiefest friende and counsellour at that time, and the faithfull companion of my trauels, and some fewe besides him, whose faithfull and forward assistance and diligence did vs good seruice in the execution of this action. For albeit we liued together and familiarly (as it were) in one and the same course of life: though we did eate at one and the same table, and though wee did in a manner (as it were) breath ioyntly with one and the same soule: neuerthelesse, neither they nor any man aliue did euer heare me mindefull of my countrie, but onely in the warre of Hungarie: neither was there euer anie man that heard me vse any speech, or to vtter any one worde at any time, which might argue mee to be a Christian or free man, till such time as I sawe and perceiued that I might freelie doe it, and without all feare of daunger. Well therefore might you (O Albanians) haue sought and found out some other person (as this Prouince was neuer destitute of most excellent spirites) whome you might haue made the author of your libertie: and who might haue more aduanced your meanes and courages thereunto: but it pleased you, and it may be, God would haue it so, that you should attend this your deliuerance rather by me, though somewhat with the latest▪ then to go seeke out others, or by your owne vertue to purchase and obtaine it. It was not any griefe vnto me, neither did the magnanimitie of my minde, albeit nourished to libertie, suppose the time any thing long or tedious, to be helde in so long subiection, and to haue my courage kept vnder by the villanous Barbarians: because I did still liue in hope that you should one day see me in the state wherein I nowe am. But why doe I vnder your patience vsurpe vnto my selfe this name of a deliuerer? It is not I that haue brought hither libertie vnto you: but here haue I founde libertie, scarce had I set my foote within your countrie, scarce had your eares heard the sounde of my name, but that all of you made haste to meete me; and you did in a maner contend who should be the formost to come vnto me, no otherwise then as if you had heard that your parents, your brethren, or your children had beene reuiued from death to life: and as if one had tolde you, that all the Gods ha [...] beene arriued amongest you, you did euen at the first preuent me with such a number of good and officious regardes, and you did surcharge me with so manie demonstrations and arguments of your exceeding ioy and gladnesse, that in my opinion, the seruitude and dutie wherein I stande bounden vnto you: is [Page 27] no lesse then the libertie which I haue gotten and purchased by you. It is not I that haue giuen you this Empire and Seigniorie: it is not I that haue giuen you this citie, it is you that haue giuen it vnto mee: it was not I that did put armes into your handes, I founde you readie in armes: I found you euerie where bearing the shewe of libertie, in your hearts, in your countenance, in your swordes, and in your launces: and (as most loyall tutors and gardians ordained by my father, you haue put the Scepter into my hande with no lesse faith and diligence, then as if you had kept and preserued it for me euen till this day: and you haue brought me by your labour and carefulnesse into the possession of my auncestors without any effusion of bloud. Now therefore (in the name of God) doe you leade and conduct me to the recouerie of the rest which is yet remayning in the hande and possession of others. The greatest part, and in a manner the whole worke is already by you accomplished: Croy is recouered, and the territorie thereof wholly reduced vnder our obeisance: the Dybrians and all the people in generall are now vnited vnto vs, the name of the enemy is banished and exiled out of the countrey, onely the townes and strong holdes do rest vnsubdued. If I consider their discommodities, how al places are either taken by vs, or besieged, and howe nothing is left them but the enclosures of their walles; I haue hope of good successe: but if I contemplate the difficultie and strength of the places, and the force of the garrisons placed in them by the Tyrant, it behoueth vs either to vse some notable policie to surprise them, or singular resolution and obstinacie in forcing them. But hereof we shall better and more conueniently both consult and determine, when we come vppon the place in the face of the enemie, and our armes in hande, then nowe that we are absent, and our mindes altogether doubtfull and vnresolued. Let vs then march on and aduance our ensignes speedily, let vs take vnto vs the courages of conquerours: fortune shall seconde our endeuours, which hitherto in all our actions and in all places hath singularly both accompanied and followed vs. Petrella is the place wee must first set vppon, not that the same is inferiour vnto others in the strength and naturall site thereof: but for that (being neerer to this citie) I haue good hope that it will be the more terrified by the fame and report of our good fortune which we haue had at Croie. Manie are the spectacles which are presented before their eyes both of your valure, and of their owne calamitie: it may happen that these thinges may somewhat moue and appale them, but if the conceite of these will not make them to tremble: that which shall be wanting, assuredly our owne resolution and obstinacie must and shall supply. For this is one thing we must holde resolutely and to build vppon; That if this place be not caried and if we come not therein to the ende of our desires, we must neuer thinke to returne any more vnto our houses. Let vs trie therefore by all meanes, by arte, cunning, and policie: by paines and trauaile, by patience, by the sworde, and by golde and siluer, that by our successe in this, we may finde the beginning and commencement of our good fortune: and we may make it the first good signe and augurie of our victorie. If it please God that we enter by force, we must remoue all pittie and compassion of these obstinate Miscreantes, and wee ought rather to vse the victorie with all obstinacie and seueritie, for the greater discouragement of those that shall rest vnsubdued. If by composition and without bloud, wee can by any meanes gaine it, then is it requisite, that wee carrie our selues towardes them in all courtesie, and vse them friendly and fauourably both in generall and in particular: to the intent wee may make others the more tractable, and keepe them from being too obstinate and desperate.’
[Page 28]The modestie of Scanderbeg by this Oration was principally made knowen,The siege of Petrella. and it was highly commended of all the armie, neither was his aduise and counsell in any point, either chaunged or ill accepted. Moses with three thousand horsemen, as vauntcurrers were sent before to Petrella, being followed neere at hande by Castriot, who led the residue of the forces. Some say that hee caried with him certaine ordinaunce founde within Croy, the sooner to astonishe those within the towne: But others doe affirme, that the whole seruice was enterprised and ended without anie helpe of artillerie at all. For my parte, if it be true as some saye, that he reconquered all his estate within the space of one moneth onely: hardly can I beleeue that hee would charge and trouble himselfe with such a trayne of cariages, especially in the winter, when all the wayes were so hard frozen, and so full of yse, that neither horse nor man could easily trauell, but with great difficultie: though they had beene little or nothing at all loaden and burdened. The armie of the Albanoys being arriued before the walles, and the companies quartered into diuerse partes, the towne was quickely enuironned to the most aduantage that might be deuised: the greater parte of their forces were lodged in Tyranna the greater, so named by reason of a lesser seated neere Croye, for that theTyranna the greater. place thereabouts seemed most conuenient and next at hande to encampe in. The besiegers and the besieged were both of one minde: neuerthelesse Castriot endeuoured first of all by faire and courteous speeches, and by great and large promises to sounde their determination: and hauing made choise of one of his owne companie, faithfull and expert in this facultie (and whome he had brought with him of the reliques of the warre of Hungarie, into Epyre,) hee sent him vnto theComposition offred to the garrison of Petrella. Petrellians to offer them ouer and aboue the safetie of their liues and baggage, anie other reasonable composition vpon condition that they would render vp the place: and in case they would abide with him, and exchaunge both their lawe, and their maister together: or if they had rather to returne to their owne Prince againe, that he should promise all of them good store of siluer, besides rich giftes vnto the Gouernour.
This souldier being of a quicke spirite, and verie subtell, with speeches fitte and appertinent to the purpose: finding this people alreadie enclyning to yeelde themselues, brought them to such reason as himselfe desired: and he tooke not the beginning of his perswasion concerning Scanderbeg: but in regarde of the mishappes and great businesse of Amurath vppon his discomfiture in Hungarie, and the conspiracie of the Christians against the Turkes: And then with a firme assurance he came to the instructions of his Captaine often times insinuating for a colour into the mindes of the hearers the prosperous fortune of the garrison of Croye, and the miserable condition of the others who laie dispersed throughout all the corners of the Prouince, and were left and abandoned for foode vnto Wolues and dogges in the open fieldes. The trueth of these perswasions beeing in parte heard, and in part seene with their owne eyes, they were soone and verie easily beleeued, and the conditions were accepted: that they should freely depart with their armes, bagge and baggage: as for other presentes they regarded not. The Gouernour therefore appointed certaine to treate with Scanderbeg vppon this point,Petrella yeelded. and to ratifie the agreement with solemne oath. All matters beeing concluded and ended, the Barbarians departed: there was a newe garrison receiued within Petrella, and the Prince of Albanie being mindefull of his promise, after he had honoured and kindly entreated the enemies with good speeches, he furnished them with money, horse, and victuals, and after sent Moses with certaine horsemen [Page 29] to conduct them to the frontiers of Epyre, for feare least they should suffer some outrage by meanes of secret ambushmentes or open violence on one side or other by his owne followers, as diuerse others had suffered the like vsage. Beholde nowe in the discourse of these affaires, howe the exceeding and wonderfull good fortune of this Chiefetaine doth bewray it selfe no lesse then his singular and excellentScanderbeg most fortunate vertue: and as God did succour him in preseruing him from the traines of Amurath, when he abode with him; In likecase I may iustly auerre, that at the verie time of his setling and reestablishment in his Signiorie, he did not onely fauour him, but did also fight for him. The towne of Petrella, though small inThe situation of Petrella. circuit, is notwithstanding inexpugnable by reason of her situation, both for the nature of the place, and the height of the mountaine, vppon the toppe whereof it is seated: besides it was aboundantly prouided of men, armes, and munition. Neuerthelesse in the winter time (being a verie hard and vnfit season for the siege of townes) it made so little resistance against him, that hee lost not in the winning thereof so much as one souldier, nor (as the common saying is) a worde wast or in vaine. Herein also haue we to commende his singular patience which stoode him to great purpose, and his bodily strength, which was hardened to all trauailes, besides the infatigable and vnwearied vigour of his spirite, whereby he executed all offices and dueties of charge, with great promptnesse and celeritie. But to the matter: The fortresse being regayned, and all thinges necessarie ordayned and prouided, he made not anie abode there, not so much as a day, an houre, or anie moment of time: but at the verie instant trussing vppe his baggage, hee ledde his forces against the other townes so speedily, as though they had fledde away before him. All places were couered with snowe, the faces of his men were euen shronke with colde, their handes frozen, their bodies benummed and almost senselesse: yet would he suffer no man to enter into the towne saue onely the garrison, neither would himselfe set foote within it, to make others as it were ashamed by the example which himselfe gaue them. But one thing there is reportedThe properties of Scanderbeg. of him of farre greater maruell, which I may not suffer to be forgotten, and that is, that from the first day in which he entred into Epyre, euen to the perfect and full recouerie of his estate: it was neuer knowen that he slept at any time full two houres in a night, which may bee reputed a miracle proper to a bodie of some diuine nature, and to a supernaturall force and vigour. It may well be that he attayned to this patience of labour, and sufferance of hardnesse, by a custome in often watching, by daily exercise, and by the greatnesse of his forces. Some doe holde (which the auncients also did excuse in that great personage Papirius Cursor) that he was a great eater and drinker. His vse was in fight to combat with his arme bare and naked: and he tooke no care either of heate or colde: a thing (it may be thought) more maruellous then credible to all posteritie. But let vs nowe returne from whence we are digressed.
The next course taken was directly to Petralba, distant 30. miles from Petrella, Petralba, and the description thereof. and as much from Croy: and from Petrella to Croy was fiue and twentie miles. This castle is in Emathia, vpon the height of a mountaine, the which besides that it is of small entertainement, and not able to yeeld any great reliefe or sustenance, can not be forced but by famine onely. Moreouer hauing the riuer of Emathy neere vnto it which washeth the foote of the mountaine; it is the cause that it yeeldeth vnto the place no lesse ornament and beautie, then defence and commoditie. No sooner had the souldiers planted their ensignes before this towne, but that those which helde it, did yeeld it vp by one of their companie, whom they sent purposely to Scanderbeg: [Page 30] and they had the like conditions graunted and accorded vnto them as had the Petrellians: and as inuiolablie were they obserued, certaine of the Epyrots being assignedPetralba yeelded. them for a conuoy to their garrison at their dislodging from the towne against the violence of the countrie inhabitants. The towne being furnished with all things necessarie, scant had they any leasure to breath themselues, but that they marched onStellusa and the descripion thereof. with the like heate and furie to Stellusa: being distant from Petralba fiue and twentie miles, from Petrella fortie, and from Croy fiftie, or thereabouts. This litle hamlet likewise, notwithstanding that it meriteth no great commendation for her greatnesse, yet may it with good right be accounted of, by reason of the naturall fortification, and the pleasantnes thereof, and the healthfulnes of the aire. In the plaine champion fields of Armathia, there runneth out a very high mountaine seated as if it had bene of purpose in the middest of a valley, the toppe of the same being excellently well enuironed with walles maketh this castle. In this place our Epirots being arriued about the sunne setting, nothing was done for that day, but they attended the day following. Early in the morning Castriot hauing sent his Heraulds to the besieged, they had nothing but wordes, neither was there any certaine answere giuen them: for the Barbarians being distracted into diuerse opinions, it litle wanted but that they had fallen into a mutinie by reason of the obstinacie or (to speake more properly) the firme resolution of the Gouernour; who contradicted the others, vpon the capitulation and agreement, perswading the multitude to stand to their defence. Notwithstanding being vanquished by the greater number, and yet not willing to accept the reasonable offers made him, he was in the end constrained to receiue a yoke farre more disgratious, vile & pitifull. For the souldiers being not able to disswade him by words, theyStellusa yeelde vnto Scanderbeg by the [...]ison, who [...]ade their gouernour prisoner. led him bound and pinioned with others of his faction vnto Scanderbeg, and contenting themselues with the same conditions as the former, they deliuered the place into his handes. Vnto these more then to all the rest did the Christians in all friendly sort vse notable bountie and liberalitie. The greater sort of them by reason of their crime and treacherie committed against Ottoman, would not returne into their own countrie, but did still continue in that place: of whom some were baptised, and the residue were left to their owne libertie and discretion to vse their religion at their owne choice and pleasure not any one of them wanting maintenance and entertainment of the publique and common charge.
There remained yet vnrecouered the citie of Sfetigrad, the which in the SclauonianSfetigard besieged. language signifieth, the holy citie. Thither therefore without any stay made at Stellusa, the Prince of Epyre marched with his armie making all the speed that might be: this towne being seated in the vpper Dibria on the frontiers of Albanie, vppon an high mountaine (as we haue saide also of the former) and it stoode aloft and verie eminent as the nest of an Eagle, being well neere as great in compasse as Stellusa. AllOf the antiquitie and originall of the chiefe townes of Epyre. these places by vs before mentioned had not any founders of any great antiquitie: for those which the ancient kings of Macedon and Epyre, and other strange Princes had sometimes builded; as Meandria, Heraclia, Togla, Nicopolis, Echinā, Leucas and certain others: they had bene destroyed and razed by the enemies of the Latines, or (as we may more fitly terme them) the firebrandes and plagues of mankinde, the Gothes and Gallogretians, at such time as they inuaded and ouerwhelmed the whole world. This was the reason that some of the inhabitants of the countrie, & the particular Lords of places long time after that being desirous to recule and reassemble in one the multitude most miserably dispersed, and to reduce it into some forme of a Prouince: for that they knewe it to be a matter of some difficultie to restore the reliques and ruines of those auncient townes; and if they were repayred, yet they would be neuerthelesse [Page 31] still subiect and exposed to all calamities and iniuries of enemies to come, as they had bene in times past (they being for the most part seated in the plaine and open champion) they made choice therefore of the toppes of mountaines for their seates and dwellings, and there did they build these fortresses of so small and litle compasse: both because the site and platforme of the said mountaines would not yeeld them any larger space or circuit for their walles: and to the intent also they might the more easily beThe founda [...] of Croy. defended when any enemies should come to assaile them. And although that Croy (as the capitall and chiefe citie of the realme) be farre more beautifull and larger, beyond all comparison, then all the others: neuerthelesse I find that he which founded it was one named Charles, a man rich and very wealthy, of the noble family of the Tholoyes, the which (at the same time that Scanderbeg did enioy the souereigntie of Epyre) hadScuria or Scodra. Tyranna, Duraz. the Gouernment, seigniorie, and lordshippe of Scuria or Scodra, which is a part of the same Prouince sufficiently famous and notable, and lyeth betweene Tyranna and Duraz.
Assoone as Castriot was come in sight of the enemie, after he had deuided his companies ech in his quarter, and that he had set good watch and ward on all partes of theSfetigard summoned by Scanderbeg. campe, he demanded parley with them of the towne, and to prouoke them the more by examples, he made knowen and put them in mind from point to point of all that he had done at Croie, Petrella, Petralba & Stellusa: and chiefly of his liberalitie & gratious vsage, and entreatie of the garrison of Stellusa: and on the other side of the captiuitie of the gouernor of that place: whom they should shortly see executed with others that were likewise obstinate. This message did astonish euerie one of them, & aboue all, the captain of the garrison: who hauing before his eyes the signes & markes of other mens fortunes, durst not beginne to declare and open his aduise, nor yet to make answer to the enemie, mistrusting the inconstancie of the common multitude, and the mutableThe oration of acommon souldier to the garrison of Sfetygrad perswading them to hold good against Scanderbeg. mindes of the popular sort being for the most part nothing resolute. Wherefore hauing honorably receiued and feasted the Herauld: he addressed himselfe to his souldiers with great modestie and beganne thus to speake vnto them. How thinke you valiant men & faithful souldiers? or what shall we say to this ambassade of our enemy? Then one of the standers by (wel perceiuing the intent and meaning of the Gouernor by his speeches) with his sword drawen, and shaking it aloft as he held it in his hande: Captaine (quoth he) seeing thou doest terme vs valiant and faithfull: and doest ‘repute Scanderbeg for our enemie: this my sword shall make answere for vs all. What reason hath any man to alleadge here vnto vs so precisely & expresly that which hath passed at Croy and at Stellusa? do they thinke thereby to feare and terrifie the courage of men free and resolute? As great diuersitie as there is in the countenances of men, and as different as are their visages: so great varietie is there in the habilitie and dexteritie of their spirites. Ech man is wise to himselfe: or ech man is foolish in his owne actions. Neither the Petrellians, nor the Stellusians receiued any lawes of vs, nor were they commaunded by vs: no more shall they commaund or prescribe lawes vnto vs. Let vs take heed that the examples of these slaues so base & infamous do not any way enter into our harts so valiant and generous. Couragious mindes do highly disdaine, not onely in cases that are shamefull and reproachfull, but euen in honest actions, to imitate the deedes of other persons: but ech man liueth after his owne guise and disposition. Let it be that the Gouernor of Stellusa should be sacrificed before our eyes, and that his companions should be likewise massacred: what, do you thinke that we also shall die in their bodies? or that our spirits shall be extinguished in theirs? or is it likely that our blood can be spilt in thē? O most happy rather are those bodies, & most venerable are their soules, who of an excellent desire and affection to keepe their faith [Page 32] and their libertie, haue equally contemned both gold, siluer, the sword, and all things else which the wretched nature and condition of mankind doth either affect or is affraid of. Returne therfore messenger backe againe to our enemie, and carrie this message to thy Generall from a priuate souldier: tell him, That if this be his intention, to impose vpon vs any termes of commaund, let him shew vs the strength of his arme which as yet by men of courage is nothing feared nor redoubted: it may be that if god be not for vs, he may by force bring vs in subiection: but by perswasions of good words to draw vs thereunto I am sure he shal neuer do it. Moreouer it seemeth in this case that your Scanderbeg is not the man he is reported to be, namely: of a spirit gentle and courteous, readie to pardon, and no lesse iust to his enemies then to his owne. For wherfore then is the gouernor of Stellusa detained prisoner? who for his king, for his faith, for his libertie: freelie, valiantly, iustly, and as became an honest man hath deliuered his mind and opinion? wherfore is hereserued to be butchered by the hands of the executioner? he hath not deserued to be put to the sword nor to suffer death: who so honorably hath neglected his owne safetie, and sought the hazard of death for the preseruation of his libertie.’ The souldier was heard with great admiration of all of them without the interruption of any person, till he had ended his speech of his owne accord and disposition. Incontinently there beganne a great tumult of infinite people assembled round about him, clattering their swordes and bucklers together with great noise: and after this signe and token followed a mightie clamor of such as did alow and approue his discourse. The Turks Gouernor being the better assured and encouraged to see his souldiers so well resolued, licenced the Christian Ambassador to depart: and at the same instant bending all his care and studie to prouide for the sure and safe keeping of the towne, he commanded his souldiers to withdraw themselues euerie one to his place, and where his deuoyre did call him. And although order had bene taken before in manie pointes for the defence of the wall: he altered notwithstanding the whole order and course thereof, and disposed otherwise of it, either augmenting or changing things as neede required. Besides in the middest of his preparations he would euer and among vse exhortations and good encouragements: telling them, That they now gaue manifest proofe and shew of that wherof himself had euerThe Gouernor of Sfetigrade encorageth his souldiers seeing them resolute to stand to their defence. conceiued a certaine hope and assurance: that the examples of other places which had so faintly & so cowardly yeelded their necks to the yoke of the enemie ought so much the more to increase their constancy and perseuerance: that they should thinke vpon the great rewards and recompence prepared for them by Amurath, if that they alone ‘in all Epire, and in the middest of the disloialtie and tretcherie of all others, did manfully stand to the defence of the name, the libertie, and the empire of the Ottomans. On the other side if want of courage or cowardise should carrie them from regard of their dutie, they should haue iust occasion to expect from him farre more rigorous and hard intreatie then those of Petrella or Stellusa: for that the infidelitie of the others was in apparance more excusable, because they seeing thēselues besieged, & on all parts hard beset by the enemie, and in the very hart of the enemies countrie, seemed to be euen forced to render themselues: whereas they, being but vpon the limits and frontiers of the enemies dominions, & being couered & protected with a place of greater strēgth and inpregnable, could not alleage those vaine excuses and faint pretences: especially for that euen in an instant they might haue succours from their Prince, wherwith to make their enemies forsake & raise their siege. A further cōfort he gaue thē in this also, that the winter (an vnfit season to beleager any place) would make their trauels but short & of small continuance, for that he firmly beleeued, whē the enemies shold haue notice of their last resolution, they would not in hast make any attempt against them,’ [Page 33] nor be so foolish hardy as to thinke to force their walles, but would retire themselues incontinently.
To these perswasions he added a deed of no lesse prudence and policie, and thatThe gouernour of Sfetigrade putteth all the Christians out of the towne. was (for feare of some treacherous mutinie and conspiracie) to put out of the towne all the Christians and ancient Citizens: of whom diuerse had bene suffred to remaine both there and in other townes by the Sultan, who had appointed the suburbes for them to lodge in. These things thus prepared and disposed, they within the towne did resolutely attend the enemie. Whilest these things were in doing, Scanderbeg hauing intelligence of the answer of the defendants, and the artificiall oration of the souldier, smiling at the conceipt which he had propounded, he ieasted at it in these termes. Behold (sayed he a braue souldier if his deedes be answerable to his wordes: ‘but God willing we will send him also to keepe companie with those happie soules of the Stellusians. This said, he caused the Gouernour and other prisoners to be brought before him, vnto whom, presenting the image of the crucifix, some were conuerted: Desdrot and the residue were executed.’ When they came to consultation concerningDesdrot the Gouernor of Stellusa executed. the assailing of the towne, there were three seuerall opinions ech differing from other. The first was, that there ought not anie attempt to be made at that time against the citie; for that all places were couered with frost & snowe in such sort that it made the mountains inaccessible, the souldier being hardly able to keepe his footing: for which cause, they held it much better to deferre the siege till the spring, by reason of the difficulties of the winter. Others were of the minde that choice should be made of theDiuersity of opinions touching the siege of Sfetigrade. best and most picked souldiers; that scaling ladders, artillerie, and such like instrumentes of assault should be prouided, and that the obstinacie of the defendants should be encountred with the like in the assailants: and that they ought not to take any further time of breathing or delay vpon the matter: after the manner of small and sillie birdes, who vse to attend the pleasantnesse and temperature of the spring tide: that they ought in any case to beware how they did giue time to the enemie wherby they might be succoured and relieued by Amurath. But Moses (folowing the middle way & a meane course betweene both the one and the other of these opinions) did conclude; that neither ought they to attempt the assault of the towne, nor yet to quit and abandon the siege: and that this was to be done in an other manner and fashion then they had a duised, and that was, that those forces (which they were to entertaine and to keepe in a readines vpon the borders for other accidents and occurrencies, might also serue and commodiously supplie the necessities and wants of the campe: so as the siege neede not altogether to be broken vp, but they might in the meane time hold the enemie shut vp within their hold: and so by litle and litle prolong the seruice to a time of more oportunitie, and so should they take from them all leisure and meanes to take spirit and courage vnto themselues. This opinion being so indifferent was generally approued, and the execution thereof committed vnto the author thereof by Scanderbeg, who caused to come thither the regiment of two thousand horse (whichMoses left to keepe the siege of Sfetigrade. was not farre off) all well appointed and verie willing to the seruice: and he adioined vnto them another thousand, leauing Moses with all these forces to continue there before the fortresse. The residue of the armie with ensignes displayed retired to Croie: there also a councell being held, the opinions were verie different touching the sum and principall point of the whole warre; the most of them being verie vnwilling and greatly grieued and discontented to quitte and leaue their armes, but did perswad him to follow the victorie, and to inuade the enemies countrie, and to winne something from the Ottoman Empire. Others did alleadge the time so contrarie: the snowe, yce, and raynie weather so vnpleasant and wearisome, that hardly could the [Page 34] souldiers endure them, and therewith all the fieldes all parched and dried vp with extreame colde so as they would not be able to yeeld them any food or pasture for their horses. Castriot assenting vnto this latter opinion, to the intent they should see how he tendered the safetie and good of his souldiers, and that during the time of this delaie he might the better intend to the fortifying of the countrey which he had conquered, licensed all men to depart hauing first rendred thanks vnto his souldiers in this or the like language:
I know not (my companions) whether I should first or last praise and commend inThe oration of Scanderbeg vnto his Chieftaines and souldiers. you your vertue or your good fortune: this latter hath bene stirred vp by the former, and the former hath succoured & furthered the latter, and by her industrie and celerity (a thing in warfare verie requisite) hath made your counsels and your endeuors all one ‘and equall. For this cause, I haue conceiued a most assured hope and presage of the future renowme and glorious name of Albanie, and of your honour and reputation. What is there wherein fortune can hereafter refuse vs? what is there but your patience will surmount and compasse? It is yet scant the thirteth day since that I (full of doubt and vncertaintie, and almost as one forgotten or vnknowen, by reason of my long absence and pilgrimage) did happily arriue and set foote in this my natiue countrie possessed with infidels and miscreants: of whom (Sfetigrad excepted) there is not nowe remaining in this prouince, neither the name, nor (if I may so speake) not so much as the smell or odour. It is God to whom first and before all we ought to render thankes, that had so blinded the eyes, and shut vp the vnderstanding of our aduersaries, causing them to deliuer into our hands the possession of so goodly and strong fortresses without any slaughter and blooshed: next of all, your painfull patience and sufferance hath merited great praise and commendations, which hath despised so many discommodities presenting themselues before you, as the menaces of the heauens, and the iniurie and roughnes of the winter, and yet without turning your faces either one way or other, till such time as your noble thoughts and desires long since conceiued in your hartes were fully satisfied and contented. I do well like and allowe your willing mindes on both parties, as well those who iudge it needfull to pursue our victory, as those also who thinke it good for a while to deferre our proceedings. For albeit there be nothing that should stay the man that is magnanimious and valiant, but that vertue is accustomed to make her selfe wayes through fire and water (as the saying is) and through all places how soeuer vnaccessible: notwithstanding so long as no inconuenience do happen vs by our delay, you may well (without any wrong to your selues) haue a care to your bodies, and to consider that they are made of no other then a humaine constitution. Retire you therefore victorious in a good and happie houre to breath and refresh your selues: so shall you returne more gallant, strong, and lusty, in a season more temperate, to newe seruices and expeditions: then shall all of you haue the free vse and your full of warres, of labours and trauels: then shall you finde a continuall emploiment in armes: then shall you receiue largely the paye and wages which you haue nowe so well deserued. For if Ottoman sit still and doe suffer vs, to wage warre without disturbance (as we haue begun alreadie) then will we ouerrun, sacke, burne the tirant his countrie, and assay vpon some of the neighbour-garrisons: if we can get to be masters of them. But if the Sultan (which I thinke most likely) doe proclaime warre against vs, we will then aduise our selues in the field by the countenance of the enemie, how and in what manner we are to proceede, and to demeane our selues against him. Neuertheles howsoeuer we haue occasion of seruice elswhere, it will behoue vs to giue the first attempt against Sfetigrad, and there to employ and bend our first forces: For I hold it no lesse ignominious then vnsufferable, that the [Page 35] infidels should continue there setled and vnremoued to the great reproch & dishonor of the Epirots. But it is necessarie at this time, that we temporise for a season, for feare least in attempting with too great obstinacie the destruction and ruine of Sfetigrade: if the action should fall out to be vaine, & our attempt frustrate; we should retire with shame as ouercome and vanquished, and the enemie growing insolent would learne in a small time to contemne and despise our forces: and so should we haue to contend not against men onely, but euen against the heauens. I haue heard some ancient Captaines highly blamed, who by imprudence and want of experience in the arte military haue lost goodly armies, more by the discommodities of things then by the sword & force of the enemie. But beside all this, we haue the feast of the natiuitie of Christ our sauiour now at hand, & I am not of the mind that any thing should be enterprised during these festiual daies, nor that we ought to depriue any of life in a time wherein we our selues haue receiued life, & were brought vnto the light, but rather by our vowes and daily prayers (I may often repeat it) let vs yeeld thanks vnto God in all respectes for our liberty, for our estate and empire, for our wiues, for our children, for our selues recouered & freed from the bondage of our enemies. For my part (my good friends) if there be any thing wherein I am not able to be thankfull: I protest vnto you it is principally in that you haue brought me these excellent gages of so many gallant youthes, and haue honored me with the presence of so many valiant & braue Captains, whose companie is very agreeable and acceptable vnto me. My minde doth promise it selfe great matters, and all great good hap by the aide and assistance of such leaders. It is they who will giue me the meanes, themselues will giue me the matter and occasion whereby one day I shall be able to be thankefull vnto you according to the worthines of your deserts. At this time if there be any thing which may purchase you honor or reputation: speake it freely, vtter your thoughts and open your minds vnto me. For I assure you the acknowledgement of the greatnesse of your seruices, whereby I am bound vnto you, shall neuer faile nor be wanting in me.’
The meaner sort of people, and some also of good qualitie, became so audatious by reason of this speech, & so shamlesse, that (as if they had feared least one of them should haue stepped before the other to make their demaundes) flocking together in great troupes, and pressing neere about him very rudely: they were not ashamed to make diuerse requests vnto him according to their seuerall humors & affections, some crauing to haue the pay of horsemen, some of footmen. Others desired money & horses; and some desired rents, reuenues & liuings: and many who vpon the change of the estate, had bene spoiled of their patrimony by the Turkes to giue it vnto others, were importunate to be restored vnto their possessions. That which could conueniently be done & without contention was liberally granted them: the rest which could not be without the iniurie of some other, was referred till some further oportunitie. The Captaines being dismissed, & Scanderbeg being entred into the towne with his own traine (for that there were many which followed him, especially his Nephewes and the Princes of his bloud.) The first thing that he did was, to cause to be enrolled and admitted into the communion of the Christian faith, by the Sacrament of holy Baptisme,Amese and other of his companions Baptised. Amese & some other of his companions, who came with him from Hungarie, and a great multitude also of Turkes, which were yet remaining at Croy and at other places: the same hauing bene before left vndone for the hast which they had to prosecute the warre. The solemnitie hereof being ioyned with the feast of Christmas, was celebrated with great ioy for many daies together. The inhabitants of the countrey both in publique & in priuate did send him according to the custome, many presents. Likewise the Princes his neighbors as they had of late presented him with many cō uenient [Page 36] gifts fit for the warres, so did they now giue him the like of sundry sorts and kinds as fit ornaments for the time of peace and publique tranquilitie: namely, rich furniture, and other pretious stuffe for houshold: knowing well that in that estate of his affaires, and in the time of warrelike tumults, he had brought nothing with him but his armes.
This rest did not Castriot inioy any time of long continuance, for euen in the chiefestThe Turkes in Epire assemble in armes against Moses. time of the feast, & in their greatest mirth: behold there came newes on a sudden from Moses, how that the Turks of that prouince which had fled into the places next adioining with a great troupe of their confederats & no small number of the common sort gathered together, were comming with all speede possible to surprise him. Vpon this occasiō Scanderbeg himself hastned presently away, because if it should happen that he going before should be drawn far off by the enemy, he feared least either he should be constrained to leaue & abondon the enterprise of Sfetigrade: or if he did determine to hazard the fight before the wals, he might be inclosed in the midst betweene them and those of the town. But see now the occasion of al this tumult: these reliques of the Turks which were escaped out of the hands of our men, namely the garrisōs of Petrella, Stellusa, & Petralba, (after that accident was past) perceiuing now by a kind of quietnes & delay, that all troubles of war did seeme to be laid aside, & (as it were) asleepe: and that Scanderbeg hauing broken vp his camp did keep his winter at Croy: & that Moses with his troupes did abide both for the gard of the frontiers and the siege of Sfetigrad: they reallied & assembled themselues together neare Alchria (a litle towne vnder the obeisanceVVhich is Pharsalia, famous by the ouerthrow of th [...] great T [...]mp [...]y. of Ottoman in Macedony) and there hauing raysed a great number of others, they tooke their way with great speed directly towards Sfetigrade, pricked forward aswell with a desire of reuenge, as also to abolish towards their lord and master by some memorable act, their former default, & the ignominy of their forepassed infidelity. Now albeit the prince of Albany did not much trouble himselfe with this rumour, not beleeuing that a number of such raskals could or durst be so hardie as to enter within his borders: notwithstanding to the intent he might not (at his first comming to the crown) cōmit any act or make any shew of negligence, nor be seene to abandon Moses in time of need, he mounted suddenly on horsebacke accompanied with those who were with him at the feast, & about one hundred horsemen of the towne, & so went on to suppresse the suspition of that danger which was thē in growing & beginning. But the matter fell not out to be such as needed either much to be doubted or any great hast or expedition to be made in it▪ For assoone as these gallants perceiued Castriot to approch, like as they did at the first set forward and aduance thēselues in feare and doubt, so being as soone and easily chased away and driuen backe, scant did theyThe Turkes are chased away by the comming of Scanderbeg. leaue any token or appearance of their tract or footsteps where they had passed. This their folly notwithstanding procured them great mischiefe. For the Duke of Albany being incensed in that they (hauing bene the causers of this his iorney & disturbance) had by their sodaine retreate robbed and depriued him of so fit matter and occasion to purchase honor & commendation, with a thousand horse which he tooke of the garrison with Moses, he made a rode ouer all the countrie, and supposing by this dā mage,Scanderbeg maketh a road into the Turkish borders. that he should draw forth the enemie and bring them to fight: he ran here and there coursing and beating the champion & plaine countrey: and like a mighty floud and deluge that ouerwhelmeth all things, he destroyed, haried, and spoyled all things and made an exceeding hauock in al places, in such sort, that alluring & delighting the souldiers by the sweetnes of prey and booty, he largely prouided and furnished them both with victuals and munition for the residue of all the winter.
THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
A Murath mightilie perplexed vpon the reuolt of Scanderbeg, and the ouerthrow of his Armie, concludeth a peace with the Hungarians: and restoreth Misia to the Despot. Scanderbeg enlargeth his conquests and dominions, and preparing for warres against the Turkes, confederateth him selfe with his neighbours. The princes of Epyre assemble in a generall counsell and Parliament at Lissa, they elect Scanderbeg both king of Epyre, and chiefe Generall of their forces. Sfetigrade is yeelded to Moses vpon composition. Halie Bassa is sent with an army of 40000. Turkes against Scanderbeg: who meeteth with him, ouercommeth him in a set battell, and then ouerrunneth and spoileth the Turkish Territories. The peace concluded between Amurath and the Hungarians is broken by the perswasions of Iulian the Cardinal & Popes legat, who causeth the king of Hungarie and the Christians, to enter into league against the Turkes. The Nauy of the Christians seize vpon the passages of the sea of Hellespont, to keepe Amurath from comming into Europe, who is busied in warres in Asia against the king of Caramania or Cilicia. Vladislaus writeth vnto Scanderbeg, to ioine with him in that warre against Amurath. Scanderbeg marcheth with an Army of 30000. to ioine with the Hungarians, but is hindered by the trecherie of the Despot of Misia. Amurath hauing corrupted certaine marchants Genowaies for money to transport his Army out of Asia, passeth ouer into Europe, and marcheth against the Christians, who encounter him neare Varna. The famous battell of Varna betweene Vladislaus and Amurath: wherein Vladislaus is slaine, the Christians discomfited, and Amurath obtaineth a bloudy victory. Scanderbeg hauing burnt and spoiled Misia in reuenge of the Despot his infidelity, returneth with his Army into Albany.
NOw that we are come to the end of domesticall matters, it is requisit that we returne to forraine affaires. When Ottoman was certified by true and certaine messages of the estate of Hungary, & how matters had passed in those quarters, albeit Fame (which commonly is then most swift and speedy when it bringeth the report of some mishappe and misaduenture) had before filled all places with the vncertaine rumour and tumult of feare and sorrow, yet when he knew that the Bassa was defeated by the cunning & sleight of Scanderbeg, that his▪ Army was discomfited, that there was scant left any one remaining: and that the other was escaped safe and sound from the battel with Amese and others his complices and adherents, and had sodainely possessed himselfe of Epyre; Amurath I say, being touched to the quick, with deepe & extreme grief for so sorrowfull and heauy newes, was desirous by ready & diligent search & enquiry, to be enformed at large [Page 38] of the discourse of the whole action, and of the reuolt of the Albanois, and aboue all of that subtell and wily deuise, whereby hee had gotten the false letters from the Secretary (for this no more then the residue) could be long concealed from him. The maruell and astonishment of a deede so audacious and desperate, and of a mischiefe, as it fell out, so sodaine and vnexpected, did so binde vp the vse of his tongue, and repressed his speech within him, that he was not able to speake any one word. Notwithstanding after a while, the passion being somewhat moderated, and comming to disgorge it selfe, and to breake forth in words and speaches: sometimes with threates and menaces, and sometimes with complaints and exclamations, he did digestAmurath mightily perplexed vpon the reuolt of Scanderbeg. and swallow vp with all possible and continuall vehemency this his wrath and indignation. Sometimes he would call him vngratefull Scanderbeg, sometimes wicked and lewd Scanderbeg: then would he reproach and obiect vnto him, that hee had ‘now vomited forth the venome which had laine so long hidden in his stomacke, that he would long before haue done the like, if he had had any oportunity and fit occasion for a counsell so furious and execrable, but that now he had espied the time to accomplish his wicked and vnhappy enterprise with most security and impunity: euen in the middest of his most vrgent affaires, and when he saw him busied with matters of greatest waight and consequence,’ whereof had ensued this his desaster and inconuenience in Hungary. Againe, at other times the subtill and cautelous tyraunt, to the intent himselfe might be the more pleasing, & better thought of by his subiects, and the other more odious and hatefull vnto them, woulde openly question and ‘demand with him self, what reason although (said he) there be no reason for a man to do euil, should moue Scanderbeg to commit a crime so hainous and of such impiety? considering that being with him he was become great, and not inferiour to any both in wealth and authority: and did as farre as his heart could wish, enioy the full contentment of all things, which the couetous and vnsatiable minde of man could imagine to clime and mount to, the supreme and highest degree of honour, as well in warre as in peace. That there was neuer any straunger which had receiued so good entertainement and nouriture in his Court,’ neither had the vertue of any Alien bene so highly recompenced and so honourably rewarded. Againe in one and the same instant faining and dissembling to the vtmoste of his power, and extreame ‘discontentment and impatiency of griefe and sorrow, hee would exalt the loialty of his princes and nobles, and would often exclaime, and with a loud voice affirme, that this notwithstanding was a great good hap and benefit both for him and for the Ottoman Empire, to see him selfe freed and discharged from so waighty a burthen as is domesticall fraud and treason: that it might be, he should haue bene surprised with some other poyson farre more daungerous, and with some mischiefe of greater dammage and inconuenience, if this plague should haue beene suffered to grow or to continue in his house any longer time: that nothing should now trouble his minde, and for this fact, hee doubted not but it would aske vengeaunce both of God and man: it being vnpossible that he should suffer such a crime to remaine vnpunished, by which, contrary to all right and equity, with so wicked and lewd a minde, he hadde giuen that victory to the Christians in Hungarie. For if he had had any cause or occasion of reuenge against him, or any colour or pretence of iust discontentment, for the detayning of his patrimony from him, and the inheritaunce of his fathers kingdome: what could his Army doe to that, which with all horrour and cruelty he had brought to the Butchery, and had made it neither more nor lesse, then as a sacrifice to the enemies? What hadde the innocent bloud of his subiectes deserued? And in briefe the poore Secretary, whereof was he guilty that he might [Page 39] not escape the handes of this bloudy tormentor.’
With such like discourses did the Sultan enflame the hearts of the Barbarians, who were already of them selues sufficiently animated against him. But nowe ridings being brought one still vppon an other from the partes of Epyre, it did more violentlie aggrauate and exasperate his sorrow at such time as it was tolde him that Croie was taken by Scanderbeg, that he was possessed of the other places and strong holdes of like waight and consequence, that the garrisons were slaine and destroyed, and in briefe, that the whole estate of his auncestours was remitted and reduced vnder his power and gouernment, with the incredible fauour and good liking of all the nation. Now albeit these matters went neare the heart of Ottoman, and did extreamely grieue him; yet hauing in a manner put all other things out of his minde, he bent and conuerted all his thoughtes to the warre of Hungarie. There was not any other matter or subiect of quarrell or enmity thought on, but that onely was it which all men did aduise him to prosecute: and which both the desire of euery man in particular, and the publique vowes and prayers of all in generall did earnestly long and wishe for. Yet did the diuerse and variable opinions of the greatest Captaines, hold the minde of the old man in some doubt and suspence: some of them who would not be perswaded there was any daunger,Amurath consulteth with his chiefetaines, whether it were more expedient to war vpon Scanderbeg and the Epirots, or vpon the Hungarians. till such time as they should see all subdued by Scanderbeg, were of this minde; that it was best to marche with all their forces against the Hungarians, and that they ought not by faintnesse and cowardise to leaue the euent and triumph of all the warre, vnto those who hadde vanquished and were conquerours but in part onely: and yet that neither had they hadde that aduantage and victory of their fellowes, but onely by the treason and fellony of his owne followers. Furthermore that there was a great difference and no comparison to be made betweene the force of one Bassa, with a few vauntcurrers of some twenty thousand, in regard of all the ‘puissaunce of Ottoman, and of the flower of Asia and Europe, and the huge forces which the Sultan hadde for the guard of his person, that these were not vsed nor accustomed to be ouercome and conquered.’ But others who did feare some greater ruine and mischiefe, were of a contrary aduise and opinion: affirming, that by how ‘much the more the former did excuse the misfortune of the Bassa, laying it vppon the disloyaltie of Scanderbeg: so much the more was hee to be blamed in regard of the small number of the enemies; for that Huniades with lesse then the moity and one halfe of their number, and without any bloud of his souldiours, had giuen them so grieuous a checke and discomfiture. And whereas they compared the Bassa his forces, to the royall army, and the greatnesse of the imperiall hoast which they commended so highly: these on the contrary did alleadge and willed them to consider, the greatnesse of the power of Vladislaus, with the renowme of all Hungarie and Poland, besides the succours of the Italians guyded and conducted by Iulian the legate Apostolique, and the strength and forces of the Almaines: all which hadde not as yet any thing entermedled in this warre, but in very great deuotion did attend the occasion to enter into this warre with their vtmost power and ability. Besides that, the Christians would not now in time of neede and extremity, leaue or forsake the Despot, whose cause they had already so fauoured and vndertaken, till such time as they had fully enstalled and settled him in the seate of his auncestors. And last of all, that Scanderbeg who had newly declared him selfe for their enemy, was not to be despised and contemned, that there was none of them but knew very well of what and how great spirite and courage the man was, and with what good fortune (besides his singular experience in the warres) he was euer accompanied. That hauing [Page 40] in a moment extinguished the name of his aduersaries,’ he was now reentred and repossessed of al the estate of his father, without any charge or losse sustained: then what would hee doe hereafter when he had settled and assured the affaires of his Realme, and gained the hearts and good willes of his subiects? That it was not to be doubted but he would stirre vp all Princes Christian to enter into Armes, and would spare no trauels, dangers, nor watchfull labours to exhort and wring from him daily, some part or peece of his Empire. That it would argue great simplicity in the middest of so many enemies, both before and behinde and on all sides, and in the middest of so many forces, to looke for any other, then a very bad and most vnfortunate issue. The wisest way therefore and most expedient was, for once to yeelde vnto Fortune, for feare least shee did often triumphe ouer them, and to discouer and lay open vnto her one part of their body, for the better couering and safety of that which was most subiect and exposed to her violence and assaults. That warres are guided rather by time, then by force of armes, that they ought not to take it grieuously to render Misia vnto the Despot, to the intent they might by that meanes purchase a litle leisure, and (as it were) a time of breathing from so many losses and dammages sustained by the wars. But why should they speake of rendring Misia, when indeede it would be but lent him for a season? For at any time they might take it backe againe, and with more ease and facility, then it should be yeelded or giuen vnto them.
These considerations did greatly induce Amurath, being before in doubt and vncertainety,Amurath resolueth and concludeth a peace with the Hungarians. to allow of this aduise and to doe thereafter. Notwithstanding fearing to be noted of pusillanimity and basenes of courage, if he should so soone and easily condiscend to this opinion: after he had precisely debated and discussed many reasons and arguments both on the one part and the other; in the end he yeelded, and (as it were) by a kind of constraint subscribed to this last conclusion. There was sent therefore an ambassage to the Hungarians with offers of Misia vnto the Christians, and of truce for ten yeares, according as themselues had demanded. Huniades who by reason of the weakenes and infirmity of the others, was in a manner left alone to mannage all the affaires both of peace and of war, perceiuing his troupes to be vnfit for the warres, did not refuse nor prolong the conditions offered by the Turks. There be some notwithstanding who affirm, that that great lord & fauorit of Amurath who (as we haue said) was taken prisoner by Iancus, besides, the summe of 40000. crowns agreed vpon for his ran some, had aduised to demaund Misia of the Sultan, assuring him that he would not refuse to grant any thing, by reason of the discomfiture & ouerthrow of his Bassa. This being an especiall proofe thereof, because in the preparation of his prouisions for the wars, this word had escaped from him amongst his familiars, that he would accord with the Christians, the which he did accordingly with the ambassadours,Misia restored to the Despot by Amurath. whom Huniades sent vnto him for the conclusion & ratificatiō of the agrement. Certaine it is (as some say) that Amurath hauing had perfect notice afterwardes, of the pitifull estate of our forces, it litle wanted but he had run mad for rage and anger: and he tooke such an extreame griefe thereat, that with the teares euen trickling downe his checkes, he lamented that a victory so certaine and assured, through a vaine and foolish feare should escape him, and be taken out of his handes.
Out of Albany all this while there came no new tidings, but onely of certaine roades and false alarmes made vppon the confines of the Turkish Empire, by occasion whereof, Ottoman, both for the discommodity of the winter, and because he had not yet well digested in his hart the peace of Hungary, who (as it was reported) were daily as yet in armes, till the Despotte were fully and entirely established in his estate, did put ouer the affaires of Epyre to another time of more opportunity, and caried [Page 41] him selfe according to the time. For he was so extreamely perplexed and troubled in his thoughts, as he would daily walke vp and downe by himselfe alone, imagining & deuising from day to day vppon the variety and diuersity of the causes and reasons which brought vpon him, and continued these new impediments and hinderaunces one after an other, to the great good, welfare, and encrease of the Christians affaires. The which (God be praised) did daily grow better and better and were in good rest and happy estate. For this is a thing most assured, that the roughnesse and intemperancy of the cold and frosty weather, and the doubtfull faith of the Hungarians, did at that time yeelde our people great matter and cause of quiet. But the affaires of Misia being now compounded and settled by the retrait of the Hungarians, and the winter being past; what was it that then did hinder Amurath, that hee did not presently make shew of his hatred against Scanderbeg, and seeke some notable kinde of reuenge vpon him, in discharge of that malice, which had so long boiled in his stomacke? For before the thirtieth day of Iune, there was no motion of any war against him. It may be peraduenture that the courage of the olde man being abated by his losse in Hungarie, he made more reckonning and accompt of his case then of the losse of Epyre, or of all the iniuries receiued by Scanderbeg.
Castroit hauing taken his leaue of Moses, returned from Dibria to Croie, where, being exempted for a while from the trauelles of warre (for the time would not permit him otherwise) he spent the better part of the winter in prouiding for the ciuil affaires of the weale publique, and in ordering the estate of particular occasions: whereuppon1443. seeing the spring to approach and draw on, he tooke with him Amese, and some few horse besides, and went to leauie certaine forces, and hauing made a muster and taken the fielde with sixe thousand men, he drew straight to Sfetigrade. But what should he doe there? As the place was nothing changed in difficulty, no more was the enemy altered in obstinacy. Neither menaces nor faire wordes would profite any thing. Artillery or other engines hee hadde none, and if hee had brought any, it might be they had serued somewhat to abash and terrifie them, but litle or nothing would they haue profited him for the recouery of the place. On the other side to try his fortune with the manifest perill of his men, and (as it were) with their certaine and vtter ruine, seemed vnto him a course of great rashnesse and temcrity. For this cause according to the best counsell and opinion, whereunto the greater part alsoThe countrey about Sfetigrade spoiled and haried. did aduise him, leauing for a season all care of Sfetigrade, hee marched else where with his campe, with intent to amplifie and enlarge the limittes and borders of his dominions. But first of all he spoyled and destroyed all things that bare fruite about the towne: depriuing the besieged of the benefite and profite of all the champion, and not leauing them any thing, but the onely bare and naked enclosure of their walles. It is reported notwithstanding, that certaine of the inhabitauntes of Sfetigrade, Citizens of Sfetigrade pray Scanderbeg not to spoil [...] the countrey. or of them which remained in the suburbes, came secretely vnto Scanderbeg, praying him in regard of their seruices past in the time of Iohn his father, that he would not vtterly destroy all things in this order, hauing not deserued it at his handes, but that he would cause to cease this spoile and hauocke, whereby in effect, they and not‘the enemy should be vtterly depriued of all sustenaunce and nouriture: That he had both leysure and other meanes sufficient to chastise the garrison of the Turkes, and to chase and disnest them out of their holde: and that for their partes, they woulde most willingly watch for some oportunity, and giue aide and furtheraunce to this affaire, if they sawe any hope (were it neuer so small) to effect it. Castroit tooke pleasure to hearken vnto them, and hee condescended to their request.’ For what reason had he to doubt either of men that were Christians, or of those who hadde [Page 42] bene the auncient subiects of his auncestors? For this cause, commaunding his ensignes to march, he turned his fury and rigour to other places.
There was in this prouince a goodly open and large country and circuit of ground, maruellously pleasant, and wonderfully well peopled, with many townes and boroughes also, very plentifully inhabited. Those of the countrey doe call it Moerea, Moerea wonne and possessed by Scanderbeg. and it lieth towardes the Tribullians. Thitherwardes Scanderbeg leading his army, did adde the same to his dominion: passing beyond the boundes whereof Iohn his father was possessed. There was not any where an enemy to be found in all the countrey: for the Turkes before that time either had bene expelled, or had willingly auoyded and forsaken those partes. The inhabitaunts and the residue of the nation Albanois, hauing quickely lost the memory and remembraunce of Amurath, had enrolled them selues without being sought vnto vnder Scanderbeg: and they marched vnder his ensignes, and vnder the Eagles in times past well knowen vnto them. ForScanderbeg his Armes. in his standards which were Guelles, he bore an Eagle with two heades sable. These being the auncient armes of his family. From Mocrea passing on from place to place, sometime shewing him selfe gracious and full of courtesie, and sometimes fierce and terrible, he enlarged his conquestes from day to day, and made them farre more rich and ample: and giuing order and directions continually for some oneIndu [...] prude [...]e of Scanderbeg in prouiding for the safety and defence of his dominions. thing or other, he would appoint guardes vpon the passages, and make prouisions for the garrisons. Oftentimes comming and going to Croy, he would visite all other places of importance, and be euer riding and coursing here and there in and out continually: seldome or neuer was he idle, but he would be present euery where, and there was no place or corner but he tooke diligent and speciall notice of, mountains, hils, forrestes, thickets, caues, dennes, and secrete lurking holes. All his thoughtes and deuise was vppon the warres, to see before hand how he might one day with litle losse of his men, make head against an enemy so puissant and mighty. That litle leasure that was left him, was wholly spent in dayly roades and inuasions to spoile and wast the territory of the Pagans. He hated nothing so much, as that his souldiersAn Army not to continue long in a place. should corrupt them selues with idlenesse, hauing this sentence of Fabius Maximus daily in his mouth, that it was not good for an Army to continue long in one place, but that the often chaunge and shifting of their place and campe, was much more laudable, and would enable and make them farre better disposed to all the actions and seruices Military.
These things could not be so handled, but that Amurath must needs haue knowledge of them: for by this time there came vnto him many messengers from Pharsalia, and other parts of Macedonie: so as all partes of his pallace were filled vp with outcries and clamours: many reports being brought, and importing that all was lost and vtterly desolate; that Scanderbeg hauing obtained the possession of infinite places, did dayly pursue his conquests with his accustomed fiercenesse and crueltie. That long since both the one and the other Dibria had willingly rendred them selues to his deuotion, killing with their proper hands the Turkish garrisons, or deliuering them bound and fettered to their new Lord and maister. These marches both of the neather and vpper Dibria did of old appertaine to Iohn Castriot: but he (as hath bene sayd) being oppressed by Amurath, and by meanes of the peace which he demanded, had giuen him his owne children in hostage, and had resigned vnto him both those prouinces, which he quitted vnto him vpon some other conditions. Now these curriers comming (as is said) to the court of Amurath, declared, that by meanes of the reuolt of the Dibrians, the Christians would soone and easily come to be masters of Sfetigrade: the which being seated in the vpper Dibria, where all was at their deuotion, did not [Page 43] now know from thence forward where to find or haue any thing more or lesse for the maintenance of the warre, or for the nouriture of his campe. That Mo [...]rea and many other places had made themselues a partie with them, which, although it had neuer vntil that day acknowledged the house of Castriot for their gouernour, yet either through the rebellion of the inhabitants, or for feare, or by constraint of mischiefes endured, was now become subiect vnto Scanderbeg. These aduertisements did stirre vp and incite the tyrant to take armes, more of necessitie then of choler. VponAmurath leuieth an army against Scanderbeg. this occasion hauing with great diligence assembled his Counsell, & the matter fully concluded on, he commanded a puissant armie to be leuied: by the which without the aduenture or losse of any thing, he thought vtterly to abolish and extinguish the name of Scanderbeg, and to take vengeance of the reuolt of the Albanois, and of so many iniuries which he had offred him.
Castriot in like maner being certified of Amurath his resolution, not onely by persons vnknowne and strangers vnto him (as in such changes there do neuer want men of that sort) but by some also who were his friends, of whom he had as yet good store about Amurath, made and procured long before, and whom the change of fortune had no whit altered or changed. He (I say) as he had shewed himselfe of an incomparable audacitie and confidence in exposing himselfe to all perils: so did he euen in the middest of them vse singular prudence, sage aduise, and counsell. For considering the greatnesse and importance of his conceipts, and the weightie burthen which he had taken vpon his shoulders, and hauing some doubt and mistrust in him selfe, that he should not be of sufficient abilitie to sustaine and beare it out for so long a time, nor yet be able to renew his forces so often as the greatnesse of those warres would rerequire: which he foresaw (as a true Prophet) euen within the entrailes of Epire, and whereof he did but attend the comming euerie houre; he determined therefore toConfederacy of Castriot purposed with his neighbours, for the resisting of the Turkes innasions. seeke out some strange and forreine succours, by meanes wherof he might more surely order his owne affaires, and by the ayde of many might be the better able to repell and keepe off the force and violence of the tempest that did so threaten him. First of all therefore he resolued to enter into confederacie, and into some strict and perpetuall kind of alliance with the Princes and great Lords his neighbours, both Albanois and * Illyrians. A thing indeed verie difficult to be effected, for that commonly men areThese are the Sclauonians. naturally more prone and apt to dissention and discord, then to amity and concord. Yet did this fall out vnto him very facile and easie, as both the issue and the discourse of the matter will make it manifest.
But for that this treaty could not commodiously be handled with euery one in particular, neither by letters, nor messengers, nor by him selfe in person: it was therefore thought best, that a Diet and generall assembly of all of them should be assigned and appointed in some place within the circuite of Albany; to the intent, that both the presence of the parties meeting together, and their voices and opinions being reported and made knowen in common amongst them all, it might be the better knowen by the aduise of the whole counsell, what course was most meete and expedient to be taken. In the choise of the place also he vsed no lesse prudence and modestie: for none of all those Princes were summoned to repaire to Croie, for feare least it should be thought he would stand too much vppon his greatnesse, and would arrogate to him selfe the preheminence in their assembly: as also to auoide all occasion of mistrust: neither did he conuite them to Apollonia, Diana, Zabiach, or any other towne appertaining to the name of Albanie: to the intent he might take from them all matter of enuy, backwardnesse, or delay, which might haue growen if they had bene drawn against their willes out of their own territories: or else for feare that they [Page 44] should disdaine to repaire to any place belonging to a straunger: because it might be they esteemed their owne townes of as much if not of more worthinesse then those of ‘others. As there is a kinde of people, who doe preferre and prize anie thing of their owne, farre before the like of other mens. But there was the towne* Lissa (we ordinarily call it Alessia) distant somewhat more then two and twentie miles from Croy,’ Lissa or Alessia. Scodra, at this present called Scutari. and situated betweene that and* Scodra. This place was thought not vnfitte for this conuocation, both by reason of the conueniencie and commoditie thereof, as also in respect of the gouernement and dominion of the Venetians, being no lesse gentle and gracious, then pleasing and agreeable to their good likings: for this towne was of their appurtenances.
Thus were messengers dispatched on all parts to call them together, and to signifieA generall parliament or assembly summoned of all the princes and Estates of Epire. vnto them the dayes & the place wherein they should assemble. Of those which were assigned, there was not any one that was vnwilling or negligent in comming: not one of them made any excuses or delayes, neither was there any businesse (as it happened) either publike or particular which caused any of them to faile or to stay away: but all of them hastened thither with exceeding readie and verie willing mindes. This was an euident testimonie what maner of men they would shewe them selues in time to come in other the accidents and occurrences of warre. But here it shall not be amisse for the readers a little to retire them selues, and that the grauitie of this historie be a while discontinued, and my selfe permitted a little to wander and to digresse somewhat from my purpose: for as much as my intent is to number vp (it may be somewhat too curiously) and by roll (as it were) to register the names of those persons, who did with their presence then honour that assembly and conuocation: or rather the dignitie and reputation of Epire: to the intent the posteritie may haue cause both to grieue and to maruell at the calamitie of the estate of Albanie, and at their vile and miserable condition, which shortly after came vppon them so sodainly, the image and representation of which thinges may serue in time to come for their instruction. How beit that peraduenture nothing ought to be taken as ill spoken or ill done, which a man doth with a good intent of seruice and piety towardes his countrey, his friends and fellow citizens: Notwithstanding before I come to recite the names of those who assisted this assembly, I hold it not inconuenient likewise to deliuer in this discourse, from whence the nation of the Epirots or Albanois hath deriued his originall.
Some say that the Epirots (who are also called Albanois) did in times past discendThe originall of the Albanois. This is Cumania subiect to the Tartarian. Straho. Pius 2. Papa. of the noble and auncient people and inhabitantes of Italie: who in like manner did possesse a certaine portion and part of Colchida. From whence if any doe alledge, that the language of Epire or Albanie is deriued, it may be that he is not deceiued in this opinion; seeing that we finde it written in Strabo: that there be in that place vsed sixteene sundry languages: and Pope Pius the second, a man singularly learned both in diuine and humaine studies, and some other moderne writers, (who haue followed Trogus Pompeius) are well neare of the same opinion. For Trogus Pompeius Trogus Pompeius. affirmeth: that the ofspring and beginning of the Albanois was from Italie, and he assureth vs, that the Albanians did follow Hercules at his departure out of Italie (after he had for a space kept those heardes and troupes of cattell, which he tooke from Gerion within the mount Alban:) and that they were ledde thence by him into this Prouince, being allured thither by the fertility of the herbage and pastures. Of these then are issued the Albaneses or Epirots, of whome a part made their aboadePeloponnesus or Mor [...]a. in Peloponnesus (which at this present is called Morea,) and part of them seated them selues in Macedony, or rather in Albany or Epire. Now of these at this [Page 45] time was Scanderbeg the chiefe. A prince couragious and inuincible, who in our ageScanderbeg the chiefe of the Princes and estates of Epire [...] his deserts. had great affaires, and kept continuall warres against the infidels for the name of Iesus Christ, and did spend almost all his life in armes, fighting for the maintenance of the Catholicke faith: and many a time did he vanquish and discomfite in open field and plaine battell, euen with verie small forces, many and exceeding great armies of the Turkes, at the sight and presence of whom, the troupes of the Barbarians did scarse dare to present them selues. In summe, by him onely was this prouince for a time retained in their obedience to the Gospell of the Sonne of God.
But returne we nowe againe to the drift of our discourse. Ariamnites Thopia A Catalogue of the Princes of Albany assembled in coū sell with Scanderbeg. Goleme, a man of singular renowme and authoritie, both for the continuall and ancient nobilitie of his bloud, as also for his notable practise and science Militarie; and for the maiestie and venerable regard of his countenaunce (a thing whereof the common sort make no meane reckoning) being accompanied with a gallant and goodly troupe of men both horse and foote, preuented all others by his great speedeAriamnites Thopia Tributarie to Amurath reuolteth [...]r [...] him and cleaueth to Scanderbeg. and diligence, and was the first that arriued thither to this Diet. This man in former times, hauing bene ill handled by the armes of Amurath, had submitted him selfe to his subiection, and had yeelded to pay him such tribute as it pleased the Turke to impose vpon him. But at this time taking courage a fresh, vpon the occasion nowe offered: brauely and couragiously he made knowen the hatred and discontentment earst conceiued in his minde, and the courage of his heart, which he had worthely retayned and preserued. And there was no man that was more forward, or that put too his helping hand, or that did conspire against the Barbarians with so great ardour and vehemencie as he did for the common libertie. Neither did he want anie meanes to worke the contentment of this his desire, and to satisfie his minde in that behalfe. And it seemed in effect that his forces linckt and conioyned with the others, had bene all sufficient to restore and to reuiue the good fortune of Epire: them selues alone hauing once bene of abilitie in a full and entireThe strength, puissance and acts of Ariamnites. Riuer of A [...]as or Vauisse. Gulfe of Ambrasia. warre, to make head and to resist against the Sultan. True it is, that his puissance, power, and seigniorie did reach from the farther side of the riuer of Aoe, or AEas: (howbeit that the people of the countrey do giue it another name, calling it Vauissa) vnto the gulfe of Ambrasia, being in a manner all alongest the sea coastes of Epire. This is that Ariamnites which hath bene knowen by the surname of Great amongst the Macedonians and Albanians. For he did manie notable and memorable actes for the Gospell and faith of Iesus Christ against the Turkes, giuing them diuerse, and most shamefull ouerthrowes and discomfitures: and as long as he liued he did not cease to persecute them. He encountred Mahomet their soueraigne Prince and Emperour in the inuasion which he made vpon Albanie, and ouerthrew him, and plagued him most shamefully. For, assayling him within his campe, he gayned and wonne his ensignes which he had within his owne tent and pauillion, forcing him to flie away and to forsake that Prouince with notable dammage and ignominie.Andrew Th [...] py. Comine. Musache. Tanuse. Tire the lesser▪ Epidamne o [...] Duras, once Dirrachium. Cymerians. Vl [...]xians. Corson. Cymerot [...] ▪ Next to him came Andrevv Thopie, a man famous for his race and valour, and of no lesse reuerence for his age, hauing there with him his two sonnes, Comyne and Musach, and Tanuse his nephewe: whose auncestours (as we haue before written) were the first founders of Croy and Petrella. Their forces in like case were braue and goodly: and their Dominion was of as faire a circuite in Epire betweene Tire the lesser and Epidamne, which is Duras. And besides these places and demaines (which hauing lost their ancient and first names, are by the inhabitants called Scuria, Musachiene, Cherabie, and Farca.) They were acknowledged also for Soueraigne Lordes of the Cymerians and Vlixians. This countrey is mountainous, and right [Page 48] [...] [Page 49] [...] [Page 46] against Corfou. It is inhabited with a people fierce and vnconquerable, if not warlike and martiall, (we call them commonly the Cymerots.) These haue not commonly the assurance and defence of anie other succours by anie matter, meanes, or arte, but onely the naturall strength and fortification of the places themselues. This people hath euer and with good successe contemned the insolencie of the Turkes: and after the death of Scanderbeg, when Albanie was subiected and subdued, with a singular libertie and freedome of nature, they liued long time without the knowledge of anie forraine yoke: and at this time (as I vnderstand) hauing voluntarily called vnto them and made choyse of certaine garrisons and companies of Spaniards out of Apulia, they haue betaken them selues to the obedience of one chiefe Lord: and they doe liue in a most excellent forme of pollicie. George the nephewe ofGeorge Streese Iohn & Boye Streese. Streese, and the sonne of Balsee was there in companie also: Iohn and Boye his brethren being left at home, because their young yeares did make them vnable for the warres, and vnfit to be called to counsell. Betweene Croie and Lissa laye the territorie that these did enioye, in a soyle both large and rich, and no lesse pleasaunt and delightfull. From the Musachees (for so is the familie surnamed) there cameThe familie of the Musachees. verie manie; all which, as they were of one and the same disposition, and of a like conformitie of minde with Scanderbeg: so did not they hold their estate and signiorie anie way separated or deuided, but ioyntly and together with him. Ouer and besides these, there presented them selues the two magnanimous and valiant Princes Nicholas and Paule Ducagin, each of them in armes and well appointed: butNicholas and Paule Ducagine. Zadr [...]me. Paule was knowen aboue the rest by a certaine singular obseruance of religion. They were Lordes of a countrey which the Epirotes call the vpper Zadrime, on the other side of the riuer of Dryne, euen to the higher Misia: a region verie spacious and fertile, watered with fountaines and most wholesome brookes, and inhabited with a people most fierce and warlike. In this place are to be seene manie tokens and shewes of antiquitie, townes, buildings, and famous temples, manie of which are now defaced, and throwen downe euen with the ground, and ruinated from the toppe to the verie bottome. And more then that, within the heart of this region doe remaine and appeare certaine monuments of marble, vpon which might be read the names of manie Emperours both Romanes and others: and amongst them there were some markes also or testimonies that S. Paule the Apostle had there preached the lawe of the Sonne of God vnto that people.
Thither also came in like manner Luke Zacharie, who afterward followed theLe [...]y or Luke Zacharie. part of Scanderbeg with the like course of felicitie and good fortune, and with a singular good will and affection did perseuer therein euen to the ende. This man being worthie of a greater heritage, was possessed of a reasonable large portion of ground within the vpper Zadrime, together with the towne of Daina founded by his auncesters,Dayna. and descended vnto him by right of succession. This is a pretie litle towne planted vpon an high mountaine, as are almost all the townes of Epire: yet is the territorie of it fat and rich, of an excellent good aire and healthfull: full of venison and fowle, and well replenished with all kinde of trees and fruites. The pleasant riuer of Dryne maketh his course on that part which lyeth towards the West. The whichThe riuer Drine or Drin [...]n. prerogatiues and excellencies of that place haue bene celebrated by the auncient writers, with a kinde of contention, and with so great diligence and perfection, that there is not almost left for them which come after, anie matter worthie the speaking of. Neuerthelesse although many things at this day (as it falleth out) haue disguised and blemished the former grace and beautie of it, yet peraduenture it shall not be amisse if I also for my part doe at this time in a word or two intreate of it. The floud of [Page 47] Dryne (as some say) doth deuide Epire from Dalmatia and Sclauonie or Illiria: andEpire deuided frō Dalmatia and Slauome by the riuer of Dryne. The gulfe of Rizique or Catarra Acrolissa. The Island of Lassa. is no whit inferiour in greatnesse to the famous riuer of Po in Italie. It hath his source or head amongst the peoples of Macedonie towardes the North, and with a swift course doth water the walles of Lissa: and then within a while entermingling her streames with the waues of the sea, it doth discharge it selfe into the Adriatique sea, or gulfe of Rizique, or Catarrea, ioyning neare to Acrolissa, where also it embraceth an Island being some seauen miles in circuite, which at this present retayneth the name of Lissa; by reason that the towne of Lissa (which in auncient time was seated on the other side or bancke of the riuer) hauing bene burnt and destroyed by the Turkes: and the multitude which inhabited the same, making their retraite thither, did in this Island make their continuall abode, as in a place of greater suertie, which was the occasion that together with them selues, they transported thither also the name of their old towne and citie. Ouer and besides these, there was also in the sameOtherwise Peter Span. assemblie, Peter Spaniard, a Prince of happie fortune, and a most happy father of many goodly children: for he had there with him of his sonnes, Alexia, Bosdaira, Vroa, and Mirqua: each of them being of equall height and of a goodly stature all alike, and wonderfully resembling each other, both in conditions and naturall disposition. In this companie also was Lech or Luke Dusman, and Peter, with other pettie PrincesLech or Luke Dusman. their neighbours, vnder whose commaund and obedience were the Peonians and vpper Pelagonians euen vnto Misia: and the Sardoicians, besides certaine small villages and fortresses neare about Driuasta and Balesia. Not long after these, thither cameDryuasta. Balesia. Steuen Zernouich, George and Iohn. Xabiac. Falcon. Sclauonie, or of old Liburnia. The Venetians also Steuen Zernouich with George and Iohn his sonnes, worthie children of so great and honourable a person, and of so worthie a father: to him did appertaine the strong and well fortified townes of Xabiac and Falcon, with their territories most large and spacious, lying in Sclauony or Liburnia. The most noble and auncient common weale of the Venetians did not make any default, but did make their appearance also: for vnder their Empire, besides the city of Scodra, were many townes of great fame and renowme, and a good part of Epyre. To conclude, this great company did draw thither with them others of the most principall amongest the youth and flower of all those quarters, who aswell for their owne particular interest, as for the publique and common good, did come to offer their persons and best meanes against the Turkes, for the honor, the safety, and the preseruation of their countrey.
Now come I to the Oration of Scanderbeg, the which when those (who were called to the counsell, were gathered together in the great Church at Lissa: he began in this manner. I would to God (fathers and princes most debonaire and religious)Oration of Scanderbeg to the Princes of Epyre, in the assembly at Lissa. that the credulity and light beliefe of vs Christians, would once draw to an end, and that we would once waxe weary of the faithlesnesse of the Ottomans, or to speake playner, that their infidelity more then barbarous, might from henceforth be made open and manifest vnto vs. For as concerning my selfe, being at this day peraduenture ill thought of, as the motiue and occasion of these new troubles: neither would I ‘haue disturbed the tranquillity of this estate, nor haue sollicited you to expose your liues to the inconueniences of armes, nor to the last and vtmost extremity of all things: were it not, that Iohn my father (whom God pardon) a Prince in other things wel aduised, had not giuen too too much credit to the faire words and speaches of this periured & disloyall Amurath, at that time, when vnder the pretence of a deadly peace he obtained of him for pledges (as liberally as he demaunded them) his owne proper children in hostage. But wherefore do I complaine me of my father? This error and this desteny is common vnto all Princes Christian. What shall I say of the Greekes, the Misiaus, and others of our faith and profession? This ouer great facility of crediting [Page 48] and beleeuing hath without doubt ruinated & destroyed all of them: in such sort that on the tyrants part, they haue nothing at all left them, but the repentance of their simplicitie and ouersight. Neuerthelesse whilest I powre forth these my plaints, and do in my mind carefully repeate these cautels and treasons of Ottoman: yet withall as long a I do contemplate and cast my thoughts vpon you, and do consider your prudence, and the vnitie of your minds and affections, this doth greatly strengthen me, and biddeth me be of a good hope, seeing that hardly or neuer he hath subdued or destroied any people either nation, but* by deceipt & fraud only, or by their proper ouer easie beliefe and credence, or by their ciuill dissentions and domesticall hatreds. Go to now: let anie man here tell me, whether Ottoman did euer by his prowesse atchieue anie great conquests, and whether the innumerable prouinces and infinite realmes which in our time he hath gotten and purchased, haue bene annexed vnto his crowne by force of his armes and puissance: let them account and recken vp the number of those his triumphes and victories. Shall Epire then, being so inuincible, so flourishing in armes, so replenished with Princes, with valiant Captaines, with so many warlike and stout peoples, so vnited and agreeing within themselues; shall Epire I say, onely through this our credulitie be made the subiect of his outrage? How greatly the Barbarian doth estimate and redoubt your vertue, I my selfe can giue you most certaine and assured testimonie: euen I, who haue liued with him many yeares both in warre and in peace. They would not euen now enterprise nor vndertake the warre against you, but that verie necessitie doth constraine them to it. Now what good or great matter can be effected or executed by a courage that is forced & violently drawne vnto it, any braue and resolute souldier will soone tell vs. But howsoeuer this affection and matter of so iust griefe, do carie me away in speaking vnto you, yet I am not ignorant, but that there be many who hauing bene now of a long time accustomed to a peace (though smally honorable) will be highly aggrieued and discontented when they shall see themselues inuited by me to participate with the miseries and mischiefes of warre: and they will not sticke to say; That whatsoeuer be the fortune and successe of our armes, yet nothing can be done without the expence and losse of their bloud. In like case me thinkes I see how the mothers will be discomforted, when they shall see their children sent to the daungers and hazardes of the warres: the wiues will be heard to lament with great griefe and sorrow, for the care which they haue of their husbands safetie: and the verie infants left at home in their houses, will seeme to crie, for feare they should be made orphanes: all men generally will call me cruell, and will detest me (which I can not thinke without horror) as a new authour of warres, of perils, and of bloudshed and murther: whereas they ought rather (be it spoken without vaunting) to name me the Occasioner and preseruer of their libertie. But neither am I so carelesse of the publique and common good, nor so carefull of mine owne priuate profite and interest, that I can endure to heare so manie complaints aamongst you, nor to see so many mischiefes light vpon you all in common: but that if this my counsell (most worthie Princes and Lordes) seeme not good and to your liking: or if this occasion of entring into armes be not found profitable for the weale publique: or be not held honourable by all of you, I will be readie and willing to yeeld vp vnto Amurath (if you thinke it good) both Croye, and all the reliques of this vnfortunate Realme and Kingdome, desiring much rather with the particular daunger of mine owne life, to prouide for your suretie, then to raigne with the publique detriment and dammage of all of you. One thing onely there is, the griefe whereof doeth greatly presse me: and that is, the miserable condition of my people, and the innocent bloud of my cittizens, whome my heart can not suffer [Page 49] to be offred vp as a sacrifice to the enemie without a chiefe, without a gouernour: seeing their faith and loyaltie presenteth it selfe daily to my remembrance, of the which at the time of my restitution into this kingdome, euen of late they haue left sufficient and good proofe vnto all ages that shall succeede hereafter. But what? O immortall God! (giue me leaue my lords to speake freely vnto you) Is there any reason that your fellow citizen and countrie man should still abide with the tirant, in the middest of so many dangers and euer dwell in so damned a religion, as a continuall fugitiue from his natiue countrie, rather then to spend the rest of his life in Epire, in the place of his natiuitie, in the societie of Christians, and in the middest of you his owne countrie men? Or is it possible that I should be in Epire, and there to see and endure hereafter, that the seate of my auncestors, the scepter of my father, our sepulchers, our temples, & especially (if I may so speake) that our Gods should any longer remaine vnder the tirannie of the circumcised miscreants? alas, doth it seeme a small thing to you, that I haue euen vntil this day seene their hands filled with the blood of my subiects: that I haue dwelt so long with a wicked and vnmercifull bloudsucker, and haue spent well neere all the best and most pleasant season of my age in manifest & certaine danger of my life? From henceforth let vs (seeing God hath so permitted it) let vs I say, be ashamed of our condition. It is a great shame & infamie for vs any longer to endure those for our masters (so do our mishaps constraine me to call them) whom in the time of our fathers, one base and ignoble towne of Scythia could scarcely suffer for slaues and villaines, so contemptible were they at that time: and being accustomed only to rapine, theft & robbery, they haue encreased euen till this day, wherin they haue growen so hardie, as to threaten & menace Christendom with all kinds of extremitie. Wherfore (most magnanimous and couragious Princes, assure your countrie, your wiues, your children: defend them, and restore them to the true repose of a quiet libertie & tranquilitie. But if your owne estate seeme vnto you tollerable; at leastwise betake you to rightfull and iust armes, for me and in my behalfe, not for an Albanois, not for the sonne of a Prince, not for your kinsman: but for a poore exile and banished person. I speake not to men that will refuse a iust and lawfull warre: but I would haue you my masters to defend him, whō Iohn Castriot (a Prince not carelesse of your good welfare) if he were now liuing, would recommend at this present vnto your valure and fidelitie. And if for all this, my calamitie doe not yet moue you, but that you preferre an ignominious peace, before an honorable warre; I will haue recourse to my owne Nation, to my owne people and citizens, being resolued to submit my selfe quietly to the hazard and aduenture which fortune shall send me: and with those only who with so constant & free harts haue vowed and consecrated their owne liues for my safetie. But neither will you (most courteous Princes) as I thinke, forsake & abandon me: for to what end are all of you here assembled in such deuotion, if it be not for the warre, seeing that you cannot serue your selues of me to any other vse or purpose? You I say, will defend me, though it were euen against your wils: when you shall vnderstand, that this land afflicted by Amurath, shall implore & craue your aide and assistance, when you shall know that the enemie insolent & puffed vp with victorie, will subuert & ouerthrow your Seigniories & your libertie: & with a bloudy throat, & full of rage, & with polluted and sacrilegious hands, wil run & make hast furiously to sucke & swallow vp your bloud. But let me intreat you, not to stay and attend these extremities: doe not you make so long stay and tariance, till you see some comming (then perhaps it will be too late) to implore your succours: but euen now rather, and presently conioyning your forces with our forces, & your armes, with our armes: let vs driue and compell the enemy speedily to take the field, or let vs be the first to rush [Page 50] vpon him, and to inuade his territories. Then if he shall once see vs vnited: sure & certaine it is, that either he will change his thoughts: or if he do aduenture to march forward, he may well, to his cost, loose and come short of his wretched and greedy desire of victorie & conquest. For doe you thinke, that I in the meane time with the troupes which you shall commit vnto me, will remaine shut vp and restrained within the enclosures of any walles, and that as one of a faint courage and degenerating from my ancestors, I will hide my selfe in some corner? or that from some high place or tower amongst children, I will take vp my stande to beholde the enemie spoyling of your fieldes, and suffer the destruction of your landes and liuings and such like calamities? No be you assured, that such cowardize shall neuer come within my heart: the enemie shall see me daily & continually euen in his face with my ensignes, with my souldiers, to trie the fortune of his assaies and attempts; not in plaine battell & open fight: but (God aiding me) by some other better kind of pollicie, and it may be, with verie litle and small losse of my men, I shall make the desseignes and audacitie of Amurath to turne to smoake and to vanish away to nothing: and that from hencefoorth he shall haue enough to do, and be constrained to giue ouer his quarrell, and to leaue his baggage vnto you for a prey and bootie; at leastwise if he loue not to see his campe (after long continuance in his enemies countrie, in the fields of strangers, and in the midst of many discommodities) to be brought to that passe, as it shalbe rather in estate of an armie forced and besieged, then of a besieger & one that forceth others. Vp then (noble and most Catholique Princes) let vs set aside all delaies, let vs visite the Prouince, let vs set downe good lawes & orders of discipline, let vs leauie and muster our souldiers, and let vs lead on our forces, that when the infidels come in sight, and the sound of the trumpets doe call the souldiers to the battell, we be not then vnprouided, and to seeke for counsell, when there will be no time for it. Let vs make shewe vnto the posteritie, and let vs make it knowen vnto all ages to come hereafter, that we are men worthie of a Christian Empire.’
The oration of Scanderbeg being ended, all the great personages in the assemblie did generally addresse themselues vnto him, as the authour of their freedome and reputation: and all with one accord approuing his speech, with infinite praises & commendations did exalt & extoll him euen to the heauens. For this cause there was not any, who did not willingly commit vnto him al the charge & weight, and al the conduct & managing of this warre, choosing him alone as chiefe and superiour. EuerieScanderbeg chosen generall of the warres against the Turkes by the Princes of Epyre. one did consigne vnto him his subiects and his armes, testifying thereby & by his high clamours, that to him only was due the honor of this souereigntie; the only name of whō, as of another Alexāder, was able to defend that litle angle & corner of Macedony against all the assaults of the enemie. And more then that, the perfection of his skill & science in armes & the art military: his maruellous prudence & counsel euen befitting & worthy an Emperor: his long experience practised in the manners & customes of the barbarians: his diuine iudgemēt confirmed by daily vse & long experience, did enflame the harts of them all with a certaine and assured hope of victory. But after so many goodly offers made vnto him, the principall and chiefest was this, which Aryamnites in the presence of the whole assembly, did present vnto him, for he after he had raised himselfe out of his seate, and with a good grace and eloquent oration had exalted the rule and gouernement of Iohn the father of Castriot, the counsels and deliberations of the sonne, and the happie beginnings of his vertue and good fortune, then frankely and freely did he offer vnto him a yearely tribute: which he presented vnto him in this or the like language.
That which Amurath did exact and take of me euen till this day, during the time [Page 51] that I preferred an ignominious peace before a deadly and fatall warre: and whilest I‘Oration of Aryamnit offering him selfe tributarie to Scanderbeg. did loue a shamefull libertie, better then the warres accompanying and occasioning my misfortunes: the same doe thou receiue most valiant Prince by the consent both of God and man; receiue (I say) the gage and pledge of a good heart, if not so great and magnificent, yet at leastwise not ingrate and vnthankefull. I adiudge it and giue it thee freely, for the libertie of Albanie and mine owne, for the maintenance of our estate, of our crowne, our people and our children: praying thee that from hencefoorth, thou wouldest vse in common with me, my men and my forces, and if there be any other thing which either my fortune or my vertue sufficiently tried and knowen, haue reserued vnto me from the handes of such an enemie. And this which I doe present vnto thee most redoubted Prince of the Albanois (for letviz. Amurath. Scanderbeg chosen king of Epyre. me be the first to call and acknowledge thee by this name) and most worthy defender of our libertie, I doe offer it thee without exception of time, both in warre and in peace.’
Immediatly vpon this act, many others moued by a certaine iealouzie, did of theirPrinces of Epyre ioyne in league to aide Scanderbeg. owne motion sesse and taxe themselues, becomming tributaries vnto him, according to the qualitie of their power and abilitie. Andrewe and Tanusee his Nephew were inferiour to none of them in liberalitie. And by this meanes a great summe of money was gathered at that instant for to defray the charges of the warre. And it may be (as the report ranne in those partes, that the reuenue of Scanderbeg did amountReuenewes of Scanderbeg more then 200000. crownes by the yeare. to more then two hundreth thousande crownes by the yeare. But be it that that which he possessed within the Prouince, was of a more large compasse and circuit then any other Prince, yet it can not be gainesaide, but that hee was ouerchargeable and burthensome to his subiects in exacting vpon them alone this huge summe, especially in a time of warre kindled on all partes without ceasing, and the inhabitants (as a man may say) with one hande holding the plough, and with the other the sworde. Yet some man peraduenture will alleage, That he did supplie aSalt [...]its belonging to Scanderbeg. Campupescupi. Selite. S. Nicholas. great part of that charge, by the benefite of certaine excellent good saltpits which he had in the part of the countrie called Campupescupi, betweene the mountaine and the place named Selite on the one side, and S. Nicholas de la Pierre, on the other side. The which countrie is verie famous or rather infamous by reason of a notable desaster and great mishappe that befell the Romaine Senate, who were once there besieged, at such time as Caesar being Dictator, did take armes against Pompey, and his owne natiue countrey. But to our purpose: The residue of the companie who were not of power and abilitie to furnishe him with taxes and subsidies, did promise him the imployment of their persons liberally and freely, and their continuall labour and trauell. The Venetians, because they woulde not derogate anie thing from the maiestie of their greatnesse, would not taxe them selues, nor bee tyed with the residue to the aduauncing out of anie certaine and ordinarie contribution: but they promised to be readie at all times to ayde and helpe them with victualles, and anie other kinde of succours. Nowe after that this worthie personage had beene made thus beholding vnto them by an infinite number of prayses and officious courtesies (according as all of them did striue therein, either more or lesse to surmount each other) and after solemne and publique prayers and processions generally made for the better strengthening and fortifying of the league: some of the companie did accompanie him to Croie, and the rest retyred themselues to their owne homes. The first that was appointed to come thitherSfetygrade yeelded to Moses. was Moses, who (hauing so streightened and neere pressed Sfetigrade, that it was rendered vnto him by composition) had beene called backe with his troupes [Page 52] from the frontiers, excepting a few, who were left there vpon certaine mountaines to keepe good watch: besides those whom he had put in garrison within the towne. These bandes did not exceede the number of fiue thousand men, for that Castriot at his comming from thence to the former assembly, had licensed many of them to depart; by meanes whereof without any delay commissions were made and dispatched and many great men sent abroad to leauy souldiers on all parts.
Whilest these things were thus a doing within Epyre, you may not thinke that the braynes of Amurath also were vnbusied, or that he did forget anything touching the subiect of this warre which hee had enterprised with such hatred and fiercenesse of courage. He had nowe raised an armie of fortie thousande horse,Haly Bassasent with an armie of 40000. against Scanderbeg. all men of choise: and he had committed them to Haly Bassa one of his leaders, a man as valiant of his person, as in matters of aduise and counsell well tryed and approued: and who for his sufficiencie had attayned manie high degrees and great charges of honour in the warres: in so much that the brauerie of the troupes, and the reputation of the Chieftaine, did giue them an easie hope and good assurance of a happie and fortunate successe. There was no other talke to be heard amongst the Turkes, but of this armie and of the warre of Epyre: and such was the opinion and conceite of all in generall of this iourney, that whosoeuer had heard them, would haue iudged, that Scanderbeg had beene alreadie taken prisoner: and that hee had beene euen nowe going to suffer punishment and execution. So doe wee see sometimes in the siege of a towne, that the assaylantes before it be taken, doe thinke to haue the victorie without bloud: and they doe often fall to contention amongst themselues about the parting and deuiding of the spoile and bootie. For it is a propertie vsuall and accustomed in the spirites of mortall men, to reckon without their hoast, and to promise themselues great matters without paine or difficultie. For this cause euen in Epyre there was nowe nothing but disorder and confusion by reason of the troubles which seemed to approch: for the brute of the comming of the Bassa made all things seeme greater and more fearefull, then they were in truth and in deede. A man might haue seene on all sides those that dwelt in the fields, hastingA notable description of the tumult and confusion amongest the common people where an inuasion is expected. to saue themselues in the townes, and driuing their cattell before them: the Burgesses fortifying their walles, and appointing gardes for their portes, as if the enemie had beene alreadie discouered: the olde men quaking and trembling would put the young men in minde of their countrie, their wiues, their children, and of the honour of God and their religion especially: they would cry vpon them to be of good courage and hardie, and they would neuer cease to inflame & animate them that they might the better doe their deuoire and dutie. Neither was the weake and tender sexe of women free from this publique feare and terror, but that it did embolden them to runne out into the streetes amongst their armed husbands: sometimes stirring them vppe to vertue and manhood, by their iust and pitifull lamentations: and sometimes in extreame care running to the temples and holy places, and making their vowes, prayers, and orizons vnto God before the altars, for the preseruation of their countrie. And the litle children also astonished with their mothers teares, would crie out more and more with all extremitie.
As for Scanderbeg none of these newes, neither of the arriuall of Haly, nor of the enemies armie, nor the astonishment of the cōmon people, did any thing at all moue him: but he made a mocke of the vaine attempts of Amurath, & of the foolish feare of the Albanoys. Hauing therfore aforehand ordered all things throughout the prouince for feare least too great license & neglect of the enemy should abate the courage of his souldiers, & diuert them from the care & regard of the war, he did so deale & persuade [Page 53] with them, that he enflamed their harts with so generall a confidence, & did put them in so good a hope of victory, that they were neuer seene to desire any thing more then the comming of the Turkish generall, ech of them hauing a kind of enuie and desire to make proofe of their deuoire and valure: and by the generall and particular desert of them all to leaue vnto their Prince a large and ample testimonie of their loyaltie. In like manner in this one thing did Scanderbeg also shewe a notable example of hisCourage and resolute assurance of Scanderbeg. maruellous courage and assurance, giuing all the world occasion of wonder: yea and Haly Bassa his enemie, if he had in any sort considered of the fact, I doe not doubt, but it would haue made him greatly abashed. For whereas many fierce and warrelike peoples and nations did resort vnto him in great abundance from all partes: so as he might well haue made, not one, but many great and mightie armies: he, after he had cōmended & magnified their good affection, would not admit any but the choisest of them, and did retaine with himselfe only eight thousand horse, and seuen thousand foote. The ouerplus both of the old bands, and of the new encrease he licensed to depart: of whom notwithstanding he disposed some in certaine places for diuerse accidentes and occurrences. Euery man wondered and was abashed at this deuise of the Prince so hardie and aduenturous: but my opinion is, that this his act proceeded of some doubt, least if he should haue had the disgrace to be ouercome in set battell, he should afterwards want the meanes to relieue himselfe. And this was the occasion (as I beleeue) that he did furnish so many fortresses with forces and garrisons, as being willing to reserue them for a supplement and remainder of defence in time to come, against the inconueniences of an ouerthrow, and by meanes wherof, he might by way of surprise, extort the victorie out of the hands of the enemie, beginning perhaps to waxe insolent in their prosperitie. Notwithstanding he was neuer heard to speake of any such matter, but he did continually and with a cheerefull countenance promise himselfe an assured good fortune, and a successe in all things answerable to his desire, which maketh me to thinke and to affirme, that this only was not the reason, why he retayned at that time so small forces. But I beleeue that it proceeded of a singular ‘confidence which remained in him: a thing commonly seene, especially in great and excellentConfidence and fortune seldome faile great and excellent natures. natures, who very seldom or neuer doe find themselues abused or deceiued by fortune.’ For this is to be marked, yea and to be admired in Scanderbeg, that almost continually and with verie few and small forces, he obtained against the infidels so many and often victories, as it is almost incredible. This is it, which hauing oftentimes rauished and held me in suspence, hath made me in this history to deliuer many aduentures to the posteritie, the truth wherof had not yet sunke into my owne mind and opinion. And yet (it may be) hereafter it will not be amisse nor inconuenient to beleeue them: because it can not be denied, but that some ages doe bring foorth‘strange cases and accidents, to the intent we should haue some matter to maruell at. And that this is true, we may beholde a principall example of the like valure and good fortune: if we looke no further then euen in the same age, to Hunyades,’ whoHunyades the Despot of Transiluania was the father of Mathias Coruinus king of Hungarie. so many times in a manner all alone, did foile and confounde the puissance of the Turkes, and with a small number obtained more trophees of victorie, then manie others who haue bene much better accompanied, & whose numbers haue exceeded. But why should we stand any longer with such curiosity vpon the truth and credit of this matter, seeing that (without singular impudencie) no man can denie these things being so fresh and late in memorie, and whereof it litle wanteth, but that our fathers might with their eies haue bene witnesses.
Scanderbeg hauing now enrolled and taken a generall view and muster of his souldiers, and publique vowes and prayers being offered vnto God by euery man according [Page 54] to his owne fancie, departed from Croy and encamped neere to the lower Dibria, where euery day he heard newes that the enemy approched. Therupon he bethought himselfe, that being newly made their Chieftaine and Captaine, he ought to vse some speech to his new souldiers: for which cause commaunding silence, Thus he beganOration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers marching against the to speake vnto them.
I would wish (my companions) that you had happened vpon me as your Captaine, ‘and that I might haue enioyed your notable & faithfull seruice, when my affaires had bene in greater prosperity, and in a time wherin my reigne had bene more happy and fortunate. For nowe being ashamed of the many bondes and obligations, whereby I see my selfe tyed vnto you, I would not haue inuited you to the discommodities of new warres, and to so many fresh mischieues: but hauing bene so well receiued and entertained by my Citizens, I would then haue yeelded them (at my ease and leisure and with patience) that due thankes and recompence which long before this time I had prepared my selfe to render vnto them: and as a Chieftaine that seeth his souldiers embrued and couered with blood, I would make no spare of my selfe in recompence of your labours, trauels and daungers, and for the blood of the enemy which you haue heretofore shed so valiantly. But seeing the destinies haue so ordained, and that it pleaseth fortune that I must discouer vnto you my affaires, and that I must be an occasion rather of your paines then of your tranquilitie and rest: Consider I pray you, that it standeth vs vpon to endure it valiantly and patiently, and to submit our selues to whatsoeuer difficulties this warre shall bring with it; to the intent that one day we may liue in peace and quiet. It behoueth vs, willingly and with francke and readie mindes to take armes, to breake the bondes of so long a seruitude and bondage, and the enemie being chased from our partes, afterwardes to reioice our selues in a more happie kinde of life, and in a perdurable and lasting libertie, whereunto it is not needfull that I paine my selfe to animate and incense you: For that as all of you doe now shew your selues affectioned to take my part: so is it most certaine, that wordes (as the saying is) doe not increase hardinesse in men that are couragions: ad hereunto that I canne say no more vnto you with my weapons in my hand then you being in armes ought to know of your owne selues. The enemy (whom you haue nowe neare you) will aduerise you thereof sufficiently: the indignitie of so many iniuries: the wrath and hatred which they haue conceiued doe admonish you of it, and doe arme you against them: the yoke of our bondage shaken off and broken: the libertie both of our bodies and of our soules: the mortall hatred of Amurath: the qualitie of the Barbarian: the cruell commandementes: the horrible executions wherewith he doth aduance himselfe to sucke vp our blood: and last of all the proces of the finall ruine and destruction of vs all being now past and fully concluded on: all these doe inuite you to take armes against him. If then our countrey (the loue whereof containeth all loue, and for which we ought to thinke, that we haue neuer shed sufficient of our blood, if the particular vertue of euerie one of vs, if the honour and nobilitie of our kindred doe strengthen the courage of anie man; let them animate you (my friendes) to betake you to armes and to sharpen your launces. You haue by my pursuite and procurement, so speedily and without the losse of one drop of blood, recouered Croie the seate of your forefathers: Spare not now in defence thereof to shed your bloud if neede be. This is the daye, wherein both hope and oportunitie doe present themselues vnto you, for the recouerie of your countrey so long time lost: and for the raysing of you to great and high fortune, you haue chosen me either for your companion or your Captaine before any other, and I wil not be the last in any labors, in any hazards whatsoeuer: and if peraduenture in other things my forwardnes [Page 55] shal not be seconded with as good fortune: yet will I neuerthelesse make known vnto you the conditions, the conceites, the wiles and policies of the enemy: with whom (it may be by the diuine ordinance) I haue spent the most part of my yeares to my owne hindrance, and haue bene instructed in them to the end they might serue to ayde you at this present. It would be vnpleasing vnto me heere to report vnto you their base and vile condition, but that hope (which maketh promise of a victorie lesse painefull) doth render the souldier more resolute and deliberate. What other thing are they but the dregs and scum of slaues and raskals gathered together, more accustomed to theftes and robberies, then to a true warre and a iust kinde of fight and combat? Is it certaine that this sort of men, whose name is so famous amongst persons fearefull and timerous, should be those Turkes, the slaues and fugitiues of the Scythians? Originall of the Turkes. whose fathers (as some say) had their dwellings beyonde the Ryphean mountaines, and the Isles of Tarracont euen in the heart and bosome of the North, and in the Northerne Ocean? A nation filthy, villanous, and opprobrious: nourished in dennes, secret corners, and filthie places: who not discerning the flesh of Wolues and Vultures, doe fill and satisfie their hunger vpon humaine abortiue bodies, and who can very hardly glorifie themselues of any one battell gotten well and honestly. It may be that they haue vsurped by fraude and deceite most large and ample dominions, and that they will from time to time daily purchase more both better and fayrer as long as matter shall be giuen them whereupon to exercise their treason and infidelitie. Here nowe me thinkes I see how Amurath betaketh himselfe to his wiles, sleightes, and subtelties, when his other assayes shall not be able to preuaile against you. Beholde and marke well this subtell and cautelous Ottoman, who will make you faire and goodly promises vppon the hope of others misfortunes. It seemeth vnto him belike, that there is not any where any kinde of people, but they should be like vnto the Greekes, Bulgarians, and Misians: all which beeing inueigled and blinded in their owne misfortune and destruction more then was conuenient, after they had simply and in good faith yeelded themselues vnto him: the good Prince did either driue them all into exile and banishment, or did depriueI▪ side i [...]e of Amurath to the Greekes and others. them of their sight, or did mangle and deforme their members, and wholly disfigure them. That which I nowe tell you (my friendes) is to admonish you, as those whom I esteeme and set by, as those to whome I haue consecrated my life and my bloud, to the intent you may glue me by this subiect, ample and large occasion, either to commende you, or to accuse you: for at this present I doe not thinke it needefull either to prayse or dispraise any man. For what iudgement can be made of a souldier, onely brauing and vaunting himselfe within a campe? Then will I make the censure of your deserts, when I see your swordes smoaking with the bloud of the Turkes: when my selfe both as a beholder and an encourager, will immitate your prowes, being prodigall both of life and safetie. At that time will I heape vpon you all sortes of commendation and rewardes. But if any one of you doe feele his courage to waxe colde through cowardice, measuring our forces by those of the enemie: if he thinke that those who surmount in number, will surmount also in vertue: Let him freely depart and dislodge from hence, I speake it in a good houre, for feare least going with vs hee serue rather to make vppe the number then to giue vs ayde or succour, let him retire hence to his owne home presentlie. Or if all of you be of that opinion, and that this feare be common vnto you in generall: If neither God nor man can make you ashamed, let vs then reenforce and strenthen this our armie with some newe supplyes, or else let vs turne our faces and retire speedily. But he which shall redoubt and stand in feare of the [...] [Page 58] follow with a troupe of horse, and to couer themselues vnder their sides:’ by meanes whereof they might be the better able both to safe gard themselues from the enemie, and to endammage the Barbarians the more grieuously, who mistrusted no such kind of matter in their ordering: betweene the one and the other of these troupes stoode George Strese, a Knight most hardie and couragious, accompanied with the souldiersGeorge Strese. and all the youth of Croy round about him, hauing so disposed of them purposely, that he might be both the beholder and encourager of his citizens. After the squadron of archers followed the maine bodie of the infanterie: namely, the bands of pikes and targatyers, conducted by Aidyn the brother of Gnee Musachee. Vranocontes a sage andAidin. Vranocontes. expert warrior with the rest of the horsemen, led the rereward and the supplies. This was a strong and close batallion, compounded of the flower of the olde souldiers, and best men: holding themselues firme like a bulwarke for the rallay & retraite of the other troupes, before that they should be broken or forced to recule: (the Romaines named it Triarij.) The troupes of footmen that marched with him, were commanded and had in charge; that assoon as they should see their fellowes to breake forth in the am buscado, and the enemie charged behind, and entangled betweene the two points or wings of the armie, they should suddenly spread themselues, and opening their rancks, should giue way vnto the men at armes: and that then with a new terror, they should disorder the enemie, and with one and the same charge strike in vpon them being alreadie wearied and sore trauelled: and that then the said footmen closing and ioyning themselues againe in troupe in their owne places, should together with the supplies stand fast, and keepe the batallions from being broken or endammaged, till such time as they might see manifest and apparant likelihood of victorie, and the enemie in full disaray and disorder. In this manner had Scanderbeg martialled his troups, and caused them to holde close without suffering the trumpet to giue the signall of fight, till he sawe the Bassa also arranged in order of battell, and aduancing forward. For he feared least that the souldiers disbanding themselues through ouermuch haste and rashnesse to the encounter: and breaking their orders by reason of their too great furie and desire to aduance themselues, should bring the estate of the whole armie to some encombrance.
The Generall of the Turkes considering the order of our battelles, aduanced forwarde, and by way of mockery often repeated these wordes: Euer, euer (quoth he) doe the greater deuour the lesser, and with open throate he laughed both to see themThe battell betweene Scanderbeg and Haly Bassa. so raunged, and at the foolish pompe of the Christian: marching so formally (as he thought) to his owne funerals. One of the Ottoman legions was come forward with great hardinesse before the others, but being charged speedily and neerely by the forlorne hope of the Christians, they gaue backe and forsooke their place as suddenly, before that the two armies had affronted ech other: and at the verie first beginning, they suffered thēselues to be beaten backe euen within their trenches, retyring themselues faster then a good pace. But the Prince of Albanie misdoubting some Turkish stratageme, sent forth part of his horsemen both to stay the furious pursuit of his souldiers, and to bring euery man into his place. The like hapened in the left wing, and therefore both the one and the other being retyred to their troupes, they prepared themselues againe to the future conflict, and to come vnto a full battell with both the armies. Now were the Mahometists the more encouraged, for that a few of theirs in a mockerie (as it were) had deceiued many of the Christians: wherefore when the maine fight beganne, Tanuse and Moses parting betwene them the two wings of the enemie, went fiercely to the encounter. And Castriot with the like furie pricking forward cheerefully with his horse, did assaile the Batallion of the enemie that himselfe [Page 59] had made choise of. At one and the same time also was the ambushment ready to breake forth of the wood with most high and loud cries and clamours, before that the enemie with all his forces had giuen in vppon our squadrons, and before that all were come equally to the medley. Manie companies of the Turkes perceiuing this, (especially those of the rereward,) & being possessed with a sudden feare, leauing both the campe and the charge, betooke themselues to flight: so that they in the vowarde being surprised and inclosed by the two wings of the Christians, did see themselues exposed to the butcherie and slaughter of the middle legion. There was but one batallion onely of the enemie which Scanderbeg was not able to breake, nor durst to set vpon, so well was the same defended and reenforced by the Barbarians, who had made it of their greatest number of their people as a sure and safe rampier for the safetie of the whole armie. There (as it was soone after knowen) did the Bassa Haly, being enuironned with the stoutest and strongest forces of all his armie, maintaine the euent and hazard of the battell for a verie long time, wauering and vncertaine. In this meane while Aydin hauing charged vpon the middle warde of the Turkish armie, and pressing hard vppon those legions, had filled all with murther and bloudshedde: and the tumult was there more bloudie and desperate, then in anie other part of the fight. For the enemie seeing that there was no meanes of fasetie left him, but onely by armes, with the greatest furie that might be, forced in vppon our men with their swordes in point, to the intent they might not die vnreuenged. And after the hazarde and vnfortunate errour of warre had brought some of them thither to the encounter: there came others still running to their succours, thinking by the accesse of their forces to haue relieued their companions; in such sorte that the more the Turkes made head thitherwardes, and the thicker that they resorted to the encounter: so much the longer and doubtfull would the resistance haue beene, if Vranocontes fresh and lustie both of courage and of forces, dismarching in the same instant, and falling in pell mell amongest them, as they were now wearied and wauering had not ended the battell, and ouerthrowen those that remayned. That which moued the Christian Chiefetaine to be of this minde: that his hoast should inuade the Infidels so late, and not to come to the ayde of his men before they were in so harde an estate, was this; for that he sawe both the two winges, and the Cornet and garde it selfe of the Prince on all sides beset and busied: and hauing their handes full at the beginning, he would not that they should remaine altogether vnfurnished and destitute of supplyes and succours. And therefore he deferred the employment of his horsemen, and made choice of this time and occasion as most fitte and proper to weaken their forces, and to giue them the checke and ouerthrowe. Hence it grewe that not anie one of them almost did escape awaye in safetie, but that they passed vnder the sworde of the Christians, excepting onely three hundreth vppon whom, lifting vppe their handes for mercie: and casting awaie their weapons as people wearied and spent with woundes, Castriot would not permit the extreame rigour of victorie to be vsed. By occasion whereof the troupes of Scanderbeg, after this their goodly exploite and militarie trauell accomplished and ended, came with exceeding great reioycing andVictorie of Scanderbeg of Haly Bassa & the Turkes. acclamations to the presence of their Generall, where they founde all things as they wished and desired. For the Croyans had wholy broken the battallion of the Bassa, and after a wonderfull slaughter did pursue the Turkish Generall, who saued himselfe with the losse of his horse. There was nothing seene nor heard on any side but bloud & massacres with cryes and lamentations of men drawing to their end: Some tooke prisoners, others leauing behind them the trunkes of the dead bodies deformed, did [Page 60] cut off the heades to make presents of them to their Generall: manie of them also fell to rifling of the baggage: according as the minds of some men are to be egerly set on their gaine and profit. Finally throughout all the campe there was mention made of this victorie so memorable and almost incredible, euen to them especially who were ouercome and vanquished: euerie man being abashed at the maruellous execution in so short a time: for the fight continued from the sunne rising but till the third houre. In this battell besides foure and twentie ensignes taken, and 2000 Turkes prisoners, there were slaine vpon the place two and twentie thousand. Of the Christians thereNumber of Turkes 22000 slaine. died verie few; and it is said that there were not missing of them but about one hundreth and twentie: but of such as were wounded there were a farre greater number. In this manner then did our men that day obtaine that notable victorie vpon the miscreantes according to the expectation and hope of them all in generall: withall that in this hard encounter, nothing was forgotten which might not onely inuite, but also compell fortune to fauour them in the euent and issue of the battell. There was no oportunitie, place, nor good order, nor any notable reason which might be esteemed iust and necessarie to drawe a man to the hazard of battell, but it was carefully and diligently obserued. If we should speake of the Captaines and the souldiers; I dare well affirme, that in this iourney Lyons had Lyons for their leaders and conducters. A great number of them were olde souldiers, who had before times borne armes euen vnder the father of Scanderbeg: so as you would not haue taken them for souldiers, but for masters and teachers in the arte militarie. In this sort did they thinke nowe to haue made an end of this warre by meanes of the winning of this battell: and that once they should haue abated the bragges and audacitie of the Turkes.
Scanderbeg being nowe master of the fielde, held himselfe quiet within his campe, the residue of that day, and all the night following. The next morning (his courage as yet boyling through the good hap of this encounter) he busied himselfe in taking order for that which remained, and especially to animate the souldiers to an enterprise verie conuenient and needefull, and which should be no lesse delightfull to themselues: to witte, the ouerrunning, and sacking of the enemies countrey. And thereforeOration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers, inuiting them to spoile the Turkish territorier. he vsed these or the like wordes vnto them.
Hitherto (my souldiers) haue you foughten for me your prince, euen till this day, and till nowe haue you shewed and done your deuoire for your countrey: from henceforward your owne profession doth inuite you, and your owne good fortune doth summon you to continue as you haue begunne. Behold how on all partes the ‘legions of the enemie are by your vertue ouerthrowen and discomfited: and nowe may you number and recount your owne prowes and valiant deedes. It may be that secretly in your thoughtes, you promise to yourselues from me some great rewards, and some singular recompence, which should be prepared and prouided for you, for so many labours: for so much blood: for so many trauels suffered in this battell: and I protest vnto you on my faith, your expectation shall not be frustrate, so farre forth as I shall find the meanes and possibilitie. I do verie well and sufficiently conceiue in my minde the commendations and praises of you all both in generall and in particular. This onely is the reward that you shall expect of me (let me make my selfe a litle merrie with you) if so be the courages of souldiers canne content themselues with praises onely. Other goods haue I not at this time, wherewith I may honour your valure: but hereafter when I shall haue things in abundance to dispose of, assure your selues I will depart with them vnto you as bountifully. What is there that you can receiue more pleasing and with a better courage? according to other mens iudgement and opinion, then this honor & glory, which ech of you shall carie home in triumph [Page 61] as a conquest atchieued by his owne arme and proper vertue? Beholde here neare at hand the territorie of the enemy, rich and plentifull in wealth of all sorts: your gallantise and prowesse hath disfurnished them, and made them bare and naked of all defence: now therefore with good leysure and ease doe you charge and loade your selues with the prey and spoyle thereof, which is left and abandoned to your pleasure and discretion. Let the feare of the enemy farre and wide know you to be the Conquerours; euen you (I say) whom our natiue countrey shall presently see retourning home chearefull, ioyous, and triumphant. This will be no small encrease of benefite vnto you, to come from a peece of seruice so excellent. Neuerthelesse, to the intent it may be sayed, that I also in some sort haue rewarded you for this dayes victory, and that the one of you haue no occasion to enuy the other, seeing that the vertue of you all in the fight was alike and equall; I doe here ordaine and appoint, that the footemen shall take the horses of their slaine enemies, and that all of you from henceforth shall serue on horsebacke as men at Armes. Now therefore (vnder the fauour of the great God) let euery man follow me chearefully, that we maie goe on and reape the most acceptable and gladsome fruites of your perfect and full deuoyre.’
The souldiours who had listened all this while verie attentiuelie to his speaches,Spoile and sack of the enemies countrey, permitted by Scā derbeg to his souldiors. with verie great signification of ioy and gladnesse (as men ouerioyed with hope of the prey and booty, which they did expect by spoyling of their enemies countrey) did approue this his encouragement. They ran therefore euery where, here and there without discretion, without order, without conduct, being stirred and pricked on with an assured and sodaine contempt and negligence, proceeding (as it seemeth) of their happy and good successe. But the Prince being well aduised, and not hauing any affiaunce in the inconstant and fickle fauours of Fortune, he stayed the fury and violence of his souldiours, till such time as those which hee had sent to make a discouery, did bring him backe word that there was no daunger. And then (the sacke and pillage being permitted them freely) the men at armes altogether puffed vppe with the late victory which they had gotten, and dispersed here and there in diuerse places, did cast them selues in vppon the enemies country, and caried away the goods of the husbandmen, their persons, and their cattell. Neither did their furie spare to shew it selfe vppon the verie trees. Nothing was pardonned of what kinde soeuer, whereunto the fire and the sword might doe any dammage and displeasure, excepting onely women and children. The booty was gathered and drawen together, and driuen with such confusion, noise and debate, that a man woulde haue iudged, there had bene begun some new tumult of warres, and that the fieldes had bene full of men fighing and combatting. Their woundes did not withhold or hinder anie one of them (for the greedie desire of pillage had drawen thither many of those who were wounded in the battell) but their paines and trauels so lately taken, were quite forgotten, and (as it were) cleane vanished away. Neither the labours, nor the waightinesse of their burthens, did not discourage any one of them, no more then the excesse and aboundance of spoyle (which commonly causeth wearinesse and satiety) did satisfie and content them: in so much that the griefe and sorrow of the souldiors was greater, for leauing that which they could not beare away, then their ioy and contentment of that which they caried with them. When they had thus continued long enough in spoyling and foraging, and that the rage of the souldiours was mitigated and appeased vppon the countrey of the enemy: Castriot caused to sound the retraite, and his men being ouerloaden with the prey and bootie, marched awaie presentlie with great gladnesse and ioy. The Captaines made themselues [Page 62] ‘mery at the sloth and lazinesse of the souldiors: reproaching them that of braue and valiaunt warriours, they were now become sheepestealers: and of defendours of the glory and renow me of Albanie, men might see them chaunged into the habite and trade of sheepeheardes. And thus scoffing sometimes at one, and sometimes at another, with many pleasaunt iestes and wordes of mockerie, each after other in this or the like manner; what (sayed they) woulde Halie Bassa now saie with the reliques of his discomfiture, if hee were euen nowe in place and did see you in this point, dragging after you so vile and base baggage of neither worth nor valour, but a fitte reward for couetous and greedy souldiours? Would hee not blushe extreamely at so vile and shamefull Conquerours? And would hee not reproach his men of their faintnesse and cowardize, that hadde suffered them selues to be surmounted and ouercome by such a sort of base companions: and for that they hadde yeelded vnto such men the honour and the glorie of the combate?’ Thus did the souldiours full of mirth and merriment, with diuerse sportes and songs full of ioy and gladnesse, case and mittigate the hard trauell of the way, till such time as with high cries and clamours they saluted the guardes of their Campe which marched on before them. The night following being past within their Campe: Scanderbeg the next morning before daie breake, commaunded to trusse vp the baggage, and with his hoast triumphaunt marched on directly towardes Croie. The multitude scattered euery where throughout all the high waies and passages, did salute and call them both generally and priuately triumphant and valiaunt. Euery man admired the greatnesse of the spoiles gotten from the enemy, and hardly were the new made men at armes discerned and knowen from the old. These congratulations and reioycings did endure many daies, and there were sent vnto all the Princes and particular Lordes of Epire, letters crowned with lawrell and certaine standards, and the residue were hanged vp in their churches.
This yeare was famous and notable by reason of this victory: but much more1443. memorable was it afterwardes by the dolorous discomfiture of the Christians at Varna. The which to paint it out vnto you more liuely, I must draw backe to theOf the warres betweene the Turkes and the Hungarians. defait of Carambey, whereof I entreated in the former booke. You knowe (if you haue any knowledge in the course and vsage of Armes) that one disgrace of Fortune, and the gaine of one onely battell, doth euer bring much disfauour and many mishappes to the looser, and causeth fresh beginnings of new enterprises to his enemies. Euen so that rude Bastanado giuen to Carambey at the battell of Moraua, and the reuolt of Scanderbeg falling both at once vppon Amurath, did sollicite and cause the * Caramanian to moue warre against him: so that preparing a puissant and mightieThis is the king of Cilicia. This Pontus and Bithinia. Army, and therewithall inuading the Turkes in * Natolia (which is called also great Tregnyo) he constrayned Amurath to passe into Asia, with the reliques of his defeated forces, to assure the estate of that countrey. But finding that he should not be strong enough, vnlesse he did wholly and altogether oppose him selfe against this new enemy: besides that the successe of the forepassed ouerthrow at Moraua, did make him begin to bethinke him selfe, and to redoubt the felicity of the Christians. First of all therefore (as I haue told you) he would assure him selfe of the king of Hungarie by a peace: the which being concluded, and respectiuely sworne vppon the holie Euangelistes, and the Alcaran, was fully ratified by the mediation of George the Despot of * Seruia and Ruscia: which notwithstanding was soone after violated, by the meansThis is the vpper Misia, by the Turkes called Segoria, which I will now shew you.
The Turkishe Ambassadour being dislodged and departed from the Court of Vladislaus: beholde sodainely there arriued letters from Francis Albert a Florentine, [Page 63] Cardinall of the holy siege: the contentes whereof were. That the Turke withLetters from Francis Albert Cardinall to Vladislaus king of Hungary. innumerable companies was passed ouer into Asia, to fight against the King of Caramania, hauing left his countrey in Europe vnprouided and difurnished of defence, and wholly disarmed: and that he with three score and tenne Gallies well armed and appointed, and many other great Vesselles of warre, hauing seized on all the portes and passages, hadde taken from the Infidell all meanes and hope anie more to transport his troupes and forces on this side the Sea. And that such opportunity which then was offered, ought not to be lost and omitted: that now this cursed and wicked nation might be either rooted out in a manner without anie fight, or at least wise chased and driuen so farre off, that they should be no more heard nor spoken of. For you must note: that Iulian Caesarin Cardinall of SainctIulian Cardinall of Sainct Angell. Angell and legate of his holinesse, being then neare about Vladislaus at Buda, had lately procured a new league betweene the Christians for the ruine and destruction of the name of Ottoman, and had caused Pope Eugenius the fourth of thatLeauy of the Christians against the Turkes. name, the Duke of Burgoyne, the Venetians, and the Genowayes to enter into the same, who hauing put in readinesse and prouided this army by sea, hadde now seized vppon that straight. At the same instaunt (as if it had beene a thing done of purpose) the Messengers of the Emperour of Greece, reported the like newes and in manner to the same effect. If these tidings were displeasing to the legate, I leaue to your opinion. For hee was greatly greeued to see the accord and agreement passed betweene the King of Hungarie and the Turke, to the preiudice of his practises and endeuours, by meanes whereof so great and mighty forces were assembledThis is Hellespont, the Arme of S. George. A Maxime of the Romishe Prelates. Cardinall Iulian maketh the king of Hungary to breake his faith and league with the Turkes. * Cursed and vnhappy. at the sea neare * Gallipolis. And he doubted least he should be taxed either of lightnesse and inconstancy, or of faithlesnesse and infidelity. But he knew so well both how to do, and to speake vnder colour of this Maxime: * (That faith ought not to be kept with infidelles and miscreants,) that the compact and conditions of the peace, were broken and violated. And he absolued and freed both the king, his nobles, and all others, who had benesworne thereunto, from the oath which they had solemnly taken and made, so that all of them entred chearefully and gladly into this * blessed league. The Romaine legate him selfe was there present, followed with a faire and goodly troope vnder the Crosse. Iancus Huniades that tempest of warre with his Valachians came thither likewise, and had the title to be lieuetenaunt Generall of the Army royall.
Vppon the preparation of so high and haughty an enterprise, all were moued at the glorious renowme of Scanderbeg, and at his fresh victory gotten vppon Halie Vladislaus and the Christians do seeke the aide of Scanderbeg against the Turkes. Bassa, and they perswaded them selues that if they could ioyne, vnto this their great preparatiue and prouisions of the Hungarians, the forces of the Albanois yet shining in the Vermilion colour of the Turkish bloud: this would be an aide and supply vnto them of singular aduantage, and a most certaine assuraunce of a good and happie successe to their desires. For this cause vppon good deliberation approued by all of them, and with all speed possible: according as the apparaunce of mischiefe and inconuenience neare and imminent did require, letters were sent away, of which this was the tenour.
It may be that Gods will was, that this our late congratulation should be deferred vntill this present: to the intent that wee might at this time reioyce together with you in the double successe of your prosperitie: not onely for the happy [Page 64] recouery of your owne estate, but also for that by your vertue and prudence, the same hath bene couragiously defended. In this then doe we solace and reioyce our selues both with you, and with all Christendome: considering that the diuine clemency and your valour, hath giuen such succours and comfort to the publique weale and estate Christian. For to speake the trueth, the losse of the nation of Albanois hath beene such a wound that wee may continually bewaile it, as much as any one of our other mishappes and misfortunes: at that time when Iohn Castriot your father (whom God pardon) a Prince (as I vnderstand of excellent merite and desert,) being oppressed by Amurath, and taken out of this world by the vngratefull destenies, had neither the meanes to leaue vnto you the inheritaunce of his Crowne and Scepter (as vnto his Sonne, being then vnder the yoke and bondage of a stranger) nor yet was able otherwise to prouide for his affaires. O that it had pleased God, that this Father being most happy and fortunate in such a Sonne had bene now liuing: no greater blisse could haue befallen him, whereby to surmount all humaine felicity, then to haue seene you before his death. For so doe you seeme vnto me aboue all other Princes in this world (be it spoken without displeasing of any other) the most accomplished in all graces and perfections both of minde and body, as being diuinely endowed with a certaine fatall and wonderfull Fortune: by the good encounter whereof, not onely all the land of Albany may vaunt it selfe, to be in surety and security: but they shall also recouer their first forme and beauty, the auncient glory of their kingdome, the free liberty of their religion, and all the rightes and priuiledges of the people which were lately dismembred from the Realm of Macedon, by the vnlawfull robbery of the Ottomans. For (to say nothing of those things, which from your infancy hauing made you continually to be enuyed, haue purchased vnto you heretofore, euen amongest the Barbarians, an immortall name and glory) what can there be more magnificent then this victory, which (as wee haue heard and doe beleeue) you haue obtained with singular admiration in the vtter ouerthrow and discomfiture of Haly Bassa, and so great and mighty troupes of the Pagans? But now ô Scanderbeg, there offers it selfe vnto you a subiect of farre greater glory, vnder the fauour and blessing of God, who by his wonderfull counsaile and decree, hath reserued you in these so difficult and daungerous times for the safety and publique good of Christendome: with a most faire and fitte occasion to reuenge vppon the Sultan, all his wrongs and iniuries both new and old: as well those done to your owne person, as those against the estate and kingdome of Albanie; and not onely the domesticall and ciuill miseries of your owne countrey, but the publique calamities also, and those opprobrious disgraces done against the Christian religion now oppressed, (I will not say extinguished,) if so be that vppon the point, and in this extremity of our affaires, not yet altogether desperate and without hope, you will succour vs with your victorious Forces. Hereunto doe all the princes of Hungarie, and of Poland, and all good men inuite you. Iulian the Cardinall of Sainct Angell intreateth you, and so many Catholique and deuout men at armes Christians, who are here with vs long since ready in armes and well appointed, no other thing doe wee attend then your ensignes. This will be a sure meane at this time (if you refuse not this fitte opportunitie which God now so graciouslie sendeth vs) to vanquishe our common and troublesome enemy, and wholly to determine this warre: to chase and driue away the Turkes, and to dispossesse them of Europe, so long time by them occupied and wrongfully vsurped. I neede not then (as I take it) vse any kinde of perswasion vnto you in this cause and quarrell, the defence whereof doth purchase vs safety, light, and liberty. Contrariwise being [Page 65] abandoned, I will not forehalsen that which may come of it. Wee ChristiansO that a [...] Christiant would well payze and consider these wordes. haue beene too too slacke and backeward in doing our deuoyr to helpe and succour each other. The flame hath now well neare consumed all of vs: yet haue none in the meane time bene aduised or perswaded, that this fire would passe on and come neare vnto them selues. What doth the estate of the Greekes represent vnto vs, and the condition of the Triballians, and last of all mine owne losses▪ What Iliade can recount vnto vs all the mischieues wee haue endured, and those which doe daily menace vs? So many braue and valiaunt Princes the bulwarke and defence of Hungarie which we do loose from time to time aswell in puissant armies consumed and brought to nothing, and with one and the same fatall chaunce of warre almost wholly extinguished? In such sort, that in this Realme from hence forward, there is neither family, wife, nor matrone, exempted from bearing a part in this grieuous and lamentable calamity. All this and worse by farre do Christian Princes heare of, and yet, the miserable estate and condition of their Allies can nothing moue any one of them: but thus doe they suffer vs on all parts to be exposed to the rage and fury of the common enemies, as if we were an offering to be sacrificed to all perils and daungers; Onely Eugenius the chiefe Pastor of the Church, and Philip Duke of Burgundie are to be excepted, who haue not reiected nor refused the burthen of our afflicted and miserable Fortune. The one hath sent hither his legate the Cardinall of Sainct Angell, with notable and puissant succours: and the Duke of Burgoyne with his Army at sea, hauing aduentured as farre as Gallipoly, doth valiantly hinder the passage of the Turkes into Europe. One other hope there is not now farre from vs: and that is, the succours whereof we are so desirous; the which we doe require of you, being moued thereunto, partly by your valour so well knowen and notorious, and partly also in regard of the imminent perill, and the hazard of the common affaires, which presseth vs all in generall. And albeit we are not ignorant of the discommodities which may befall you in this expedition: we pray you notwithstanding that they may not withhold and keepe you backe, assuring you, that as it cannot be but to your great honour, so the benefite of this your present desert, shall not be bestowed on persons of an vngrate and thankelesse spirite. But that which you shall at this time beginne and vndertake for our preseruation and dignity: we will from henceforth and euermore continue for your glory, and for the increase of your greatnesse. God haue you in his keeping.
From Bude our Capitoll and chiefe city the fourth day of Iuly. 1443.
By this time had Haly Bassa brought backe the reliques of his defeated army vntoH [...]ly Bassa returneth to Amurath. Amurath: howbeit that the newes of his desaster oftentimes reiterated, had made way before him. Some say that he was sharply reproued by the Ottoman, who obiected vnto him by way of reproach, that it was not likely that so puissant an army could haue bene almost wholly ruinated without some great and notable cowardize, or some counsell rash and timerous. Sometimes he would exclaime and say, that his army was betrayed▪ sometimes he would alleadge, that either it was surprized by the negligence of the Generall, or that in comming to the encounter, they had giuen the aduantage of the place vnto the enemy: whereof it proceeded that so great a desaster and misfortune had fallen vpon his people. Now albeit Haly Bassa could not deny, but hee had bene ouerreached and preuented by our ambushments, the which might haue deceiued any man, were he neuer so polliticke, subtill, and circumspect, yet did he excuse himselfe neuerthelesse, calling his souldiours to witnesse, that there was nothing in him to be reprehended, but the variable and inconstant chaunce and lotte of Armes: and that there wanted neither good order, nor discipline, nor the aduauntage of [Page 66] place, nor the oportunity of charging at a fit and conuenient time▪ Finally that neither the souldiours did faile their Captaine, nor the Captaine their souldiours. But if it would please his Maiesty, to permit him once more to attempt and make triall of his Fortune; he would make him to see, that he had a deuise and stratageme, by which he would bring it to passe, that this prosperity of Scanderbeg should proue dolefull and lamentable. The vaine promises of the Bassa did soone moue the Sultan, who being now more animated then euer, was willing that in any case new forces shoulde speedily be prouided, if the other Bassaes and Councellours, especially Caly Bassa, making him to change his aduise, had not shewed him: That another war of greater difficulty and consequence did fall vpon his shoulders, that the enterprise of Epyre might with safety, either be deferred or omitted, but so could not the tumults of Hungarie, but that it behoued him carefully to attend and looke vnto them.
In the middest of these affaires, the letters of King Vladislaus being brought to Scanderbeg, were a speciall meane and occasion to moue and induce him to giue him aide and succours. For a more honest cause and fitter occasion of warre, could notScanderbeg calleth a councell of the Albanois to consult vpon the sending of succours to the king of Hungarie. haue bene found then was the same ministred at that time. This notwithstanding, for that he would determine nothing without the aduise of those with whoseayde he was to serue him selfe vppon all occasions: hauing called together his chiefetaines, he would that the kings letters should be read openly in full assembly of a generall councell. And there was not any one who did disalow of that warre, for that the excessiue greatnesse of the Ottoman Empire encreasing from day today, did animate euery one with the spurres of wrath and indignation: and did sollicite their mindes, almost trembling and quaking for feare of more grieuous inconueniences: and did ad mouish all the world of the vnfortunate condition of the Christians, and of the former fortune sometimes inuincible of the Hungarians, the which if Amurath should once cast to the ground, euery man did propound and set before his eyes, both in publique and in priuate a finall desolation; considering that there was no where to be found any puissance more sufficient, or better able to sustaine the feeble and weake estate of Christendome for any long season, nor which could with continuall warres and endlesse hostility, represse the Turkish malice, whom the insolency and pride of so many victories, had made to be their deadly and extream [...] enemy. Moreouer, the hope of the Epirots was so augmented by the happy successe of that victory lately befallen them; that they went euery where saying and promising vnto them selues, that they should finde the like fortune: especially seeing they changed not their Chiefe, nor their enemy, but the place of the warre onely. To conclude, all of them did affirme, that it behoued them, and they ought to aduenture the losse of their liues for the gaining and getting vnto themselues, so great and puissant a king to be their friend in this troublesome season, against the inconstancy of fortune, and so many humaine accidentes. Wherefore it was concluded without contradiction, that succours should be sent him, but as touching the number of the men of warre, and the forces of those succours, they could not so soone be accorded and agreed: and this difference continued amongest them till the darke of the euening came vpon them. Many opinions being laied downe on the one side and the other touching this point, some agreed vppon eight thousand, others vppon fiue, and the most part offered fewer, shewing that there was no reason to disfurnish the Prouince of men, the warre being on all sides kindled, and the enemy (it might be) yet boyling in despite vpon the confines of Macedony, and that they ought not to thinke, because the Bassa had bene lately beaten, that therefore the warre was ended and determined: but rather it wanted so much that the Turkish forces were thereby weakened, or their courage [Page 67] diminished; that on the contrary, he was by reason thereof much more enflamed and incensed. Some also made a doubt, and it was long debated with great diuersity of opinions, whether Scanderbeg himselfe should march thither in person, or whether they should onely send aide and succours vnto the king, for that without the infinite discommodity of the proceedings and affaires of Scanderbeg, and his estate not yet throughly settled and confirmed, he could not well be absent, nor leaue the care and administration of the same: that his presence (if need were) in time of peace or of warre, would be of great consequence and moment, considering that the people of Albany would acknowledge no other soueraigne to command ouer thē: that al things, he being in place and presence, would succeed well, and florish by his aduise and counsell: But he being absent, it could not be otherwise then a case most pittifull, to see the deformity that would ensue within the countrey, by the negligence and security both of the citizens, and of others of all estates and qualities, who for griefe and sorrow which they should conceaue at his departure, would suffer the vigour and liuelinesse of their spirites to vanish and to relent.
The Prince of Albany, albeit he had not determined any way to alter or change his first resolution, yet because he would not seeme to disdaine or to make litle reckoning of the loue and good will of his subiects (whom he could not vpon the difficulties of that voyage openly contradict) nor yet to repugne against their offer of so smal numbers of souldiours, for feare least he should seeme willing to draw them on by force to a straunge warre, and to be the cause of new perils and dangers vnto them, he iudged it no lesse conuenient for the common profite, then for his owne in particular to be silent, and to vse litle or no speech in the matter. But the vehemency and earnestnesse of Paul Ducagin (whose speach was worthy and well beseeming so excellent a prince) did soone cut off all these disputes and diuersities of opinions: and did in an instant appease all these difficulties, that so troubled their mindes, thus speaking vnto them.
It may be (worthy Princes Albanois) that you attend and expect in great deuotion,Oration of [...]aul Ducagin, touching the number of the succours to be sent into Hungarie. what kinde of stile and speach, I doe now meane to vse vnto you, and vnto which of your opinions I will encline and ioyne my selfe. But I assure you, there is no such matter as you thinke of, for that I see not that you haue laied downe or expounded any thing which is correspondent to the greatnesse and Maiesty, either of Scanderbeg, or of the name of the Albanois. Pardon me though I say so (for in generall ‘counselles this hath euer bene allowed as a speciall priuiledge, for each man to speake freely and at liberty, and to be heard quietly and patiently.) And therefore if it be lawfull for me now to discourse vppon these your consultations of the warre of Hungarie: much more willingly would I hearken vnto those who would resolutely dislike of sending any succours at all vnto the King: and would rather decree and ordaine (and that not vnaduisedly) that the ruine and destruction of our neighbours, and the perillous estate of straungers were not to be preferred nor regarded before our domesticall mischieues, and our owne proper necessities. For is there (I pray you) any thing so ridiculous, as to heare you to count some vppon eight, some vpon fiue thousand souldiours, and some vppon fewer, to vphold the waight and burthen of such a warre and so important, as if you were to thinke that a King so puissant and mighty, would demaund out of the whole countrey of Epyre so small a number, in the extremity, and (as it were) the last triall of his Fortune? Shall Scanderbeg be so meanely accompanied into the middest of the Varnian fieldes, where all men in generall doe attend and wishe for him? Shall so many Princes and great Lordes of Hungarie, and of the Christian Army, see your chiefe and soueraigne (whose glorious renowme is now dispersed and gone into all partes before him) shall he I say be [Page 68] seene marching before a handfull of men, no otherwise then as one accompanied with so many theeues and robbers? Admit (which God defend) that he should happen to be ouerthrowen and vanquished, well and iustly might the enemy mocke and iest at the mishappe of his discomfiture, much more his owne subiectes, in that hee would aduenture to conduct into a forraine countrey, and into an other mans dominions so small a number of men as would scant be in safety within their owne home and dwellings. Contrariwise, if he should ouercome and get the victory, litle praise and lesse profite would come of it. Some others there be, who with a deuise all new and not heard of, would that forces should be sent to the King for his succour, but they would not that Scanderbeg should bowdge, that forsooth a regard should be had of his Citizens, or of the vnruly multitude, who would hardly be brought to receiue or admit the command of any second or inferiour person. This is the point (my maisters) wherein consisteth all our difference: either that absolutely (as I haue sayd) we doe refuse to send the King any succours, or else that you chaunge your aduise and opinion. What shall we send these triumphant succors vnto the Hungarians without Scanderbeg, whose onely name will yeeld them more succour, then if all of vs were with them and he absent? whom they especially doe inuite, and whom all of them doe demaund and seeke after? Let vs send them then a gods name, if any be disposed to goe without him. Cannot your Citizens liue one day in rest and quiet without Scanderbeg, and will you that the souldiour being in armes, should follow the aduenture of forraine seruice without his Captaine? Do you thinke that our houses and our countrey shall be in danger without his assistance? and shall the souldiour finde him selfe safe and secure in a straunge countrey and a farre off, being seperated and farre remoued from his accustomed Chiefetaine and Generall? What is then to be done? On the one side your forces doe hate and abhorre to go into Hungarie without their Scanderbeg: and on the other side, the loue of your countrey, and the desire of your fellow Citizens doth restraine and withhold you. For my part my aduise is, that a speedy leauy be made as great and as puissaunt as may be, that wee lose not the occasion of this warre proposed and laied before vs: and during the other affaires and businesses of the Ottoman, let vs not doubt the estate of our owne countrey. Furthermore, who is he that will not promise and assure him selfe of an vndoubted victory, by the issue of this encounter? Vnlesse it be some one whom his timerous spirite misledde and abused, doth terrifie and hinder from being resolute? As touching Scanderbeg, there is not any one of you but will confesse, that it is more easie for you to finde a man to gouerne you in peace, and to administer iustice, then to conduct and lead souldiours marching with their Armes. But to the intent you may not thinke that in this discourse, I bring you nothing but great and glorious wordes: Behold here am I, who doe offer my selfe with fiue thousand men to the warre of Hungarie: and (if neede be) doe vow and consecrate my life for the seruice of Iesus Christ, principally, and next for the glory and reputation of all of you: and for Scanderbeg his honour, name and dignity.’
This round and sharpe Oration of Ducagin, and the liberall offer of his paines and labour, together with the great authority which the man had with all the Princes of Epyre, and with Scanderbeg especially, did soone worke a chaunge and alteration in their mindes and opinions. Scanderbeg him selfe was the first that approued his deuise, and after he had recounted and numbred vp his merites and worthy actes in the whole course of his life before past: he sayed, that there was not any one besides him in all the company, that had spoken rightly, and for the reputation of them in generall. And he did often times repeate it, that most happy and fortunate should the [Page 69] estate of Albany be, if it had many such men of like deuotion. This Paul (as we hauePraises and commendation of Paul [...] Ducagin. said) was one of the most puissaunt and noblest Princes of Epire: and amongst other his vertuous conditions, he was most singularly commended for a certaine true, vnfayned, and perfect zeale in religion, and was held in high accompt and estimate amongst all men: being descended out of that honorable family, from which very many most famous and warlike Captaines had beene descended: and especially Nicholas, Nicholas sonne of Paul Ducagin, his valour and pro [...]resse. Peneropole, [...]r Persera. sonne of the sayd Paul, who farre surpassed and excelled all his forefathers and ancestours in the honour and renowme of Armes. Of this man there is yet at this day extant and remaining in Peneropole (a towne of Thrace by the inhabitaunts called Persera) a notable monument or marke of his excellent vertue, and of the strength of his arme (if I may so tearme it) immortall. And that is the reliques or peeces of an enemies target, the which in a certaine fight of late (whereof the memory is yet but new and fresh) he did with one onely blow of his Cymitary cut quite in sunder from the one side thereof to the other; that the hand of the Barbarian holding it then in fight, was so maymed, as from thence forward he was neuer able to vse it any more in the warres. I take it not altogether impertinent if I haue here a litle digressed fromDigression. the intēt of our history: to the intent that both so honorable a father may be the more commended in so worthy a sonne, and that an act so rare and memorable, might not vtterly be forgotten, nor altogether swallowed vp in the deuouring gulfe of obliuion and vngratefull for getfulnesse.
The whole power and care of ordering the expedition into Hungarie was absolutely referred and committed vnto Scanderbeg: that he should doe and ordaine all things as him selfe should thinke to be best and most conuenient both for his owne honour, and for the well fare and credite of the nation and name of Albanie. To the intent therefore he might no longer delay the ardent desire of Vladislaus in so vrgent necessitie of his affairs, before that he published the leuie or muster of any companies, he speedily dispatched away the Kings messenger, and willing him to hasten with all speed possible, he gaue him letters to this effect.
Most inuincible King, your letters I haue receiued with no lesse ioy then contentment:Letters of Scanderbeg in answer to Vladislaus king of Hungary. the tenour whereof hauing caused publikely to be rehearsed in a full and generall assembly of my Captaines and Chieftaines, there is not anie one of them but with most voluntarie and liberall hearts haue aduised vs to embrace this so fitte and oportune an occasion of so iust a warre by you offered vnto vs. And euerie man doth frankely and freely affirme, both openly and in priuate, that nothing could haue happened vnto them by the Diuine bountie, more agreeable and acceptable, then that they might by some notable seruice testifie their gratefull and thankefull mindes, and binde vnto them so excellent a Prince, as also to giue so fit succours vnto the estate of Christendome. I am exceeding glad, and doe take singular contentment in this laudable deuotion and forwardnesse of mine owne people, both in regard of your selfe, and in the behalfe of the common and publike cause: in that our men of warre, and all other my subiectes of all estates and degrees (without any perswasion vsed on my part) doe shew them selues so chearefully and couragiously minded in defence of the faith and Christian religion, and so well affectioned towardes your Maiestie. And to speake the verie truth, who is he (if he be not hatefull both to God and men) if there were no question neither of religion nor of common danger: that would notwithstanding refuse a warre so iust and so lawfull? and for such a [Page 70] king, by whom alone we may and ought all of vs to acknowledge, that we Christians doe not onely raigne and possesse our estates, but we liue, we breath, and enioy the liberty of our speach? Who would not willingly take armes, and euen rush into manifest and certaine danger for the people of Hungarie, by whom the publique estate of Christendome hath bene in all ages mightily supported and defended with so many trauelles, and so much bloudshed? Who from the very cradell (as it were) and their first beginnings, haue bene continuall enemies to our enemies, and haue vowed them selues for the maiesty and dignity of the name and profession of Christianity? Would it had pleased God (most mighty and redoubted Vladislaus) that it had bene in my power to haue brought vnto you such forces towardes this honourable enterprise, as might haue bene aunswerable to the greatnesse of my courage, and good affection. It might then perhaps so fall out, that Europe should not any longer continue oppressed in this ignominious estate, whereunto it is now reduced by this wicked Amurath. Neither should the fields of Varna and Basilia so often fume and smoake with the bloud of the Hungarians: neither should all the corners and quarters of Macedony be so filled with the bloud of the Epirots: both which peoples haue bene made as the onely sacrifices of others sinnes and offences. We are euen now all of vs at the verieNote. point of extreame daunger vtterly like to perish, whilest euery one thinketh that he is borne for him selfe only and alone. But why do I in vaine burst forth into these bootlesse and vnprofitable complaints and lamentations? Assuredly I doe not thinke my owne power altogether so weake and feeble, neither do I beleeue (if it shall please God that our forces may once meete and ioine together in so happy a warre) that the name and estate of Christianity shall haue any cause to sorrow or to be agreeued in the euent and issue of our fortune. For besides those fifteene thousand souldiours, which lately discomfited Haly Bassa on the borders of Macedon: my determination is to adde other fifteene thousand vnto them: with all which forces, as soone as I may conueniently, I will begin to march and take my iourney, being ready to follow your ensignes to all euents whatsoeuer. So God preserue you in all prosperity.
From Croy the third of August. 1443.
These letters being dispatched away to the King, Scanderbeg applied and bent all his mind and study for the leuying of forces. First of all, those companies which hadAn army leauied by Scanderbeg for the aid of the king of Hungary. foughten against Haly Bassa, he caused to be made strong with new supplies, not suffering any one of them to absent him selfe from this voyage: And he was fully determined not to vse any idle and vnprofitable persons in this iourney, but such onely as should be willing and resolutely minded. Then hauing sent publique Commissioners throughout the Prouince to that effect, he had soone raised and enrolled to the number of ten thousand more. Paul Ducagin did most largely make proofe by the effect and by his deeds, of the good mind and affection which he had before in the assembly, made shew of by his speaches. For comming to present him selfe to Scanderbeg, euen with the formost, besides his owne person, he brought with him also, fiue thousand all chosen and picked men, and singularly well appointed. Immedialy hereuppon all domesticall matters being set in order, and the affaires of the Prouince well prouided for: Castriot hauing taken a view and muster of his whole Army, and hauing disposed of the seuerall companies, and deuided his regiments as it seemed best vnto him, he distributed and bestowed all the particular places of charge and office, and appointed vnto them fit and able Captaines and officers, as if the warre of Hungarie had euen then bene begunne, in that hower and very instant. Afterwardes publique praiers and general processions being made for the victory: neuer did the people of Epire (who were alway more enclined to armes then to religion) so importune the [Page 71] diuine maiestie with their prayers and supplications, as they did at that time for the happy returne of their souldiers, who were then to march out of their owne country. All things both diuine and humane being thus well ordered & disposed, the soldiers now drawne from their natiue home, did take vnto them a new kind of courage; and their minds and imaginations were continually deuising vpon no other thing, neither had they ought else before their eyes, but the warre of Hungary: neither did they carrie the shew and countenance of any other then of such men as had bene euen lately accustomed and exercised to embrue themselues in the bloud of their enemies.
Thus with great and exceeding ioy had they aduanced their ensignes euen to theScanderbeg marching with his armie towards Hungarie, is hindered by the Despot of Misia. frontiers of Misia, when that either cruell Fortune, or the immortall and secret order and decree of the heauenly powers, or (which is most likely) the indignity & hatefulnesse of the sinnes and wickednesse of the Christians, which seemed now to approch neare to receiue their deserued punishment from the deuine maiestie, did raise & stirre vp the disloyaltie and periurie of one wretched person, to trouble & breake the course of these glorious attempts: causing both perpetuall matter of lamentation to the Hungarians, and a most memorable losse and calamity to the estate & wealth of Christendome. This was George VVhoruich (of whom we haue made so often mention) at thatGeorge Despot of Misia his description. time called and commonly named the Lord or Despot of Seruia: a man (if such graces and accomplements had any way furthered his vertues and good behauiour) of corporall beauty, and of an excellent maiestie and countenance most gracious & venerable: and one that in eloquence and grauitie of speech was most rare & admirable, and not inferior to any of his time, descended of a noble and ancient familie, and very aged and well growne in yeares. As concerning his faith and religion (that we may not in this also omit his impietie) he was one that did altogether neglect and contemne it: for being a verie Atheist, and hauing his pernicious mind deuoyd of all pietie, feare,His irreligion, atheisme and impietie. and reuerence of the Deitie, he did equally and alike contemne and deride both the precepts of Christianitie, and the traditions of Mahomet. On a time (long after the battell of Varna) when this old Prince, being at least ninety yeares of age, and flying from the face and presence of Mahomet, did happen to come into Hungarie, to desire their ayde and succours against the Turkes, he chanced to fall in companie with a notable zealous preacher Frier Iohn Capistran of the order of S. Francis, vnto whom (after heFrier Iohn Capistran. had heard him make many excellent and holy discourses touching his reuolt and apostasie frō the faith of Christ, it is reported, that he made him this answer; That sooner ‘& more easily he could be perswaded to hang himself, then to abiure those traditions (though he were now past ninetie yeares of age) which he had reciued from his forefathers: giuing vs thereby to vnderstand how dangerous a thing it is, to make a mock and iest of religion, and of the Sonne of God, and to follow after peruerse and false opinions, when they shall once grow to haue gotten an habit within vs.’ For the Despot in this perswasion retyring himselfe from the presence of the Frier, was heard oftentimes to reiterate and repeate these words. That he had rather his subiects should call ‘him a Prince miserable and vnfortunate, then an old and aged dotard. This man then now at this time did mightely cleaue vnto the Turke, and fauoured his quarrell against the Christians,’ both in regard of his daughter Gathagusina (whom he had maried vnto Amurath) as also because of the hatred which he bare vnto the Hungarians, but especially to Iohn Huniades the Despot of Transiluania, by whose aide & assistance (as we haue before declared in the enlargement and libertie of Scanderbeg) at such time as he was succoured against the Sultan, & restored into his kingdome, he tooke it in ill part, that certaine townes and places of Ver [...]ia, which had bene graunted vnto Huniades in recompence of his vertue and desert, were not restored and redeliuered [Page 72] vnto him. For this cause vnderstanding of the preparations made for the warre of Hungarie, and of the comming of Scanderbeg, who approched neare his borders: he stopped vp all the wayes and passages, and debarred him from entring within his ‘dominions. Castriot did assay, but all in vaine, by his Ambassadors sent to the Despot, toAmbassadors sent frō Scanderbeg to the Despot of Seruia, to perswade him to graunt him passage thorow his countrey. admonish him of the wrong and iniurie which he offred him: and he intreated him in friendly sort, That he might not be the first which should charge him with ill dealing, who had giuen him no cause of offence and iniurie: that he would not of his friend and neighbour, purchase him for his enemie, and draw vpon him selfe the arms both of all Hungarie and Epire. That he would not suffer and procure by his meanes and occasion onely, so great a losse and mischiefe to all Christendome, which might swallow vp both himselfe & his estate and Empire. For albeit in regard of his daughter, he did so cleaue and adhere vnto Amurath, yet he should not thereby hope and expect for any other then certaine losse & assured dammage: hauing had good proofe & experience both of the infidelitie and periurie of his sonne in law, & of the great pleasures & benefites which the Hungarians on the other part had often times done him.’
These perswasions nothing preuailing in a mind so depraued and corrupted, and the Prince of Epire now perceiuing that he was out of all hope to get passage by anie other meanes then by the sword, he fully resolued with him selfe to take that course: notwithstanding that both it displeased him highly, & that he held it a matter of some danger and difficultie to begin the warres so neare his owne home, and to hazard his forces at that time to the trauell of armes, which hee had thought to haue reserued whole, fresh and sound, and to haue made proofe and triall of them against the royall armie of a more worthie and stronger enemie.
Whilest the Albanian army thus incensed through discontentmēt, did spend theirVladislaus marcheth with his armie against the Turkes. time vpon the borders of Misia in the middest of infinite inconueniences and discommodities: and whilest the iourney of Scanderbeg was delaied rather then hindered by the disloialty of that Apostata the Despot: (for there is no doubt, but he could at length haue gotten passage, though not without some dammage and losse of his forces.) Vladislaus in the meane time, both encouraged by the letters receiued from Scanderbeg, & prouoked also with an assured hope and conceipt of the honour and successe of future victory: or rather being drawen on by a certain fatall necessity, wherunto he was predestinat: such was the particular desteny of them all, and Fortune (not contented nor satisfied with so many deadly & mortall spectacles) did now inuite these men who of late had bene preserued, and had yet scarce breathed themselues, from their forepassed miseries, to the danger of more lamentable and fatall perils; Vladislaus I say and the army of the Christians, hauing marched through Valachia, and passed ouer the Danow, Valachia. Danow or the riuer of Danubia. were now come to Varna, with an intent & purpose to conioyne & vnite their forces, to those which were at Sea, and so to passe on with easie iournies and ensigns displaid into Romania. The countrey of Varna (which did swarme with such numbers of enemies shortly after, & long afore hand was infamous through the ruine of many mighty armies, and was a place alwaies as hateful and odious euen to the brauest souldiors) is a goodly champion & plaine valley, situated on the other side of the confines of Misia Description of Varna neare to the mountaine Hemus. Mar Maggiore, or the great sea: once named Pontus Euxiniu [...]. Galata. Macropolis. vpon the sea: called Maggiore, or the greater sea, foure dayes iourney from Andrinople, in a streight gulfe betweene two pointes or promontories, vppon the one of which is seated Galata, and vpon the other Macropolis. The bottome of that valley on the right hand is inhabited with husbandmen in seuerall small villages or hamlettes slenderly peopled and frequented. On the left hand where Galata standeth, is a great marshe at the foot of the hils extending forth her still standing waters, euen to the other valley neare at hand, which bendeth towards the Occident.
[Page 73] Amurath being aduertised of these troubles towardes, was not any whit discouraged,Amurath marcheth against the Christians. but hauing liuely repulsed the Caramanian, and reassured his countrie of Natolia, he made no doubt nor difficultie of anie thing, but onely howe he might transport his armie ouer the sea, by reason that the fleete of the bishoppe of Rome and the Duke of Burgundie, did take from him all hope of passage: in such sort thatInfidelitie and not able auarice of the Christans helping the Turkes to passe into Europe, at the streight of Hellespont. he made no great haste to march against the Christians, till such time as certaine Marchants Genowayes (if it be true that is reported) did free and deliuer him from that care in consideration of a great rewarde promised and agreed vppon to be giuen them. For at a certaine narrow VVhich being of old named Bosphorus Thracius, is about 8. miles & a halfe aboue Constantinople. streight of the sea (betweene the two seas of Maggiore and Propontide, deuiding Asia from Europe) was the Turkish army transported out of Asia, they that passed them ouer, taking for ech man his passage a ducat. There were numbred to be about a hundred thousand, all which were gathered and collected out of Asia, because the Sultan had a vehement suspition of the faith, both of the Greekes and his other subiects within Europe. After his armie was once transported, he marched on with speede and celeritie so incredible, that within seuen daies he came to pitch his tentes within foure miles of the Christians campe, neere to theVarna or Dionisiopolis. citie of Varna, named by the auncients, Dionisiopolis.
The suddaine and vnexpected newes of the approach of Amurath with so great and mightie a puissance, made the Christians to keepe good watch & ward throughout their hoast, and in all the quarters of their campe: euery man being cōmanded to make himselfe ready to the battell. Vladislaus in the meane time, and the other Princes his confederates entring into councell, did consult vppon the seuerall occurrences of their affaires, debating vpon many and diuers matters which were propounded of no small weight and consequence: but the conclusion was, that they would hazard the fortune of the field, in case that Amurath would accept the battell. The whole chargeIancus or Iohn Hunyades lieutenans General of the Christian armie. of the armie, and the ordering and marshalling of the seuerall squadrons and troupes was committed to Hunyades to dispose of it as he saw cause: in the execution whereof he made shewe both of his best deuoire and endeuour, and of all the skill and experience which he had of a long time purchased by the practise, pursuit, and managingOrder obserued by Hunyades in placing the battells of the Christians at Varna. of armes. For he so placed and ordered his armie, that behind them and at their backes, they had the mountaines to defende them; the one of the flankes was garded with the marrish aboue mentioned, and the other was fortified and defended with chariots chayned and bound together. The Turkes were the first that beganne the fight, the which hauing continued for a while; the vantgard of the Turkish armieThe battell of Varna betwen Vladislaus king of Hungarie, and Amurath the great Turke. was receiued so couragiously, and pressed with such furie by the Christians, that (as if the victorie had beene alreadie gotten by them) the same was soone disordered and put to flight, and pursued more then two miles off: in so much that Amurath himselfe had beene driuen to shift for his owne safetie, if the two Bishoppes of Varadia and Strigonia (who were better skilled in their Portuisse then practised in armes) had not disbanded them selues vnaduisedly, and forsaken theBishops of Varadia & Strigonia by their folly, hinder the victorie of the Christians. place assigned them, onely for the chasing of the enemie on that side where they were broken: which was the occasion that a great and freshe troope of Turkish archers on horsebacke, charging in flancke on that side which they had abandoned and left vndefended, did finde an easie entrie in vppon them: and they greatly troubled the rankes of our footemen, with a shower and tempest (as it were) of their shotte and arrowes, which they powred vppon them thicke and thinne. Hunyades with his Valachians running speedily thither, presently vppon his arriuall chaunged the fortune of the fight which continued for a long time doubtfull and vncertaine. Afterwardes (hauing his eye open on all partes and to all occasions) [Page 74] wheresoeuer he saw his owne forces to haue the worst, he succoured the left wing: which as then also was sore encombred, and was not able to sustaine and endure the shocke of the enemy: but he notwithstanding still vphelde and maintained them in good point. Yet would he not hinder but that Amurath in the meane time, founde the leasure & opportunity to re-ally himselfe, and by the encouragement of Haly Bassa he made head with his squadron of Ianissaries, and renued the perill of the encounter. Hunyades was in great doubt & feare of his young king, whose fiery and haughty courage did giue him great cause to suspect some hazard and misaduenture by his rashnes and temeritie. And indeede it fell out that the vnfortunate Prince of an hardie and inuincibleVladislaus his ouergreat hardinesse or rashnesse. courage, had broken in vpon the rankes of the Ianissaries, fighting and beating with the men at armes, vpon the troupes of horse, which serued for the gard of Amurath his person. Great was the number both of men and horses which were there laide on the ground: some of them being slaine, and others hauing their legges cut off or maymed. In so much, that they could not any longer march vppon the plaine ground, but they were constrained to make themselues way vppon the heapes of dead bodies: ech pressing and rushing vppon others so egerly and fiercely, that a man would haue iudged it rather a meere rage and furie, then any ardent and vehement desire of victorie, that animated them on in this conflict. The Ianissaries stoutly sustained the force and violence of the Hungarians which were in company with their king, yet did he himselfe in the end breake in amongst them, and they most politiquely receiued him into the middest of their battallion, whereof it ensued; That being held either as dead, or taken prisoner, at the same instant that the Turkes were now turning their backes, and readie to flie away: the Christians also on the other side, as hauing left their king did beginne to abandon the place, and in steede of fighting, fell to plaine flying. In this manner both the one partie and the other, beganne to giue place to their enemie: in so much that ech of them was ignorant of their owne good successe and aduantage in so suddaine and variable an inclination of their fortune.
Vpon these alterations Iohn Hunyades seeing the Christians in disaray, and most fearefully and shamefully to forsake their rankes, he made himselfe way through the ‘middest and thickest of the presse: and being come to the place where Vladislaus thenHunyades perswadeth Vladislaus to retyre and to preuent an vtter ouerthrowe. was, he shewed him the disorder, the affray, and confusion of the Christians, hee cryed and called vnto him, he requested and entreated him to turne bridle and to yeelde vnto the present mischance, and not to hazard all to vtter mischiefe, and to the misfortune of an entire discomfiture: that there was as yet great good hope of the victorie, and that it attended and stayed for him, considering that the losse on his side was so small and of so litle account, that it appeared in a manner, as none at all: and that therefore it were good he did retire himselfe within his Chariots and trenches with his men safe and sound as they were, ere they were altogether scattered and dispersed. For the losse of his life alone, would not onely hazard and endaunger his owne realmes & dominions, but the state of all Europe, and the whole bodie of Christendome.’ All these perswasions and reasons notwithstanding, the king still thrusting himselfe most vndiscreetly into the midst of his enemies, after a sharpe & furious conflict (his horse being wounded & hought) he was in the end ouerthrown to the groūdVladislaus king of Hungarie slaine by the Turkes. and so slaine in the companie of many of his Nobles both Hungarians & Polonians. Hunyades for a time held good, and made resistance, endeuouring and assaying diuers times, to haue rescued the kings body, but all was in vaine. For the head being cut off, and fastened vpon the end of a launce: the Christians vppon sight thereof, being on all partes terrified and abashed, did seeke by maine flight to purchase the securitie of [Page 75] their owne persons: excepting certaine Valachians with whom their Chiefe and leaderHuniades his flight and imprisonment by the Despot of Servia. Huniades (seeing that he could not stand against the huge multitudes of the Infidels) tooke part also with the rest in the retreate: Holding it no disgrace after the decease of the king, that some should remaine to reuenge the ignominie of this ouerthrowe, and to extinguish the memorie of so dishonorable a defeat. And therefore as well as he could, he saued himselfe, taking his course after the sunne set towardes the coasts and confines of Seruia: where he was staied and made prisoner, and most shamefully put in irons by the Despot, being restrained of his libertie till such time as those townes, whereunto he pretended a right, were first yeelded and restored vnto him. The Cardinall Iulian (the authour and procurer of the breach of peace which had beene sworne betweene the Turkes and the Christians) made there also his last end: howbeit Callimachus. Iulian the Cardinall his miserable end and slaughter. some write, that he was slaine by his owne men through the hatred which they bore him: for being the occasion of that calamitie by the breach of faith and periurie committed at his onely instance and procurement. And that being so slaine, he was spoyled and left naked, hauing suffered many reproches as he was giuing vp the ghost, for his ill and wicked counsell in procuring of this warre. The twoBishops of Varadia & Strigonia drowned in the mudde. Bishops were likewise drowned in the mud, as they fled into the next marishes. Thus you see the euent and successe of this iourney, so famous and memorable, which cost the Conquerour greater losse & bloudshed, then it did to the partie conquered. Some also doe report, that Amurath after he had escaped this daunger, did shewe himselfeVictorie of the Turkes with great losse and bloudshed. much more sad and pensiue then he was vsually accustomed: and being therfore blamed by his seruants, he made them this answere; I would be loath, quoth he, often to gaine in this manner. In that place where the battell was foughten, and the dead bodie of the king found, Amurath caused a mightie piller to be erected, with an inscription for a monument of his victorie: and at this day are yet to be seene diuerse mounts and litle hils, made with the bones of those who were there slain and buried, which doth argue that the slaughter was great and wonderfull: which fell out on the day and feast of Saint Martin, the eleuenth of Nouember, in the yeare of our redemption. 1443.
This battell is somewhat otherwise described by Pope Pius the second, neuerthelesse we in this place haue followed Callimachus, who hath set it downe with a most excellent and good grace, and without any partialitie. This is most certaine and apparant, that the Christians euen to this day, may finde good and sufficient cause to be discontented with the Despot of Misia, for keeping the bands & army of Scanderbeg from being present at that battell, by reason of his faithlessenesse and disloyaltie. For it could not be but the good deuoire and prowes of so many thousandes of resolute fighting men would haue done much, & the only valure of Hunyades seconded with the sufficiencie and good fortune of Scanderbeg, how could it but haue wrought some notable & singular effect? And what could haue hindered them, but that they would haue borne a great stroake in the happie euent & good successe of that battell? What sight or spectacle more famous and notable could any man haue seene in any age, then a battell foughten against the enemies of Christendome, and directed by two so glorious and renowmed Chieftaines? Both of them were most hardie and valiant souldiers,Comparison of Hunyades and Scanderbeg. and most expert and accomplished Captaines, of wonderfull great force and singular strength of their bodies, and equall and alike in greatnesse of courage. Howbeit more fortunate was the latter, being one that had fortune alwaies more fauourable vnto him, as appeared afterwards in the whole course of his life. Hunyades was more aged and striken in yeares: Scanderbeg much younger and lesse exercised at that time in armes. And albeit he had not bene in so many conflicts and foughten fieldes, [Page 76] yet had he continually good and happie successe: being as fortunate in priuate combats betweene man and man, as in the maine fight of plaine and set battelles. Both of them were verie acceptable and agreeable to the minds and good liking of their souldiers, but Scanderbeg was of a more pleasant conceit and disposition. The one did seldome or neuer exchange the seruice either of the Valachians or Hungarians: the other was much delighted, and did often serue himselfe of the Italians in his conquests: taking a singular pleasure in the vse of their armes, and in their counsell and aduise. Huniades neuer knew other enemies then the Turkes: Scanderbeg in the warre of Italie when he restored the libertie of the kingdome of Naples, in the aide of Ferdinand king of Naples, did purchase to himselfe no lesse glorie and reputation, then he did by his often triumphes obtained against the barbarous infidels.
This fame and report of the ouerthrow and discomfiture of the Christians, being euerie where dispersed, and Scanderbeg being certified (whilest he was yet remaining in the limits of Seruia) of the grieuous calamitie and defait of the Hungarians; tooke on as if he would haue died for verie conceite and griefe of that misfortune: and hauing a long while bethought himselfe, and casting vpon many matters in his minde, he resolued at length to turne bridle, and to take his way to his owne country. Neuerthelesse, to the intent his iust griefe might not remaine altogether vnreuenged, nor the mischieuous wickednes of the Despot rest vnpunished; with his armie all incensedScanderbeg spoileth the Despots countrie in reuenge of his [...]echery. Les appanages. and enraged, he suddenly brake in vpon his countrey: and ouerrunning and spoiling it in most hostile manner: he made it feele the three extremities of sword, fire and blood: which are commonly called & accounted the maintenance & nutriment of the warres. As he was returning into Epire, infinite numbers of Hungarians and Polonians, who had escaped from the slaughter at Varna (according as their flight and good fortune guided them) came to seeke him in great troupes and companies.Hungarians flying from the slaughter [...] Varna, relieued by Scanderbeg. Ragusa. To all of them he gaue good and freindly entertainment, and (according to the extreamitie of their misfortune and calamitie) hauing furnished them with prouision both of money and victuals for many daies: he prouided them also of shipping to carrie them to Ragusa, from whence they tooke their iourney to their owne home and dwelling place.
THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
AMurath incensed against Scanderbeg by the exclamations of the Despot, resolueth to warre vpon him: but first seeketh to vndermine him by treacherie and offers of peace and amitie which Scanderbeg reiecteth. Ferisee Bassa is sent against Scanderbeg, and is defeated: Mustapha Bassa is sent against Scanderbeg, and is likewise ouercome. The murther of Lech Zacharie Prince of Dayna in Epyre. The cause of the warre betweene Scanderbeg and the Venetians. Mustapha is sent againe with another armie into Epyre: Dayna is besieged by Scanderbeg. The Venetians leauie an armie for the reliefe of Dayna. The battell of Drynon betweene Scanderbeg and the Venetians. Scanderbeg repayreth and fortifieth Balese with a garrison, and maketh Amese his Nephew Gouernour of the fortresse: Amese thinking to surprize the citie of Driuasta is assayled by the Dryuastines and put to flight.
THE armie of the Hungarians being ouerthrowne and scattered, neither did Amurath reape any great profite or aduantage1444. of this victorie, neither did he prosecute his good fortune, which then seemed to smyle vpon him, insomuch that it seemed the successe of this battell did rather abate then encrease his courage: and so many losses receiued one after an other did restraine him (albeit he had the victorie) from being desirous of any further warres. And this was the cause that no question was made, nor any thing at all done touching the affaires of Epyre, which had bene expressely put off and deferred to the intent the Turke might be eased of that care, and not finde himselfe charged nor disturbed with a double burthen of troubles and vexation. But the new and often aduertisements which came partly from the Despot, and in part from the frontiers of Macedonie: did breake off this their rest and disposition to quietnesse, and yeelding new matter of wrath and anger, it did enflame and set on fire their courages, which were before laid asleepe, and had seemed to haue forgotten and troden vnder foote all former outrages and iniuries. For reportes came from all parts, that the enemies forces‘Complaint of the Turks of Macedonie to Amurath against Scanderbeg. and the armie of Scanderbeg had spoyled and destroyed all things, and that there was not any thing left in the whole countrie vnwasted, not the verie fieldes which had bene laboured and tilled, but that both houses, townes, and all the countrie throughout, were either destroyed by the sword, or consumed by fire; and that all the pesants and inhabitantes were slaine and murthered, except such as their hastie and speedie [Page 78] flight had preserued from their furie. That the armie of the Christians (ouer and aboue diuerse sudden roades and light incursions) had now twice freely and vnreuenged with ensignes displaied, and in full troupes ranged ouer the whole countrie, so charged and loaden with pillage and with the goods of the inhabitants; that with the verie money which would be made of that bootie onely, Castriot might well maintaine and holde warres with Ottoman for a long season: that the affaires of the Christians did daily flourish more and more: that their husbandmen did liue at ease, neuer hindered nor disturbed from their labour and tillage: that they had plenty and abundance of all things. Contrariwise, that themselues (besides the feare of the enemy which did daily oppresse them) were in great danger & doubt of an extreme famine, which did alreadie threaten them, and was readie and imminent vppon them by reason that they had bene let and hindered by so many roades and inuasions, from the manuring and sowing of their ground.’
‘The Despot likewise filled the Turkish court with his complaints, and demaundedComplaint of George Despot to Amurath against Scanderbeg. the aide and succours of his sonne in law, affirming, that euen then when the Ottoman affaires were almost desperate, his deuoire and industrie was not wanting, but that he had repulsed and borne off their dangers with his proper dammage, and the bloud of his owne subiects, at that time when it was scant in the power of the gods themselues to prouide a remedie, for that mischiefe which was imminent and readie to fall vpon them: yet that he with the bodie of his owne estate and kingdome, had preserued the Turkish Empire from destruction, and that he sitting still, had borne and susteined the whole forces of the Epirots. And for feare least they should haue ioined themselues with the Hungarians (who attended and expected them on the other side of Mysia) he had opposed the bodies of his people, as a bulwarke and rampier against Scanderbeg: and by meanes thereof had drawen vpon himselfe the violence of a long and daungerous warre, to the great & notable preiudice of his poore subiects. That he should consider with himselfe in what estate the affaires of the Turke had nowe beene, if by his diligence (and whilest himselfe was busied in the warre of Hungarie) he had not diuerted and kept backe the troupes of such an enemie, seeing that Vladislaus alone with his owne armie only, had made his victorie so difficult and bloudy. That now by shewing himself to haue compassion of the Turkish fortune, he had drawen vpon himselfe (besides the hatred and auncient rancour & mallice of the Hungarians) the armies of Scanderbeg and all the residue also of his neighbours, enduring and bearing without cause, a most iniurious and vndeserued punishment: being but a bad reward and recompence, for so great and notable a benefite: that it seemed most likelie, that Scanderbeg and not Amurath did triumph of the battell of Varna and the warre of Hungarie: considering the manner of his dealings, and howe that with huge and fell troupes he did enterprise vpon the borders & fountains, sometimes of the one, sometimes of the other, in such sort that naught else was to be seene, but all the shewes, signes, and tokens of bloudie warre, and hostilitie euery where and in all parts of the countrie. In briefe, that he being seated in the middest betwene the Hungarians & the Epyrots, (both of them most fierce and warrelike Nations) should not be able to stand, or resist against their force and violence, if his sonne in lawe did not take care and prouide for his securitie, whom in his distressed and most daungerous estate he had preuented with the merite of so notable and good seruice.’
The greennesse both of those in the prouince of Macedonie, and the fresh remembrance of the Despot his good deserts were of great force and efficacie, and did much moue all men; and they were vniuersally of this opinion, and did affirme it openly, that now was the safest and the fittest time, and it was most needfull and necessarie to [Page 79] abate and pull downe the strength and puissance of Scanderbeg: for feare lest by his roades made vpon the plaine countrey, and by the often molestation of the townes and villages, he might seeke occasion to vsurpe vpon Macedony, and to make himselfe Lord and Master of that prouince: that his malicious mind and the rage and furie of his stomacke, did sufficiently shew it selfe of late, in that he had in a manner wholly disfurnished and disarmed his owne dominions, and left them without anie defence or garrison, onely to ioyne himselfe to Vladislaus with his greatest force and puissance, and with an intent thereby, to abolish and extinguish the memorie of the Turkish name and Empire: that if this his fiercenes were not speedily repressed, there was no doubt, but he would soone solicite and procure all the puisance and power of the Christians, to ioyne against them. Vpon these considerations, the Sultan was fully resolued to make warres vpon Scanderbeg, and did thinke forthwith andVVarre determined against Scanderbeg speedily to haue gathered his forces, and haue leauied an armie: but forasmuch as the greater part of his better men had bene slaine and consumed in the warre of Hungarie, and the misfortune of Haly Bassa did as yet continue fresh in his remembrance, and did put him in mind of that difcomfiture: besides that he being now olde and growen in yeares, was desirous to passe and spend the remainder of his life in rest and quietnesse; he bethought himselfe of a deuise and inuention, not so strange and new, as vaine and foolish: whereby he supposed, that as he had with notable arte and cunning, and with singular deceit and falshoode, found good and happie successe, to deceiue and beguile others; so he might likewise ouerreach and entrappe him whom by open violence and force of armes he could not conquer, nor bring vnder. In my iudgement it shall seeme neither strange nor vnpleasant to the mindes of those that shall peruse it, if I ad in this place, the manner and stile of the letters sent from Ottoman, by which he endeuored to entise and allure the minde of Scanderbeg, and to trie him how to turne and wind him on all sides.
All the honors and benefites, wherewith I could adorne, and raise thee to greatnes in my court, so long as thou wert with me, I neuer made spare of them, but bestowed them bountifully vpon thee (ô Scanderbeg) of all men liuing the most vngratefull. I want fit words and termes to speake vnto thee: such is the multitude of thy crimes & disloialties, wherewith thou hast offended my maiestie, and wounded my verie soule, that I know not well what kind of speech to vse vnto thee, to thee I say, who wert my domesticall and household seruant: for neither will any rough or sharpe languages mollifie thy hard harted courage, (whose nature is so fierce and arrogant) neither doest thou deserue anie gracious wordes or kindnes of speech: who hast mightily exceeded and excelled in all kind of fiercenes and beastiallitie. And (that thou mightest omit no occasion to make thee hatefull and odious vnto mee) thou hast growen to that madnes, that thou diddest cast aside all care of thine owne benefit, and the safetie of thy citizens, in comparison of that loue and affection which thou diddest carrie to the Hungarians, who were lately armed against me. I could be content to let passe in silence other matters, and not to touch and handle those wounds which thou hast made, if so be my minde might be once perswaded to forget them, or that so many deceites, or such notable examples of an ingratefull part did deserue to be concealed: neuerthelesse, I hold it necessarie at length (though perhaps somewhat too late) in some sort to admonish thee, and to lay open before thee thy ill desertes, so farre least the [Page 80] furie of this thy pride and arrogancie do suddenly carrie thee away headlong to ruine and destruction, together with thy vnhappie and vnfortunate kingdome. And then thou wouldest be willing to make confession of this the obstinacie and error, at such time as thou shalt not haue left vnto thee any helpe or remedie of thy affaires, being once brought to the exigent and extremitie of a most desperate estate. We haue hitherto enough & too much endured these outrages, and too too much hast thou prouoked the Ottoman Empire with thy great and intollerable iniuries: and yet haue I shewed my selfe too patient in suffering and tollerating so manie wronges and mischieues. Dost thou think that thou shalt be acquitted of that thy treacherie wherwith thou betraiedst my armie in Hungarie? doest thou imagine that thou shalt goe vnpunished for the withdrawing of so many townes from my obeysance in Epyre, and for so many of my garrisons which thou hast caused to be slaine and murthered? doest thou suppose that the other thy misdeedes lately done and perpetrated, shall go free and vnchastized? as the armie of Haly Bassa destroyed, so manie inuasions and fierings of my territories, and the tumult of the warre of Hungarie, which to the vttermost of thy abilitie, euen of late, thou diddest further and set forwarde: besides the spoyling of my father in lawe his dominions, because he would not suffer thee to haue a passage through his Countrie? I would thou wouldest once at the last remember thy selfe most wicked wretch, and not continue any longer in expecting what wilbe the end and issue of this my displeasure and iust indignation. Take heede that these slight enlargements of thy prosperitie, doe not so animate and encourage thy disordinate appetite, and draw thee on with foolish desire to that passe, that thy fortune (being hereafter made much more miserable) doe moue euen those that hate thee (my selfe especially) to the pitie and compassion of thy hard and wretched estate. If there be lest any curtesie or humanitie in thy desperate and gracelesse mind, remember thy selfe yet at the last, of the bountifull benefites which thou hast receaued of me, and giue me no longer occasion to repent me that I haue bestowed them so vnthankefully. Although it be an vnseemely and vnciuill part to obiect vnto any man the good & liberalitie that hath bene shewed him; yet is it a token of too too great ingratitude so soone and easilie to forget the merite of fore-passed benefits: wherefore I cannot but be sorrowfull for thy forrune (ô Scanderbeg,) and take pitie vpon thy vnhappy estate. For setting apart the safetie of thy soule (whereof as a man past all hope, and vtterly giuen ouer of the Phisitian, thou takest no care nor makest any account or reckoning) not yet to speake any thing of thy contempt of the lawes of Mahomet, and of the small estimat which thou makest of this diuine Prophet: was there any one thing of all those vaine & blind delights, wherein the thoughts of men do take a pleasure, which I haue not most bountifully yeelded vnto thee, who art now caried away with the base and vile regard of thy poore and sorie kingdome? Hadst thou not plentie of armour, horses, great and huge traines of slaues, aboundance of gold, siluer and superfluitie of all other things, which do commonly allure and entise all estates and ages to affect them? Diddest thou euer want any fit or continuall occasions to exercise thy vertue, or to aduance thee to the glory of great estates, and places of charge, either in peace or warre? or to any kinde of honours which were fit and agreable to thy yeares? In summe, who, in all my courts, was a greater fauorite, and more in my grace then thy selfe? was there either stranger or naturall subiect, who amongst my most inward and secret friends was more pleasing and acceptable vnto me? How carefully and diligently did I prouide to haue thee nourished and brought (vp from the time thou wert first brought vnto me) in knowledge and learning, in good manners and discipline? & how willingly and continually did I aduaunce the forwardnesse of thy vertue, which [Page 81] I saw to grow and encrease daily? sometimes by recompences and rewardes, sometimes by all possible meanes of praise and commendation? And as for the honor and renowne of armes (then the which nothing is to be accounted or helde more honourable or commendable,) therein I made thee so glorious, that in all kinde of seruices whatsoeuer, neither did I take notice of any souldier in regard of thee, neither did I seeme to set by any of my Captaines in comparison of the grace and honor which I did vnto thee. For all these my merits and good deserts, thou (ô Scanderbeg) hast now at length well rewarded me: hauing shewed thy selfe to be such a one, that it seemeth I haue not exalted the man I tooke thee for: but that I haue norished a plague and pestilence within mine owne house and familie. But be it that the loue of thy natiue countrie did wound thy soule, and sollicite thee to doe as thou hast done; if thou hadst required me to restore the same vnto thee, doest thou thinke that I would haue denied it vnto thee, seeing that so often and vndemaunded (if thou list to remember it) I did freely and voluntarily make offer of the same vnto thee? But thou notwithstanding haddest rather to haue it of thy selfe by thy owne misdeedes and iniquitie, then as a benefite receiued from me, or as a gift proceeding from my bountie. Keepe it therefore still in the name of God: neither shall I be discontented therewithall, and I protest vnto thee (so great is my clemencie towardes all those that haue beene in any sort familiarly knowen vnto me) that I doe nowe freely pardon all former faults and offences, not for any merit of thine owne (which is iust none at all) but I doe it because euen in the middest of this publique hatred and dislike, it pleaseth me to call to minde both the manifolde benefites which thou hast receiued from me, and that first faith and loyaltie which I did once finde in thee, when thou wert with me: for that of longer time and continuance was the good seruice which thou diddest me, then the offences wherewith thou hast wronged mee. Both Croy, and the state of thy father (although thou hast seized vpon them by fraude and treacherie) doe I permit thee to enioy frankely; on this condition, that thou doe voluntarily resigue or restore those other townes of Epyre, wherein thou hast no right nor interest, and which doe in equitie appertaine vnto me, who haue heretofore purchased them by the fortune of warres, and by mine owne vertue. Besides that thou doe presently and without delay repossesse my father in law of all the goods of the Misians as farre as may be, and what is wanting to supply and make good with money: and that from hencefoorth (during thy life) thou holde it no lesse crime then fellonie, to offer any violence, either to him or to anie other whom we repute to be our friends: or by any manner of meanes whatsoeuer to grace, aide, or comfort our enemies; in so doing, thou maiest for euer shunne and auoide the malice and hatred of the Turkes, and so shalt thou haue my good grace and fauour neither more nor lesse, then thou hast heretofore and in time past, if so be thou haddest not rather (though then all in vaine) to seeke place for repentance, when thou hast bene beaten with the rod of thine owne miserie, and when thine owne presumption and audatious obstinacie shall haue drawen me thither in person to take the reuenge thereof in a most mercilesse and implacable maner. Thou knowest well the puissance of my forces, and thou art not ignorant of the force & strength of mine army. Thou hast before thine eyes a notable example of the calamitie of Hungarie, and therefore needest not further admonishmēt. For a conclusion, whatsoeuer is thy determination I would at the least that thou write vnto me. Thou maist haue cōference with Airadin Airadin. [...]. gent for Amurath with Scanderbeg. our agent (a man both secret & faithfull) and of whom thou shalt vnderstand the residue of that which I would not commit to writing. Farwell, if thou be well aduised:
from Andrinople the 15. of Iune, and of the generation of Iesus, 1444.
[Page 82] Scanderbeg gaue no credit to these vaine and frutelesse letters, but both they and heSubiectes of Scanderbeg willing to haue peace with the Turkes. that sent them were equallly set at naught & neglected. Notwithstanding some there were of opinion, that this deuise of Amurath was without any fraud or guile, and they did ascribe it to a certen kind of feare and necessity, alleadging that the Sultan had bene ‘induced to make these offers and conditions of peace for doubt of the warre of Hungarie, and through the vnweldines of his age, which was then growen verie great. Moreouer that the tender age of his sonne Mahomet, being as yet vnfit and vnsufficient for the charge and burthen of the Empire, did giue vnto the father great cause carefully to bethinke himselfe of the future estate of his childe, measuring the forces of Scanderbeg, by the late slaughter of Haly Bassa; and being as much feared and terrified, by reason of the singular faith and fidelitie which he sawe so many people in Albanie beare vnto him, and the good will of the Christians which did daily encrease towardes him: that in the meane time neuerthelesse, he did but dissemble and make an outward shew, whilest with a fained kind of feare, he demaunded of Scanderbeg the restitution of those townes, and a parte of Epire, and the reparation of the wrongs which had bene offered to his confederates: that he did set downe so manie conditions without reason or equitie, to the intent he might obtaine such as were reasonable and commodious: and that there was no doubt but he would be contented to accept of such a peace, and to yeeld vnto such termes of submission, as Castriot himselfe would set downe, and prescribe vnto him, without that he would make any further question, either of the losse of Epire, or of the warres of Misia, so that the Albanois could be content to abstaine from armes, and to assure him of peace and quietnes. Wherfore, to make peace with Ottoman vpon these termes, and to conclude an abstinence from warre for a time; could not but be greatly for their honor and aduantage, and the rather, for that himselfe was the first, that did motion and inuite them to a parley: that therefore it would not be otherwise, but that many and great commodities would thereby redound to all the inhabitants of that prouince: that the accidents and issues of warre are verie doubtfull: and it was a point of small wisedome: neither were they well aduised who would preferre troubles before rest and quietnes: neither ought any man to ground the course and successe of his good fortune, vpon the first beginnings of his good happe and prosperitie: that the Hungarians had more often and more happily foughten with the Turks, then had the Albanians: yet being now ouerwhelmed with their late misfortune, they might in vaine frame their complaintsSentence. and record their vnspeakeable dammages and losses: that therefore it was farre better by some acte and shew of courtesie and humanitie, to make a frend of an enemie: then to incense him more and more by disdaining and refusing the peace which he profered them so franckly.’
These discourses being thus debated in the presence of Scanderbeg (albeit in partScanderbeg excepteth against the messenger and peace of Amurath they had some appearance of truth) yet did he presently impugne & contradict them: seeming to bewaile and complaine against the follie of the Epirots, that they onely of all the nations of the world (to their owne excessiue dammage) should be the last that would take notise of the wiles & deceites of Ottoman: that it was a strange thing, that the vaine, idle, and impertinent letters of Amurath should meete and encounter with a beleefe and credulitie farre more vaine and sottish, & should purchase any credit or faith among them: or that the wits of his people could be so dull and sencelesse as to thinke that Airadin (being a Spie and Intelligencer) should be reputed as one sent vnto them in the name and credit of an ambassador. Besides, admit there were no danger nor deceite in this matter, but that all things were according as Amurath had written, yet what lightnes and inconstancie were this, to giue faith and credit to their [Page 83] enemy rather then to their owne actes, and the estate of their owne affaires? And that the fortune of an other rather then their owne, should make them to chaunge their counsailes and determinations concerning the peace & the warres: true it is (quoth he) that Amurath is in the declining of his life, and that the Turkes at the battell of Varna haue receiued a mortall & deadly blow. Besides that other accidents do inuite the Barbarians to desire rest and quietnesse: but what should these things giue any occasion to the Albanians, either to abate or to loose their courage, or to receiue such conditions of peace, as an enemy whom they had vanquished should dare to present vnto them who were the vanquishers? Neither was it any thing to be regarded that they imagined that some of those conditions might be allowed and other some reiected: for they could not any way accept of peace but it would be most ignominious, neither could they so warelie or circumspectly handle the matter, but that the Sultan would soone perceiue both the fearefulnesse of their mindes and the difference of their meanes: but admit that peace were made, and let it be imagined that Amurath would sit still and be glad of quietnesse, till the tumultes, now growing vpon the late ouerthrow of the Hungarians, were throughly appeased: and till such time as he had quenched the flame, that was now beginning to be kindled: it might be till then the Epirots should enioy the benefite of that peace, notwithstanding afterwardes there was no other likelihood, but that he would turne the whole violence of the wars, vpon their neckes, and with his full forces would seeke to oppresse them, when they should in vaine obiect vnto him the violating of the articles of agreement concluded betweene them. Neither was the age of Amurath so impotent and decrepit, that it would make him vtterly vnapt and vnable for the warres. For it was the counsell and wisedomeSentence. of a Generall, which ought to be respected, not his bodily strength & puissance: and the prudence of the leaders was a matter in all ages more vsually to be redoubted, then the promptnesse of the hand, or rash temeritie and foolish hardinesse in vsing of the sword. That in his weake and feeble body, did remaine a spirite, sound, quicke and watchfull to all aduantages & opportunities, & a hart full fraught with mortall hate & extreme mallice. And though that Ottoman himself would not be dealing with them, yet it could not be but they should find enemies. He forgot not also to shew them, that small and short could be the profit of that peace which they should make with one so old, and who was now drawing to his last end, that the fierce and hautie courage and the restlesse minde of his sonne Mahomet would aime and attempt greater matters: so that they should be sure of peace, when warre was most for their profit: & they should not faile of warre when they would be glad of rest and quietnesse, by meanes whereof that which they should do, should not be for the benefit and good of the Epirotes, but for the profit and aduantage of the Turkes. What reason therefore had they to desire peace, seeing that the victorie was euen already in their hands, and that the enemy himselfe did seeme to auouch no lesse, but openly to confesse it: wherefore then should they not follow the prosperous winde, and pleasant gale of their good fortune, and enioy the occasion which was so freely offered them, whereof, if the opportunitie should once slide away or be let passe: in vaine would they repent hereafter that they had not laid better hold vpon it, that it was a shame for them now to speake of composition: when the woundes lately receiued in the battell of Haly Bassa were not yet cured, that they should first recouer the Seate of their ancestours, and assure the libertie of so many peoples their Subiectes: that then they should finde the oportunitie to accord, either by propounding or accepting honest and honorable conditions of peace and composition, is it possible, that the remembrance of the discon [...]iture of Vladislaus should giue them so notable an impression of feare, and terrour [Page 84] that such an accident and chance of warre should alienate the mindes of the Epirotes from that warre more then the Hungarians, who had sustained that ouerthrowe, for the report went amongst the common people, that Huniades did burne in a vehement desire to reuenge the losse and ignominie of the battell at Varna: and that he did secretly plot and deuise the meanes to raise a new armie.
Vpon these reasons alleadged, all men were wonderfully encouraged, and in thisSubiects of Scanderbeg resolued to holde warres with Amurath. as in all other matters, they were obedient vnto Scanderbeg: his people also were verie much aggreiued, & repented them that they had opened their mouthes in that matter which was not to his liking, all being vnwilling that he should haue any conceipt, that they in any wise, or in any matter concerning his seruice would refuse his aduise and counsell, which they had euer followed in the field and in the Campe. Whereupon the Prince of Albania hauing first of all called the Turkish Ambassadour to his presence, he held him in a long discourse, sometimes apart, and sometimes in full assemblies of his subiectes: by a long narration of his losses and damages, both publique and priuate: and complaining himselfe greatly of the disloialtie and periurie of Amurath. And thus hauing gratiously entertained and bountifully feasted him for fiue dayes, with a cheerefull and glad countenance, full of confidence and assurance, for feare least he (which was sent for a spie) should coniecture or imagine any kind or apprehension of feare: he led him in his owne companie, and shewed him all the rampiers, and fortifications, and all the courtes of garde of his men of warre, giuing him also a sight of the forme and manner of his campe, and then returned him with an answer in writing to this effect.
The time was, wherein (as thou writest) thy selfe diddest once surmount me inLetters of Scanderbeg to Amurath. number and multitude of benefites: but now will I vanquish thee in modestie and temperancie of speech: for I hold nothing more base and seruile, then not to abstaine (euen against a deadly enemie) from leud speches and dishonest termes. For this causeSentence. I haue both seene and entertained thy messenger, and haue receiued thy message in all good and frendly manner: and to speake the truth, thy letters haue giuen me cause and matter of laughter, rather then of wrath or anger: considering that euen in the beginning and entrie of the preamble, thou aduenturest to taxe me of so great ingratitude and infidelitie, and yet presently after seeming to be moued with a more tender kind of affection, thou alledgest vnto me, the losse and perdition of my soule, whereas thy selfe being a most vehement and obstinate defender of an inuerterate and grounded error, art wholly ignorant of the wretched end and destinie that doth attend thee: from that matter, without obseruing anie rightes of warre, or good forme of proceeding, most vnaduisedly and imprudently (I will not say impudently) as a vanquisher to one vanquished thou dost propound and set me downe many conditions of peace, and so strange, that hardly can any free eares endure to giue them the hearing. Assuredly Amurath, although so outragious speeches might arme the most patient man liuing to returne the like againe, yet will I impute part of them to thy aged yeares, andSentence. to thy naturall disposition, (seeing it is a propertie incident to old men to be lauish of their tongues) and the residue will I attribute to thy griefe & discontentment, which it is very difficult and hard to moderate: but especially I am content to suffer it, because it is no part of my meaning or deliberation to contend with thee in vaine disputes and reproches, but by iust armes and with the courage of true enmitie. Notwithstanding to what purpose, I pray thee, ô Ottoman, doest thou take on so both before [Page 85] God and man, as though that I had giuen thee & not thou to me the first offence. Doest thou count this to be infidelitie, that I reuolted from following of thee, being compelled thereunto by necessitie? doest thou obiect this for a crime and reproch vnto me, that I recouered my Countrey by vertue and industrie? But go to, let it be so, neither doe I greatly care to be held guiltie of this trespasse: the benefites also shewed me, which thou so at large and so orderly doest reckon vp, I my selfe could bee verie well content to remember them: were it not that the knowledge thereof doeth draw with it the dolorous remembrance of an infinite number of great and greeuous mischiefes and calamities, the which, if the one should bee compared and recompensed with the other, assuredly the greatnesse of the desertes and merites would soone be buried and ouerwhelmed vnder a greater heape of the mischiefes and misdeedes. But I hadde rather shame should make mee blushe to heare thy selfe (as thou doest recount them,) then that I should be driuen to rehearse or to recite them. Yet one thing there is, which (who soeuer knoweth it) cannot but wonder and greatly maruell at, and that is, how either I could haue the power to suffer and endure them, or thou the heart neuer to be satiate or satisfied, in doing of so many cruelties, and in the continuall and daily practises of such mortall and deadly hatred. My fathers kingdome most wrongfully and iniuriouslie hast thou detayned from mee: my bretheren hast thou caused to be murthered most cruelly: and my selfe (not doubting or suspecting anie such matter) diddest thou of late most wickedlie vowe and destinate to the death: and yet for all this doest thou (O Amurath) thinke it straunge, that my minde, (being euen then not vnmindefull of libertie) hath sought out some meanes to escape and winde it selfe out of so hard bondage and subiection? How long diddest thou thinke that I would haue endured thy so insolent and proud gouernment? Yet did I for a long time suffer many things, neither did I at any time refuse the yoke in thy seruice. All my life time did I expose my selfe to all perils and daungers both publique and priuate, both of mine owne disposition willingly, and at thy commandement, to shewe my obedience and duty vnto thee: euery day did I heare speaches dispersed concerning thee, and amongest my friendes and familiars, I heard no other talke ordinarily, then of thy snares and trappe [...] layed for me: and yet was I perswaded for a long time, that all thy wordes and deedes were free both from fraud, malice, and treason, till such time as thy wicked and blouddy counsailes and deuises did discouer themselues most apparauntly. Then began I for the time to dissemble also: carying a watchfull care and regard continually vpon thy sub [...]leties and pollicies, till I might finde some honest and conuenient meane to enfranchise my liberty. Thou hast not thereby any cause to be agreeued or to complaine, seeing, that (as the saying is) thou art wounded with thine owne weapon: yet are these but trifles (O Amurath) in respect of those things which the hope and desire of my heart hath conceiued, and doth ayme at. Leaue off therefore henceforth these thy sharpe threates and menaces, and desist from obiecting vnto vs so often the lamentable mishappe and misfortune of the Hungarians. Each man (good Sir) hath his owne courage, and each one his owne nature. As for vs, whatsoeuer fortune it shall please God to send vs, wee will take and beare it patiently. In the meane while, neither will we take any consell of our enemy of that we haue to doe, neither will we seeke or intreate for peace from thee: but relying vpon the diuine fauour and clemency, we will endeuour to triumph ouer thee, with a most glorious and triumphant victorie.
Adieu:
From our Campe the twelfth of Iulie. 1444.
Ottoman hauing perused the contentes of Scanderbeg his letters, and learning of Ayraden by word of mouth the rest of his cogitations and deliberations, was nothing [Page 86] well pleased neither with the one nor with the other: but on the contrary, the fierce and liberall speach of the man, and his wonderfull trust and confidence (which he knew did not proceede of nothing) did ingender in him mighty feare and terror, rather then sharpen his anger and displeasure which he had formerly conceyued: and he tooke it as a manifest presage and augurie of the difficulty of the warre of Albanie. Notwithstanding, that he might not bewray vnto his people any appearaunce of feare or cowardize, it is reported that in smiling wise (oftentimes stroaking of hisAmurath his scorneful and desp [...]tefull speaches vpon the receipt of Scā derbeg his letters. beard with his hand) he should vtter these speeches: ‘Thou doest couet (most vnhappy and vnfortunate wretch) thou doest couet some memorable and famous kinde of death, and thou shalt haue it (beleeue me) thou shalt haue it, we our selues will see thy obsequies perfourmed. And without expecting thy commaundement (most mightie king of the Albanians) we will honour and reuerence thy funerals with our presence, least that hereafter being in hell, thou doe complaine that thy end was ignoble and dishonourable.’ All this notwithstanding, the imaginations and thoughts of the Sultan were very vncertaine and irresolute in the middest of these difficulties. For the rumours which arose daily from the part of Huniades, and the often messages of the vnfaithfull Despot of Misia, that pernicious old wretch, who was now infamous through his double treasons, and by the enuious destinies was reserued, euen till that time, for so many miseries and calamities to the Christians: these considerations (I say) did transport and cary away his mind else where, and did hinder and trouble him from bending all his forces, and turning the waight and burthen of the whole warre vppon the kingdome of Epire. Meane while neuerthelesse, to the intent the late iniury offered him by the contempt and refusall of his friendshippe and confederacy, might not rest without some present kinde of punishment: he concluded that if he did nothing else, yet he would trouble and molest the peace and quietnesse of Scanderbeg, though he were not able vtterly to abolish it. To this effect he imagined that he had a fit and conuenient oportunity by the negligence of the Christians, who (as he heard) were growen very carelesse and secure, through their manifold good fortunes and happy successe in the wars, and that Scanderbeg hauing dismissed his army, did keepe the field with his horsemen onely; who did daily and careleslie range abroade farre from their Campe, here and there dispersed and scattered for desire of prey and pillage.Ferisey sent against Scanderbeg by Amurath. For this cause hee caused Ferisey to be sent for, who was one of his Bassaes, a man of a stirring and fierce disposition, and of a quicke and ready spirite. To him hee gaue in charge nine thousand horse, all chosen and picked men, and hauing heaped vpon him many great and large promises, in case he returned with victorie (as hee wished and desired) he commaunded him to enter into Epire, with all the speede and secresie that might be, that his comming might be felt before it was perceyued by the enemy. The reason that made Ottoman at that time to send no greater forces, was either for feare that delay and protracting of time might worke their dammage and disaduantage, or that the rumour of his comming being blowen abroade and diuulged, might awaken the Christians, and giue them time and leysure, both to aduise themselues, and to eschew the perill▪ by addressing and preparing new ambushmentes, as the euent afterwardes made manifest, to frustrate and disappoint the traines of him that was a master in such arts and subtelties.
But whilest that I doe so confidentlie sette downe all these matters touching theVarietie of opinions touching Amurath his profession of a religious life. counsailes of Amurath, both concerning his manner of mannaging forraine warres, and the administration of his estate, I doubt not but many will maruell at this my iudgement and opinion in that it is repugnant and contrarie to others. And it maie be they will be inquisitiue to knowe, what should make mee so to differ and varie [Page 87] from the common opinion, seeing that it is a matter yet fresh in memory, and many also haue committed no lesse to writing, iustifying the same to all posteritie: That Amurath in his latter dayes, immediately vppon the battell of Varna, meditating and lamenting, sometimes vppon the miseries and inconueniences of Princes, and sometimes vppon the temeritie and inconstancie of Fortune, after hee had orderedHaly Bassa gouernour of Mahomet the sonne of Amurath. his domesticall affaires, and appointed Halie Bassa for gouernour to his eldest sonne Mahomet, hee presently depriued himselfe of his Crowne and Empire, and leauing Andrinople, and the care of all publique matters, and retayning with him but a very small number▪ as the companions of his counsell) hee retired him selfe into Asia where he vowed and professed a religious and a godly life, according to the superstition of his forefathers. Neither did hee forsake that kinde of life, till such time as the Despotte of Transiluania, namely Huniades, was come before Sophia: and that the cries and daily exclamations of the people, did reuoke him▪ alleadging that Mahomet by reason of his young and tender yeares, was not able to support and beare the heauy burthen and charge of the estate, and that the credite and authority of Halie Bassa, was not of such force in the Campe, as might make the souldiours to obey and respect him. Certainly I cannot but maruell from whence this erro [...] should proceede, especially in an Act happening so late, and within the time of our remembraunce. I wil not aduenture to condemne those graue, wise, and learned Authors, of rashnesse and temeritie, nor to conuince them of vntrueth and falsehood: yet this one thing I dare auouche for certainetie, and maintaine it of mine owne knowledge, that the letters of Amurath aboue written, were sent from Andrinople, the chiefe seate of the Ottoman Empire, vnder the name and title of Amurath, and that both Ferisey and many other Chieftaines did attempt vppon the countrey of Epire, by his commaundement and appointment, after that he hadde in vaine sought for peace of Scanderbeg.
But this errour proceedeth not from thence, for in the order and accompt of the times, will not be found anie confusion or disagreement, if wee should graunt that these things did passe, before that euer Amurath did giue ouer and renounce his Empire. But herein my minde cannot be throughly satisfied, to see that the death of the Sultan should be so vnaduisedly translated from Epire into Asia. For in deed, there is nothing more contrarie to the trueth, and there was neuer any one heard of, that durst maintaine or allow the contrarie, but that the siege of Croie did make an endAmurath made his last end before Croy of his aged yeares, and all ages ensuing will giue the honour of the death of Ottoman, vnto Scanderbeg, as being consumed and extinct through pure conceipt and melancholy, and through impatiencie of griefe: for that hee could not preuaile against Croie. But the discretion and good iudgement of the Reader, will easily finde out these particularities, and the probability of the whole trueth of those matters, by the diligent computation and conference of the times.
But returne wee againe to Ferisey, who in great secresie was entred into the FrontiersFerisey cometh into Epire. of Macedony, and did in vaine promise vnto him selfe the reward and honour of the victory, which he had before conceiued in his minde, puffed vp with so great and a vaine hope. And therefore standing very carefully vppon his guard, he marched on, approaching daily nearer the enemy, in manner and countenaunce rather of a Robber, then of a true and iust warriour. And yet coulde not hee for all that preuent the newes of his arriuall. For Scanderbeg being admonished of all thinges by the Garrisons, that were disposed in diuerse and sundry places, or (as others write) by a spie, comming from the Court of the Sultan, sodainely (as a man that went euer furnished and appointed to all casualties and accidents of warre) taking the occasion of [Page 88] time and place. He first of all seized vppon a certaine streight and narrow valley namedThe valley of Mocrea. Mocrea, (which was the onely place where the Turkishe Captaine was able to passe) and he disposed it full of souldiours, all hardy men and well resolued. The Bassa began now to approach, and the huge thicknesse of the dust raised by the treading and trampling of their horses, did euidently discouer that the enemy was neare at hand. Our men keeping their stand, did attend with no lesse silence the discouery of the enemy, til such time as they saw them entred into the hollow vallies, and enuironed with high and craggy rockes full of woods, and that they were entangled on all sides in theBattell of Mocrea against Ferisey. thicke and huge forrests. Then issuing out vpon them with great fury & violence, sodainly and vnexpected, they presented them selues to the enemy. There were of footmen about the number of one thousand fiue hundred, besides two thousand horse at the least. But these were reserued to a further and better peece of seruice. The Turkes (who had enough to doe, and were sufficiently beaten with the discommodities and disaduauntages of the place) were on all sides assailed, both before, behinde, and in flanke, by the Infantery, who killed and slew them at their pleasures. They notwithstanding not forsaking their ranckes, but defending themselues with great hardinesse, as long as there was any hope of victory, did stoutly continue in the same place, where the enemy had first charged them. But the horses did rather hurt and hinder then benefite or succour their maisters, and were in the end the losse and ouerthrow of the riders. For (being as men besieged) they receiued and tooke more wounds by far, then they could giue or inflict vppon their enemies. And yet when as all appearaunce and likelihood of escaping this daunger was cleane taken from them, euen then did they shew themselues more valiant and hardy then euer: & they maintained the fight with the greater obstinacy, almost all of them keeping the selfsame place to the very death, where they had once set footing and taken possession, whilest they were aliue: Some few only being excepted, whom either the shameful desire of life, or a more vrgent resolution taken vpon the place (for they scorned to die such a kinde of death, the desire whereof was more foolish and contemptible, then honest or commendable) did make them to humble themselues on their knees, and to lay down their armes, which made the conquerors to saue their liues and take them to mercy. There were of them taken prisoners 760. but of those which were slaine, the number was much greater. Thus the Barbarians making hast to the prey, became themselues to be an easy prey to theirVictory of Scanderbeg against Ferisey. enemies giuing vnto the Christians a ioyfull testimony of their misconceited & false imagined victory. Ferisey seeing the vantgard of his owne army enclosed & surprised, and the enemy busily fleshing themselues in their slaughter, & plying themselues vpon this occasion, as hauing gotten a fit subiect for their glory, hee turned bridell with the residue of his troopes, and being smally mindfull, either of his Princes instructions, or of his owne naturall fiercenes, he was vtterly vnwilling in so sodaine and vnloked for an accident, and in a place of such disaduauntage, to make any further triall (to his cost perhappes) of a worser Fortune: doubting both the danger and the number of the ‘enemies to be greater then he supposed. Hee therefore turned his backe to the Christians, and in his retire hee cried out aloft, that it was more commendable in an expertSentence. Captaine to saue some, then to lose all,’ especially in such a place where (euen as dumbe beastes) they must giue their throates to the cutting. True it is that there be some, who write, that he was slaine in the fight by the handes of Scanderbeg. But the horsemen of the Albanois, did not suffer their retraite to bee altogether without bloudshedde, but keeping continually in the taile of them as they fled, they did kill many of them which stragled and stayed behinde, and they pressed vppon them hard, pursuing them continually, till such time as they grewe to be somewhat wearyed, and [Page 89] depriued rather of strength, then of will and appetite to chase and follow them. These matters being thus dispatched, and the Turkes put to flight, without any great hurt of his owne companies, Scanderbeg with all those troopes which he had with him, did inuade the territory of the enemy, filling and satisfying the desires of the souldiers with the sweete contentment of prey and pillage.
The misfortune of Ferisey was seconded with the like desaster & mishap of Mustapha, no lesse vnhappy & vnfortunat. For the Ottoman vnderstanding of the rough entertainment giuen by the Albanois to his forces, & that their flight was not only profitable, but more then needfull, and that their fortune (in this case after they had bene enforced to take that oportunity) had deserued no iust cause of blame or reprehension, to be layd vpon them: he hauing his mind maruellously troubled and perplexed, and being vtterly impatient of all rest and quietnesse) night and day, imagined and cast with him selfe touching Scanderbeg, bending all his counsells and the vttermost of his despite and malice, how he might worke his ruine and destruction. Besides, his thoughts affected nothing more (he being vtterly ignorant of his owne mishap) then one day to see the fields of Epire, where he did hope to find some matter to execute his long wished and desired reuenge of so many outrages and iniuries both of old and lately committed: in such sort, that some secret force and operation of the heauens, did seeme to draw on the fate of his old age, which (of it owne nature) was fearefull faint and timerous:Sentence. Old age naturally saint and timerous. but the troubles which were reported to be as then imminent from the Hungarians, did not permit and suffer him, freely as then to discharge his rage and choller against the Epirots. The glorious old fellow with the like humour of wrath and malice, did not for beare to reproch and menace Huniades, saying, that this was not the first time, that the tumults and troubles of Hungarie, had saued and preserued the state of Albany: neuerthelesse, because he could not suffer nor endure the bloud of his souldiers so lately shed, nor that the bodies of so many valiant warriers, should lie on the earth without any reuenge, and especially because he was perswaded that the profitable example of the former, might keepe others hereafter from the like surprise, & learn them to be wiser: and for that the troupes of Ferisey seemed to haue bene vanquished, not by any prowesse of the Christians, but onely by the disaduantage of the place: he committed the care of this businesse into the hands of Mustapha, of whom afterwardsMustapha sent against Scanderbeg with an Army of 15000. Turks. he did often, (but not with any great good successe) serue himselfe in those quarters. Him he commaunded to make a supply, and to fill vp the companies of Ferisey, and to encrease their numbers with a new strength of 6000. horse, he enioyned him moreouer, and expresly charged him in any case not to enter neither more nor lesse into the streightes and passages of Epire, where the enemy held him selfe in ambushment, and where the perill was most to be redoubted, and that vppon no occasion, nor for the hope of any good successe whatsoeuer, he should not hazard himself to the fight or force of the enemy: but that without any more adoe, he should onely wast and spoile their borders, and to hold him selfe contented with this glorie, that the trees and the fieldes of the Albanois, had in some sort felt the force and violence of his victorious and conquering sword: and that their countrey was burnt, wasted, and consumed by the fire. These and such like goodlie admonitions, did the Sultan giue to Mustapha, as though a man could prescribe vnto the hearers, what they hadde to doe when their armors are once put vpon their backes. Notwithstanding when the time came that this should be put in execution, the carefull diligence of the Captaine did not let passe or neglect any one point of this charge which had bene giuen him: but as occasion serued, hee added to the same many good respectes, after hee came to consider the nature of the countrey, and to haue a view of the situation of the place. For [Page 90] scarcely had he displaied his ensignes within the confines of the christians, but for bearing to march on with his Campe at large, through the open field, he first of all sent forth three hundred horse to beat ouer the plaine champion, and to discouer farre and neare all the passages, and to sound the couerts and secret places which might serue for ambushment; enioyning them, that if they saw any likelyhood of daunger from the enemy, they should speedily retire themselues to the body of their forces, or else drawing them on by litle and litle, they should suffer them to presse and follow hard vppon them, till they were trained neare to the place appointed for their retraite. In so doing they should be sure to deale safely, and they might happe to entrappe the wily foxe, being entised so smoothly to the snare: both for that his forces being the weaker, they should haue no cause to feare and redoubt them, and because they had litle reason to thinke, that albeit his numbers were at the greatest, yet in so sodaine an occasion, hee should be able to stirre abroade with any great store of forces. Now when these skoutes had well and diligently surueyed all quarters, and hadde vppon their returne made report, that all was safe and sure; the Captaine Turke retayning with himselfeMustapha enskonseth his army in the borders of Macedony. foure thousand horse, enskonsed and fortified the place (where he meant to abide) in forme of a Campe, both with large rampiers and trenches, and with men of an hardy and good courage, partly thereby to assure the pillage, and partly to preuent and withstand all the hazards and chaunces of variable and vnconstant Fortune. A certaine small height or mount of ground rising, and mounting it selfe in manner of a little hill, did make their fort somewhat the more defencible, and lesse accessible for the enemy. Hauing taken this order for his campe, he placed some for secrete sentinelles and watches vppon the tops of certaine high mountaines, with certaine tokens & signals to giue notice of the comming of the enemy. This done, the rest of his horsmen he licensed to the spoile, abandoning the countrey to their greedy auarice & cruelty, which by their continuall bloudy roades and inuasions, brought all things to incredible ruine and destruction. But he had first giuen them in charge, that whosoeuer did not at the first sound of the trumpet, and when the retrait should be sounded, presently retire himselfe within the campe, he should be reputed as an enemy. Now was that goodly and pleasant country harried, spoiled, and layd wast: now were the trees and plants rooted vp and destroied, by the rage and sword of the Barbarians: the medows & pastures did seem (as it were) to bewail and lament: & the flames of the towns and villages (which were openly seene fired and burning euery where on all sides, did seeme to cry and call for some to work their reuenge. Al the seed corne in the ground being beaten downe and troden vnder foote, with the trampling of their horses, (for it was in Autumne) the innocent and harmles earth did now make shew, that it should defraud the poore and vnfortunate labourer of his pains and trauell. Nothing was left free or vntouched which the sword or fire could consume or destroy: of moueables & cattels of small value, and litle reckonning which belonged to the poore people, there was good store and plenty to be found, but of men and inhabitants very few or none: by reason that the enemies were their next neighbours, small was the number of them that remained in the countrey villages, and the most part of thē with their wiues, children, & all their families, and with the chiefe & choisest of their substance, were shifted and fled away into the next walled townes, and strong fenced holdes.
In the middest of these exploits, whilest the fierce Barbarians (iniurious & odious euen to God himself) licenciously and without any great profit, doth follow and pursue this maner and kind of conquest, and whilest he spendeth and consumeth his time & labor in coursing vp & downe here and there for the desire & couetise of gaine and commodity, Castriot in the meane time, howbeit he was somwhat with the latest enformed [Page 91] of this inuasion, with 4000. horse, & 1000. foot, was now arriued to the valleyScanderbeg marcheth against Mustapha, with an army of 5000. men. of Mocrea, and his souldiers with great ioy and gladnes were entred within these valleys so well knowne vnto them, and which were as yet wet & moisty with the bloud of the Turkes. There (whilest euerie one of them is going vp and downe, secretly viewing his old and wonted lodging, and whilest the watchfull and carefull mind of their Generall resting in suspence and as it were in vncertaintie, is deuising with him selfe what may betide in those places so solitarie and full of silence: behold euen in that instant a certaine Epirote, a man of great courage and worthie of better fortune (being then newly escaped from the enemie, and marked with many great wounds, with the bloud yet running downe warme in great abundance, euery man being abashed at the sight) came and suddenly cast him selfe at the feete of Scanderbeg, imploring his ayde and helpe: and with a braue and chearefull countenance he ‘encouragedThe speeches of a peasant wounded by the Turkes vnto Scanderbeg. the standers by, and thus incensed them, saying; That the fieldes were desolate, all things being turned topsey tur [...]ey by the Turkes: who being scattered and dispersed in all partes here and there about purchase and pillage, did dreame of nothing but their prey and bootie: and that without anie great paine or daunger, they might make all of them in particular to yeeld an accompt and reckoning of their iorney so vnaduisedly vndertaken. At the first Castriot seemed to be somewhat cheared concerning his counsailes and determinations,’ by reason that these tydings seemed to giue fitte occasion and oportunitie for his affaires: but after that hee had more particularly enquired of the peasant touching the estate of all things: howe the Campe of the enemie was seated, and in what manner he carried him selfe: then extolling and praysing the prudence of Mustapha, he began to admire him: and from thencefoorth he iudged that it would stand him vppon, from that time forwarde to be better aduised, and to looke vnto him selfe and his affaires more nearely and narrowly. Hereuppon being not willing to attempt anie thing rashly, calling his armie round about him, and standing in the middest so as he might well be heard of them all, he spake vnto them in this fashion.
I was wont (my companions and copartners in Armes) to giue counsell, and toOration of Scanderbeg to his soldiers, consulting with thē vpō the maner how to assaile Mustapha. ‘set downe the course and order of our affaires: but nowe it standeth both you and me vppon, to take counsell together touching the state of our matters, and the manner of our proceedings against the enemie: and this euerie one of you will easily acknowledge, if you do but looke into the euent of matters: the which (in case where reason is not of sufficient force) is the chiefe maister and director. We were giuen to vnderstand, that the Turkes as robbers and free-booters without any order or conduct, without any regard, did wander vp and downe the fields, flying hither and thither, as men that did feare any thing more then our comming. For this cause by my perswasion and procurement, & vnder my conduct, here are you come with this honorable intent and purpose, to inuade and set vpon them with your forces: it is not needful that I tell you what new counsels and directions the happy & oportune comming of this man hath brought vs: you haue heard himself recount, what the enemie doth, & how they do demeane thēselues. One thing there is which no man can denie, if you consider the purpose and drift of Mustapha, both in the fashion of his encamping and in the fortification and defence thereof with men well armed & appointed: you shall soone vnderstand that he carieth not towards you the countenance nor mind of a robber, as (it may be) you supposed, but of a most aduised & warie enemie. For this cause in my opinion it is requisit, that you carrie yourselues more considerately with a better deliberation against your enemies, then (it seemeth) you were determined. Let vs leaue them alone that are abrode on foraging, lest that in offering occasion to their [Page 92] Captaine to issue out of his trenches, who looketh for no better aduātage, we do giue them the oportunitie of an easie victorie against vs: for whilest we out of order, dispersed, and in disarray, shall thinke to pursue them as they be scattered and disordered, it is to be feared lest we (being double charged by the enemie) be ouerthrown by thē, and without all remedie cut in peeces: it is better that we issue forth all at once, with our whole puissance, and that we breake in vpon the rampiers of their fortresse: the which if our valor and resolution (as it is accustomed) shall happen to carrie, or if we may put their Generall to flight, or may get his head (he being slaine) to present and make shew thereof to the rest of the Barbarians to appall them (which God almight for his mercy grant vs) there is no doubt, but without any danger, you shall (to your endlesse honor) attaine to your desire in each of these respects. For, the residue of these free-booters (some of them being excluded and separated from the succours of their companions, and others of them being on all sides besieged by your forces) they will be at your mercie, either aliue or dead, as your selues shal please to dispose of them. But in any case (my good soldiers) take you heed that the filthie auarice & desire of pillageGood & necessary counsell in time of seruice. Sentence. do not carrie you away in the sacking and spoile of the campe: for many are the examples, that with great shame and dishonor this hatefull humor and affection of couetousnesse hath oftentimes taken away the victories out of the hands of the victors, & hath giuen it to the enemy, when they haue bene quite ouerthrowne & discomfited.’
This counsell of the Generall was vniuersally liked and allowed, and it was put in execution and followed with the consent of all the soldiers. The troupes therefore being marshalled and ordered according to the Art and skil of armes, they were drawne forth of the secret and close vallies into the open and plaine fields, & they did now discouer thēselues to the wards & scouts of the Turks: who from the tops of the mountaines, by the fiers mounting vp on high, did giue notice of their comming to those within the fortresse. Then was heard the sound & noise of the trumpets, to the great griefe of those men of armes, who were dispersed abroad in the champion, and were busied in spoyling and pilling of the countrey. Many of them retired vppon the summons, and were receiued within the trenches, before that our men could get neare them, and others as they were making hast to enter, were sore troubled and terrified. The noise and cry of the enemies soldiers, sounding and fearing them, with the name of Scanderbeg. Many (whom the sodaine and speedy comming of the Albanois, did finde without at the entry of the Fort) were excluded and shut out. And being ouercharged with the spoile and prey of the countrey, they found them selues likewise charged with their enemies. On all sides was the assault giuen to the trenches, and atScanderbeg assaileth the Turkes within their fort and trenches. the first charge (in a manner) their cariages and baggage, which they hadde made as a Barricado to their fort, and the Targatiers that guarded the place, were ouerthrowen and cast downe, with an exceeding great noise and confusion, both of those that were excluded, & of our men, who striued pell mell to enter with them. All of them made way indifferently and alike, and all places were full of enemies mixt together. The presse was so great, and the place so straight, that there was no vse of dartes nor yet of shot. The fight was more hand to hand, and they found it more aduauntage to vse the sword, and certaine Mases of iron (a short kinde of weapon which the Turkes did often vse in battell.) It was a strange kinde of fight, to see the Turks fighting with their ‘swords in one hand, and their fatall booty in the other. So greedy is that people of catchingCouetousnes naturally in the Turkes. & proling of any thing whatsoeuer. The Christians encreasing still in fury and fiercenesse, did eagerly presse vppon them more and more, and without intermission,’ did on al parts put them to vtterance, filling the whole place with feare and slaughter, till such time as Mustapha (who kept in the safest place of his Campe, and did performe [Page 93] rather the part of an encorager thē of a soldier) seeing no hope of safetie left by armes, and being constrained to yeeld to his misfortune, he shifted himselfe from the dangerVictorie of Scanderbeg against Mustapha. by the swiftnes of his horse, at one of the ports of his camp which was farthest off frō his enemies. Immediatly hereupon the conflict began to be more moderate and lesse cruell, with lesse slaughter & bloudshed, by reason that some casting away their weapons did submit themselues to the Christians, & the residue partaking in the necessitie of their Captaine, did shift for their liues with quicke spurring of their horses. Manie (whom the earnest desire of their profit had drawne far from their fort) misdoubting the ill successe of their companions, by the cries and noise of the enemie, which they heard a far off, did endeuor to saue themselues by flying: but there was scant any one of thē that escaped: for diuerse great troups of archers lay in waite vpon the passages, who annoying thē with the abundance of their arrows, did by that meanes discharge their anger vpon them. Some hold that the whole power of the Turkes (excepting Mustapha and a few of the principall, who were best mounted) was slaine in that battell. But in my opinion they come nighest to the troth, who write, that there were slaine about 5000. men, but a far lesser number taken prisoners, which amounted not at the most to aboue 300. and the most of thē mightily disfigured or maimed by their many and grieuous wounds: because that the soldiers being incredibly incensed vpon the sight of the pillage gotten frō their fellowes, and the extreme spoile & desolation of their countrey, were caried away & moued to vse the greater furie and crueltie towards them. Of the victors there were wanting but 20. horsemen, and 50. foote, who were rather ouerrun with the horses then slaine by the sword of the enemy. Thus the Albanois being now possessed of the campe, the ensignes, the baggage, & the cariages of their enemies, they inuaded also and ouerrun their territories: where, with a prize and bootie more assured and of better certaintie, they recompenced that losse & dammage which had bene receiued by the Turkes, with a greater vsurie and aduantage.
About the same time that these things were so happily atchieued against the infidels,Lech or Luke Zacharie Lord of the towne of Dayna vpō the riuer of Drinon in Albanie. it is reported that Lech Zacharie (of whom we haue before made some mention) was vnfortunately murthered by Lech Ducagin the sonne of Paul. This man was a personage who made himselfe famous through the happie and prosperous successe of his wicked actions, yet borne of a father who was a good man, and most vertuous. Other reason I find none of his secret hatred and malice, nor any occasion of his conspiracie against him, but onely a damnable desire of Empire and dominion: a sweete yet ‘mischieuousDesire of dominiō a disease naturally growing in men▪ Sentence▪ Lech Zacharie murthered. maladie, naturally grounded and rooted in the mindes of mortall men. For these two Princes being next neighbours each to other, and Ducagin perceiuing the other to be without issue, & hauing no hope of any lawfull heires, he thought belike that the succession of his estate, would easily fall & escheate to him that could first and soonest seize vpon it:’ whereupon he both depriued him of his life, and at the same instant he iniuriously vsurped a great part of his signiory. Yet could he not absolutely & fully accomplish his deuillish intent, which he had so wickedly begun and attempted. For the Daynians (who inhabited the capitall towne & chiefe fortresse of that countrey) by their consent, faith and fidelitie (the onely meane wherein they could make shew therof) did testifie their loue and affection which they bare to their Prince. And whereas the Ladie Bossa the mother of him that was slaine, being very old and aged, was not a litle pensiue and sorowfull in that she had suruiued her sonne, they defendedHe meaneth the Gouernour of Scutary or Scodra. her estate with great loyalty, till such time as she (induced thereunto by the counsell and practise of others, and by the perswasion of her friends) or imagining that the infirmitie of her aged yeares, and the weake spirit of a woman was not sufficient to go through with so great a charge▪ especially the state of her affairs being so troublesome [Page 94] and tumultuous: she conueyed her selfe to* Scutary or Scodra, and resigned both herThe antiquitie named it Chalcedon, afterwards Scodra, now Scutarie. selfe and the surplus of her estate which was left her, into the hands and power of the common weale of Venice, casting vpon them the charge and whole burden of all the quarels and contention which was like to ensue and growe betweene them and the neighbour Princes and Seigniors about the right of her dominions.
See now how fortune prepared her self to make Scanderbeg famous & renowmed on the one side by the armes and forces of Italie, in that she bred a iarre betweene him and the Venetians: and on the other side by Mystapha, who in the presence of Amurath as an vpright iudge (although enuious against his enemy) with a great discourse and abundance of good words (both to couer his owne misfortune, & to excuse the fault of his companions) did highly extoll the inuincible prowesse of this personage, and his incomparable experience in the Art militarie: oftentimes repeating that it was ‘needfull to prouide other maner of forces, and with a more mightie kind of warre toMustapha excuseth his ouerthrow vnto Amurath. tame his furie and fiercenesse: that this was not the way to sound the mind, & to try the stirring thoughts of Scanderbeg by such rodes and inuasions, and by the spoyling and wasting of the fields: that these were meanes rather to incense and animate the harts of the Albanois (who were a nation of a braue nature, and of a high corage:) that these ambushments and wiles of warre were not to preuaile against him that was his craftsmaster in such subtilties, but that they would always redound to their ruine & confusion: and more then that, by the course and custome of so many daily victories, by litle and litle they should ingender a contempt of the name & maiesty of Ottoman among the Christians: that (in his opinion) the best way was either altogether to abstaine & giue ouer frō making war vpon him, or else, to frame themselues to follow the wars with so full resolution, that they might at once and without any more a do, vanquish and subdue this enemie, and so make a finall end & conclusion of the warre of Albany.’
These reasons and allegations of the Bassa (though the Sultan did take small pleasure in the praises of his aduersary) could not seeme to proceed of pusillanimity or want of corage, seeing he had before his eies the like misfortunes of all those, whom he had at any time sent and emploied against Castriot. Somtimes Haly Bassa, and somtimes Ferisey (who of all others was least faulty) did put him in minde of their calamities, more singular and notorious, & they did excuse vnto their Prince Amurath, the vnfortunat vertue of Mustapha. Wherefore he also changing his mind (a common & vsual thingSentence. Aduerse fortune maketh men wearie of warres. that the crosses of Fortune and aduersity doth soone cause men to wax weary of wars) concluded to giue himselfe some rest from this toilesome exercise of armes, and from thenceforth no more to feed the enemy with the bloud of his subiects, but determined to surcease from war, till such time as himselfe, poore old man who seemed to threaten more danger with his beake then with his talents, guided and led on by his sinister & vnhappy destiny, went thither in person to seeke the end of that glory, which he vainly promised to himself, and the fruit of that victory which he had most idlely conceiuedMustapha sent with another armie against Scanderbeg for the defence of the Turkish confines. in his thoughts. Yet did he in the meane time command Mustapha to leauy new forces and sent him again into Epire, but with expresse charge, not to ouerrun nor endamage the enemies countrey, nor vpon any occasion whatsoeuer to assaile Castriot, but onlie to gard his subiects and his frontiers from all molestations and incursions, & without any care taken for the purchase of conquest or victory, to containe him self within his limits, and not be drawen forth to any seruice whatsoeuer. And surely we must needs thinke, that God did wonderfully prouide for the good and welfare of Castriot, in that he inspired the minde of so mighty and redoubted an enemy, with such a thought andWarre between Scanderbeg & the Venetians. resolution, euen at that time, when he was entred into a new war against the Venetiās.
The comming of Mustapha and the newes of the massacres of the prince of Dayna, [Page 95] being reported at one & the same instant to Scanderbeg, made him diuersly distracted in his thoughtes and cogitations, and did greatly perplexe his minde. Notwithstanding the Barbarian (with whom it was an ordinarie matter to be vanquished) did not so much trouble him, but the horrible accident of that Prince his singular friend: and his end no lesse cruell then lamentable, did so oppresse his heart with grief, that it was thought it would go neare to kill him. Besides this, his sorow was much aggrauated when he heard of the determination of the Lady Bossa, and that the Venetians had vndertaken her cause, and made it their owne proper quarrell: for true it was, that the gouernors of the places next adioyning had fortified all of them, & principally the town of Dayna, with strong and great garrisons. Behold here now the occasion of their dissention,The causes of the warre betweene Scanderbeg and the Venetians. and the originall of the quarrell: the Prince of Epire found himself aggrieued with the Venetians, in that they would seeme to pretend any right to the state of him that was dead, & wold chalenge it vnto them selues, seeing that the resignation which the mother had made vnto them was of no force, concerning those goods which her sonne in his life time had ordained to be left vnto him: and there was no reason, that the rash wilfulnes of the mother, should be any lawful preiudice or make voyd the intent and meaning of the sonne. For it was euident & apparant, that there was a former compact past betweene him & Zachary, that he that was the suruiuer of them twaine, should be the others successor, and enioy his dominions: & this their agreement was confirmed by a solemne oth betweene them: what the right of law was in that case, either for the one or the other, I leaue to the lawyers to debate it, & true it may be, that the diuine power by the fortune of the warre did equally deuide their controuersie. But here in the meane time may also good Christianlike minds see the fruits & effects of ambition and auarice. In this doubtfull state of his affaires, Scanderbeg being more carefull now then euer, did continually keepe neare the forces of Mustapha, and coursing vp & down euery where with a very small numbar: (sometimes by aduenturing him self too farre, and sometimes by faining of flight, and by retiring of his colours in disorder) in vaine did he seek to prouoke the wylie General of the Turks to issue forth to the fight, the which (to his cost) he had once made proofe of. But now seeing that he refused the combat, wherby he was out of all hope either of doing of any exploit, or of any meanes to surprize or circumuēt him: he there left all those forces which he had with him vpon the borders of the enemy, to preuent all new occasions of tumults, and to represse the insolencie of the Turks: & himself bending all his thoughts to the preparation of the war of Daina, with a very small company attending him, tooke his iorney presently towards Croy. There (knowing that the deciding of this debate was not likely to be otherwise then by force of armes) he speedily commanded a publike leuie of soldiers: and himself riding all ouer the prouince with some of his most notable & ancientest Captaines, for the raising of men, he assembled a mighty armie. And then without any delay (before that those of Daina should haue the leasure to prouideThe siege of Daina. themselues of corne) he cōpassed their citie with his forces round about, girding them in with a strong and straight siege, and omitting nothing that was to be done (sometimes by gentle perswasions, sometimes by rough intreatie) he employed all his study and indeuors, to solicit them within to yeeld themselues to his deuotion: for he was in great doubt, least if this oportunitie of seizing vpon the towne did slip from him, the newes thereof flying in the meane time to Venice, wold animate and stir vp the Senators of that citie more earnestly to take vpon them the defence therof, & send thither fresh succours and stronger forces out of Italie. He refrayned notwithstanding frō the spoyling of the country (which is cōmonly the first mischiefe that foloweth vpon the siege of any place) for doubt, lest the minds of the Danians being more eagerly bent, should be made the more constant and resolute to continue faithfull to the enemy: neither [Page 96] did he assay with artilery to batter their wals, nor to force the town by Escalados or assalts: but only debarring the inhabitants from all maner of renuing & refreshing themselues with victuals or munitions, he threatned them with the danger of famine, which was not far from them, and with the discommoditie of a long & tedious siege: by meanes whereof (when they should hereafter be constrained to submit themselues vnto him, then all too late imploring his mercy and compassion) they should feele all these extremities, which the iust rigor of a conqueror should impose vpon them. TheThe Venetians prouide for the reliefe of Dayna against Scanderbeg. Gouernors of those prouinces which were subiect to the Venetians, & the Captains of the townes neare adioyning being aduertised of the state of the besieged, gaue notice to the Signiorie of Venice, and hauing commission returned vnto them with no lesse speed & celeritie, they leauied suddenly in great hast soldiers of all sorts, both Albanois and Italians (with all which kind of people the next garrisons were ordinarily stuffed by the order of the Venetians) and with these they marched on with full purposeLech Dusman & Peter Span against Scanderbeg. to succor the Dainians. These troupes were greatly aided and augmented by the cōming of two persons, by nation Albanois, Lech Dusman, & Peter Span or Spaniard. These men had sworne and promised to Scanderbeg their continual seruice & deuoit against the Turks, and they neuer failed him: but the confederacie and amitie which they had contracted for a long time before with the Signiory of Venice (by reason that they were neare neighbors to Driuasta, and some other places of the Venetian iurisdictiō,Driuasta. besides the bond of innumerable benefits receiued frō their estate in times past) did now bind thē to their assistance, and were the occasion of their preparations to do them seruice. Scanderbeg was no whit abashed at the difficultie and greatnesse of this warre, but did receiue these newes with great ioy and gladnesse, and without anie further delay deuided his forces, which exceeded the number of 14000. men: he appointed to employ against his enemie onely 7000. horse, and 2000. foote. The resisidue (hauing prouided for all occasions) hee left to hold the siege before Dayna. The which (notwithstanding the rumour of the enemies approach) he determined notto leaue or to abandon. Thus the vndaunted Chiefrain by his singular prudence, hauing seperated his forces into 3. partes, did thereby occasion his aduersaries, through a vaine & foolish kind of hope, to triumph ouer him, and to grow the more in heart and courage against thē. For the Dayniās seeing Castriot to be absent, did think now that they were no longer besieged, for their courts of guard at the portes, were not so strong as was vsuall, but they grew to be neglected, the wals were not so well manned: and oftentimes might the souldiours of the enemy without, ioyntly with the citizens within, haue entred into their gates which were diuerse times left open. To be briefe, they growing, in a maner careles of al things, only the imminent danger of famine did seem to perplexe them, which neither was to be contēned by their audacity, nor auoided by their valor and magnanimity. Notwithstanding the honor & reputation of their faith which they had once passed & promised, did assure their corages, & did bind them to endure the rigor of all difficulties. Besides the aduertisements touching their confederats (who aduanced them selues with great iourneis to mitigate these mischieues & to deliuer them from this misery) did greatly comfort their afflicted spirits, & made them to conceiue an assured hope of deliuerance. Moreouer perswading themselues that Castriot was not able to make head against so great a puissance, they did look euery hour in great care and expectation to see some messenger, and to heare some certaine newes of the victory (which in their opinion they did promise vnto their owne fancies.) So isSentence. it for the most part with all men, who (the more power they doe in their mindes attribute vnto fortune) with so much the more deuotion are they obedient vnto her.
You need not doubt but that Mustapha was exceedingly ioyous of these troubles & [Page 97] tumults in Epire, and by reason of the absence of Scanderbeg, his courage which was before abated, did now begin to returne & to be reuiued, & a certaine secret obliuion of his former misfortune, had now abolished the remēbrance thereof out of his mind. Faine would he haue assailed the garrison there left vpon the borders, and willingly would he haue made a sacrifice to the iust wrath of his Prince, and to his owne ambition of those souldiers, whom he supposed to be weakened by the absence of their Chieftaine, and the rest of their companions. He had an infinite desire to be made a partner with the Venetians in this glorie and triumph ouer his deadly enemie: and he was more intentiue to the present aduantage and opportunitie, then mindful of the charge and commaundement of his Soueraigne. But on the other side, the seueritie of Ottoman, and the sundrie examples of others, (whose disobedience had bene most grieuously punished) did with hold & stay his doubtfull and variable mind. Last of all, though he were partly perswaded that the Sultan would not disallow his resolution, grounded vpon so good an opportunitie, yet he tooke this to be the surest way, that men should rather deeme him negligent, by the command and direction of his lorde and master: then fortunate, by his owne pride and temeritie.
In the middest of all these tumults, whilest the hoast of the Venetians being assembled at Scutarie, did there consume the time in the prouision of things necessarie, Scanderbeg had passed ouer the riuer of Drynon with his army (which was an euident signe of his hardinesse and assurance) and preuenting the counsells of his aduersaries, he marched on resolutely to encounter them euen within the bowels of their owne dominions,Scanderbeg marcheth against the Venetian ar [...]ie▪ and as a man may say, vpon their owne dung hill. The Venetian could not endure this brauado, but dislodging incontinently with his armie, he passed on to affront him presently: now did the cries of the souldiers, and the rebounding sound of the drums & trumpets on either side bewray the approch and cōming of the enemie. Then did euerie man take a good courage to himselfe: & cheerefully did they make shew of their fierce and coragious stomacks. The very eies of the souldiers seemed to flame with fury, & on either side was heard a mighty noise (an argumēt of their wrath and choller). Then were praiers, vowes, and shewes of deuotion in the mouthes of the leaders, & also of the souldiers, and euery man shewed himselfe a good Christian and recommended himselfe vnto God. Either part did hold their armes to be iust & lawfull, and ech did assure themselues that they were in the right, & that they had the better cause & quarrell. The intent of euery of them was only to repulse the iniurie, and all of them seemed to haue like reason for the warre: the Prince of Albanie, to recouer the possession of the towne, detained from him contrarie to all right and equitie: and the others to defend and protect thē, who had chosen them for their protectours. The former were encouraged through their merits & deserts in so many valiant acts & exploits daily atchieued vpon the Barbarians, & through the remembrance of their honor & renowne lately gotten vpon Mustapha: the latter though they were wel prouided for all things needfull for a greater warre, and though they might (not without good cause) promise vnto themselues the hope of victorie, yet (if they should happen to haue the worst) they were not for all that such as would be dismaied or stoupe to the fortune of the enemy: for euery man knew the vnuanquished power of the Venetians, & that they were able continually to supply new & greater forces to maintaine the quarrell, & to bring the warre to a better issue: in such sort that this enterprise of Dayna was like to be the confusion of the Duke of Albany. Yet did the hard & miserable estate of the besieged, greatly perplex them, because they were certified that there remained a strong power before the city. By this time were the armies come in sight, and nowe did approach the daie of good or ill fortune to the one side or the other: [Page 98] immediatly there followed a strange & sudden silence in both armies, ech of them resting themselues with great quietnesse. The ensignes being fastned on the earth, the Marshals did presently make choise of a fit place to encampe in, where both the souldier might lodge most at his ease, and the leaders (by their often exhortations) might cōfirme those which were resolute, & encourage others who were not fully resolued. The gouernment of the Venetian army was committed to Daniell Iurich of Sebenca, a man of an assured experience and practise in deedes of armes (the common people callDaniell Iurich he was Voiuada, or gouernor of Scutarie. him the Voyuada:) he hau [...]g appointed euery man to his place, and hauing prepared all things readie to the combat, thus beganne to speake vnto his souldiers.
‘Such is the folly and temeritie of men, that they thinke all things to be lawful forThe oration of Iurich Generall of the Venetian armie. Sentence. them, when their thoughts are once tickled with the prosperous successe & encrease of their fortune. Hereof it proceedeth, that the mind hauing no power to cōmand it selfe, & being altogether impatient of her present prosperitie, & wandring sometimes here, & sometimes there, it troubleth the cōmon rest of others, & for her owne pleasure doth moue & procure warres: till such time as in the end by a miserable & wretched issue, it receiueth the iust chastisement of her vaine conceite & imagination. An example hereof (my good friends) is here represented vnto vs in this our enemie, no lesse proud then presumptuous: who by his vnhappy audacity & his excessiue fortune is now growen to this point, that he dareth to raise warre vpon warre, and to molest those Princes of whom (if he will consider the benefits he hath receiued) there is not any one thing, excepting his temeritie, but he may attribute it vnto them wholly. But the good hap of his affaires hath now so peruerted his senses, that it behooueth vs not onely at this time to take armes publiquely, but in priuate also to hate him mortally. Behold & turne aside your eies to the pitifull estate of the Dainians, to the intent the iust wrath of their iniurie, & the honest care of your friends, may animate your courage. You ye citizens of Scutarie, haue many of your children, many of your brethren, many of your kinsmen, friends & allies both Sclauonians & Italians (all of them hardie & good souldiers) enclosed & shut vp within that garrison, where being mewed vp by disloialtie of the enemy, & being brought to the vttermost point of all extremities: they haue no other hope remaining, but only in your valure & vertue. Long time haue they attended you in sorrow, in suspence, in great care & expectation: longing & looking aloft from off their wals, that either your powers shold now restore them to their libertie: or else hauing lost all hope of cōfort, they must be enforced shamefully to submit thēselues, & to leaue their liues to the mercy of Castriot, & vnder the view of his pride, who is so insolent & vnmercifull in his victory, as his like is no where to be found, as one who hauing bin of a long time nourished vp amōg the Barbarians, doth excell in all barbarousnes & inhumanity. For (to omit other matters) can there be any greater temeritie then this? can there be any folly more notable then by so leud an example to debarre men frō the libertie of protecting of others in the right of their own goods & possessions? And by meanes thereof most wickedly to purchase to him selfe al that he can seize vpon, & vnder this vaine pretence of I know not what cōpact & agreement, to excuse his greedie desire of cōmand: abrogating by this meanes, and taking away from men all the rights of their libertie? His ambitious mind is enraged that the Venetians should be preferred before him by the Dainians: & he impugneth the voluntarie mind of the mother in the disposition of the heritage of her own sonne deceased: but you may see how the malladie & infirmitie of his owne mind, and the vehemency of his despight hath so blinded and inueigled him, that being transported with enuie, he runneth headlong to his own destruction: for he could not endure to put off the care of this warre, till such time, as (hauing chased away this enemie the [Page 99] Turke, who is daily at his dores) he might haue bin the better able to vnite all his forces & to haue come with al his whole power to execute his hatred against the Venetians: neither hath he bin so well aduised as to ioyne battell against vs with any great forces, though it be in sight of the towne besieged. But he (this expert warrior) hath separated his forces here and there, shewing himself therin a more vpright iudge to you, then to himself, & to further your cause more then his own. And whilst that the siege of Dayna on the one side, & the care & doubt of Mustapha on the other, doth not suffer his mind to enioy any rest or quietnes, he hath reserued this army not as a fit enemie able to encounter with you, but as a sacrifice rather to be slaughtered by you. Wherfore seeing you are so many braue warriors, against an handful of robbers: goe to thē, and charge them valiantly & cease not till you haue vtterly ouerthrowen them. Let your valure & prowes enforce their foolish & vaineglorious hearts, either by loue or by constraint to acknowledge & confesse, that thēselues are guiltie of the iniustice of this warre, which they haue vndertaken so iniuriously. And these being once chastised for their folly, you shal not need to take any further care, nor to redoubt those their forces which are remaining before Dayna. For then, pursuing the good successe of this battell, we may at one and the same instant preuent their purpose by going to charge them first, and they within issuing out vppon their backes, shall enclose and hedge them in on all sides, by meanes whereof we shall finish and bring to an ende, a most notable peece of seruice, and exceedingly famous.’
The oration of the king of Epire was more milde and not so sharpe and inuectiue, neither was it so replenished with ill speeches tending to the disgrace of others, but (as some say) it was neere to this effect that followeth.
‘Whether the cause of this present warre be iust or not, it is not now time (my goodThe oration of Scanderbeg to his armie.friends quoth he) to make any question, seeing we are come armed into the field, nether is that now to be debated on, when we are in view of the enemie: considering especially, that my self was the man that made you to take armes, with whom you neuer yet had iust cause to be agreeued, either for refusing any war that was lawfull, or for seeking any quarrels which were vnlawfull & vniust. But seeing it is so; that in all humain affaires nothing doth more torment the conscience of good men, nor is more curiously respected by men of warre before they come to fight with their enemy, thē to enquire the iustice of the quarrell, & that they may be resolued whether they shall not contend with God, aswell as men: for my part (my good citizens) I am content therfore that if any of you do thinke that my motion, in the vndertaking of this war, be to be condemned of rashnes or temeritie, or if you do thinke me to be too greedie and desirous of new warres & troubles: I shall be well pleased I say, neither will I hinder it, if presently you trusse vp baggage, and that we returne euery man to his home. For I am not he that would traine you by force to hazard your persons I know not wherfore: neither do I desire, in this troublesome estate of my affaires and chiefest tumults of Epire, of an obstinate minde to seeke new quarrels and causes of contention with the segniorie of Venice. If therefore my attempt and purpose be exempted & free from blame, and the causes of this warre doe seeme vnto you iust and necessarie: then is it your part also, and none but you haue reason (as being interested in the cause) to effect by your vertue and couragious perseuerance, that the happie end & euent do shew and testifie your armes to be accompanied with right and equitie. For nothing can be more reprochfull to him that is nobly minded, neither can anie thing be more repugnant to the dignitie and maiestie of a Prince, then to suffer by timorousnesse and pusilanimitie, his right to be vsurped by an other: and to holde (as a man would say) his finger vnder his girdle, when he knoweth his right is not to be had, but by [Page 100] force of armes. There is none of you but knoweth the hartie amitie and the inwarde conuersation which was euer betweene me and the Seignior Lech Zacharie, whose death (being no lesse cruell then grieuous) hath stirred on all parts so many troubles, and that he and I (induced thereunto by other mutuall affection) did with one consent, set downe this as a lawe inuiolable, that which soeuer of vs two should first decease without issue, should be seized (by the compact and the right of suruiuorship) of the other his heritage & dominions. Now the Venetians haue gotten his lands, and I am left heire only of his teares to lament the iniquity of his fortune. Did not I by this agreemēt hazard the renouncing of my own patrimony, if my accident (as the danger of death is cōmon to all men) had taken me first away out of this life? I haue no reason therefore, neither am I determined to giue ouer the warre, except (God being against me) I be put to the worst, or that I be inuested in the quiet possessiō of Dayna: for none but fooles can blame me for this war, whereunto so good reason, & so honest a cause doth perswade me. Let no man maruell to see me in armes against Christians, against the Venetians, against my next neighbors, seeing they haue giuen me so iust an occasion, & themselues haue in a manner, put the weapons into my hands. True it is, we do with a streight siege presse the towne & countrie of our owne kinsmen, of our owne bloud & alliance; but yet we do it not with so ill an intention as they imagine, neither are we lead thereunto, either vpon a greedie desire of cōmaund & Empire, or delight of murther and bloudshed: but only to wring that citie out of the hands of our aduersary, and to draw the vngratefull inhabitants (at the least) to a confession & acknowledgement of their error and obstinacie. We are come to fight with the enemie, who hath first prouoked vs by diuers acts of hostilitie. Resolue you therefore in your courage with an assured & honest resolution to maintaine your honor and reputation. It may seeme that the souereignty of Dayna being propounded for the reward of the cō queror should giue sufficient & ample occasion to take armes: but let not (I pray you) any such conceipt enter into your thoughts, for these are cōmonly the baites to allure ambitious minds, & they are entisements of the base popular & vulgar sort. The only desire of praise and commendation is sufficient to animate & stirre on those which are valiant: and yet if you obtain this daies victory, al shal be yours without controuersie. For the enemie being chased away, and the besieged seeing their hope to be frustrate which they had in their cōpanions, & being pressed with extreame famine, they will soone open their gates to receiue you in as cōquerors. As touching the victory, I need not say any thing vnto you, who haue always accustomed to be victors: if they against whō you are now to make proofe of your valure be a new enemy, so is it a new kind of glory that doth now attend you. Doe the Venetians surpasse you in number? be it: the honor which you haue purchased in so many battels, where you haue alwaies bin the lesser number, hath euer heretofore made you famous: the free and gentle heart doth disdain to ouercome when euery mans deuoire cannot be seene, & where he can not purchase particular praise and commendation: againe, what aduantage haue they in that their number is greater then ours? Seeing as there is amongst them diuersitie of languages, variety of habits, & a different vse in armes: so is there as great diuersity and disagreement in their mindes and courages: and as their army is compounded of many and sundrie Nations, as Sclauonians, Italians, Albaneezes: so are they diuerse in fashions, and with a confused kinde of ignorance followe vnder one and the same colours: their crie and noyse in the fight will be of diuerse and sundrie sounds, and much lesse auaileable will be the encouragements of their leaders. March on therefore (my good souldiers) and in the very entrie and beginning of the battell, valiantly doe you beate backe, repulse, and disperse these enemies, who are better disposed to [Page 101] the flight, then to fight: and see that you doe nowe renewe by the honour of this dayes iourney, the glorious renowne of so manie trophees and victories which you haue heretofore gotten and obtained vppon the Turkes. Neuerthelesse I would not that you should carie your selues towardes these as against other enemies: but rather that you vse more moderation and lesse choller, and that being inclined to mercie and clemencie, you doe labour rather to haue them all prisoners, then to haue them slaughtered in the fieldes. In anie case doe you not, either through intemperate furie of warre, or the heate of your anger and indignation, pollute and defile your victorious handes with the bloud of those, who shall yeelde and render themselues to your mercies. For it is not with Barbarous, fierce, and sauage Nations that we haue now to deale, but with Christians, against whom we are to contende according to the rights and lawes of armes, with equitie and iustice, and onely to repulse iniustice, and to liue in rest and quietnesse.’
The great modestie that Scanderbeg made shew of in this his speech, did the moreThe affection of the souldiers of Scanderbeg after his oration. vehemently animate the minds of his souldiers, and made them the more affectionate vnto him: for that (being a matter rare and seldome seene) he did in the same bewray himselfe to be both respectiue of their good, and no lesse carefull for the enemie. For this cause, flocking about their Prince, they praised & applauded his counsell, ech of them affirming: that they were readie to make proofe of their resolution, and to offer themselues to all hazarde and fortune of battell, not for the defence onely, but for the increase also and augmentation of his renowme and glorie: that the armes of the Venetians were not so to be redoubted: that their opinion in attributing much vnto them, should make them in the meane while, to forget their owne dutie and deuoire: that if the dishonour and ignominie, offered by the Danians, should by their faintnesse and slouthfulnesse remaine vnpunished, the iniurie would be common to all his subiectes: and that it was not for their honour now to be discouraged, in the middest of so great broyles, and at this time wherien they were busied and surcharged with the weight and burthen of a double warre: that men should not be able to doe any thing worthie of honour and commendation, if euerie idle consultation, should restraine and suppresse the vehemencie of their courages: and if they should examine euerie particular with a kinde of blockish and slouthfull deliberation, that the hardie man and he that is valiant ought to aduenture himselfe, and to march on resolutely, and to beare off all daungers with head and shoulders: and that it becommeth not him to looke into matters with too much curiositie, to augment his owne feare, nor by a strict examination of things, to interprete and reueale vnto men, those mischiefes which are hidden from them: that many high and difficult affaires haue beene surmounted and ouercome by the furie of the resolute souldier, and by the fiercenesse of his courage once stirred and enflamed: whereas a mind free and quietly disposed would not dare to aduenture vpon them; that a man ought also to relie and cast his care wholly vpon God, who assisteth continually in the warre that partie whose cause and quarrell is iust and rightful. And neuerthelesse if their safety did only depend vpon their own valure, yet the state of Albany should be sufficiently defended & protected, only by the faith & mutuall amity of her owne peoples. Moreouer that Amurath was withheld & kept doing by the warre of Hungary, & that they knew the power & puissance of the Venetians to be great: but withall they were not ignorant, that the Italians, the farther they are drawn frō home, the more slowly do they march on, & proceed the more vnwillingly. These with many such like speches were vttered confusedly amongst the whole troupe of souldiers according to euery mans disposition: with this intent and purpose also, that their Prince (hearing their deuises) might [Page 102] take the better notice of their good willes and affection, and might shewe them the better countenance: he (praysing and extolling the affection of euery of them) speaking aloud vnto them in manner of iesting and merriment, smiling he tolde them, that nature was much to blame in that she had not placed these noble and generous spirits of the Albanois, in a higher and better fortune.
This done, Castriot caused his souldiers to go and refresh themselues: and then hauing taken some repast, and all matters being throughly prouided for, about midday, with a mind cheerefull and confident, he drewe forth his troupes into the field. The archers and others which were lightly armed, he placed in the front before the ensignes:Order of the armie of the Albanoys. then (with the corslets and those whose armes were more weightie) he made the two wings, appointing vnto each of them 2000. horse: to Tanusee was giuen the middle battell, wherein likewise amongest the men at armes were mingled certaine foot men. As touching the rereward or for any supplies, he tooke no care at all, because he had determined to make it knowen that he accounted the victory sure his own: and that the enemie was much more easie to be vanquished, then the Venetians did seeme to make shew of, either by the assurance of their countenances or by their furie and forwardnesse at the first charge. As little regard did he take to the garding of his campe, for he left the same all emptie, and with so fewe to defende it, that hardly could he haue held it against the meanest companie of any theeues or robbers. This so resolute an assurance of this Chiefetaine could not haue beene exempted from the blame of temeritie, were it not that he had appointed the strength and force of his retraite in those companies which held the siege before Dayna: for if contrarie to his expectation he had seene the enemy to haue had the better, his purpose was to retire thither to that campe, because neither the number of his souldiers, nor the situation and nature of the place, did profite him to fortifie his owne campe: yet in my iudgement was this a counsell farre vnworthie of the wisedome and the prudent inuention of so great a Captaine: seeing that if his troupes had happened to haue beene broken, their flight in this manner had bene much more dangerous and pernicious, then their courage and obstinacie in the fight could haue wrought their assurance. For the Venetians being victorious and pursuing them in the taile, and the passage of the riuer Drynon being made more difficult in so great an affray, and so confused a tumult, must needes haue destroied and swallowed the most of them that remained: wherfore the truth is, and we must needes confesse, that the opinion of his owne vertue not accustomed to be vanquished, did make him to place his hope in himselfe onely. The VenetiansOrder of the armie of the Venetians. in the same manner likewise did affront their ensignes with their pykes, who were Italians, and their wings they disposed in the same order as did the Albanians. Daniell himselfe tooke the charge of the right wing, which he enuironned with a strong guard, or garrison of Sclauonians, of which he had made choise of purpose. Certaine men at armes Italians were placed in the head, and in the rereward of this battallion. Colla Humoy of Scutarie, who was the seconde man, and next to theColla Humoy. Generall in this armie, had the leading of the left wing, and being accompanied with his owne citizens, did make head against Moses and his souldiers the Dybrians. Andrewe his brother and Symon Volcathagne had the guiding of the middleVolcathagne. battell. In briefe, all the rankes were filled indifferently with souldiers of sundrie sortes, seruing rather for an hinderance and impediment, then for anie defence or good assurance. The Venetians were litle lesse then thirteene thousand men, andThe battell betweene the Venetians and Scanderbeg. with this number was this battell foughten. The fight was begunne by their pykemen, who at their first encounter were repulsed by the archers: but when they once came to approach and ioyne neere ech to other, and that the vse of their arrowes did [Page 103] serue to little purpose: the Targatyers, couering them selues with their targets and the residue of those which were light armed, came to the sword and fought with the enemy hand to hand. In the meane time Scanderbeg couering the Archers with his troupe of horses, and causing them a little to retire them selues, gaue them the meanes to vse againe their bowes more conueniently. The Pike men for that they were safely armed with good and strong corselets, had aduentured them selues the more hardly, and came to assault the enemy the more cruelly, whereby they put their fellowes in good hope of victorie. There began the wings to ioyne on both sides with high & mighty cries, which madethe very aire to resound againe: The Albanois exceeded the other in number and goodnesse of their horse, yet was the place indifferent to them both, and no more for the vantage of the one, then of the other: for the place where this field was foughten, was in the middest of a goodly large plaine and champion, and neare adioyning to the riuer of Drynon. The Venetians being for a while equall to the enemy rather in forces then in courage, did for a long time maintaine the fight about their Generall with variable and doubtfull fortune, till such time as the Prince of Albanie and certaine horse with him, charging them in the middest did breake through the battell, by meanes wherof (many being wounded and great numbers of them being dispersed and disordered) all hope of the victorie had bene taken from the Venetians, had it not bene for the Illirians: who rallying them selues on all sides, and trouping together in grosse (as the agillitie and quicknesse of that nation is singular) they made head againe against the enemy, and with a greater strength did reassure the corps du Garde of the Venetian Generall, valiantly keeping of the enemy; yet, so as they seemed rather to stand vpon their defence then any way to offend their aduersarie. The mayne battels on both sides stood still all this while and kept their ground, seeming rather to take a view then to entermeddle in the fight, so long as the wings or points being in fight did with doubtfull euent encounter each other. But assoone as Tophia saw the right wing of the enemy hardly bestead, (he taking courage by the former example of Scanderbeg) with a troupe of his best horsemen, and part of the infanterie, presently charged vpon the middest of the left wing of the enemy, bringing them also into a new feare and confusion. For the Illirians (who were placed in the front to beare the shocke of the enemy,) were not able to endure the charge, but made presently to the right wing, and there stood vpon their owne defence, betraying their companions on the one side, whom they had forsaken: and on the other side, they brought by their comming the greater difficultie vnto Scanderbeg, who was there striuing and inforcing him selfe to breake through the corps du Gard of the Illirians. The like also did their footemen after their departure, for being not able to make their partie good against the Albanois horsemen; they scattered them selues here and there, and hauing their best assurance in their legges, they made them the meanes of their safety: which was the occasion also that the horsemen of Scutarie, (being left naked & open to the enemy) saw them selues sodainly disabled & broken by the Albanois: for both their leaders and many others were taken prisoners, who being abandoned and forsaken of their footemen, and despairing of safety by hauing any farther recourse to armes, did yeeld them selues to the disposition of Scanderbeg his souldiers: this made the other companies also greatly to feare, least that Scanderbeg hauing once broken through that battell of the Illirians) which he had already charged, should afterwarde charge also the backe of the wings, and so enclosing them on all sides might presse them the more furiously.
But the successe of the vanquishers fell not out according to the fearefull ‘imagination of the vanquished (so mightily doth prosperity oftentimes dull the minds of men.)’ [Page 104] For the leaders when they saw themselues to haue this aduantage, tooke no greater regard of any other thing, but held themselues contented, that they could present vnto their souldiers, as it were in shewe and triumph, their enemies bounden and captiue. Castriot likewise not regarding the common souldiers, but disdaining as it were the bloud of the inferiour and priuate sort, did wholly enforce himselfe to enterprise vpon the Generall, but a great and strong troupe of horse did hinder him from approching neere him, and by that meanes disappointed him of his purpose. The fight thus continuing on all handes, Moses (who had charged vpon the left wing of the Venetian armie, where they of Scutarie serued) did draw all men to the regard and beholding of the fight on that side. Great was their labour and their daunger: for either partie shewing themselues both stout and inuincible, did maintaine the fight egerly and couragiously; and they did so vncessantly contend ech to force other, as though the fortune of the fight had depended vpon them onely. It seemed that they were not very vnequally matched, and in that respect they fought for a long time with like aduantage, and hardly could it be discerned whether partie had the better. But at length the strength and force of the Dybrians seeming to be weakned with faintnes and wearinesse, and both themselues and their horses being well nigh tyred with continuall fighting, as men vanquished willingly they would haue giuen ouer, and they were almost readie to leaue the battell, had it not beene for Moses their Colonell, who sharpely reprehending them, euen as they beganne to recuile, did sometimes blame their faintnes and wearinesse, and sometimes did accuse them of feare and cowardice: and being thus in point of being almost vanquished, he taught them howe to vanquish and to be victors ouer their enemies, crying out in this manner vnto them.
What a shame is this (my friends?) how lewd and foule an example is this of yourEncouragement of Moses to his soldiers. vnwonted feare and timerousnesse? Is it possible that the Dibrians can forsake their ‘ranckes and places assigned them, as long as they be liuing? or can they be content to lose their honor and glorie purchased by armes, and to giue it to their enemies? where are those souldiers which discomfited the forces of Haly Bassa? who tamed the pride of Ferisey, & abated the puissance of Mustapha? and who with the spoiles of the Turks, haue enriched the houses of the Albanois? Where is now the fiercenes of your haughtie and proud courages? where be those your looks which were so full of threats and menaces within your campe? where be those your promises of victorie and triumph? is this the way to recouer Dayna to Scanderbeg? is this the way for you to prepare your entry into the towne which you haue besieged? what, did you neuer proue the vertue and valure of any enemy till now? haue you not found them any where else to be stout and valiant, and did you neuer see the swordes brandizing in any place but here onely? Behold howe your fellowes and companions are on all sides victorious, and they do alreadie in ech quarter of the field, recount the frutes of their valure and hardinesse. Tanusee (hauing taken their Captaines and caried them bound into the campe) hath either dispersed, or vtterly defeated and destroied the middle battell of the enemie: see (I pray you) how Scanderbeg hauing broken the strength and bodie of the Sclauonian troupes, doth now passe away the time in binding them together like beastes, and taking of them prisoners: onely we here on our side haue nothing but feare and terror, and the memorie of our flight, most shamefull and dishonorable.’
The souldiers seeing themselues so sharply reproued and rebuked by Moses, tooke hart to themselues, and their courages were so enflamed with a most ardent desire to repaire their fault, that a man would haue iudged them not to haue bene the same men, but that both horse and men had bene chaunged euen in an instant. The conflict being then renewed, the fortune of the fight grew likewise to be chaunged, and [Page 105] the Scutarians by litle and litle beganne to be repulsed, yet did they for a while hold good, by meanes rather of their multitude and great number, then through any hardinesse or greatnesse of courage. At the last Humoy coniecturing (by the former speeches of his enemie) his brothers misfortune (the griefe whereof, through verie impatiency, made him scarce able to holde his weapons) forgot his companions and went (though all too late) to succour his brother, where striking into the middest of his enemies: in so doing he both assured the victorie to the Dibrian, and left also vnto the posteritie an euident testimonie, how needfull and requisite it is for a chiefe or GenerallSentence. to keepe amongst his troupes: and how greatly it importeth the good order and ‘safetie of his companies to enioy the benefit of his presence: for no sooner was he departed from his charge,’ but they were suddenly dispersed on all sides, turning their backs to the blowes & furie of their enemies. Likewise on the other side, the Generall of the Venetians being now forsaken and left destitute of the strength of his corps dugarde: yet holding still good, and keeping his troupes close & in order (more through pure shame, then for any strength or puissance that he had:) he sustained the force of the enemie, and maintained the fight continually. But when he once perceiued that his souldiers were on all sides put to a doubtles flight, and that all of them made default alike: himselfe also setting spurres to his horse for companie, (least he should be made a partner with the others in their misfortunes) prouided by speedie flight forThe victory of Scanderbeg ouer the Venetians. his owne safetie. Scanderbeg all at leisure pursued those that were scattered ouer the fieldes, because that the long and continuall trauell of his souldiers did greatly detaine and hinder them, by reason the battell had bene foughten with that obstinacie, and held out to that extreamitie, that they were hardly able to haue continued fight any longer: yet as wearie as they were, they did not for all that suffer their flight to be free and without any disturbance: for Scanderbeg had publikely commaunded, that all the ensignes should pursue after them, and follow the chase euen to the gates of Scutarie. It may be that this great Captaine being led on both with anger and with glorie, did hold it a goodly matter, that these enemies (who stood in infinite and thicke numbers vpon the walles, should now see him and his armie to be the conquerors. In many places did they light vpon the tayle or rereward of those that fled, and a great number of such as made the least speed, came into the handes of those that followed them: for they were commanded not to kill any of them when they were once come verie neare and within the view of the towne: then making a stand with their armie in order, they continued there a long time with their colours wauing al aloft in the wind: hereupon, the victors assembling themselues in troupes not farre from their companies thus arranged, with high cries and exceeding signes of ioy; they presented their prisoners before the eyes of the townsmen, who were wondefully sad and pensiue at this misfortune and affliction, concerning them so neare, both in publike, and particular. On the one side, the grieuous sight and miserable condition of their friendes and allies, did suggest vnto them new prickes of warre and despight; on the other side their late losse did confound and abate their courages: and furthermore, the care of the Captiues (which staied and withheld them, did keepe them from attempting or doing any thing against the enemie, for doubt least it should incense the vanquishers to vse the prisoners with more extreamitie.
After that Scanderbeg had permitted his souldiers (all at their pleasures) to reioice themselues in the honor of their victorie: he caused to sound a march (for the day was then well neare spent) and euerie man prepared himselfe to the retraite, & tooke their way to the siege before Dayna: but vaine was the hope and conceit of Scanderbeg, in that he thought the inhabitantes would haue opened their portes and receiued him [Page 106] forthwith, as his subiects, and haue submitted themselues vnder the lawes and conditions that it should please him to impose vpon them: for albeit the sudden discomfiture of their friendes and confederates, and the necessitie of victuals, encreasing daily within the towne, did redouble both the griefe and the care of the Daynians, by reason that the companies of Albanois, left before the place expressely for that intent and purpose, had hindered them from foraging or making any other prouision: yet did they not conceiue any one dishonorable thought within their hearts, for the redemption of themselues from so many mischieues and wants which oppressed them. But euen in the middest of these extremities, prouiding and disposing all things with notable constancie and singular good discretion; they began more sparingly then they had accustomed, to share out the munition and victuals vnto the souldiers, allowing either of them so much onely as should suffise to sustaine their faithfull soules, and (as the saying is) might hold bodie & soule together. As for the aged persons there was no order taken for them, because it was supposed such persons should not want anie meanes, wherewithall to helpe themselues, either by the naturall strength and situation of the place, or by their fidelitie which was of all other the most assured rampier.
Now when Castriot had ioyned his victorious troupes, to those which lay before the towne, he pained himselfe (but in vaine) to represent vnto their grieued heartes, the motions of vaine feare. With great shewes and ostentation, with many reproches and high cries, he caused the ensignes and colours gained from the enemie, to be shewed vnto them: great numbers of captiues sad and sorrowfull, were led round about the towne, with their eyes cast downe to the ground, for shame that they should be seene in that plight by their allies and friends, (who stood in thicke troupes vpon the walles, and who at so hideous a sight did shead abundance of teares.) For there were many among the captiues, who were of kinne and nearely allied to the besieged, as may be easily perceiued by that which hath bene before recited. Now Scanderbeg knowing that his perswasions were of no force nor efficacie towards men so throughly resolued: he began to treate with them for the yeelding of the towne, and with a certaine kind of confidence all assured, he demanded that the garrison of the ‘Venetians might be yeelded into his hands: but his rash demaund had a notable answer,The liberall and free answer of the Danians to Scanderbeg. well beseeming the vertue of franke and free citizens: telling him, that he should desist from terrifying their eares and their eyes with such sights and menaces: that their faith was not grounded vpon so light a foundation, as that they would measure them selues rather by a new accident of crosse and peruerse fortune, then by the ancient habit of their mindes and dispositions: that they had all of them determined (if they could not otherwise do) to leaue vnto their good Princes, an eternall testimonie of their vnfortunate faith, by the witnesse of their dismembred bodies: and that neither the loue nor affection which they did beare to their owne, nor the captiuitie of their confederates was such, that they should hope thereby, to extort from them any such action of pietie, which might tend to their staine and ignominie, and such, as the prisoners them selues (if they were put to the question) would not require to be vsed towards them. Moreouer, that they were in good hope that their Seigniours the Venetians, would not suffer either the bonds & captiuitie of the one to be perpetuall, or the siege of the other to be of any long continuance: that he should take this their example as a true proofe and ensignement, that the faith of anie people ought not toSentence. change and turne with the wind, nor to follow the instable and vnconstant fortune of Princes.’
It was a wonderfull signe and token of liberalitie and naturall clemencie in Scanderbeg, [Page 107] in that (seeing his reasons and demaunds so neglected and reiected by the BurgessesScanderbeg his curtesie and magnanimity to the Venetian captiues. of Dayna, and all hope taken away to obtaine the towne, by reason of this their obstinacie) yet he shewed not any kind of discontentment (as the most part of Princes are naturally inclined) neither had he recourse to any termes of wrath or furie, or desire of reuenge, and least of all did he exercise any crueltie vppon the prisoners, whereas he might haue vsed them as himselfe had listed: but contrariwise he commaunded presently that they should be vnbound, and hauing gratiously entreated and cheered them, he set them at libertie, and sent them away to their owne houses. It may be that this politique and sage Captaine did this of purpose, which his intent though it be not to be allowed, yet the deuice and inuention is much to be commended: for that being notable any other way to subdue the walles of the Danians, he might at leastwise vanquish them by this courtesie and humanitie; and might gaine those by gratious vsage, whom neither rigour nor force could any way remoue from their determination and purpose. Two onely of the prisoners, men of the chiefestAndrew Humoi, Simon Volcathagne prisoners to Scanderbeg. marke and qualitie, named Andrew and Volcathagne he detained still with him, as certen pledges of the league and amitie like to ensue shortly, and as sureties (though in vaine) to preuent the fiercenes of the Scutarians. These men were kept vnder good gard within the fortresse of Petralba, where they were both respectiuely and bountifully receiued and enterteined
These things being thus atchieued, he had a new deuise in his head to bring the towne vnder his subiection: to the intent therfore, the thing which he so affectionately desired, might be brought to some good end and perfection, he enterprised an action, whereby he might with more facilitie and commoditie not only further & aduance the siege of Dayna, but the meanes of the whole warre betwene him & the Venetians.
There was sometimes a towne named Baleze, of which as then there was nothingBaleze. remaining but a small shew & the ruines only: it had bene somwhat renowned, not for that it was founded by any man of name or memorie, but onely for the antiquitie thereof: it was seated at the foote of the mount Sardonicke (which the common peopleThe mount Sardonikor Marra [...]ay. Surscod [...]a. of the countrey call Marranay,) neare about it is a certen countrey called Surscodra distant from Scutarie twelue miles, from Driuasta fiue: and fifteene from Dayna. Scanderbeg was determined to reedifie and repaire that place which had of old bene ruinated by the Barbarians, and (as some say) by that scourge of God Attila. This same place being fortified and defended with a good garrison and some other forces, he was of the opinion, that he might by the benefit thereof, more freely annoy the Venetian territorie, and keepe the besieged from hauing any releefe or succours, by reason, that the enemie should be busied on all partes with so many occasions: for this purpose he caused it at one inst [...]nt to be renewed, partly with walles, and parlyBaleze reedified and fortified by Scanderbeg. with pallissadoes and other fortifications of timber worke; and hauing founded it in manner of a towne, and furnished it with men: he appointed Amese his nephew, and Marin Span or Spaniard, (a person by birth of Albanie, & a man of approued prudenceAmese and Marin Span. Gouernours of Baleze. and fidelitie) to haue the ouersight of the worke, and to see it brought vnto perfection. This done, he repassed the same day ouer the riuer Drinon, to prosecute the siege of Dayna, which for no occasion of time or other affaires, he would suffer in no case to be intermitted.
The fortifications and walles of the new fortresse being finished, and many bulwarkes being raised within it as seemed most expedient, Amese being a young man and impatient of rest (both his owne peculiar reputation, and the fresh renowne of his vncles vertue, animating his youthful mind hereunto) because he had somewhat happily made certaine rodes and light inuasions vpon the plaine countrey, he imagined [Page 108] that he should be as fortunate in all other matters of greater weight and importance. And therefore he cast in his minde, with a full resolution to surprise Driuasta, which was a towne there neere adioyning: this made him that from thence forward he hadDriuasta. no other thought daily then to make readie his companie, though he disfurnishedAmese purposeth to surprise Driuasta. the new fortresse of the garrison, for he thought that his commendation should by this act be the more augmented, if (before any succour were sent from his vncle, and ere that he knew any newes thereof) he might suddenly send vnto him the markes of so notable an exploit, by the spoiles of the towne once conquered and subdued: and that it would be a secret argument that his vncles valure were now in the wane, and did as it were, waxe old vnder the wals of Dayna: so fondly did the boiling heate of this young mans courage puffe him vp with hope, vainely promising vnto himselfe all the fauours of fortune. But Marin (whose industrie Scanderbeg had made choise of, and had made equal with the other, for the surer preseruation of the new fortresse, hauing therein ioyned most vnfortunately, the prudence of the one with the temeritie of the other) Marin (I say) being an old and expert souldier, by reason of his long practise in matters militarie, and being more venerable for his age: fearing, that if openly he did withstand the wilfulnesse of this youth, there might grow secret dislike and enmitie betweene them (a most pestilent mischiefe in the administration of anie affaires.) For this cause he thought that he would in the very beginning breake off this enterpriese, by alienating of the deuotion of the souldiers from him secretly, and by that meanes would disappoint him of his purpose: but afterwards when he sawe that the affections of them all in common, and that the inordinate lycense of the souldier did encline more to the other partie, he resolued in the ende to speake his minde openly & freely in the presence of al the whole company, to the intent himselfe might be discharged from that default which was likely (by another mans counsell) to succeede vnhappily: and therefore (as the speech is) in these or the like termes, he gaue him this admonition.
Certenly Amese; Scanderbeg hath left thee heere a greater crosse vnto me then theMarin Span his speech to Amese. Venetians our enemies▪ for now that we haue other matters to looke vnto, by ‘reason of the heat of this warre throughout all the country: I am constrained and driuen to a new strife and contention, causing some secret hate or dislike betweene vs, because that thou art growen to haue a vehement suspition least I (of a desire to contradict thee or through the ielousie of thy youthfull glorie and reputation,) doe seeme to disswade thee from this thy enterprise. But why do I impute any fault vnto my selfe, seeing both God and men will sufficiently acquite me, for that this my counsell in this case and concerning this accident, either (being neglected) seemeth not to haue bene wanting, or (being followed and allowed) cannot well be reprehended? The losse will surely be thine owne and no mans else, for in this action (whatsoeuer thy intent be) it is not the citie of Driuasta, but thy selfe and thy vncle, that thou goest to assaile: thou doest but hasten to abridge the daies of thy owne friends and fellow citizens, and to bath the enemies ground with the blood of thy souldiers. Haue we to this end repaired this new towne? haue we fortified it with such strong companies, and with a garrison of so many braue men, to the end it should be so suddenly disarmed and disfurnished of her forces? and while we foolishly seeke after others, our own fortresse should be left and deliuered as a prey vnto our enemies, who expect and attend for nothing else? Say that this place were not to be regarded, yet is there any of you that will thinke that townes will be surprized with so small a mumber of souldieres, who would scarcely suffice to defend them? especially the towne of Driuasta, which (as it is large and populous▪) so (for in this respect we may commend our enemy [Page 109] it is likewise excellently well prouided both of armes and of men couragious and valiaunt. If I be not deceiued both you and the enemy doe expect one and the same thing. First their old men and other of the weak and vnable multitude, from the battlements of their wals, will make a iest at your foolish preparations, and at your vaine deuises in seeking thus to take their city. And then their young men, who (being fierce and lusty) do desire nothing so much as to come to fight with you, issuing forth of the towne, will force vs to leaue the assault, and will chase vs away with shame and ignominy, or else leauing their ports open to receiue vs, sodainely and vnaduised they will surprize and set vpon vs, and so reuenge the late losse of their companions, and the iniuries of the Scutarians. Then will other townes take courage vnto them, and those who are now ouercome and vanquished, will become to grow hardy, and nothing at all to redoubt vs. Lay aside therefore (I pray thee Amese whilest all things are well and whole) this your pernicious forwardnes and audacity: and do not cause the reuerent and honorable name ofthy vncle, by so great an indignity to be disgraced & rent asunder, by the mouths of those that are his aduersaries and ill willers. Stay a while, and attend till that God fauour thee, in presenting thee some other matter of more abundant and greater glory, and with greater safety and security. Then will I be the formoste man, not to perswade thee only, but to cause thee to take armes, and will also accompany thee. No man will be vnwilling to follow those ensignes which are fortunate. Restraine therefore the broyling heat of this thy courage (though it be hard to be restrained) learne of thy ancients, first thy selfe to beare the yoke, which thou desirest to impose vpon thy enemy. For youth being vncapeable of good counsell, (let me speakeSentence. freely what I thinke) is oftentimes as hurtfull vnto it selfe, as vnto those which are his enemies. It is rather to be drawen then to beled to any thing, & of all the burdens that are laied vpon men, the vnaduised wilfulnesse of youth is the most dangerous. Wars are to be managed by counsell and good aduise, and let the wisest Captaine cary him selfe in all his actions, neuer so sagely and aduisedly, yet hardly and with great difficulty doth Fortune answere his deserts, or succeed accordingly.’
The graue and prudent speeches of this personage, were sufficient to haue changed the mind of this yong souldier. But because in the hastinesse of his owne temerity, and the rashnesse of his owne counsels, hee had already ordained and prouided all thinges which were expedient and necessary for that enterprise; it seemed vnto him a matter of more dishonor, to giue ouer (by discretion) the attempt which he had vndertaken, then (with misfortune) to put the same in execution. Hee reiected therfore this wholsome and sound admonition, and preferring the worst before the best, he held it lesse shame and disgrace, to follow his own humor (though it were to his losse and hinderāce) then by reforming himselfe vpon the admonition of an other, to take that choise which might be for his benefit and aduantage. Besides the credit which he had purchased with the companies, and the readines of the cōmon souldiers obedient to his command did animate his foolish desires, and did withhold his doubtfull eares from harkning vnto any good aduertisements. To that therefore which Marin Spaniard had perswaded so aduisedly, first of all he replied with great insolency, that his vncle hadAnswere of Amese to Marin Span. ‘left either of them with like power, commaundement, and authority: that hee was not appointed there to gouerne himselfe either in peace or war, at the liking and arbiterment of another:’ that he should looke to his owne companies: and that for his part, it was in him to command his souldiers at his owne will and pleasure. Notwithstanding within a litle while after, when his choller was a litle cooled by speaking, and that the vehement and immoderate passion of his mind, was somewhat setled and abated, then began his tongue to be much more modest, and his speaches grew more [Page 110] ‘milde and gracious. For he told his colleague & companion, that he would willingly approue and allow of his opinion, were it not that the affaires of Baleze and Driuasta might both at once be directed and ordered, & that neither of them would hinder and disturbe the other: that their forces were sufficient both to guard the one and to cary the other: and that he did not so inconsideratly vndertake this attempt, but that he very well knew what he did: that he would surprize them of Driuasta sodainely and vnprouided: that he should finde the youth of the towne out of armes, the gates vngarded, and the wals without sentinels: besides that, there were many of the inhabitants which (if they were summoned to yeeld) would gladly hearken vnto him. But admit that all things do fall out more difficult then he expected, that then he meant not to be so obstinate as to make there any long abode, to the preiudice of his souldiers.’ And in saying this he tooke Maryn by the hand, praying him to be of good courage, and to hopewell of his successe. Thus hauing recommended his affairs vnto God, he displaid his ensignes, and so marched chearefully onward. Of those which remained behindeAmese marcheth to surprize Driuasta with Marin for the gard of Baleze, they were scant fully 2000, not that any man was enforced to accompany them in that iourney, but because that the Albanois were more exercised in labor and trauell, then in lying idle and at rest: and the souldiers had no kinde of warre more agreeable, and familiar vnto them, then the assaulting and surprising of townes and holdes.
Now albeit Amese did hasten on with all possible celerity, and did conceale his attempt as much as might be, yet could he not preuent the newes of his comming. For the Driuastines being aduertised of his approach, (as men that could soone descry any such purpose) and at the very beginning of the war of Dayna, did ordinarily keepe and maintaine great courts of guard in certaine places about their towne, and a great number of mē, purposely to watch in armes: they were notwithstanding at the first greatly astonished, and mounting vpon their wals, they made preparation of all such things as were requisite to repulse the enemy, bringing from all partes stones and such other munitions, which were fit to be throwen downe vpon them and to annoy them. But afterwardes when they had a sight of the enemy, as they drew neare the towne, they grew sodainely to be both better encouraged and lesse carefull; contemning both the smalnesse of their numbers, and their Captaine all alike. Notwithstanding the good countenance which they made, did nothing at all apall or diminish the confidence of the yong Chiefetaine, but he summoned them within the towne (in the name of Scanderbeg) with many faire offers and promises, to render the same vnto him. But being rudely repulsed and with many sharpe tearmes reiected: (hee resting as yet in suspence and doubtfull, and being withall caried away with choller and indignation) retired himselfe about a mile and a halfe from the towne, where all in vaine, according to the variable and diuerse opinions of his souldiers, he beate his braines, deuising by what means he might bring the towne to reason, seeing he had no ordinance wherewithall to batter them. Thus did he seeme both to consult and to besiege the towne, all at one time. In the meane time to assure his troups from a surprize, but principally from towardes Scutarie, he placed skoutes and watches round about the place where hee was encamped.
Whilest these things were thus in doing: the Driuastines with a worthy and verie commendable care did bethinke themselues, how to free their towne from the doubt of this siege, & their conclusion was (whatsoeuer became thereof) to hazard the combate, before the enemy should attempt to force their wals and rampiers. The author of this their resolution was Andrew Angell, one of the chiefest men of accompt within their towne, noble by his owne worthy actes, and well knowen by the honor which [Page 111] he had gotten by his long practise in armes. This man (hauing ranged his men in good order ofbattel at the lower gate of the city, which lieth on the west towards the plaine, & the wals of the city being well manned, and the ports strongly garded, before that he salied forth vpon the enemies) he began to encorage them with this language.
If euer quoth he (my good souldiers) it were needlesse and superfluous to encorage‘The Oratic [...] of Andrew Angell to the Driuastines. men that are valiant and magnanimious, now is the time: and this is the day wherein I see your comming hither so readily and chearefully, doth make shew thereof most apparantly: considering that euery one of you, leauing the presence & company of his father, mother, and wife, and the embracementes of his tender infants, doth offer himselfe here so willingly without any perswasions or entreaty. Now seeing our fortune by so notable a spectacle hath brought vs to this, that wee are driuen to combat both before and for our wals, will not you (my good companions & most louing citizens) imitate the example of your auncesters, and maintaine the welfare of your town, your countrey, your houses, your temples, and your altars? To what end should I recount vnto you the manifold triūphs which they gained vpon their enemies, & which you your selues haue yet fresh in your memory? Let it suffice of a great many to recite a few, seeing the shortnesse of the time will not permit any long discourse. I remember well that I haue heard it reported by my forefathers, how Barach a Turkish CaptaineDriuastines their valiant exploites against their enemies. in the raigne of Amurath the first, with 20000. horsemen, inuading this our territory in the beginning of the warre, did make this demand vnto our citizens, That the keies of the towne should be deliuered him, vppon such conditions as he would propound vnto them. But they not willing to submit them selues vppon such tearmes: and he falling to the burning of the country, and destroying of the fruites with fire & sword, the people (I say) of Driuasta came vpon them in full troups as they were here & there dispersed; in such sort that (many of them being left engaged dead in the fieldes, and many of them being made prisoners) they enforced the residue to betake them selues to flight: and hauing by this meanes obtained a notable victory, they returned into the towne rich and triumphant. What should I tell you of Steuen surnamed Herceck, Duke of Bosina, who in like manner being entred within our limits, with an army of fiue and twenty thousand, vnder pretence of the like expedition; first summoned the towne to yeelde vnto him: but our braue Driuastines, by their stout and lofty refusall, put him in such rage and fury: that he presently sent forth his troupes to ouerrun the countrey, and make hauocke of all things? But what did our citizens? they went to encounter him with a good company both of horse and foot, they charged him with great furye, they brake and discomfited him, and they pursued after him in chase so greedily, that besides a great slaughter of the enemies, and many ensignes gained, they returned triumphant and loaden with prey and booty into the town: honoring their countrey by the preseruation of their liberty and them selues, in their glory and reputation. March we on therefore (my good friends) and let our selues be the messengers to our sencelesse enemies, of that aunswere which our towne sendeth them with so great vertue and resolution. Let vs take from these few straglers or robbers their vaine and foolish hope of winning of towns with such weak forces and so ill accompanied. What thinke you of the stout resistance of Dayna, before which Scanderbeg him selfe with so great an army, hath for so long a time bene busied? Will not this be a wonderfull touch of reproach and infamy vnto all of you, that his nephew should haue a Commission so basely to surprize vs with so small forces, the which will be scant able within a while to defend their owne fortresse? Behold their puissance and strength is nothing, not able to make any resistance: their discipline is small or none at all: and their Generall is a mā of no experience. Whatsoeuer was of any reckoning or respect [Page 112] in all their army, all that hath Scanderbeg himselfe before Dayna: as for this mignion, onely his owne vnpatiency ofrest and quietnes hath brought him hither, and he hath none with him, but the very skumme and dregs of his campe, and a mingle mangle of the most rascall sort of all their souldiers.’
This short speach did so animate the Driuastines, that all of them at once began toDriuastines sally forth of Driuasta against Amese. make a noise, and with a loude voice they willed him to lead them on against the enemy. Then began the trumpets to sound, and with great cries and clamours, they issued forth of the towne, and the others (who were vpon the wals) going & comming ech in their seuerall charges, with the like noise from aloft, did encrease the bruite of the alarme. The hue and cry of this tumult comming so sodainely and vnprouided, whereas the Amesen troupes doubted no such matter: stroke great terrour into their court of guard: but afterwardes when they perceiued so many armed men to discouer themselues on all parties, and that the Driuastines with like fury, did make right towards them (where they were encamped) they wished Amese speedily to mount on horsebacke, with a troupe of those who were in best readinesse, and with whom, making head directly against the enemy, he might for a time put them to a stand, and hold them in skirmish, til such time as the residue of the companies (who were scattered here and there ouer the countrey) and those also who were within their trenches, (being altogether vnited & arranged in order of battell) might issue forth with their ensignes displaied into the field, and be incorporate with the residue all in one But the sage conduct of the expert Chiefetaine on the aduerse part, troubled the vntimelie counsell of this young nouice, and apprentice in the art Military: For he hauing deuidedConflict between the Driuastines and Amese. his troupes into three parts, sent away speedily certaine Italians (who were intertained to be there in garrison continually) and part also of the horsemen to inuade the campe on the vpper side thereof. The rest of his ho [...]se (being for the most part archers and pesants) he sent to shut vp the passages of their campe, and to keepe them from entring, both to hold out and exclude the one, and to surprize and intercept the other. Himselfe with the third troope making head against Amese, did at the first onset ouerthrow his battallion and put them cleane from all resistance: and the Chiefetaine himselfe being disfurnished of his guard, and in great astonishment, was enforced to the flight: notwithstanding, making himselfe way through the squadron of Archers, he saued himselfe amidst the open fieldes with the rest of his companions. Then began the cry to be renued on all parts, and on the one side the discomfiture of their captaine, and on the other side the sodaine approach of the enemy, did take away from the gards all meanes to rally them selues together, and to renue the fight. Finally, the forces of the enemy being reioyned and vnited, they made towards the Fort, where (after long debate) the aduantage fell to the Driuastines: and all things enclining to fauour them, the Amesens did abandon the defence of their trenches, and on diuerse sides flying and fighting all at once, they retired them selues into the plaine. Angell made no reckonning to pursue them, nor to sacke their campe: but thinking he had done enough in depriuing them of the victory, caused to sound a retraite, and led backe his compapany with great reioysing into the city: But the ioy of this good and happy encounter did not long continue to the inhabitants. For Amese hauing gathered his souldiers together from their flight, and thinking vpon this discomfiture (the shame wherof was greater then the losse) and seeing himselfe frustrate of all hope to gaine Driuasta, heeAmese spoileth the countrey about Driuasta. turned the impatiency of his anger else where, not sparing any thing whatsoeuer could be found, either for encrease or recreation, but both the houses were burnt and ruinated, and all sorts of trees and plants were cut down and destroied. Nothing was left vntoucht, except a few Oliue trees, (the abundance and fertility of the which, doth [Page 113] make that towne to haue great traffique, and to be much esteemed:) all these spoilings and ruines notwithstanding, and for that Amese spoiled (a good waies off from their Ports) the Driuastines though their hardines had once succeeded happily) yet would not they againe be drawen into the fields, fearing that if they should range abroad too farre, their returne might be hindered, or they might fall into some ambuscado, and so should they giue an account for their too too great forwardnesse, and their ouermuch hardinesse might cost some of them full dearely.
I hold it not amisse here to lay downe in some sort the description of the towne ofThe Towne of Driuasta. Driuasta, not much renowmed neither for her foundation, nor for her antiquity, albeit the credulous error of the inhabitaunts doth most obstinately attribute the originall thereof to the Romains, alleadging that they were the first founders of the same. Herein do they most glory, in that they affirme themselues to be a Colony of the Romains, and they do precisely maintaine, that from thence they had their descent and original. For my part, I suppose that the humor of these men, so desirous of glory, is rather to be pardoned, then that their opinion is any way to be credited. For neither are there any testimonies of good authority to ratifie this perswasion, neither are there any monuments to confirme it. The like fortune also hath Antibara, a towne of verie goodAntibara. accompt in these our daies within the sayd countrey, and (not without cause) doeth it complaine of the vngratefull silence of the ancients. Notwithstanding the seat of Driuasta (in my iudgement) seemeth not vnworthy (if reason may perswade vs) to haue a Colony there erected, both in regard of the pleasantnes of the place, and of the aboundance and commodity of all things, which may allure men to inhabite or manure it. For the territory of that city is most fertile and fruitfull, yeelding all things which mans life in reason can wishe for. On euery side there are great store of springs andScituation of Driuasta. fountains, arising and descending with a pleasant noise from the hils adioyning, which by nature are so orderly mounted, as if they had bene disposed by artificiall workmanship: and most wonderfully doe they adorne and beautifie the plaine countrey. The aire (on what side soeuer you turne your eies) is exceedingly healthfull, and it doth season and temper all things, so as it maketh them to prosper singularly. The Citie is seated vpon the discent of a mountaine, bending towards the South, and extending towards the plaine (where it is watered with a brooke called Clire) which may more iustly be tearmed by the name of a riuer, by reason that the streames thereof do neuer faile, for any drought or distemperature of the sommer whatsoeuer. The circuit of the wals and trenches is aboue two miles in compasse. The fortresse or castel (being seated vpon the top of a mountaine) by nature and by art is most defensible: it both commandeth and defendeth the city. From Scutarie it is distant 8. miles, and from Motry 27. This towne hauing beene rased by the Gallo grecians in the declining estate of the Romaine Empire, was reedified & restored by Helena, a most christian Princesse descendedHelena the wife of Negmana king of the Misians. of the bloud royall of the house of Fraunce, and who was espoused to Simeon Nemagna, king of the Misians and Sclauonians. This Lady being very deuout & vertuous, did restore (besides this) many other townes neare adioyning, which had bene likewise ruinated in that country. Shee builded also both in Epire and Sclauonie, many Couents, Monasteries and religious houses, & endowed them with great liuings and possessions, as is manifestly to be seene, by the marbles engrauen with such testimonies, besides other monuments and memorable markes of her bountifull and princely deedes. But returne we to our purpose.
The choller of Amese being fully discharged vpon the plaine country of the Driuastines (which he had made in a maner desolate) he had no desire to returne anie more to Baleze, because being ashamed of his aduenture, hee was loath (after the triall of his [Page 114] mishap, and the proofe of his imprudency and temerity) to come in his presence, to whom he had refused to giue eare, when time and place serued. And he now repented (though all too late) that he had contemned his good counsell. He turned therefore another way, & marched with his companies directly towards Dayna: shunning most vnaduisedly the reprehension of his fellow Marin, to endure the displeasure far more dangerous, and the frowning countenance of his vncle, whom he had most grieuously incensed. For Scanderbeg hauing had tidings brought him by some, dwelling neare the same place, how all things had passed, assoone as hee knew of his comming, he sent for him to his presence, and openly in the sight of all his companies (which was ‘hardly digested of the young gentleman) in extreame choller hee conuinced him asScanderbeg reproueth Amese for his temerity. guilty of all the fault that had bene committed. He accused him (and as his debtor) he challenged him, demanding of him the innocent bloud of his companions, which he had caused to be shed through his folly, terming him with a loud voice both rash and arrogant, that without any commission from him had plaied so foolish a part. He obiected vnto him moreouer, that at his departure from Baleze, he commanded him no such matter. That he ought to haue taken & interpreted his silence, as a manifest prohibition & an apparāt argument, that his will was not to haue any such proceedings.’ Afterwards when he had examined the souldiers which were present at that seruice, and was by their report certified that the matter was altogether concluded and executed without the aduise & consent of his companion, his fury grew then to be much more vehement, and his minde being full of wrath and indignation, he persisted in ‘this seuerity, saying: that it grieued him so much the more, because, besides the temerity of the act, he had added a more grieuous and inhumaine fault, in destroying by a most miserable example, the fieldes of the citizens, & in vsing cruelty with sword and fire against their trees and buildings.’ But Amese as one confounded (hauing not anie thing to answere for his excuse) replied not a word: but stood still silent, only turning ‘him selfe a litle aside to his companions: good God (quoth he) there is nothing moreSpeeches of Amese vpon the reproach of his vncle. infamous then a man that is vanquished: for he must on the one side, accept to endure the insolency and triumph of his enemies: and on the other, the fearefull countenance and wrathfull visage of his friends.’ Hereupon the whole companies assembling themselues about Scanderbeg, did humbly entreat him to mitigate his wrath, and to pardon him his displeasure: alleadging, that the youth of his nephew was enough chastized, and his misfortune was sufficiently aggrauated with the bitter speeches he had giuen him, and that themselues (as well as other) were culpable of the same offence. By meanes of these intercessions made by his souldiers, was their Generall soone intreated and pacified: so familiar and curteous was his nature and disposition.
THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
SCanderbeg leauing Amese to continue the siege before Dayna, goeth him selfe against Mustapha. The citizens of Scutarie raze the fort of Baleze, which is forsaken by the Epirots. Mustapha marcheth against Scanderbeg. The combat of Paule Manessey an Epirote with Caragusa a Turke. The battell of Oronichea betweene Scanderbeg and Mustapha, wherein the Turkes are vanquished and Mustapha is taken prisoner. Peace concluded betweene the Venetians and Scanderbeg, whereupon he breaketh vp his siege before Dayna. Amurath resolueth to go in person against Scanderbeg, who maketh prouisions to resist him. An armie of Turkes sent into Epire to besiege Sfetigrade, vnto whom Scanderbeg giueth an ouerthrow by a notable stratageme. Amurath him selfe commeth to the siege of Sfetigrade.
WHilest the Christians were thus stirring and troubling each other by ciuill tumults, rather then by true and proper warres: and whilest Scanderbeg all idle, did consume his time, and (as it were) waxe olde before the walles of Dayna, Amurath being fully informed of all things in particular, both by Mustapha (who had of a long time bene very desirous to try the fortune of battell) as also by the common fame and report: his brains were continually beating and deuising vpon diuerse counsailes. One while would he commend the oportunity, seeming so fit and excellent for the vtter confusion of his aduersary: another while, he would admire at his inuincible fortune and prosperity. And here withall (which was a speciall point that kept his vnresolute thoughts in ambiguity and suspence) he doubted least these enmities of the Christians were but faint and colorable quarrels, and that their tumults were but fained and disguised. Thus whilest this Prince in the vncertainety of his thoughtes and penury of counsell, doth continue carefully discoursing and debating of matters, still coniecturing one thing by another, by litle and litle the occasion slipt out of his handes, by reason that the anger and discontentment of the Venetians became to be somewhat mitigated and asswaged: yet the often and frequent importunities and perswasions of Mustapha, (who sought nothing but fight and warres, in hope to deface and abolishe the shame of his former ouerthrow) did mightely prouoke the Ottoman, and draw him finely on to betake him selfe to most vnfortunate and pernicious armes, [Page 116] wherefore the Sultan hauing highly commended the affection and good will of his Bassa, he sent vnto him speedely a messenger with letters, the tenour whereof was as followeth.
‘The warre Mustapha, which thou doest so earnestly demaund, now from henceforthThe letters of Amurath to Mustapha. we doe freely graunt it thee: if those reportes bee true which are brought vs concerning the tumultes of the Venetians. Thy vertue and thy valour shall winne thee honour and reputation vppon this enemy: yet see thou be well aduised and carie thy selfe discreetly, and let not a light beleefe and vaine credulitie cause thee to take armes, which afterwardes, when thou doest least thinke, thou shalt bee enforced to laye aside with shame and dishonour. Peraduenture it is but an apparance of a counterfeit and deceiptfull warre, which is now betweene the Christians: and thon mayest bee deceaued by their dissembled contentions. Looke vnto it, and consider this, that (as the common saying is) there is no quarrell so short, as that of the father against the child. We (who are absent) can not giue counsell to one present, nor yet doe wee aproue a fonde desire of fight without good cause and inducement, which may moue thee thereunto. It is thou, that oughtest to haue an eye, and to discusse by thy selfe particularly before thou take armes, all that which after (when thou hast taken armes) is to be put in execution. Thou hast good store of souldiours fresh and resolute, and thy enemy is partly wearied with paines and trauell, and partly weakened with his many battels. The rest we referre to thy sufficiencie and discretion, for we will not hinder thee from enterprising any thing, which shall seeme vnto thee to be for our honour and aduantage.’
After that Mustapha had obtained leaue of Amurath to begin the watre, prouision being made of all things for his Campe: he conceiued in him selfe a wonderfull courage, thinking by one onely peece of seruice, to ende and determine all the toyle and trauell of the whole warres: and from thence foorth he did not (after the fashion and manner of those which deale closely and cunningly) conceale his preparations: but openly and apparantly bearing him selfe both in countenance and behauiour as an open enemy hee, seemed to bee the man that durst and would hazard the fortune of a battell in any place where the Albanois would offer and present it vnto him. In the meane while the garrison which was left vppon the confines of Macedonie, had sent word in post hast to Castriot before Dayna, enforming him particularly of the whole case as it stood, and making knowen vnto him the whole estate of their affaires. Whereupon this Prince in a good resolution (as an expert souldiour, that vsed no lesse celeritie then cunning in all his actions) presently dispatched away an other fresh poast: by whom he charged them that in any case, they should not giue the Bassa any occasion or opportunitie to come to fight with them, but retiring their troupes sometimes to the thickets and woodes vpon the mountaines where they might be secure of the enemy; and sometimes vnder colour of a timerous and fearefull flight, they should abuse him, and by little and little protract the aduenture and hazard of fight: till such time as him selfe (being arriued thither with his companies,) should giue order for all things, what soeuer should be needefull to accomplish their desire and purpose: and that then they should not faile, speedely and assoone as they perceiued him to draw neare, to ioyne them selues in one with his traine and to follow him: to the intent, that where him selfe should be in person, there also might be the ensignes, the squadrons, and the whole force and strength of the Campe. This done (albeit it greeued him greatly to see him selfe withdrawen from the of siege Dayna) calling Amese (his friend and faithfull companion in all dangers and perils) vnto him, he gaue him in [Page 117] charge to haue a carefull eye vnto the siege: and he spake vnto the young man not onely by way of counsell, but also by entreatie: praying him not to alter any thing in his absence, nor in any wise to make any attempt against the besieged, hauing bene sufficiently warned and instructed by his owne former disgrace. And he willed him not to bowdge nor stirre a foote from before the walles, but so to gouerne him selfe, that they within the towne, might not either make any prouision of victuals, either haue any meanes to refresh them selues. Hereupon (out of the armie which hee had there, and which by this meanes was greatly diminished) he made choise of fiue hundred horse, and a thousand fiue hundred foote of the best and most picked souldiers, with which he purposed to strengthen the old garrison, against the new emotions of the Turkes. These souldiours which had the foyle at Dryuasta, were commaunded and enforced to stay at the siege vnder the gouernement of their young Gouernour, which greeued them at the very hartes: for each of them desired, and all of them in generall did instantly request the Prince, that he would permit them to make amendes of their former default, by some vertuous act of fresh marke and memory: and by the purchase of some new honor, to abolish the remembrance of their late dishonor. Notwithstanding not any of them had their request graunted, both by reason of the present estate of his affaires, which disswaded him from taking all his forces with him: and also for that he could not in this case gratifie some of them without a certaine discorde and discontentment of the residue: and because there was not any of thē but did esteeme himselfe to haue asmuch valour as any one of his companions, he tooke none with him but the very chiefe and strength of all his armie: namely the old souldiours, and such as were best hardened, or most able to endure in armes: for well knew this most expert Chieftaine, what difference there is, betwixt the besieging of the walles of a towne, where men lying incamped idle with their handes in their bosomes, doe onely waite by time to enforce and bring a place to reason: and the seeking in open field, neare at hand, and in the face of the enemy by the fury of fight and mortall blowes, to purchase honor and glory, not easily to be gained or without great difficulty.
Scanderbeg was scant dislodged from before Dayna, but the Scrutarians, being fullyThe Scutari [...]s go against Baleze. enformed both of the stirring of the Turks, and of their deliberation, as also of the departure of the Albanois, they assembled their troupes with all possible diligence, and with great prouision of artillery for the seasing of Baleze: for they confidered, that as long as the garrison of Albany was not remoued thence, nor that place cleared from their enemies, they should haue perpetuall war within their owne territory, & not be able to breath themselues from their roads and inuasions. Vpon this occasion, neither more nor lesse, then as a company of hungry wolues, almost starued for want of food, which perceiuing the negligence and absence of the sheepherds, do rush without feare vpon the fearefull flocke, and do disperse & dismember the poore sheepe being ill garded: In like maner the Scrutarians, hauing bene at all times very vigilant & attentiue, and now hauing intelligēce of the departure of Scanderbeg, that he was far remoued, being called to another warre of great importance: sodainely with all their forces and prouisions, they made hast towards Baleze, and there began the reuenge of the iniuries and griefes, which they had endured: litle had it wanted but the garrison hadMarin Spa [...] forsaketh Baleze. bene surprized, if it had with obstinacie attended the comming of the enemy. But as soone as Marin hadde discouered that they went to bring the Canon against the place: trussing vppe their baggage, both hee and all his souldiours conueyed themselues secretelie to Dayna, leauing nothing but their bare and emptie neast, and the naked Rampiers: for the Scrutarians (who by this time had passed and gotten ouer [Page 118] the brooke of Clyre, and were not aboue two myles from Baleze: where they neither saw nor encountred any thing, but a solitarie and wilde countrey, hearing neither voyce nor rumour of any persons, nor seeing any token or appearance of watch or gardes vpon the walles. This so new and straunge a case, and this great silence, seeming to them verie suspitious, did at the first shew, make them fearefull and full of horrour: but afterwardes, certaine of their companie being sent foorth to discouer the enemie, and hauing brought word backe, that they were departed thence: their whole armie approched the fort without any feare. The sight of the place so solitarie, and the dislodging of the garrison did mightely displease those, which were of great and hautie courages, seeing that there was nothing but the poore walles for them to bend their forces against, and the Towne onely, without any liuing creature in it. Aboue all others, Humoy (of whom we haue before spoken) was in a great rage and choller: by reason of the excessiue desire which hee had by some like match and good hap, to be reuenged for his brothers captiuitie, (for the truth is,) it vexed him extreamely, that he could by no meanes obtaine his deliuerance of Scanderbeg. And it may be that he went thither (as amitie and friendship doth make the mindes of men very vigilant) to the intent at the surprising of this place, he might get into his handes, some pledge and raunsome of good worth, thereby to make an exchaunge for the person of his brother, who was detained prisoner. On all sides did the souldiours clime and leape ouer the walles, for the razing and ouerthrow of the which their ordinance was not needefull to do them any vse or seruice. For the stones cleauing but slenderly together by reason that the morter was in aBaleze razed by the Scutarians. manner new and lately layed, and being beaten downe with barres of iron, and torne vp without any great labour, they did easily enough tumble downe of them selues alone: in a small space therefore was all ouerthrowen and ruinated. The rest which was made of wood, pallizadoes, and other such like defences, were not long able to continue against the fire, which was put vnto them, and did altogether consume them: the souldiours cabbines and all other fortifications likewise were troden vnder foote and layed euen with the ground. Thus the Scutarians of an ouer hastie desire to satisfie their hatred and malicious mindes, by a dead kinde of reuenge, left that towne most deformed and hideous to looke vnto: in doing whereof they were the cause but of their owne dammage and greater griefe and calamitie, in making it the subiect of future reuenge to their enemy. There were some of the companie, whose counsell was, that they should march with their forces before Dayna, both to chase the enemy from the siege, and to trye the fortune of battell, seeing that all things seemed to encline to them, and to promise them victorie, Scanderbeg beeing absent from his armie. But the small number of their forces made them that they durst not doe it: besides some others there were, who would not in any case agree to hazard and aduenture any further, then the Generall and gouernour of Scutarie had giuen them in charge and commandement. Wherefore they turned their ensignes and retired their troupes home towardes Scutarie, without hauing done any thing worthy of glorie or commendation, either by the purchase of any bootie or prisoners, or by the slaughter of any of their enemies.
On the other side Maryn hauing brought his garrison backe to Dayna, did reuiue in Amese a griefe to see the misfortune and shame bee fallen to them in publique, and yet priuately he did euen smile through a kinde of contentment, which he tooke in his owne particular mishap: in that he seemed not onely and alone, thus shamefully to be foyled and repulsed by the Dryuastines, but that his colleague and [Page 119] copartner was enforced to become also a companion with him in the like griefe and misfortune: the conceipt whereof made this young Prince in the open view and hearing of his souldiours, to speake vnto them in this manner.
This is well (quoth hee my friendes and felowes in armes.) Let vs still be ‘pitifull,The cōplaint of Amese. let vs still bee mercifull and compassionate towardes our enemyes, till such time as this foolish pitie and vnaduised clemencie, haue vtterly ruinated and confounded euen our selues: let vs (to our owne destruction) let loose the bandes of the Scutarians, and set at libertie our prisoners, to the intent they may afterwardes against vs and our liues, more freely execute their outrage and crueltie. What may my vncle thinke when he shall see the deformed shape of this Towne, and her walles dismantelled and ouerthrowne by those, whom hee hauing of late taken prisoners in the fieldes and neare the bankes of the riuer Drynon, did so curteouslie and gratiouslie in the open view and sight of each man restore to libertie, and send home free without raunsome to their owne countrey, to the intent they should now a new take armes against him, and renew the old fiercenesse and rancour of their hartes? Go too then, let vs pardon the Driuastines, let vs forbeare to touch or inuade their territorie, whilest that we our selues doe finde all kinde of hostilitie executed against our persons. We are now come to this passe, that whilest we carie our selues with such clemencie, and are so proue to pardon our enemies, we doe animate and stirre vp the armes of all the world against vs: and breaking the bonds, wherein other are tyed, we do bring the yoke of bondage vpon our owne neckes: this entreatie ought the enemy to finde, when he is at our mercy: That as we ought not to exclude all shew of pittie and compassion from them, so should we not be transported so farre to pittie them as to be more pitifull then standeth with reason: wherein can any man finde him selfe iustly agreened with vs, if we vse that which right and the law of armes doth permit vs? There is no man can lawfully accompt or call those cruell, with whom he standeth vpon tearmes of like enmity, and betweene whom there is equall contention both of life and death.’
Thus on the one side did matters passe on with complaints, and murmurings. OnThe proceedings of the warre, betweene Mustapha and Scanderbeg. the other side Mustapha hauing sent forth his souldiers into the countrey, did not suffer the Garrison of Scanderbeg to be at rest, but by their continuall and daily roades and inuasions which they made vppon them, they did more and more terrifie them. For the Albanois shunning the fight continually, did stand vppon their defence, sometimes relying vppon the strength of their trenches and fortified places, rather then vppon their valour and force of armes. And sometimes sallying forth in small troupes, and faining a flight, they (by a kind of mocking and skorning of the enemy) did entertaine him and gaine time vpon him. Wherefore Mustapha perceiuing, that all his endeuours were in vaine, and that there was small hope to oppresse the Garrison, hee had no desire, to make any attempt against their fort, and as vnwilling was he to pursue them in their flight for feare of ambuscadoes and such like pollicies, which were vsuall and familiar with his enemy. Onelie with good aduise he ordayned and prouided good guardes and sentinelles, and imployed the residue of his strength and forces to wast and spoile the countrey neare adioyning vnto him; till such time as being enfourmed of the comming of the Prince of Albanie, hee retired the whole strength and force of his armie, and went to encampe him selfe within litle lesse then two myles of the enemie. The place which they made choise ofOronochea. for the battell, is called Oronochea, and is in the vpper Dibria, vppon a certaine faire plaine, yet of no great breadth, and about sixe miles from Croie. Scanderbeg with his freshe and new forces, were likewise entred into the Campe of the Epirots, [Page 132] where he was no sooner arriued, but he caused proclamation to be made by the sound of Trumpet, that no person should issue foorth nor depart thence, without especiall leaue and license: and immediatly he set euery man a worke about the fortifying of the Campe: Mustapha in the meane while on his part not stirring nor mouing any whit at all. On both sides therefore all was quiet and peaceable: by meanes whereof the Albanois hauing sufficientlie ordered their affaires, and hauing strengthned their armed forces, with strong and well defenced rampiers: they began to fortifie likewise the fortresse with armes, men, and souldiours: and Scanderbeg making a generall view and muster of his companies to know the number of his men, and the certaintie of his forces: the old bandes were three thousand and fiue hundred horse, and six hundred foote strong. For albeit Castriot had left there, little lesse then fiue thousand men at his departure (when he went to make preparation for the warre against the Venetians:) yet afterwardes he drew foorth a great many of them vpon diuers speciall reasons and good considerations: the whole number therefore of their forces being reckoned and accounted then present, were neareThe number of Scanderbegs forces against Mustapha. about six thousand fighting men, with whom hee purposed to affront the forces of Mustapha and to hazard the fortune of that glorious triumph, and yet were not all of them employed: for the vigilancie and circumspect prouidence of this pollitique chieftaine, would not permit that his fort should remaine naked and empty without defence (what soeuer chance should betide him) but he ordained 300. chosen men for theOrder of Scanderbeg his armie against Mustapha. gard and custodie of the same. His army very aduisedly and vpon good consideration did he deuide into wings: the fore front of the which, cōsisted altogether of horsemen, whom he made the chief force and strength of both the battallions, placing in each of them a thousand and fiue hundred horse, for feare and doubt least his footemen, (being vnable to indure and beare the charge of the enemies horse,) should at the first onset be disordered and ouerthrowen: and this was the cause that he placed but very fewe of them in the backe of his two winges: the greatest part of his infanterie (being reserued in the middle battell, which was likewise couered and supported with fiue hundred horse, to the intent the battell, being not troubled and disordered at the very first encounter, on all partes, both on the one side and on the other,) the horsemen should make head against the horse of the enemy.
Whilest the Prince of Epire with the strength and body of his armie, thus ordered and arranged, did containe his souldiers in great silence, and not stirring his ensignes, but attending the dismarch and setting forward of the enemy: Behold aThe combat of Paule Manessey and Caragusa. certaine Turke, disbanding and seuering himselfe from the rest of his company, (whose name was Caragusa) presented himselfe in the middle space of the field, which lay betweene the two armies, and gaue a signe of defiance challenging some one of them to the combat: from thence aduancing him selfe neare to the ranckes of the Christians, with a high and loftie voyce, he called for the most hardy and aduenturous person in all their companie, to assay him selfe against him body to body. At the first there was a generall silence, and no man gaue him a word, but euery one stood mute, as men who were, no lesse doubtfull to refuse the challenge for feare of shame and disgrace: then to accept the combat, the hazard whereof was so daungerous: but Paule Manessey (who was knowen to bee a verie readie horseman, and an excellent man at Armes) did not any longer tollerate these brauadoes of the Barbarian against his nation and countrey-men: all the companies seeming to cast their regard vppon him and to attend no other thing, as if hee especiallie were the man, whom this challenge did concerne, and to whom the fortune of this fight did belong and appertaine: He therefore aduauncing [Page 121] himselfe roundly and in great fiercenesse, with a ioyfull countenance went to seeke out Scanderbeg, to know his mind and good pleasure in the matter: of whom he was both verie highly commended: and his courage and good hope very much & vehemently augmented and animated by meanes of those good speeches which Scanderbeg gaue him: for he willed him in a good houre and vnder the true conduct of thePaul Manessey encouraged by Scanderbeg to the combat. ‘great God to march on, both to purchase to himselfe particular praise and commendation, besides immortall fame vnto his memorie: as also by the good and fortunate encounter of this so haughtie and memorable an act, to begin and lead the way vnto his companions to a glorious and happie victorie, leauing a worthy president for them to imitate, and which the whole armie in generall could not but follow with great ioy and gladnesse, vpon the happie presage of his new gained honor and reputation. Hereupon those of his own cornet flocking on all parts round about him, beganne to praise,’ to extoll and commend him, as if he had alreadie gotten the victorie. Then he making no longer stay, (but only whilest he was arming & furnishing him selfe with such things as were necessarie and ordinarie for the fight) suddenly mounted on horsebacke, and forthwith gallopping into the open and plaine field, and addressing himselfe towards the barbarian, (which there attended him) he called vnto him, and with an high voice, and wordes well fitting and beseeming an enemie, he willed him to prepare and make him readie to the combat. The Turke bad him stay a litle, onely to giue him the hearing of a worde or two, which he deliuered in this manner.
The victorie betweene vs, our valure and our fortune will decide and determine:Speeches of Caragusa to Paul Manessey. ‘but as touching the lawes of the victory, for that we our selues are to take some order: If so be the destinies haue ordeined thee this day to haue the honour of my losse and ouerthrow, I will not refuse (being ouercome by right of armes) but thou shalt freely dispose both of my slaughtered carkasse, and of these my spoiles: in like case, if it happen that thou be vanquished and doest fall vnder mine hande, I will that the like right be done to me, to dispose of thy bodie at my pleasure. And this let our Generals ratifie and confirme, for feare least either in the heate and furie of our fight, or after the deciding and adiudging of the combat, some tumult and vproare doe arise betweene our battels, in fauour of the part of one of vs. Heereunto Paul gaue him this aunswere: That for his part he did allow of the lawe and condition of the combat,Answere of Paul Manessey to Caragusa. which he (as it seemed) fearefully did demaund to be obserued. For where the spirite resolute and full of courage doth once yeelde to the others fortune, all the residue by order of law and good right ought to be at the pleasure of the conquerour. That he should therfore fight securely and without feare: that he needed not to doubt of anie other enemie besides him, whose bodie (if it once became ghost lesse vnder his hand) should there also remaine to be disposed of, at his free pleasure and election. And albeit himselfe could be content to bequeath the vnprofitable reliques of his dead carkasse amongst his fellowe souldiers, to bewaile and lament his misfortune: that yet Scanderbeg would not suffer that those members (which had shewed themselues so faint and sluggish in the combat as to be vanquished) should be brought backe and receiued into his campe.’
The audatious replie of this caualier, and the slight regard and account which he seemed to make of his life, did so appale and astonish the Barbarian, that it made him in a manner to repent himselfe that euer he prouoked him. Imediatly the summe of their agreement being confirmed and ratified by the Chieftaines, and the two combatantes left alone in the middest of the fielde: euerie man had his eies fixed vppon them. Those who were present at that fight, being diuersely affected with doubt [Page 122] and hope, did stand & abide rauished with a maruellous care concerning the successe and euent of the combat: for in shew and taulenesse the two champions were neere alike. Both were of a meane stature, and of equall yeares and age, neither of them being of a slouthfull or heauie constitution, nor yet of too youthfull or ouerhot and hastie a disposition. Ech of their armes were alike: first their launces and their shields, which were barred all ouer the midst with bars of steele: by their sides they had cemitaries after the Turkish fashion, and great & heauy maces of yron: their bodies were armed with curasses, and their heads with helmets. Ouer their armour they had verie rich cassockes made of silke, shining very bright & glistering: the which, albeit they did no way profite or further them to the victorie, yet did they adde a kind of grace and ornament vnto them. Both of them being thus appointed, and either of them bewraying a kinde of fiercenesse and cruelty both in their countenance and courage, they tooke the field ech opposite against other, then setting spurres to their horses, and fetching a strōg carreer (with their lances in the rest to encounter ech other) the Christian knight running at the head of the Paynim, stroke him aboue and ouer his shieldPaul Manessey killeth Caragusain combat. into the right eye, and pierced the same quite through: with which wound, he tumbling frō his saddle to the ground, the other dismounting speedily, disarmed his dead carkasse, & cut the head from his bodie: and thus loaden with the spoiles of his slaine enemie, he quickly mounted againe on horsebacke to returne to his fellow souldiers, who breaking forth on al sides out of their ranks where they stood embattelled, with exceeding ioy and gratulations did conduct him towards their Generall. Scanderbeg hauing receiued him with many gratious speeches and infinite praises and commendations,He is rewarded by Scanderbeg. euen there in the fields and in the presence of the whole armie, did reward him with a rich cote of armes of gold tissue, and with a great demesne and liuelihood in token of his vertue. Then for that the time did vrge him to beginne the battell and to commit the hazard of the fight to the greatnesse of his fortune: he thought it good to encourage his souldiers, and thus he spake vnto them.
‘If the glorious actes and deedes of armes, do any thing moue the courages of menOration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers. who are valiant and hardie: I do thinke (my good souldiers) that euery one of you is sufficiently animated by this excellent testimonie of vertue in a particular priuate person: and the rather for that it seemeth the heauens could not haue afforded you a more notable example before your eies, nor haue giuen you a better occasion to spurre and to prouoke you, then this happie beginning and these first frutes of victorie, which is sufficient both to encourage you to a more braue and setled resolution, and to abate and dismay the courage of our enemies. Go you to therefore and passe on hardly in this path of honour, which hath bene troden out vnto you: and by a commendable kind of emulation, do you immitate the act of your fellow in armes, whose hands you may see yet smoking with the bloud of that infidell. The carefull regard & diligence of your companion hath vowed it selfe for you, hath vowed it selfe for the victorie: his valiant and puissant arme hath offered vp a sacrifice for you, that you likewise without any bloudshed at all should follow after him in the like, and (by the fauour of God) should march ouer their bodies which are dedicated to destruction by your handes, and so you may enioy the spoiles which are promised to your valure and desertes. Let vs therefore giue the onset, and charge presently vppon the enemie: he was the first to challenge you out of your rankes, let vs be the first to challenge him with our whole battell. Let vs force him into the field which seemeth to be fatall vnto him, whilest that feare and griefe haue depriued him of all strength, and whilst that a generall astonishment doth presse the hearts and minds of their people with a most sad and sorrowfull silence.’
[Page 123]Assoone as he had thus spoken (their bodies hauing beene before refreshed) about the seuenth houre he caused the trumpet to sound, and in the verie instant he marched forwarde in battell array. Behold a notable and wonderfull kinde of hardinesse in this man: marke well his resolution most worthie of an inuincible vertue, and deseruing to be admired of all posteritie. This Chiefetaine (the onely fine souldier of his time) with so small a troupe of men, brauely disdayning the great forces and mightie puissance of his enemie, durst in open and plaine fielde with armie against armie, aduenture the hazarde of so great and doubtfull a battell: not seeking by the helpe or furtherance of anie politicall inuention, or of anie martiall deuise and stratageme, to ouerreach and circumuent his enemie he had the courage and audacitie to be the first that should forgoe his trenches, and putting himselfe vpon the field, to giue the brauado to so strong an enemie: whom (as if he had bene vnready or vnwilling to come on, or as one readie to flie awaie) he seemed to force and compell forth to the conflict. In this maner with a maruellous clamor and mightie crie (made by his souldiers) he now beganne to aduance himselfe towardes the fort of the enemie: but that Mustapha came forth to meete and encounter him, at first with a squadronThe battell betwene Mustapha and Scanderbeg. tumultuously assembled, and afterwardes with all his forces. But like as in feare and terrour they did set forwarde, so were they assoone and easily repulsed at the verie first onset, and scarce were they all come foorth of their trenches, and placed in good order of battell, but that manie of them suddenly betaking themselues to flight, did flocke backe againe in troupes, making hast to get within their fort, most basely and cowardly seeking to fence and warrant their liues with the strength of their fortresse and rampiers. Which thing being perceiued by the Turkish generall, and that neither the ensignes nor the souldiers did keepe their stande, nor any order; to the intent he might the better encourage them by the regard and example of his owne forwardnes, he cried vnto them to follow him, and where they should see him to make way, there the ensignes should follow and come after him. And therewithall bearing himselfe close with his lance in the rest, he broched his horse with his spurres, and with head and shoulders gaue in vpon the front of the enemy with a full & firme resolution, either to carie away the victorie vnto Amurath his lorde and maister, or else to sell his life dearely. Many of his leaders and captaines followed him, and a good number of his owne battallion: and the residue also beeing ashamed to leaue their Chiefetaine in time of neede, by little and little came to ioyne with him, and opposed themselues to the force and violence of the Christians: so that in diuerse and sundriie places gathering and trouping together, they did mainetaine the fight to the vttermost of their powers. Thus on all sides were the battels reenforced, and the fight beganne speedily to be renewed, yet was there not anie appearance of the change and varietie of fortune both to the one partie and to the other (as is commonly seene in such fights) but alwaies and on all partes a like, were the infidels without any hope of victorie, the Christians euer surmounting them by the continual encrease and proceedings of their good fortune: so firmely had the successe of the two first champions from the verie beginning, wrought and confirmed the fortune of both the armies, and had engrauen in the mind of ech man such an impression of hope or terror, that it made them either fearefull or aduenturous. Moses from his side, sometimes aduancing & setting forward with his horse, and sometimes bringing on his footemen against the Turkish ensignes, did so disorder them, that he easily broke in vpon them with great force & violence. They on the contrary side, who were opposed against him being vanquished, rather by a certaine fatall destinie, then by any valure & prowes of the Christians, and being scant able to shun & auoide [Page 124] the blowes and wounds which were giuen them did seeme as men in bonds & alreadie vanquished, rather then fit to bind and vanquish others. Paul Manessey fighting in the middle battell bestirred himselfe notably, leauing after him wheresoeuer he went a maruellous slaughter of the circumcised. By this time were their rankes broken on all sides, neither horsemen nor footemen continuing in fight, or keeping their place in battell array: but all being confused and mingled one with another, and the greater part well neere, of the Turkes hauing their horses slaine by the footmen Albanois, with their lances in their handes, came to serue as footemen also: but on the one side, their bodies being vnaccustomed and not vsed to fight on foot: and on the other part the discommoditie of their armour being great, did much endammage and hinder them. And by reason that their own forces did more & more decrease and diminish, they imagined that our numbers did multiplie and increase; neuerthelesse, being blinded with shame, they did still abide expecting and attending the successe of their Generall, who on the other side was as busily occupied. For he (being accompanied or assisted with all the most notable & valiant men of his armie, & hauing made head against the middle battell where Scanderbeg himselfe remained) did thinke to haue repaired the forme and good hap of all the rest of the squadrons. Sometimes the presence of Paul Manessey did greatly vrge them, for that by the glorious and honorable opinion, which they had in their champion lately slaine, their fearefull thoughts and cogitations, did measure all things in their enemie, to be greater then they made shew of: sometimes againe their hearts were incensed and inflamed with wrath, according as either the deformed image of their slaine champion, or the shadowe of his dead bodie vnreuenged, did seeme to appeare before their eyes, and to present it selfe to their remembrance. Moreouer the great rewardes and recompences (which was the greatest and chiefest inuitement to pricke them forwarde) proposed and promised by Mustapha to him that could kill this enemie (whom they hated grieuouslie) did encourage his people to be the more desirous and forwarde to endaunger themselues:Paul Manessey assailed by the Turkes. by meanes whereof, manie being reallied and assembled in troupes about Paul alone, they pressed vpon him to the vttermost of their powers, and as men that cared not for anie of the rest, him onelie did they ayme and shoote at. There was not anie one of them but did striue, euen with the hazard of his owne life, and with deadly wounds to purchase the pretious reward of that head which was so highly prized. But the obstinate prowesse of this Cauilier, caused the fonde and foolish desire of the Turkes, to turne to their owne pernitious and extreame dammage. For being well garded with a troupe of such as were most hardie and valiant, he was able enough to sustaine their furie and violence, and to contemne their vaine presumptions. At length perceiuing a farre off, that one of the Barbarians had disbanded himselfe from the rest of his troupes, and was verie hotte and importunate vppon those of his companie, he turned himselfe towardes him, without anie word speaking: and hauing gotten neere vnto him, he discharged so full a blow with all his strength ouerthwart his head, and redoubled one or two strokes vppon him, that he ouerthrew him headlong off his horse, making him to take the measure of his tombe vpon the hard earth. When his champions sawe him lie dead vpon the ground, they beganne presently to turne the bridle, neither caring to reuenge his death, nor to warrant his body frō the outrage of the enemy. This made the Epirots (when they saw them to stande as it were in a studie, and certaine of them flying) to presse vpon them the more fiercely, and to charge them with the greater fury, giuing them no time to breath, but handled them rudely, till hauing them in full chase, they left all the aduantage & honor to the conquerors. Paul pursuing them still as they fled, [Page 125] did gleane and take vp some of them that made least speed, and with bitter and biting termes, he thus tauntingly exclaimed vpon them. Whether flie you (saied he) youSpeeches of Paul Manessey to the Turks as they fled. base companions, are you so forgetfull of all good fellowship: hath not Caragusa here, neither brother, cosin, nor so much as a friende, amongest so many of you: who in honour of his corps (that lieth here dead and disfigured) will vouchsafe to reuenge ‘him, which is the last good you can do him, being past all your aide and helping? Behold me: see me (I saie) who doe here now call vppon you, and giue you the defie, whom of late your selues did first of all prouoke, in hope of a wrong conceited glory. Abide, staie a while, take with you the bloudie spoiles of your companion, which so voluntarily I doe proffer vnto you.’
But the Turkes (more mute and dombe then fishes) had minde of nothing but of speedie fight and running away: and with an infamous kinde of silence, did neither approue nor reproue the tauntes and reprochfull speeches of the enemie. And thus within a while, hauing by litle and litle gotten the aduantage and libertie of the open field, they did quickely vanish out of sight, so as hardly could they heare the sound or noyse of those that chased them: onely the archers did trouble them with great obstinacie: as for the rest of the troupes, they abstained from pursuing them, because wearinesse and extremitie of trauell had dulled both the force and the spirits of theThe dewse of the Turkes in their ensignes. Christians. Notwithstanding hauing gathered vp the ensignes & half moones, which lay euery where dispersed ouer the field (for the Turks in their standards & ensignes doe beare this for their deuise) the souldiees with wonderfull great ioyes making the aire to resound, & with their pleasant clamors, and rude riming songs, did euen striue and contend who should carie them to the tents of Scanderbeg. For all had gone well on that side a good while before: and the Turkes being either slaine, did lie dispersed ouer the fielde in great heapes, or being reserued (according to the right of armes) with their hands fast pinioned behinde their backes, did giue euident and open testimonie of their owne bad deuoire, and the clemencie of their enemies. Mustapha Mustapha Generall of the Turkes taken prisoner. himself with twelue others likewise of the most principall and chiefest persons, were brought prisoners vpon an Hungarian horse, in great pompe and triumph: to the intent he might be seene of all men, making the sight to be so much the more worthy and notable, and mitigating as it were, the misfortune of the other prisoners. For the pernitious humor of ambition, and a pestilent desire to purchase vnto himselfe the greater glorie, by the proofe and triall of his resolution, had caried him furiously into the squadron of Scanderbeg, where (being enclosed and destitute of all aide & defence of his souldiers, and of all the meanes, either to escape away free, or die honourablie) the vnfortunate Chieftaine made choise to cōpound with the losse of al other things, yea and of his libertie also, for the sauegard and preseruation of his life onely.
I can not say certainly, whether in all the time of the warre held with Amurath, The victory of the Christians. there were any exploit atchieued more notable, or more fauored by the diuine power then this: So worthily did this iorney make shew of euery man his good courage and desert: neuer was there any leader nor any souldier, nor any other person of what degree soeuer, that did euer returne more honorably charged with reputation and glorie, either in publique, or in priuate. The report is, that there were slaine of the enemie 10000. And that there were taken onely 82. prisoners, and 15. standardes. This happie and fortunate ouerthrow, cost not the Albanois much bloudshed, for he lost (as they say) scarce 300. men. The campe of the enemy did greatly enrich the Christian souldiers, for that the Turkes, who had soiourned certaine monthes vppon the marches & borders of the prouince, had gotten together & purchased good store of pr [...]ie & booty: there were also found very goodly spoiles vpon thē which were slain, [Page 126] and a notable number of good horses: but albeit the souldiers helde themselues reasonablie well satisfied with pillage, yet for all that, was not the wrathfull and fierie courage of Scanderbeg sufficiently appeased: but that immediately and assoone as he had refreshed his troupes, that part of the day which remained, he spent and imploied it in sacking and spoyling the territories of the enemie. And in this sort continuing the course of his late victorie, setting fire on all things both farre & neere: that which could not be destroied by the sworde, was burnt and consumed by fire. Neither did the very meanest or worst sort of the souldiers, returne from thence empty and without bootie: for whersoeuer they found any thing good and worth the taking, they forgot it not behind them. And besides, they brought away a wonderfull manie of beasts and cattell: so that, what with the wearinesse of their excessiue trauell, & what with the abundance of their bootie (wherewith they were ouer charged) scarcely could they get home to their campe, before an houre within night. The residue of the night was spent in taking their rest, which they passed very still and in great quietnesse, without any bonfires, without any noise and clamors, or any other shewes or tokens of their victorie: and the reason was, for that the Prince of Epyre shewed him selfe more sad and pensiue then he was accustomed, because of the newes that Baleze was ouerthrowen and rased. Therefore all those within the campe (who were anyScanderbeg is pensiue for the razing of Baleze. thing discreetely and soberly disposed) framing their countenances altogether to sadnesse and melancholie, did conforme themselues to the same humour ioyntly with him: sometimes confirming him with good and pleasing speeches, and sometimes raging with hatred and mallice against the enemie. But the agreeued thoughts & pensiue imaginations of this Prince would admit no comfort nor accustomed rest so long and so often as he called to remembrance the outrage and ingratitude of the Scutarians, in regard of the benefites and clemencie which they had tasted and receiued from him.
Scanderbeg therefore hauing appointed and left (according to his custome) two thousand horse, and a thousand foote for the gard of the frontiers: the next morningScanderbeg spoileth the territorie of the Scutarians in reuenge of the razing of Baleze. by the breake of daye he departed with the residue of his forces; (taking with him both the prisoners, and wellneare all the best and choisest of the bootie,) and so tooke his way to the siege of Dayna: where when he had learned by Marin Span more certainely and particularly how all things had passed, he made no longer abode, then whilest he renewed and repaired his troups: and then immediately and without delay with fresh forces (which caried with them the extreame losse and calamitie of the inhabitants of Scutarie) he passed ouer the riuer of Drynon: and dispersing his horsmen ouer all the countrey; whatsoeuer he found tilled and sowen in any place or quarter (for it was in the end of autumne,) all was destroied, wasted and spoiled: the vineyardes cut vp close by the ground, and most of their trees that bare frute were felled downe: the pesants and rustickes themselues were not saued from slaughter, but as many of them as were found to resist against the enemie, were put to the sword, and the residew were sacked and euill entreated. From thence turning his furie vpon the other townes of the Venetian territorie, he pursued them in such sorte that they had good cause giuen them, to curse that rash exploite of the Scutarians against Baleze. Most of the inhabitants and al the forces which remained within the countrie did reuolt and adioine themselues and take part with Scanderbeg, rather then they would taste of the rigor and discommoditie of such ruines and destruction.
Thus we see that Scanderbeg did largely blame and reprehende the immoderate choller of his Nephewe, but he could not acknowledge the infirmitie of his owne passion. He detested the indiscretion of a young courage, but he could not temperate [Page 127] and moderate his owne anger and impaciencie. The countrie being thus ouercome, made desolate and brought vnder the dominion of a strange lord, he now also began to growe terrible to the townes and places of chiefe regard. Notwithstanding the extremitie and rigor of the cold winter now beginning to approch, and the continuall falling of the raine without ceasing, did driue him home againe against his wil, and made him retire into his tents to winter vnder the wonted walles of Dayna. During these troubles and alterations, the gouernours of the Venetian prouince, and the magistrates of Scutarie, being by meanes hereof in maruellous distresse and perplexitie, (but especially in regard of these forces which were shut vp within Dayna, whom they well knew to haue beene brought to the last point and extremitie of want and necessitie) dispatched letters to the Senate of Venice, containing the miserable estate of their confederates.
About the same time there arriued into the campe, certen infidels with great andMustapha & the other prisoners ransomed for 25000 Ducketes. rich presents vnto Scanderbeg, for the ransome of his prisoners: and they agreed vpon the payment of fiue and twentie thousand Duckates. Thereupon was Mustapha and all his companions deliuered: and the Turkes (hauing bene bountifully feasted, and entertained verie honorably, (as if all rancour and enmitie had bene vtterly forgotten and layed aside:) had guides appointed them (such as were verie skilfull in all the passages of the countrey,) both for their safe conueiance and better assurance on the way against the violence of the Christians. The money leuied and made by their deliuerie, was wholly distributed amongst the souldiers by Scanderbeg: his desire being, that they should be made partakers of the reward, who had bene partakers of the trauels & danger of the warre. Al this while there was not any attempt made against the towne by reason that the rigour of the colde and frostes, did not permit them thereunto. The defendants hauing abandoned the care and remembrance of al things,The constancie of the Daynians. saue of their faith and fidelity only, did abate nothing of their former wilfulnes & obstinacie. Many and infinite discommodities had wasted and consumed their forces, but yet they reserued still one and the same minde and courage, and their spirites did seeme daily to waxe more liuely and resolute though their bodies were greatly enfeebled and their strength much abated and diminished. Thus did a small Hamlet staie the force and violence of a most excellent and soueraigne Chiefetaine: and he that was a conquerour inuincible in so manie famous battelles, sawe himselfe surmounted by the constancie of that place onely. Yet did not the shame hereof, neuerthelesse any whit deterre Scanderbeg from pursuing his attempt: but he was the more resolutely determined to winne them by famine if he could not otherwise bring them to reason. There were at this time certen secret speeches, and vncertaine rumors amongst the common sort: that the Seigniorie of Venice was verie willingA treatie of peace betwene Scanderbeg & the Venetians. and enclining to a peace, by reason whereof, Scanderbeg bare himselfe more mildly and gratious towardes the enemie: and in those roades and incursions which were made thenceforth vppon the countrie, the Albanois did discharge their choller and mallice with more gentlenesse and lesse extremitie. Not many daies were past, but that newes were brought of certaine Ambassadors sent vnto him by the order & direction of the Senate at Venice, to entreat a newe agreement of peace and amitie betweene them, and the time of their comming was hourely expected. Scanderbeg therefore (according to the vsage and custome of great personages) hauing sent the chiefe of his nobilitie with a great traine to meete them, entertayned them most honorably: and hauing feasted them in verie sumptuous and bountifull manner, theConditions of peace offered to Scanderbeg. next day he gaue them full audience to deliuer their charge and commission. The effect whereof was this, That the Prince of Epire should breake vp his campe before [Page 128] ‘Dayna and withdraw his forces, because it had bene once receiued into the gard and protection of the Venetian state: and that therefore the soueraigntie and absolute iurisdiction of that towne, should fully and peaceably rest and continue in their handes;’ that Scanderbeg in liew and counterchaunge thereof should haue the whole rightBusegiarpeni being a part of the Demesnes of Scutarie extending from the riuer Drynon towards Scutarie, and lying more conueniently for Scanderbeg then the towne of Dayna. Oration of Scanderbeg vnto the Venetian ambassadors vpon the conclusion of peace betwene them. and Seigniorie in a certen countrey, lying vpon the riuer of Drinon, with all that circuit of land which was called Busegiarpeni. This conditiō of the peace was no sooner propounded, but it was presently accepted by the Albanois: and without any delaie or refusall, he held himselfe well contented and satisfied with that which the Ambassadours had appointed vnto him: wherefore the peace being concluded and agreed vpon, and the assurance and all things else well and orderly dispatched; a generall silence being commanded (for that this worthie and magnanimious prince did prepare himselfe to make some speech vnto them, and to giue them some notable shew and token of his magnificence, liberalitie, he thus began to say vnto them.
My hartie wish and desire is, that that prince were yet liuing amongest vs, whose death was the beginning and first occasion, both of my iust griefe, and of these wearisome warres which I haue had with you: for whilest I sought to recouer from you the possession of Dayna, stayned with the blood of our Citizens, by the mishap of an vniust warre: I would not at this time haue seene this prouince of Christians and of our friendes and allies to be ouerwhelmed with so many mischieues: but I would ‘haue gloried in the obseruation of peace and amitie inuiolably with that most honorable and worthie Senate, the interruption and troubling whereof at this present, (happening vpon so small, and trifling a cause) my hart will not of a long time but greatly grieue at. But this breach and debate grew vpon another occasion: for your taking of armes is to be excused, in that the disloialtie of others by their sinister and peruerse counsels, did easily estrange and alienate from me the hart and good affection of that * Ladie, and most malitiously and with a certaine affectation of flatterie, didBossa. conceale that which was agreed betweene Lech and me, and were the authors that Dayna did yeeld it selfe into your protection. It was not you therefore with whom I found my selfe so much agreeued, neither did I take armes to conuince you of iniustice, nor yet to impute anie ambition or greedie desire of Empire vnto the Venetians, whom as yet, no age did euer heare to haue enterprised or authorised any warre, that was vniust and against equitie. But one thing there was which did not a litle displease me, that you had lesse trust and affiance in me then was requisite: and whilest you gaue care, and builded vpon their tales and reportes, you thought me to be ambitious, and to be led with a desire of trouble and contention. I therefore (seeing that right was not to be had but by armes onely, did lay hold vpon this occasion of the warre, which was in a manner, cast vpon me, and euen as it were put into my handes. But now most gladly doe I laie aside my weapons (God himselfe being willing to haue it so) & more then that (if your selues had not required it) euen this territorie which by the ordinance of the Senate you haue giuen me in recompence of Dayna, and for the confirmation of this our league and amitie, holding my selfe well satisfied onely in the good will and francke offer of your Senate, and doe willingly embrace the good will and friendshippe of those liberall and magnificent princes. As for any other thing I neither desire nor accept of: but (if occasion serue, and neede be,) all this territorie which I haue, my whole estate, and my goods and substance, yea my very life, will I vow and consecrate for you,’ for your children, and for the maiestiePeace proclaimed betweene the Venetiant and Scanderbeg. of your Empire.
Scanderbeg hauing finished his speech, tooke order that Heraulds should be sent throughout all the Prouince, to publish vnto the people the glad tydings and ioyfull [Page 129] newes of this peace so much desired: the siege also was broken vp and raised, and the sconces and other fortifications made during the siege were beaten downe and razed: the souldiers in all mirth and ioy (laying aside all hatred and malice both in publique and in priuate) did friendly entertaine and welcome those of the towne, and did inuite them into their tentes and pauillions. Immediately also vpon this treatie Andrew and Volcathagne, were deliuered and permitted to goe at large where they thought good: all other things which had bene lately taken from the Scutarians and their neighbours: as villages, castels, fortresses and such like, they were rendred and redeliuered to the ambassadors. The day following (after many triumphes, and many goodly shewes (as the manner is publiquely had and solemnized) the Ambassadors were dismissed, but not without many rich and sumptuous presents.
Then Scanderbeg being naturally of a liuely and stirring disposition, (and beingScanderbeg leauing the siege of Daina marcheth to the spoile of the Turkish territorie. impatient of rest, and not able to endure idlenes) presently he led his troupes to the Turkish frontiers: with intent to wast and spoile them, as he was vsually accustomed: where gathering in one the olde garrison and the rest of his companies, with both incorporated together, he seemed to haue a good and faire armie: in such sort that a man would haue thought those forces sufficient, not onely to pill and spoile the fields, but to enterprise, vndertake and execute some great and notable good peece of seruice, so cheerefully and contentedly did ech of them follow on, to receiue the deserued pay and stipend of their long seruice and warfare. For in those daies the souldiers did not expect nor demaunde any other wages of their Generall then what they could get and purchase vpon the enemie by the sword and force of armes. Hereof it grewe that the Princes (his neighbours) were wont (in way of mirth and iest) to callThe Turkish territory Scanderbegs treasurie. the territorie of the enemie, Scanderbeg his treasurie. Afterwardes parting his hoast into three seuerall troups, he entred on all sides vpon the borders of the Sultan, where he spent two whole daies in ouerrunning, pilling, and harrying of the countrey: the souldiers being their owne pay maisters for their paines, at the cost and charges of the inhabitants: who went not scotfree without the losse of their liues, except such as being baptized were become Christians: and to those also they left nothing, nor shewed them any other fauor, but gaue them their liues and their libertie. After the furie of the sword, followed the rage of flame and fire; which being kindled in the houses, did deforme and disfigure all things, and burned all into ashes in such sort that if the campe of Amurath had happened at that time to haue come into Epire; there was no hope for it to haue found any victuals to haue maintained them, so much as one day, except they had caried and brought it with them. The earth therefore being left all bare, naked and emptie, with the onely shew and markes of desolation: Scanderbeg caused his ensignes to march homewards, & retired his armie within his owne confines. Then did he license his souldiers to depart, and sent them home to their owne houses, after he had highly praised & commended the diligence of euerie one of them, excepting the number of three thousand onely; which (being the ordinarie garrison appointed for the defence of the borders) did alwaies continue there, and neuer remoued from that place: himselfe with the residue of his citizens and his ordinarie gard, did take the way directly towards Croy.
Tidings being brought to the Venetians of the peace concluded in Epire, and of the bountie of the Prince of Albanie, and the Ambassadors giuing him high praise and commendation: the Senate conceiued exceeding ioy, and an incomparable gladnes: for that their prouince (after so long and fierce a warre) might from thenceforth take breath and rest themselues. Then being willing to honor the vertue and magnificence of that Prince, with some shew and argument of their thankefull hartes, in a generall [Page 130] counsell of all the citizens and gentlemen of that estate, by a common and publiqueScanderbeg & huposteritie made free of the citie of Venice, and appointed gouernour and lieutenant generall of the Venetian territories in Epire. Amurath consulteth with his counsell concerning the warre against Scanderbeg. consent, he and his posteritie were created citizens of Venice, and enrolled in the number of the most noble families of their citie and common wealth: besides (by the vniuersall good liking of all the Senate) he was appointed sole gouernour and lieutenant General, for their common wealth in those quarters: and letters were forthwith sent away to that effect, with diuerse very rich and princely presents.
All this while there was nothing spoken of the Turkes, neither was it heard that they made anie roads or ordinarie inuasions, or that they attempted any thing vpon the Epirots. For the rude discomfiture and ouerthrow of Mustapha had so terrified and abated their courage, that Amurath durst not stirre any further against the Duke of Albanie, fearing by such like enterprises (as he had formerly and vsually assailed him) he should rather augment and strengthen his forces, then be able either to breake or to diminish them: seeing that so many and so great armies, (which euen till then had entred Epyre for the inuasion of Scanderbeg) were for the most part either destroied, and left dead vpon the fields: or else shamefully discomfited and put to flight, or being brought into seruitude and captiuitie, did serue but as laughing slockes for their enemies to triumph ouer, and a fit matter for the encrease of their glorie and reputation. Supposing therefore that to be once reuenged of these disgraces it was requisite to make farre greater preparations, and to march against him with another maner of puissance, he spent whole houres and daies in diuerse consultations, still prolonging the occasion of that great honour which he had vainely conceiued, and promised to himselfe by such a iorney. But the report of the peace made with the Venetians, and the spoiling of his Prouinces, and so many discomfitures, one happening in the necke of another, comming to his eares, his heart being before mightily addicted and inclined to warre, was now much more incensed and more sharply pricked forward. Wherefore the old man (being thus full of care and thoughts) before he would decree any thing for the leuying of souldiers; caused certaine who were nearest his person to be sent for (whom they call Visiers, and are those of his priuie councell) toVisiers the Councellours of the great Turk whom, as one mad for verie anger, and full of furie and choller, he discouered in the end, the secret and long conceiued hatred of his hart in these termes.
‘Hitherto (most worthy and trustie Councellours) we haue both well nourished &Orat on of Amurath to his councellours for the warre to be vndertaken against Scanderbeg much augmented the prosperous temeritie of this fugitiue: and being occupied with the vrgent necessitie of the warre of Hungarie, we haue so long deferred the due punishment of this our hate full enemie, that by the multitude of outrages and contumelious abuses, he hath freely and without chasticement, incensed the maiestie of the Ottoman Empire; such as neither my eares can endure to heare reported, nor my eyes can abide the sight of. His fierce and furious madnesse, (I shame to speake it) is encreased so farre and is growne to that passe, that he dareth with all his forces, to be aforehand with vs, in assaulting vs: and openly to condemne vs of faintnesse and want of courage. What auaileth it heere to recount vnto you the misfortune of Haly Bassa? and the like mischances of so many other Captaines and leaders? we neede goe no further to take a view and coniecture of the image of our estate, but onely by the miserable prouince of Macedon, which (as I vnderstand) by continuall roades, inuasions and burnings is brought to that extreamitie, that from henceforth we haue little hope left to see therein any markes or tokens that it is our prouince, but filled rather and replenished with our enemies: for euen of late did he enter it with an armie leauied of purpose, spending whole daies in the spoiling and dispeopling of the countrey. How long shall we endure the attemptes of this wicked and seditious wretch? shall we suffer him so long till we our selues be fettered, and that he put irons vpon [Page 131] our owne legs: it is high time that wee suppresse his pernitious endeuors; for feare least by our negligence, this fire do increase: and then all too late (which my mind misgiueth me) we do begin to frame our complaints, and seeke remedie all in vaine: considering that an enemie being once contemned and neglected, of a small and meane beginning manie times doth amplifie and enlarge his forces, and lifteth vp hisSentence. head to the ruine of his aduersarie. All things (my masters) doe inuite you to the warres,, and do seeme to minister the meanes vnto you: for if there were no other reason to induce vs thereunto, yet neuerthelesse, the onely regard and lamentable aspect of the miseries and calamities of our subiects, were not that alone sufficient to solicite the courages of men braue and valiant? The daylie captiuities and imprisonments of so many our friends, the smoke of our townes and vilages on all sides fiered and burnt (which do euen call and crie in themselues for a reuenge) would they not make vs euen to blush for verie shame if we should suffer them? Haue we so often heretofore restrained and repressed the rage of the Hungarians? haue we by continuall and memorable defaits, left Greece mourning in her owne sorrowes & laments? haue we broken the forces of so many mighty and redoubted potentates & brought them euen to naught? and shall we now suffer (through a timerous kind of pusillanimitie) these troubles and tumults of Epire, to gather strength and to encrease vpon vs? shall we yet endure to see that prouince (which of late was tributarie vnto vs) now to stand in contention and to braue vs by armes? what? hath the land of Albanie so suddenly of late engendred another sort of Epirots? and is it possible that a new & vnaccustomed kind of enemie should issue forth vnexpected against vs? I am determined once againe, to make triall if this nation be so fierce and vntameable: and if the hardie and haughtie courage of their obstinate and proud Prince can be brought vnder the accustomed yoke of their subiection. We must not from henceforth stand vpon points of subtiltie and vaine pollicies; nor must we any more seeke to surprize this enemie by ambushments: neither doth the time now serue (by the diuersitie of the Leaders and Chieftaines and by ordinarie troupes one after another) to fill their hatefull soile with the blood of our souldiers: for we see that one and the same kind of misfortune doth follow both our leaders and our armies: and whereas we made choise of them to do vs seruice, they haue serued to endammage rather our selues thē our enemies. Shall we commit another armie to Haly Bassa, or Ferisey, who besides the wounds and the deformed reliques of their owne forces, haue brought vs not so much as one standard or ensigne of the enemies? Shall we follow the vnfortunate aduise and counselles of Mustapha: and minister paye vnto the Christians, and ease their charge in the maintaining of their forces: while he is caried onely with a desire to extinguish and free the infamie of his bonds and imprisonment? We haue bene so often vanquished, taken prisoners, ransomed: and in briefe so often beaten and discomfited, that we haue reason from henceforth to abhorre, and to be ashamed of our owne estate and condition: we must now therefore take vpon vs the charge of this warre, with our best meanes and the vtter most of our endeuors. It behooueth vs to vndertake it with such forces, to employ so great a puissance, and to march into Epire with so mightie an hoast; that the countrey may be scant able to containe it, nor yet to sustaine the force and violence of our armie. By this meanes without any losse or bloodshed, shall we purge and clense all the countrey: and by a notable discomfiture of our enemies (being either expelled and chased quite away, or vtterliesubdued and vanquished) we shall reestablish those townes in their auncient forme and fashion: which by the disloialtie of this fierce nation, hath bene withheld from vs: or if the peruerse obstinacie and obdurate stubbornesse of this people (as it is likely & vsuall with [Page 132] them) vpon a rash and desperate resolution, and of an inconsiderate desire to defende their Prince, do betake themselues to armes: we will then vtterly destroy these wretched soules (who do euen long for their deserued punishment) and with a singular reuenge (which we haue so long desired) we will recompence them for the old wrongs and iniuries which they haue done vs, both in publique and in priuate. It is your duties (valiant and worthie men) to vndertake this warre, not as you were wont to doe against the Hungarians, or other enemies: but with a farre greater wrath and indignation, as against those which are your slaues and fugitiues, and who (being most mischieuously affected against you) haue now made shewe of their insolent and hatefull mindes, which for a long time lay close concealed and dissembled.’
To this effect tended the clamor and continuall speeches of this Orator, who fullAmurath resulued in person to warre vpon S [...]an lerb [...], maketh preparations to that effect. of rage and choller, did insinuate nothing else into the eares of his people: and they againe very attentiuely did hearken vnto him, approuing this his inuention for the warre of Epyre. And (being vndoubtedly perswaded that it could not but fall out answerable to the honour and dignitie of his greatnesse) all of them with one voice and consent did agree that preparation should be speedily made, with al possible diligence for this iorney: least, failing to make their prouisions in time and season, they might (through delay and negligence) loose the occasion and opportunitie of the spring. For the winter beginning now to waxe more milde, the tops of the mountains couered with snow, began to shew forth and to be discouered. Immediatly therefore, and without anie delay, commissions were directed, and proclamations made throughout all the Prouinces and Nations vnder the Turkish obeisance, and throughout all the Realmes of his allies and confederates, and to such cities and townes by name, as the Sultan thought conuenient [...] that they should furnish him with so many thousand of horse and foote to be readie with all speede, and to repaire vnto him to Andrinople: for as yet had not Greece lost the feate of her noble and famous Emperors at Constantinople, neither had she at that time cause to mourne and lament their dolefull funerals; happening afterwards at such time as they came to be buried and throwen downe vnder the yoke and subiection of the miscreants. The rumor of these preparations and huge prouisions brought with it great feare and terror to the neighbour nations and adioyning townes of the Christians: who being surprized with notable astonishment, were in wonderfull great doubt, where and vppon what place theSecresie of the Turke in concealing his counsels. burthen of this warre, and the extreame puissance of so great forces would powre forth and execute their bloodie effects. For hardly was any man able to coniecture of the secret counsels of Amurath: not his owne inward and most priuate fauorites, except certen of his councellors, in whom (as we haue said) the Ottoman had a speciall trust and assurance: for feare least the enemies, being thereof aduertised, might prouide themselues both of counsell and meanes to repulse the violence of his attemptes. This putteth me in remembrance how in that first expedition of the Turkes against Scutarie, the Barbarians were discouered and seene before our walles in a manner before we hearde any thing of their arriuall. But in truth it is a policie verie ordinary and vsuall with this warlike nation; to giue out a lying and false rumor of some vaine tumult and attempt one way; whilest they do bend their forces, & conuert the wholeThe policie of the Turkes to oppresse the Christians. puissance of their redoubted armes another way: to the intent they may the more easily surprize & oppresse those, who (being least aduised) are caried away with a vaine kind of light beleefe and pernitious credulitie. But the fame and suspition of these preparations caused a generall allarme and tumult on all parts: on the one side the Hungarians mistrusting the infidelitie of their perpetuall aduersarie, began to betake them to their armes which they had found so vnfortunate: and to raise their forces which [Page 133] were sore weakned by so many discomfitures and ouerthrowes. On the other side, the Greekes being in extreame distresse, and hauing their spirits dispersed and deuided, by reason of their priuat domesticall dissentions: yet did they take a good heart and courage vnto them, for the defence and maintenance of the poore and weake reliques of their declining and decaying Empire.
Notwithstanding Amurath could not any way deceiue or ouerreach Scanderbeg, Scanderbeg maketh prouisson of resistance against the Turkes. who by long practise and experience, being well acquainted with the dissimulations of that Monarchy, had all his cunning sleightes and disguisementes at his fingers ends. Neuertheles, some say that he had also intelligence therof from some who were neare the Turke, and his speciall fauorits, by the discouery of certaine secret messengers, who albeit they could not report it in any certainety, yet did the Albanois easily beleeue it. And one principall thing that made him the rather to credit it, was the extraordinary idlenesse and vnaccustomed rest of Ottoman, because euen to that day, he had not sent any new forces, either to reuenge the outrage done to Mustapha, nor for the security & defence of the limits and confines of his own country. Wherfore Castriot hauing laid aside the care of the priuate and ciuill affaires of his estate, and being nothing at all dismaied nor troubled in his mind for all that mighty and perillous tempest of war and vprore by the enemy, with a most ready and aduised resolution, he prouided and accomplished in very good order whatsoeuer any other Chiefetaine (were he neuer so prudent and expert) could haue either foreseen or executed in the like case or accident. For he dispatched messengers out of hand with letters to al the Princes & nations his confederates amongst the Epirots; to the intent that both themselues might be ready in armes, & that they might arme others likewise, disposing them in fit & conuenient places for the assurance of their townes and strong holdes: both by good and strong garrisons and fortifications, and by the prouision of victuals and munitions in good store and abundance more thē ordinary. Because the hugenes of so great a multitude, and so infinite numbers, did threaten all of them with like ruine and destruction, and with desolation alike common vnto all of them: for that Ottoman seemed to imagine not his confusion and ouerthrow alone, but the total subuersion of the whole country of Epire. Himselfe (not sleeping nor being idle) after he had dispatched Moses & many others of his chiefest nobles, both to make a leauy and muster of men, and to prouide corne sufficient for the necessity of the time present, went from place to place, & in proper person, to visite and ouersee all things, and sending forth daily new and often commandements, taking not any rest neither day nor night, till he had bereft the enemy of al fit matter & occasion, either of getting honor, or bringing dammage vpō him. And the better to compasse it, he caused the greater part of the husbandmen, and the common sort of the people, who were vnfit for the field, (together with their families & all that they had) to retire themselues into the walled townes. But all those which were men of any strength or ability, & were of age fit to beare armes, he retained to imploy them in diuerse seruices of the wars. Neither did he forget the garrison of Macedony: but they, and many other great troupes (assembled from all partes) and day by day repairing to Croy, when they came to be incorporated & ioyned in one, made a faire and goodly army. It remained now that he should part his companies, and appoint themScanderbeg ordereth his forces against the inuasion of the Turkes. to their seuerall charges. First therfore he reserued for his own regiment 10000. men, of those whose seruice he had lately vsed in the warre of Venice, and at Chronichea, for with them he was assured, he might make head against the Barbarians, according as the oportunity of the place should minister meanes vnto him. To the old garrison of Croy (besides the number of citizens) he added 1300. souldiers, all Epirots and men of approued valour, which made the Croians also to furnish themselues with all sorts of [Page 134] armour and munitions, seruing for the defence of their walles and the repulse of the enemy, but especially it encreased their courages, and the greatnesse of their stomackes, which were faithfully deuoted to the preseruation of their liberty. The same time therfore that the garrison was brought into the towne, was the feeble sexe of womenScanderbeg remoueth old persons, women & children out of the citie. and children drawen forth without the wals, and none suffred to stay within, but the youth of the towne only, and such as were fit for the wars. And yet were not they interrupted nor confounded with the basest of the popular sort, in whose harts and courages, commonly the liuely sparks of honor and of liberty, did not enter and penetrate soone or easily. Thus did Scanderbeg with good & graue aduise and deliberation prouide for the importance of his affaires, because that city was the chiefest place, and (as it were) the key of all his Realme, and the surest fortresse to stay the courses & attempts of the Turks: and vpon which depended the whole strength, the hope and the preseruation of the residue of the state of Albany. But here might it be doubted, whether itQuestion. If better that women and children should be excluded or retayned in a towne besieged? were better done, thus to take away the wiues and children from the sight of the citizens, or to haue suffered them to continue there still, considering that their presence and countenances full of griefe, the sight of their teares, and the hearing of their lamentations, the misery and feare of their seruitude, and the infamy of bonds and imprisonment threatned vnto thē, are of far greater moment and of more force, beyond al comparison to animate & to encorage men, then the bare remembrance of them away and absent. But it may be notwithstanding, that old and expert warriours, did hold it more expedient, and a matter of more certainty and assurance that they should be absent. For albeit in the eie of the regardants, this encoragement be in truth proper & conuenient in the middest of their trauels and perils, to make them hazard their liues liberally and without feare: so is it of no small force and efficacy to make the enemy more hard and obstinate, by reason that the vnmeasurable desire of the prey (which they hope for) doth driue and cary on the souldier with a more setled resolution, and doth enflame much more ardently the corages of the Barbarians to giue the charge & to pursue it: making them to aduenture more fiercely, euen in despite of woundes, and to expose themselues more furiously to the violence of the sword: whereas (on the contrary) they goe on more coldly and temperatly, when they see nothing within the place, but the force and strength of men stout and resolute, when they shall see vpon the walles, none but such as haue their hands thirsting greedily after bloud, and whose bodies are euen vowed and destinate to die without all care or regard of life.
It was a pitifull spectacle to behold this mournfull multitude of the Croians, when they were to depart the towne, and to forsake their owne houses & habitations, euery where was to be heard nothing but complaints and lamentations of women. There was no house, street, nor corner of the towne exempted or free from griefe & sorrow: the market place did resound with diuersity of cries, some rebuking & some blaming their friends for their grieuing at their departure, others inuiting and procuring them to teares and exclamations. But the most notable marke and shew of the publique misfortune and dolefull affliction was to be seene at the temples and in the Churches, for there was a most maruellous concourse of people of all sorts and conditions. Infinite were the vowes and deuout praiers and supplications, intermingled with aboundanceA notable description of the lamentation of the Croians vppon their departure out of the city. of tears & lamentations, which were poured forth before the Altars. And that which made the sight of this miserable calamity to be the more hideous and terrible, was a custome which this nation had in doing outrage to themselues, by tearing their faces and beating their breasts most pitifully. The like passion and vehemency of griefe did appeare in the graue women & ancient matrones, who (besides the deforming of their vilages) thought it a most pleasant thing to imitate the sorowfulnes of the others. Nothing [Page 135] was held shamefull, nothing was accompted too much or excessiue in this accident: but shee was reputed to haue deserued most praise and commendation, whose discomfort was deemed to be most euident and apparant. There wanted not some also, who (according to the vse and nature of mortall men, though not without singular impiety and wickednes) did exclaime vpon the diuine power, attributing to God the cause of their griefe and misfortune. At the length when their sorrow (somewhat eased with their teares) began in part to be mitigated and appeased: the mothers (addressing their speaches to their sons) with oft repetitions would command them many things, euer and among embracing them and kissing them. Sometimes they would put them in remembrance of the good offices and kind entreaty with which they had vsed them in their infancy, and of the mutuall loue and affection which they had deserued in recompence of their kindnesse: and sometimes would they shew their aged lockes, and their Venerable white haires. All of them were in one case and vsed like speaches: the wiues shewing their sucking babes vnto their husbands, did deplore & bewaile that from thenceforth they should remaine in their dwellings in case of orphanes, and in pittifull estate of widdowhood. The aged fathers (as men confounded) and altogether silent for very griefe, and being in a wonderfull great care & perplexity for the life of their sons, durst not by speaking vnto them, neither animate nor pricke forward their valiant hearts, who were of themselues sufficiently fierce & couragious. Neither durst they disswade them from the trauels and dangers of armes, nor frō their deuoire & perseuerance in their seuerall charges & duties, for doubt least they should be thought to prefer their affection to their children, before the loue and duty which they did owe vnto their country. But a general commandement being come from the Prince, that the town should be discharged of this burdensome company: & that they which were in armes, should repair euery man to his charge, (telling them that in heaping vp of vaine plaints, and by their priuate consultations, they did but spend & trifle away the time:) hereupon began the sorrow to be renued, their cries and their teares began a fresh, neither more nor lesse, then as if they had already seene the enemy to ransacke and spoile al things, to draw and drag away their husbands, their fathers, and their mothers into cruell bondage: to raze and breake downe their wals, and to violate, pollute, and prophane their Churches, and all holy and sacred mysteries. Hardly could the multitude be drawen from that which they had once embraced, and euery one would haue remained as the companion of his friends danger, and the partner of his fortune: notwithstanding, seeing that the criers and other officers of the Prince, did now presse and importune them to depart, (then taking their leaue with their last kisses and embracements) all of them at length, each after other, with sighes and groanes, left the sight of that which they held most deare: and still casting backe their eies towards the city wals, they set forward on their way without any care or regard, where they set their foote, or which way they went. It is sayd that they were transported into the townes of Epire, that lay vpon the sea side, and in other places and cities vnder the obeysance of the Venetians, and other their confederats: where likewise an innumerable multitude of husbandmen and laborers were retired, with their cattell, beasts, and moueables, to the intent the enemy should finde nothing to prey vppon, whereby he might be relieued or holpen.
After that the multitude was sent away, and that this trouble and tumult withinScanderbeg prouideth victuals, armour and munition for the war [...]. the towne was ceased, Scanderbeg spent the rest of the day in dealing with the victuallers and marchants of corne, and other munitions, in appointing publique garners for graine, and distributing vnto euery souldier by the poll, victualles to serue him for a whole yeare. Besides, he gaue away a great quantity of weapons, and an infinit number [Page 136] of targets, to the intent by this his bounty and largesse, hee might preuent and assure the faith and deuotion of his souldiers: telling them (as he deliuered the same) that ‘he gaue them with intent that they should keepe them continually to themselues: or (which he held more commendable) that they should employ them against their enemies. Thus did he ordaine & take order for all things, and by sundry gifts and presents did he binde and allure vnto himselfe the good will and affection of euery one.’ TheVranocontes gouernour of Croy. day following sending for Vranocontes an Epirot by birth, and by him lately appointed gouernor of Croy (a man whom he highly loued and fauored, both for the merit of his ancesters, and for the proofe & testimony of his owne vertue) with him he debated concerning many things: and a long time enquiring and demanding of him, what he thought of the siege of Croy, and of the wiles and cunning sleights of the Turks. Their conference being ended, he came forth into the market place, and there in the midst of his armed forces, with a high and loud voice (appealing to the faith & loialty of them all in generall, and enioyning them to be haue themselues wel and manfully) he ‘recommendedEncoragemēt of Scanderbeg to the Croians, who instructeth them how to demeane thē selues against, the Turkes. vnto them the protection and safety of the city, & assuring each of them both of reward and recompence, in case they were faithfull and loyall, and of condigne punishment if he found them trecherous and disloyal. He admonished them chearfully to be haue themselues in discharge of their duties, and the defence of the towne: and that with a setled and obstinate resolution, they should repell the enemy from approching neare them: and not to suffer themselues in any case to haue any conference or communicatiō with the aduersary, nor to listen, or to haue their ears open to any perswasions they should vse. That the Ottoman by such deuises would lie in wait, & vnder colour of a mortall and pernicious peace, would deceiue them by such illusions and perswasions, if they did not looke well to themselues, or if he found thē any thing willing to leane vnto him, or credulous to beleeue him. Contrariwise if he found them coragiously affected, and their ears deafe and stopped vp against his vaine flatteries and allurements: his first assaies being frustrat and disappointed, his misfortune would make him in time to trusse vp baggage, and depart confounded and vtterly ashamed; except it did so fal out, that (as one desperat and voide of hope) he were caried away with a furious desire to see the end and ruine of his own people: and by a rash & vnaduised hope (to satisfie the mallice of his wrathful courage) he would cast himselfe headlong into the manifest and euident danger of destruction. That their towne was so notably defensible, and so exceedingly strong by the naturall site thereof, that the very place alone (though the citizens should in a manner sit still with their hands bound behind them) would easily contemne & set at naught al the violence that could be attempted againstThe strong [...] si [...]tuation of the city of Croy. it. Then what can I say more (quoth he) to admonish you? or wherefore should I sollicite or animate those any longer, whose valour and fidelity being so often tried and approued, is well knowen almost throughout the whole world? in such sort, that were it, you had neuer giuen me any proofe & triall, nor left me any testimony of your constancy, yet neuerthelesse I should thinke it greater reason, that my citizens should deceiue me, then that I should any way distrust their fidelity.’
Scanderbeg hauing finished these exhortations to those of Croy, he tooke his leaue ofScanderbeg issued from Croy to the Campe. all the company, & issued presently out of the city. At his departure, infinit people, and in a maner the whole city did conduct and attend him, till he was passed without the Port: the which being shut vp with all speed and diligence, he came to the rest of hisMoses ioyneth with Scanderbeg with his Regiment. forces which lay encamped in a faire plaine, in the open view and sight of the towne. And immediatly after he had scoured the fieldes, he sounded to horse, and caused his campe to march, the which had not gone far, but he met with Moses, who came vnto him accompanied with a goodly regiment of his owne and very well appointed. He [Page 137] was newly returned from Sfetigrade, the which being seated vpon the Turkish frontiers,Sfetigrade fortified by Moses was cause of great doubt and care to Scanderbeg: but the Dibrian had taken order for the fortification and defence therof, and had assured it with all things requisit, both with men, munition, victuals, and certaine bulwarks according as he thought needful and conuenient. And he had remoued out of that place also all those, the weaknes and imbecillity of whose age or sexe, might work any impeachment or hinderance to thePeter Perlat gou [...]rn [...]ur of Sfetigrade. safety of the towne. The gouernment of the place he cōmitted to Peter Perlat, a graue and wise captaine, and one that was well experienced in armes and martiall affaires. But that which at the beginning was held to be most for the suerty of the towne, and seemed to be ordered with best aduise and discretion, did discouer it selfe in the end by the euent and issue, to be the losse and destruction of that garrison: for that it consisted almost wholly of Dibrians: of which our Moses had expresly made choise out of all the forces of Albany, as of the chiefest and best souldiers among all the peoples of Epire. Scanderbeg did like so well of his deuise, that he commended him greatly, & then hauing so well fortified, and so abundantly furnished this place, he deliuered vnto him certain other companies (which he had there in a readines, and were prouided for the stuffing and filling of all the fortresses within the prouince) sending both him and diuers others of his Princes and chiefe captaines, to see all places prouided for, with such forces, as should be thought needfull & necessary. So that there was not almost any, but had his particular charge and imployment; to the intent each one doing his deuoire with all diligence, there might not ensue any danger by delay or negligence. He himselfe with a small company of horse, galloped to the gates of Sfetigrade: for he was in greater care and torment for that city onely, then any man can expresse or would imagine, as if by some secret inspiration, he had forseene the misfortune that was to come vpon it. Wherefore the better to strengthen the courages of them of that garrison, and to make them acquainted, and to arme them against the traines and cunning practises of Amurath, (which he feared and doubted as much or more then his open forces;) he entred into the midst of the towne, where the souldiers were thickest and in greatest numbers, and there in the presence of many of the chiefest and most notable men of marke, (who stood round about him) he vsed these or the like speeches vnto them.
If you would haue wished (you men and citizens of Sfetigrade) for a fit occasion to‘The oration of Castriot vnto the citizens of Sfetigrade. eternize your faith and fidelity, and by some memorable & singular example to make shew of your loialty, and to preserue the remembrance therof euerlasting & perpetual: God (infinitly good and omnipotent) could not haue presented you at this time with a better nor fitter subiect & oportunity then this, that hath now called you to arms, and which hath caused you to take your weapons into your hands. In the former wars we fought for victory, for glory, for the reputation of our realme and country: but now we are to fight for the pulique safety of the common liberty, & for the wals and preseruation of this your city and country: in defence whereof, it behoueth you to striue with your vttermost forces and endeuors, least the infinit praises and commendations, and that excellent honour and glory, which you haue happily deserued and purchased by armes vnder my conduct, be now stained and blemished with great shame and ignomy. The better and greater part of our good fortune consisteth in your vertue, because the first attempt of Amurath presently vpon his entry into Epire, & the first fury of the Barbarians (my self will be the man who shall first acquaint you with this danger) will be addressed against you and your city: to the intent, that the surest fence & bulwarke of the prouince being beaten downe and razed, he may the more freely lead on his forces into the heart of the countrey, which by this meanes will be the more exposed to the violence of his fury. The first fruites therefore of this war, doth stay and attend for [Page 138] you. Wherefore if there be any valour remaining in your hearts, and if the mindes of men so braue and valiant be any thing carefull or mindfull of liberty, you may easilie tame and abate the proud attempts of the enemy, and you may soone ruinat, and vanquish these arrogant and haughty stomacks. According to your cariage and behauiour wil the Ottoman begin to conceiue either feare and discomfort, or hope and good heart. If he find you so stout and full of courage, as I do now see you to be furious and resolute, he will be in doubt least he be encountred in all other places, with a greater violence and much more forceable and dangerous. So shall you teach him to forbeare and abstaine from the other cities of Epire, & to reserue himself to more easie exploits: making him vnwilling to presse you with any long siege: or else (if his age make him so wilfull & so vnaduisedly obstinat, as to seeke to force you) his troupes (I doubt not)The strength of Sfetigrade shall waxe gray headed ere they depart. For such is the naturall situation of this place, that it need not feare nor make accompt of any aduersary how fierce & furious soeuer. Resolue your selues therefore (my good citizens:) and by the firmnes of your determinations, and the constancy of your faith, doe you purchase vnto your selues and your country this immortall victory. Vpon the successe of your vertue and prowesse, (I do repeat it willingly) doth depend the faith and constancy of the rest of the people of Albany. All men haue their eyes fixt vppon you, either to commend you or condemne you, or to follow and imitate your vertue. What need I vse any further speaches? that which is wanting, I had rather you (most worthy Dibrians) should meditate with your selues, then that in aduertising you with ouer much care and curiositie, I might seeme by many wordes to haue conceiued some secrete doubt and mistrust of your faith and loialty.’
The same time that Castriot with his forces here and there assembled from all partsAmurath leauieth a mighty army against Scanderbeg. of Epire, was making towards Croy, to take order for the safety and assurance of that city: the Turkish army which had bene leauied in Asia, was transported into Europe, and by long iorneis was arriued at Andrinople, their numbers not exceeding 40000. For whensoeuer the Sultan had any war in Europe, the most part of his forces were vsually leauied in those quarters neare the same place: both for that the souldiers of those parts are better acquainted & accustomed with the maners of the Christians in their wars, and also for that their preparations may be there made more commodiously, & with greater celerity, as being at home and in his owne countrey.
Whilest the Ottoman forces did on all parts daily take head together, and that Amurath Amurath consulteth with his Bassaes for the māer of the proceedings of the wars against Scanderbeg. had almost ended his great preparations, and had assembled a great and mighty puissance, hee called a counsell of his Bassaes and moste expert Chiefetains, in the which they propounded and debated vpon diuerse meanes and manners for the commencement and beginning of the war. Some held opinion that without any temporizing ‘or further daliance, it were necessary to send before into Epire a running campe of horsemen (whom they call Alcanzi or Achimzi,) and whom we may wel resemble toAlcanzi, aduenturers without pay. our aduenturers, (a most cruell and brutishe kinde of people, and giuen extreamelie to robbing and stealing.) And that these, as an outragious tempest comming vpon them sodainely, and surprizing them at vnawares, with notable violence should destroy, confound, and turne all vp side downe: and that the enemy (not carrying themselues very wary and circumspect) but vnder colour of fained fight, being deluded and deceiued by these troupes, should be drawen forth to the fight, in such sort, that his maiesty following neare at hand (in proper person) with the grosse of his whole army, might the more easily and entirely oppresse and vanquishe them. Others were ofa contrary aduise, perswading him in any case to forbeare by such meanes to prouoke, and incite the enemy: for feare either of giuing occasion to the Christians to prouide [Page 139] themselues of things necessary for so long and tedious a warre, or least they themselues might runne headlong first of all into their traines and counterwayes: that the late slaughters sustained by others had sufficiently taught them. Besides that they had intelligence (which was now euery where and commonly reported) that the whole prouince of Albanie, being throughly prouided and prepared, was already in armes, their townes strongly fortified, and their fortresses garnished with souldiours for their defence, and with other preparatiues in good quantitie: and that all places both passages and streightes were purposely possessed and full of souldiours: that Scanderbeg with the residue of his troupes did dayly ride vppe and downe visiting the prouince, and searching and viewing the thickettes and secret corners of the woodds and forrestes, to the intent he might once againe conueniently and according to his minde lodge in them his happy and fortunate ambushments: that it was a most pernitious thing to imagine to preuaile against so cautelous and warie an enemy by warring in that manner: that they ought rather to take an other course of better assuraunce, and which the issue and euent might not yet once againe reproue and condemne, as it had done in times past. For what should let (sayd they) but that all of them might miscarie vnder the sword of the Albanois before that the same succours ofa campe so heauily charged should be able to retaine them. Wherefore to preuent the Christians that they should not by the bloud and slaughter of their people, presate vnto them selues any good fortune in this warre, they held it better to march on with their whole armie all at once, to the intent they might at length deliuer the Empire of Ottoman, from the labour and burthen of this troublesome warre. Neither of these opinions was allowed,’ but a third (indifferent betweene both) caried a way the matter, as being more fitte and commodious for the qualitie of that time, and for the honour and reputation of such an enterprise. It was concluded therefore that the third part or little lesse of the whole army, should aduaunce foreward before the residue, supposing that that number would suffice, not onely to repell, and keepe the enemy from going forward (but if neede were) to set vppon them: and that by their sodaine comming, they should be able both to disturbe the course of the enemies affaires and purpose, and consequently to prepare a free passage for the army royall of his Maiesty.
According to this conclusion, there were immediatly chosen & sent away 40000.Amurath sendeth part of his army before to besiege Sfetygrade. light horsemen, whose ordinary armes were sword & target, & lance, a plate of maile and a mace of iron. Their commission was to march on directly, the next and shortest way towards Sfetigrade, and there to begin the siege of that place, according as they amongst them selues should aduise and deliberate. Amurath after his counsell was ended, commaunded the residue of his army to be mustered, and to be raunged in order of battell. Infinite almost was the number of the leaders and commanders, forThe order and diuision of the Turke his armie. Flambur. Saniacke a Colonell of horsemen. Timariot a horseman. Subassides a leader of horsemen. ordinarily their trouppes are deuided into diuers Regimentes, or charges, which they call Flamburats or Saniacks, and are gouernments of prouinces, vnder whom doe march the Timariots, which properlie are those which haue a yearely fee or stipend allowed them. And euery Flambur hath vnder him also many Subassides or chiefes of companies, who are of a higher regard and accompt, and haue a larger stipend then the Timariots: and according to their qualities are allowed either a greater or lesse number of horsemen vnder their charge. The foote bands likewise both of Asia and Europe haue their order certaine, and are distributed into seuerall companies vnder their Captaines. In like manner the auxiliary forces, or extraordinarie succours (which in time of warre are commonlie decreed, and sent to the Grand Seignior) were not of any meane or small number. Besides there were a great multitude of [Page 140] voluntarie men (as in all expeditions cōmonly there is no want of such.) After all these followed about three thousand men, all of them banqueroute and indebted, or for some misdeede and forfeiture rased and cassierd out of the Prince his pay, with a great number also of other youthfull and lustie gallants all which liue in hope and expectation, and doe seeke by some notable and valiant acte, either to abolish their former disgrace and ignominy, & to be restored to their former estate & degree: or else to deserue of their King and Emperour some new reward, or some militarie pay and stipend. The tent or pauillion of the soueraigne is continually garded by more then 7000. armed men, where of some were on horsebacke and are named Spachi, Sulastari Spachi. Sulastari. Vlufagi. Ianissari. and Vlufagi. The others (who are called Ianissaries & may be properly accounted of the Sultan his familie) are all footemē & like to the Macedonian phalange, or squadrō of pikemen amongst the ancient Macedonians. These were newly instituted & raysed by Amurath, a most warrelike and martiall kinde of men picked and chosen of purpose: and them he commonly reserued for the last refuge in fight, and for the securitie and defence of his person: & by the valure of these, both he and his successors haue obtained so many great & mighty conquests, & subdued all the leuant. Besides all these, for the greater shew & ostētation of his forces, there marched with them a most wonderfull & maruellous multitude ofslaues & base persons vnarmed: whom he had brought together & ioyned to his army, to terrifie rather then to imploy them against the enemy: and to the intent also that these being offered to the sword & butchered (as a flock of sheepe appointed to the slaughter) might so wearie and weaken the enemy by ouerlabouringA Turkish stratagem [...]. them selues in killing of them, as they might haue the better hand, & more easily preuaile against them: which is one of the greatest and most notable stratagems that the Turkes doe account of amongest the whole number of their martiall pollicies. Two principall chiefs had the conducting of this army whō they call Beillerbiez Beillerbey. as a man should say Lords of Lords (one of them being the chiefe commander of Asia, the other in Europe.) It would be tedious to the reader, if I should vndertake to recoūt and enroll euery particular by name: it shall suffice therefore for this matter, briefly in this place to haue set downe some certaintie concerning the summe and whole number of this army, wherein also (aswell as in other points) there is som variance & contradiction which may in some sort diminish the credit & truth of the thing in the opinion of such men as do approue nothing, but that which is sure and certaine. For someThe number of the Turkes forces. there be who affirme, that the great Turke had in his campe 150000. fighting men: namely 90000. horsemē & 60000. footemē. Others say, he had but 120000. in al, deducting from the horse 20000. & frō the foote 10000. For my part I hold it not much material, whether of these 2. opiniōs we cleaue vnto, & yet in my iudgement the greater number seemeth more likely, if we will make it answerable to the wonderfull preparations which were so long time forethought on, & in prouiding: and yet true it is, that this army was not so exactly ordered, nor the discipline therof so streightly regarded, as it was vsually when the Turkish monarch marched into the field, & purposed to fight a battell: where cōmonly the true value & vertue doth liuely shew it selfe. For all the endeuors & all the preparations did tend & were ordeined for the besieging of townes, & the battering of wals, rather thē for any seruices in the plaine & open fields.
After that Scanderbeg had confirmed the courages of the Sfetygradians, and assuredScāderbeg visiteth and encourageth all parts within his prouince. the estate of their affaires, so far as he thought it expedient: he remoued from thence to other places of his dominion: and visiting all the prouince with singular vigilancie and quicknesse of spirit, he did pricke forward & enflame the faithfull harts of his subiects, sometimes by commending them, somtimes by presents and gifts, and somtimes by the shewes and representation of the horror and hugenes of the danger imminent. [Page 141] Moses in the meane time had fortified all places with strong garrisons, with prouisiōs of corne, armor, & other munitiōs sufficiēt, to abide any fortune & extremitie of war. Wherfore the care of all these matters being now laid aside: Scanderbeg with all speed went to his armie not farre from Croy, where they were commanded to attend his returne. The Dibrian with his companie did ouertake him on the way, and then ioyning their forces together in one, with great ioye and comfort they resorted to the Campe. Scarce had they any leasure to speake vnto the souldiours, or to the Captaines, but that there came sodaine and straunge newes: and messengers from all parts arriuing one after an other, bringing these fearefull and sorowfull tydings: That the enemy was come already, that the countrey was on all sides of a light fire, andThe Turkes inuade Epire. that all things were in a miserable estate and confusion. They certified him (as feare maketh men credulous) and yet were they vncertaine of it, that Amurath him selfe was there in person, and had already filled and couered with armes, men, and horses, both the mountaines and vallyes, and the champion and plaine countreys: and they instantly prayed their Prince, to prouide for the suretie of his troupes, and of his person especially: and not of a pernitious and ouer much hardinesse to attend in plaine field at the first comming, the furious violence of so puissant an enemy: that he would retire his souldiers into some place of a notable height & inaccessible, from whence he might behold the vsage of the enemy, and so to deuise and resolue vpon some sure course, which should be most for his profit and commoditie.
These speeches did not much moue Scanderbeg, neither could these perswasionsScanderbeg with 5000. mē against the enemie. make him dislodge from that place, whereof he had once made choise to encampe in: neuerthelesse when he perceiued and vnderstood that his scoutes did on all sides returne vnto him with more then posting speede: and their reportes did agree all in one, saue that they differed in the number and quantitie of the enemies forces, of which they coniectured diuersly, (for the Turkes were not yet seene nor discouered altogether: neither were they descended all of them into the plains: neither were their Batallions so vnited and ordred, that a true and certaine estimat could be made of their iust numbers:) Castriot thereupon choosing out of his whole army, 4000. horse, and 1000. foote, whom he commaunded to follow him and dislodging as secretly as he could, from thence drew directly towardes Sfetigrade, where he knew that the enemies were to encampe themselues. It was in the dawning of the morning in the twilight, that the souldiers had the signe giuen them to set forward. The day following notwithstanding, when it was scarce the third houre of the night, they came to encampe within seauen miles of Sfetigrade, betweene which towne and Croy, were litle lesse then 60. miles. There Scanderbeg hauing chosen a place sure and commodious for his company, caused it to be entrenched round about, making it by that meanes more strong and defensible. Afterwards hauing distributed both horse and foote into the seuerall quarters of the campe, he commaunded to set the watch and to place the courts of guard, and then secretely to search out what places were fit to serue for ambuscadoes: meane while he forbad all of them in generall to make any fires within the trenches. All things being thus disposed and set in order, and euery man being commanded to vse silence: he (taking with him Moses & Tanuese de Thopy) went to surueyScanderbeg goeth to suruey the campe and countenance of the enemie. and consider vpon the forme and situation of the campe and countenaunce of the enemy: and with great secresie, sometimes through the thickets of the forrestes, sometimes by the secrete passages of the vallies, he gained the toppe of a certaine mountaine directly opposite against Sfetigrade, from the height whereof, hauing diligently noted and surueyed all things by faire day light, he tooke his way very quickely backe againe into his owne Campe. The execution hereof was not without maruellous [Page 142] contrariety of opinions, for seeing the barbarians were encāped vnder the wals of the Towne, and were possessed both of the mountaines adioyning and of the fieldes vnderneath them: the chiefe leaders did not see any great likelihood or appearanceScanderbeg cos [...]lteth vpō the manner of assayling the enemie. (without some notable losse of their men) how to execute any thing with good successe, because the daunger was manifest and imminent, that so small a number charged with so great a puissance sometimes in the plaine, and sometimes in the descent of the mountaines, should easily be broken & ouerthrowen. They doubted also (which was a cause necessarily constraining them for that time to abstaine from all reason of fight) least the residue of the royall troupes, comming vpon them sodainly and vnprouided, they should be all entangled, enclosed and shut vppe in the middest of them: and for the same reason they held it as perillous to call the garrison forth to helpe them. It was held therefore more expedient and a course of more certaintie and safetie to separate & deuide (if it were possible) by their ordinarie sleightes the power & forces of the aduersarie: and being once sundred & deuided to draw them into places of greatest disaduantage. Nothing was done notwithstāding for that day, because the night (comming vpon them) did prcuēt their determination: only there were sent forth certain scoutes on all sides both far & neare, to discouer the approch of Amurath, and that the enemy should lay no ambushmēts to entrap thē. The moitie of that night was allowed thē to take their rest, the residue was imployed in diuers actiōs & affaires, for that the Prince of Albanie (changing his first lodging) went to encampe somwhat nearer the town, so that he was not now aboue 5. myles from the enemy: supposing & hoping that (being once entised forth to fight) the nearer he was to them the more easily they might be ouerthrowen. Wherefore after that euery man had sufficiently rested himselfe & taken some repast: & all of them being ready at hand with store of such things as were needfull & requisite, first those places which were fit for ambushments, he filled with able and lusty men: and the thickets and bushes he enuironed on all sides with store of souldiours, of which number such as serued on foote, were placed in the wings and steepe of the mountaines not easie to be approched, or in the thicke of the woods and bushes: himselfe taking his place among the horsemen, kept at the foote & bottome of the mountaines all along the plaine, and in the crookes and turnings of the vallies.
This done, he called vnto him Moses & Musache de Angelina (a gentleman of special marke, & one of the chiefest among the horsemen) whō hauing exhorted with many good and friendly speeches, he sent accompanied with 30. others (all young men bothA notable stratageme of S [...]ā derbeg practized against the Turkes. hardy and couragious) willing them to allure forth the enemy out of their trenches, and to draw them within the daunger of his traines and ambuscadoes. You must not thinke that Scanderbeg did forget to make choise of his companie out of the most worthy & sufficient of all his bands both the men & their horses: besides they were disguised in the apparell & furniture of simple souldiers, least that their militarie habit (being any thing rich and sumptuous) should discouer their attempt, which he had an especiall desire to keepe secret. There was scant any of the souldiers but had an other horse loden with corne, to driue before him, to the intent they should be taken for forragers indeede, who returned from gathering it abroad. And that nothing might be wanting for the aduantage of this martiall pollicie & to beguile the enemy, they were enioyned to bend towards the town by such waies as were least vsed & frequented, & on that side where the mountaine was free, and not garded by the enemy: & that they should make shew as though they ment that way to enter into Sfetigrade. These leaders (being very expert & of a quicke & excellent conceipt) did not omit any thing of that which was commanded them: and the souldiers also with singular obedience & resolution did follow thē most chearefully, not doubting any dāger that might befall them: [Page 143] Vpon the dawning of the day, and by that time that the starres began to grow outMoses and others sent to draw the Turkes sorth to fight. of sight by the breake of the morning, they were now come within little more then a myle of the tentes of the enemy: at such time as the Turkes sentinels hauing discouered them from aloft, began first by signes shewed in the aire, & then by their often cries & clamors to bewray them. They nothing troubled not abashed with their noise, did only hasten their pace somwhat faster: (for as yet, neither needed they to feare any danger from the enemy, neither would their flight haue bene to any purpose.) At the lēgth one of the Turkish squadrōs being wakened by the sentinels, & yet (by reason of their sleepe being in some doubt) taking their weapons in their hand, they aduanced them selues forward & began to rush vpon thē, supposing them to be shepheards, or peasants loden with corn. The Albanois disdayning the smal number that came to assault thē, prepared themselues with more courage then reason, to receiue them: notwithstanding vpon their first approch, reculing a little backe, they turned their backes, faining them selues to be afrayde. The Barbarians coniecturing their feare by their flight, pursued after them with great speede and charged them behinde in most rude & furious manner. Then they all at once stopping their horses, turned about, and making head against them (with their swordes drawen,) they went on and drew neare to encounter them (as being enforced by necessitie either to incurt the last extremitie of danger;) or else by opposing their bodies and turning their faces to make resistance and to repulse the violence with which they were so egerly pursued: for that whilest they held on this their dissembled flight, they were in manifest daunger, their enemies horses euen breathing close at their backes: yet were not the Turkes any whit abashed for all this, but couering them selues with their large targettes, and measuring the enemy by their habite onely, they approched them, and were the first that gaue the onsetA shirmish betweene certain Turkes and Epirots. against them. One of them borne in Asia, being of a mighty stature and wonderfull strong made, marched before his fellowes with a heauy mace of iron, the which after he had oftentimes whirled about with his right hand to giue it the more force, with a mighty cry and clamor, and with an incredible violence, he threw it ouerthwart the whole troupe of the Albanois: the which (being close knit and ioyned together) albeit they sustained no harme thereby, yet could they not auoyd the force of the blow cō ming against them so violently and rudely. For being caried with a maruellous force into the middest of the troupe, a yong Dibrian tooke and bare the blow vpon his target: and therewithall the others following their fellow, the fight was begun ech assailing other with his Courtelax. The number of the combattants being almost equal & their armes not much vnlike, it was a very goodly and pleasant sight, and it gaue good grace vnto the combat. For the Turkes were no better armed then the Christians, by reason they made such hast out of their trenches, and did in a maner contemne their eenemies. The weapons wherewith they were armed, was but a cimitary and a shield. In one point only the Infidels had the disaduantage, and that was, that the very choise and best men at armes, and the floure of the youth of Albany was there in place, where as their company on the contrary were intermingled with people of no reckoning & men of valure both together: for that according as the skoutes had raised them confusedly and in tumult, so did they issue forth both one & other to the fight. This was the occasion that euen in the very first fury of the encounter, their fortune did appeare to be far inferior. For the Asian (in whom consisted the strength of the rest) being slaine by the hand of Moses, the others were suprized with an incredible feare, dispairing not only of the victory, but also of their life & safety, if they had not speedily some succors from the campe. Wherefore by litle & litle retiring themselues, in the end they beganThe Turks put to flight. to shew their backs: and (with change of fortune) by a most shamefull flight, forsooke [Page 144] the field in the which but a little before, they had so hotly and fiercely pursued others. Albanois gaue them libertie to flye where they would, without giuing them any ill wordes, or in shewe of their victorie making any cry after the vanquished, but gathering themselues soberly neare vnto their captaines, without any regard had, either of the bodies or of the spoiles of those which were slaine, they returned to their beasts of cariage: & (as men that desired, but to saue themselues) they made hast to driue them the way from whence they came. Their audacitie and courage was greatly augmented through fortunat successe of this encounter, yet did they defer all their ioy, till such time as they had accomplished a happy cōclusion of the enterprise which they had vndertaken. It chanced that one of their company well knowen amongst his fellowes, through his manifold good desertes in the wars, found himselfe to be greeuously wounded: in somuch that his continuall complaints, and the impatiencie of his paine proceeding of his wound, did greatly trouble the contentment of all the rest, and did not a little discomfort his companions: for one of the Turkes with his sword had thrust him through the left shoulder so as he had not sufficient strength, either to carie his armes, or to guide his owne horse. Moses tooke great compassion of his griefe, and dismounting from horsebacke, he tooke him downe with his owne handes, and set him vppe behinde one of the souldiours, to whose charge hee committed him, willing him to haue a care that he did not fall from behinde him, because if he galloped his horse, his handes were not able to sustaine him: and that he should make hast with all speede possible to carie him to the Campe, to the intent before any other allarme or tumult were raysed by the enemie, he might be gotten within the tentes amongest his companions: as for the rest of his fellowes, they were all sound, and not one of them besides him, returned hurt from the medly: Of the Circumsized there were fiue slaine and eight wounded, few to count of, but yet many in regard of their small number.
By that time that the horse (whereon the two souldiours were mounted) had cariedThe Turkes campe in a tumult vpon the discomfiting of their fellowes. them quite out of sight, there was heard a maruellous cry and noyse in the Campe of Amurath: for those which had bene wounded, at their returne filled all with their plaints and exclamations, and shewing their deformed and vnmeasurable woundes, they set all the hoast of the enemy in a tumult and a rage: especially such as were of any affinitie to those that were slaine. Wherefore (not respecting any cōmand made to the contrarie) they disbanded them selues on all sides from their ensignes without any chiefe, without order and all discretion, according as their anger and desire of reuenge enflamed them: but proclamation being made ouer the whole armie, by the commandement of their commander, that no man should stirre or bouge, euery man retired: then they arranged them selues in order of battell before his tents, there attending his pleasure. Their Generall did greatly doubt the accustomed sleights and traines of the Christians: suspecting that vnder pretence of forraging, some notable deceipt and guilefull pollicie might be lurking: and the rather, for that the strange largenesse of the woundes of his souldiours, did plainely argue that it was not the arme of any base or rascall persons, nor the swordes of countrey clownes that could giue such strokes and cruell blowes. He determined therfore to take out of his whole armie foure thousand horse, such as were most fierce and venturous: to the intent the fewnesse & small nūber of his people might not stil cause them to returne with shame and disgrace: them he enioyned both to scatter those forragers, and to put them from their horses: and then with diligent search to raunge throughout all the mountaines, hils, valleyes, woods and secret places to discouer the ambushments of the Albanois.
Neare about the time of these directions, the souldiour whom the Dibrian had sent [Page 145] with his hurt companion was arriued in presence of Scanderbeg, and hauing deliuered his charge to some of his fellowes, who came to meete him, and willing them to haue a care to the curing of his wounds; himselfe ranne vp and downe in the sight of the souldiers, as one almost out of his wits: and calling manie by their names he cried with a loud voice, Arme arme, the enemy is comming, all their camp is in arms,‘Alarme in the campe of Scanderbeg. they haue taken their allarme: and (pointing with his finger) he shewed them the dust, as an argument of their comming. At the first, Scanderbeg was somewhat moued & abashed, fearing least his people had miscaried, for of all the troupe he saw but two onely returned,’ and both of them (as it were) shamefully flying: the one of them also halfe dead, embrued and polluted with the warme blood that yet issued from his wounds: and the other by the foolish crie and exclamation which he made, did shew himselfe full of feare and ill assured. But after he vnderstood by him how all things had passed; his sorrow being turned into laughter, and his care into boldnesse & confidence, he willed his men to be al of good courage, and that euery one should be in a readines with his horse & armor. By this time had our Sentinels (which were placedTurkes pursus Moses and hit companie. vpon the height of the mountaines) discouered Moses and the Turkes comming after him, ouer the plaine champion, euen readie to fall into their ambuscado, and to be deliuered to the sword of the Epirots. For at the first our men made no great haste, but rode on, driuing their beasts faire and easily, bending their course sometimes here, sometimes there, and rather attending for them, then flying from them: but as soone as they perceiued a farre off, that the Infidelles were issued foorth of their trenches: then leauing both their sackes & their carriage, they prepared themselues to a round and speedie flight. Wherefore hauing poasted ouer the plaine in a moment, they got to a hill which (on the North side being opposite vnto a certaine valley) did couer the center and bottome thereof, where our men lay close, and couertly encamped: and before they were ouertaken with the danger, or that the enemy could presse too neere vpon them, they did secretly conuey themselues among their fellowes, both they and their horses so spent and out of breath with their continuall coursing and trauell, that it made shew they had fled in good earnest. The enemie perceiuing that they were in a moment gotten out of sight, & thinking (because they were so suddenly slipt away from the top of the mountaine) that they were hidden in the bottome of the valley. They followed directly after thē without any feare or consideration. But as they came neere vnto the place, to the intent they might more easily enuiron and enclose them, both on the one side & on the other, all scattered & out of order, they prepared themselues, some to gaine the top of the hill, and others by some meanes or other to enter into the valley. But at their arriuall notwithstanding, hearing a great neighing of many horses, they began to be astonished, & to stand still, without speaking a word, but vsing silence for a season, till such time as the noise of the horses being more certainly discouered, and growing more sensible to be heard, did manifestly discouer the ambuscado of the enemie. Then did all things seeme greater vnto them by sight of the eye, then they had imagined by the eare: and the vncertaintie of the danger being interpreted (as is vsuall) according to the greatnes of their feare, did easily perswade this people (thus amazed & terrified) to betake themselues to present and speedy flight. AsTurkes fall into the Ambuscado of the Epirots. they were ready to breake & make away, Scanderbeg (cōmanding the trumpets speedily to sound, & putting them in a wonderfull feare as not expecting any such thing) made head against them, & went to charge thē on the right hand, Tanusee on the left hand; & the footmen frō a loft out of those ragged & woddy places of the mountains, where they lay in ambush descending suddenly vpon thē, all at one instant, with great fury did beat them downe & ouerthrow them: neuerthelesse they did abide, surprised [Page 146] rather with a kind of admiration & astonishment, then of any certaine resolution to endure the fight. But when they saw that necessitie did enforce them, & that the furieConflict betwene the Turkes and the Epirots. of the Christians did vrge thē to do their best: then setting spurs to their horses, with singular fiercenesse they got possession of the mountaine: where first lifting vp their lances, & casting thē against the enemy (as if they had bin darts) for that the vprightnes of the place, the vneuennes of the ground, & being withall very steepe, did not suffer them otherwise to helpe themselues with those weapons: they kept the souldiers for a time from cōming neere them. But Peic Manuel being gotten vpon the hill onPeic Manuel. the other side, with a company of footmen (of which 200. were archers, & as many crosbowes) did soone beate them off the place & droue them downe with more then good speed. Beneath were they beset on all sides with our forces, & aboue them did the intollerable violence of the shot so gaull them, that there was scarce any free place for the miserable wretches to get forth. In this extremity, drawing forth their Cimitaries & deuiding thēselues into two troupes, desperately they rushed vpon their enemies, & (as men that had closed their eyes against all perils) with a greater slaughter of their companies they opposed themselues to the blowes & swords of the enemy. But it was no difficult matter for the greater to beat back the lesser nūber: & for men fresh & sound, to put them to the retreat who were wery & sore trauelled: especially in the right side, where Scanderbeg himself with a grosse troup, both of horse & foot armed with pikes did stand in manner of a wall or strong bulwarke. This was an occasion that the Turks did altogether resolue thēselues to try the vttermost of their valure: & therfore ioining themselues close together in one strong squadron, they gaue in vpon the left side, and with an equal & desperate kind of fury, they made thēselues way with their swords, euen through the midst of our battallion: and thus purchasing thēselues a passage with great losse & bloudshed, the remnant fighting & flying al at once, prouided for their owne safety. Then began a sudden confusion, and the Albanois forsaking both their ranks & the keeping of the mountain, (euery man forgetting all other matters) tooke care only to pursue the vanquished, & made hast to the executiō, laboring by all means possible to make the others also in their fight copartners of the like mortall calamity & bloudy slaughter. In that tumult (when they sought to issue thorough the enemy) more were beaten downe & ouerthrowen, by their owne weight & the armes of their fellowes, then by the power of the aduersary. Notwithstanding there escaped of them litle lesse then 2000. the residue remained behind for a gage, and their carkasses (whilest they were yet panting) being dispoiled, were left naked vponThe victorie of the Epirots against 4000. Turkes before Sfetigrade. the ground, in those very places where their destiny had laid them. Of those that fled about 80. were taken prisoners, the residue were not pursued aboue 20. paces or little more, because of the sudden retreat sounded by cōmand of Scanderbeg, who cōtented himself with this victory: alleaging that if he should suffer his souldiers to fulfill their own desires to the extremity vpon their enemies, there was great danger lest he shold pay dearely for this prosperity. There were won frō the barbarians 3. Ensigns or Cornets (for more had they not brought with thē). The horses of those which were slain being full 1000. or better, did greatly augment & enrich the booty: the residue were killed in the fight. Of the vanquishers, were 22. only wanting, & about 15. wounded.
Thus did the Prince of Albany by a notable prey & victory reward & recompence the losse of his corne, vpon the bringing whereof into the campe of the Turks, lying before the towne, euery one of thē made great ioy & triumph, expecting hourely that these victuallers should haue bin led thither tyed & bound to their appointed punishment, & to haue bin offered as a sacrifice to the vnhappy ghosts of those 5. who were first slaine. But when they saw afterwards contrarie to their imagination, the massacre [Page 147] and hiddeous shew & deformity of so great & goodly a companie: of pure despite and vaine indignation conceiued, they made great lamentation, and through extreme sorowThe griese and trouble of the Turkish campe vpon the ouerthrow of their forces. they stood for a time (as men inchaunted and amazed) not without maruellous feare & trembling of all the armie, and doubting least the Christians animated with this prosperous aduenture, should come on with the like successe, to force them within their campe. For they suspected that the numbers of our men were much greater, & that all the Prouince had bene in armes before them. Their chiefest care therefore was to set a good and strong watch ouer all the army, and carefully to arrange euerie companie in order of battell, neere the tents of their seuerall commaunders, and to enuiron them round about: and accordingly the bands were parted into their places. Their horses were kept standing with their bridles on, as if they had bin assured that the enemy would haue visited thē immediatly. But the Albanois was otherwise determined, neither did this victory cause him to be the more high minded, nor yet made him any thing the more loftie: but he redoubted as much the enemy, as they stood in feare & doubt of him: & he did looke euery houre that they should attempt somwhat vpon him, to abolish the dishonor of their last ouerthrow: and especially for that the report ran firme & constant how the army roiall was at hand. This made Scanderbeg to looke to his busines more carefully, & therfore the first thing he did, was (assoone as it grew dark night) quietly to trusse vp baggage & to depart, encamping 5. miles farther from the enemy. The next day before sunne rising, he sent Tanusee towards Croy, with 50. horsemen & ech of them a varlet, both to hasten away those forces, which he had left there with George Streese, and to haue the guiding of that conuoy which was sent for the conueiance of the horses and other pillage lately gotten from the enemie, into other places within the Prouince, where he willed they should be transported for their more safetie and securitie. In 7. daies space was all this ordered & dispatched, and the whole troupes vnited and incorporated. And yet about two daies before the arriuall of these supplies to the campe, there came in sight 5000. Turkes vaunt currours of the armie royall: and a three houres within night they pitched their tentes before Sfetygrade. The day following, about the shutting of the euening, thither also came Amurath himselfe in person, with the rest of his armie and all his carriage.
It was in the yeare of our redemption 1449. and the 9. yeare after that Scanderbeg Amurath commeth to the siege of Sfetigrade. 1449. had recouered his estate, & vpon the 14. day of May: (a time wherin the corne beginning to grow ripe, and the medowes full of grasse, did yeeld abundance of food and forrage to campes lying in the fields:) the Barbarians do vsually & willingly obserue that season as most fit for the wars, especially in forreigne expeditions. This was it also that moued the Ottoman expresly to forbid his souldiers to waste or spoile any thing within the enemies country, nor to tread down their corne, to the intent whē it shold grow ripe & be readie to reape, it might serue for the prouision of his army. The Ottoman at his arriuall before Sfetygrade did make a glorious shew & ostentation of all his forces before the towne: and this he seemed to do not without any reason, but vpon good consideration & aduise, both because it is the custome of that Nation, & to the intent he might by the sight therof terrifie the inhabitants. First of all, the squadrons of his footmen, & the Asappy were set in order: after them the horsmen, the Tymariots,Asappi, footmē commaunded vpon the Prouinces at three duckats a moneth. the Subassys, the Saniackes and other Chieftaines euery one in their place marching before him, went in this order round about the walles, making great triumph with military cries & loud clamors, which were seconded also with the thundring & cracking noise of the artillery & great ordinance. This done, they went to prouide their lodging, & fastning their ensignes on the ground, pitched their tents in diuers places. The greatest part of the infanterie and common souldiers, were encamped at the foot [...] [Page 150] the neighbour woods neere adioyning the towne, for feare of some ambushmentes which might be laide behinde them. Afterwardes by a posterie gate named the Dibran, he admitted the ambassadors into the towne. The Bassa onely with three souldiersAmbassadors of Amurath admitted into Sfetygrade, deliuer their message in an open councell. and two of his seruants, were receiued in, and they were conducted through the middest of the market place into the Church of the virgine Marie, where (the councell being appointed to be helde) none but the auncients and the principall of the towne were called or assembled: for all the younger sort were excluded, least that any mutinie should arise among them. The Turkes Embassadour pretending that it was his part to speake, because he had procured the parley: at the very first, enforced himselfe by a number of flattering and entising speeches to purchase credite with the citizens, and to gaine their fauour and good liking. He beganne with the examples of many cities and Nations, discoursing in all points so well and eloquently, that you could not haue reprehended him in anie thing, saue onely (the more to terrifie them) he extolled beyond all measure & humaine capacitie, the power and puissance ‘of the king his maister. Perlat made him aunswere saying, That he had eloquentlyThe worthie answere of Perlat to the, Turkish Embassadour. and excellently well pleaded this matter, had it not beene to such men whose courages were resolutely determined, and whose hearts were vowed to the maintenance of their libertie. That all of them could be well and willingly content to yeeld to his demaunds, if either the bootlesse threates and menaces of Ottoman and their enemies, could preuaile with their couragious hearts: or that the commaund or Seigniorie of Scanderbeg were grieuous and yrkesome vnto them. But neither could they charge him for his part with any misdeed or ill desert, neither did they know wherein Amurath had benefited them, whereby they should be drawen to preferre a stranger before a citizen, an enemie before a friend, or an Infidell before a Christian. That the Sultan should doe, assay, and enterprise what he could by armes: that he should by the sword seeke to terrifie the defendants: that he should not spare to batter their wals. In briefe, that he should first of all make a massacre of their bodies, and lay their dead carkasses in huge heapes, to see if the inhabitants terrified and feared with this spectacle, would then come vnto him vppon their knees, and prostrate themselues at his feete, to graunt them these conditions of peace and composition. That for the present he held it a thing infamous and meerely rediculous, to abase and submit their heartes to so great an indignitie: before such time as they had seene the ensignes of the enemie to make proofe of their valure against their wals and bulwarkes: before the souldiers had presented them with any skirmish: before they saw any signes of lamentations, of wounds, or of bloudshed among their owne people: and before such time as they did perceiue, either the frame of their walles disioynted, or their towne dispoyled, and made naked of her flankers and defences. That Amurath should doe much better to quite himselfe of the daily cares and vnquietnes of the warres, to take his way back againe to Andrinople, to raise his siege from before the towne, and to spend the residue and end of his life and aged yeares, quietly at home, and not any longer to prouoke and incense by his armes, a people who is fatall vnto him: and whose faith and excellent fidelitie in the conseruation of their libertie, and whose singular affection and deuotion to their lordes both in publique and in priuate, he had often tried and approued with so much bloudshed, and the ruine of his owne souldiers and subiects. That he for his part, as long as his life lasted, would neuer forsake or abandon the deuoire and dutie of his faith once sworne vnto his Prince: nor the towne which he had committed to his custodie and protection. That he helde it sufficient and ample recompence, and reputed it honor ynough for him, if he did either suruiue to see his countrie safe and preserued, or (if it should happen to come to ruine and destruction) [Page 151] then should the strength of his right arme neuer cease to seeke the reuenge of the publique libertie, till such time (as keeping cōpanie among the dead bodies of his friends) his innocent soule did passe and depart away to the libertie of a better countrie.’
This his answer and the assembly did finish both at once: for the great men and magistrates of the towne there present, all with one voice and with infinite commendations,The Turke his messengers returne in raine from the town. (extolling the speech of the Gouernor) did generally approue it, and concluded on it accordingly. The Turke his messengers holding it but lost time to vse any further speeches vnto such deafe eares: and seeing the assembly broken vp and dissolued, they issued out of the temple: the Gouernour followed after them, accompanied with those of his companie. And (because it was neare dinner time) after he had feasted and entertained them daintily with great magnificence and sumptuously, conueighing them to the towne gate; he there dismissed them, and they returned to their campe.
The assurance and grauitie of the Sfetigradians, together with the prudence of their Commander being vnderstood by the Ottoman did not a litle moue him. The like did the abundance of all good prouisions marked within the towne by the Ambassadors: for it abounded in such plentie, that they had not onely to suffice for their necessitie, but euen with excesse and superfluity. And Perlat had caused them purposely to make shew thereof throughout the streetes, in the view and sight of the Barbarians:Policie of Perlat. to the intent that relation being made thereof afterwards to the grand Senior, it might take from him all hope to gaine the towne by long perseuerance of the siege or by the discommoditie of hunger and famine. The Sultan therefore being mightily enflamed with anger and spite, that so small and vile a castle, so paultry a hamlet, and a handfull (as it were) of robbers there inclosed, should dare to prescribe lawes vnto him for the warre: and to take vpon them to counsell him in his affaires, and specially for that by an vsuall prouerbe (as it were) they termed themselues fatall and vnconquered: and perceiuing now by these speeches, that there was no other meanes and remedie for him to tame them, but onely by the rigor and extremitie of armes: he caused presently to be assembled within his owne tent his Bassaes, his councellors, & all other persons who were of anie degree and reputation in war, to deuise secretly with them vpon the best & fittest meanes to assault the place: and hauing heard their seuerall opinions propounded in the councell, he debated and discoursed long and at large concerning the same: and thereupon order was immediatly taken by his commaund (for the parting and distributing both to one and other) of diuerse things which seemed needfull and requisite to that seruice. The rest of the preparations, and the assault of the towne, was put off and deferred to the day following, because the greatest part of the daye was neare past and spent.
THE FIFTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
SFetigrade is battered, and assaulted by the Turkes. Scanderbeg giueth a Canuazado to the Turkish campe, making a great slaughter of the Infidels. Amurath appointeth Feribassa with an armie to resist the inuasions of Scanderbeg, for the safetie of his campe. The battell betweene Feribassa and Scanderbeg, and their priuate combat, wherein Feribassa is slaine by Scanderbeg, and the Turkes defeated. Amurath practiseth the winning of Sfetygrade by treason, which he effecteth by a strange accident. The garrison of the Dibrians vpon a superstitious conceite, yeelde the towne to Amurath, who hauing fortified Sfetigrade, leaueth Epire, and returneth to Andrinople.
THE arriuall of the Turkish Emperour, and the report of his huge and mightie armie, had alreadie filled with feare and terror all the people of Epire, especially the Princes and Potentates next adioyning, who were in great doubt and care least that so insolent & redoubtable an enemie (hauing once swallowed vp this towne already besieged) should bring the others afterwardes to the same estate and condition, and reduce them to the tenour of the like calamitie. Wherefore accordingly as it was resolued in their secret assemblies and consultations, albeit they had before prouided for most things requisite, both for the stuffing of their holds with strong garrisons, & for the gard of the streights & passages for their countrey: they sent notwithstanding from all partes Ambassadours to Scanderbeg entreating him not to suffer Amurath any longer to vexe and tyrannize ouer the townes of Albania at his pleasure, and with such impunitie. For if by any mishappe the proud tyrant should happen to haue his will of Sfetigrade, it was most certaine that taking the same as a happie presage of his victorie, and as a baite of his fiercenesse and crueltie, he would not leaue till he had brought them all vnder the same yoke, and to endure the like fortune: and yet they wished him in the meane while to haue a care and good regard, not to attempt alone, and with so few men the forces of the enemie, nor so weakely accompanied to prouoke them to the fight,The Princes of Epire offer Scanderbeg their aid and furtheran e for the repulse of the Turke. whose campe was so vnmeasurable great and mightie: because that could not be but with the singular inconuenience and greater perill of them all in generall. They offered him likewise armes, horsemen, munition, and whatsoeuer else should serue their turne, for the remouing of such a flood and deluge before that it should endanger all of them to be ouerwhelmed with the rage thereof. That they thought themselues sufficiently [Page 153] defended and in safetie, if they could at this time free & acquite him from the greatnes of that perill: vpon whom did depend both the peaceable and quiet possession of their Seigniories and empire, and the preseruation of them all in generall: as also the whole strength and assured stay of all the prouince, and the perpetuall glorie of the Albanois.
The Ambassadors thus charged with these instructions, and many other particular testimonies of the readie and perfect good will and affections of the confederates, tooke their way directly to the mountaines of Sfetigrade, where they knew that the Prince of Albanie had pitched his campe, albeit he were at that time absent. For assoone as euer the troupes of the Ottoman were arriued in Epire; and that the bruite of so great a puissance, and so new an accident had filled the eares and mindes of euery man with feare and terror: Scanderbeg (accompanied only with Tanusee, and George Scanderbeg secretly disguised goeth about visiting & comforting all the places of his prouince. Streese, and tenne other chosen men of his garde: and (apparelled as he was wont) with the simple cassocke of a common souldier, had secretly conueighed himselfe from his army to goe and visit those townes of the prouince which were nighest to the daunger; and to confirme and strengthen them in their faith and obeisance, who were any thing dismayed or discomforted, knowing well, (that in so new and fresh a case of danger, the mindes of men would be maruellously cast downe and appalled, by reason of so strange a commotion, and by the rumors (though for the most parte false) encreasing daily: and that therefore he might greatly remedie the perplexitie & timerousnes of their counsailes and imaginations: and those which should in any sort staggar and be readie to fall away, might be confirmed and reestablished in their ancient vigour and courage, and in the accustomed constancie of their faith and loyaltie. Of all this which he had so purposed and conceiued, he forgot not, nor left any thing vnaccomplished. For beginning at Croie (as the chiefest place of his realme and his chiefest care) he sent for Vranocontes to come vnto him to the citie gate with aScanderbeg encourageth Vranocontes & the Croians. certaine number of souldiers, and all the principall citizens (for he would not that any man should enter within the towne) and there he enforced himselfe with a kind of superfluous care (according to the briefe instance and hastie occasion of the time) by the discourse of many things to incite them, and (as a man might say) to spurre them forward in their deuoire. But he receiued from the Gouernor a notable answer: the recitall whereof (as well beseeming and worthy of his sound faith and loialty) I see no reason why we should omit: or by an vngratefull kinde of silence, to defraud so great and honorable a person of his deserued praise and commendation. For at theAnswer of Vranocontes to Scanderbeg. first blush shewing himselfe as one full of indignation & discontentment for his comming thither, he thus spake vnto him.
It had bene much better at this instant (ô Scanderbeg) if the Croians had seene ‘Amurath himselfe, and the shew of that his glorious and excellent armie (which thou tellest vs of) then to see thee heere as thou art at this present: for this is certaine that as thy speech is nothing pleasing nor agreeable vnto vs, neither in generall nor in particular: so is thy comming at this time no lesse grieuous and discontenting vnto vs. For what could the sight or the hearing of the enemy haue done, either more to haue troubled the mindes of men that are couragious, or to haue worse offended the harts of those that are fierce and generous? We are now at that point, and such is our loue and deuotion towardes thee, and to the dignitie of the estate of Albanie: that as long as these troubles shall continue within this prouince: and as long as Amurath shall preuaile or haue any authoritie with his armed forces in Epire: it shalbe more pleasing, and farre more acceptable vnto vs beyond comparison, to see the face & countenance of the enemy, then to haue thy presence and company: because thou bringest vs nothing [Page 154] but secret plaintes and doubtfull feares,’ as though we were enclining to a reuolt, or that we were like to proue disloyall, wheras the presence of our enemy could not but minister vnto vs good and fit matter to merit praise and commendation, and might yeeld some notable and worthie experience of our fidelitie, and be a perpetuall occasion for the purchase of renowme and glorie.
Castriot knew not what to say here against, but only to purge and excuse himselfe: telling him that he came not thither to vse anie exhortations vnto them, but onely to aduertise them how all things stood. And thereupon after he had embraced the Gouernour, he tooke his leaue both of him and of his souldiers, and so passed onwardes to other places: where finding all things according to his desire, he left them as hee found them: and retyring towards his armie, he came to his campe somewhat before day, being extremely wearie through the long trauell of his iourney. Yet assoone as he perceiued that the Ambassadors of the league did there attend him, he had scarcelyAmbassadours from the Princes of Epire to Scanderbeg, offering him aide against the Turkes. taken time to refresh himselfe, but that he gaue them audience in the full and open assembly of his Captaines and other the principall persons of his campe, willing them freely to make knowen the summe of their Ambassade which they had in charge. The which being declared and heard, Scanderbeg by the common aduise of all in generall, both highly commended the willing mindes of their Lords and maisters: and gaue them great thankes for their good affections, and especially for that they shewed themselues to haue, the safetie and reputation both of his person and of the countrie of Epire in such care and recommendation. As touching the succours which they offredAnswere of Scanderbeg to the Ambassadors of the Albanian Princes. him, his answere was: That they should be of good courage, that his intent was not for that time to vse any greater forces against the enemie, nor (all things being as yet in good case) to disarme the flankes of his confederates: but he would wish them ‘in the meane while to be ready prepared, and to haue a good eye to the Ottoman: for that it was very difficult to discouer the enterprizes and counsels of one so trecherous and disloial: that assoone as good occasion were offered him to enterprize any thing, he would not faile speedily and beyond their expectation, with such forces as he had to inuade him: & when the necessitie of his affaires should exact it, or that the importance of a greater danger, or the occasion of a set battell did require it: that then he would vse their aide and readie succours as farre forward as his owne forces.’ These things thus dispatched, the tables were couered after the souldiers fashion: and after that they had refreshed themselues, and had bene honorably rewarded with great presents: about the ninth houre of the morning they were licensed to depart.
Whilest that matters did thus passe on by consultations: and that Scanderbeg rather with wordes then deedes did seeme to inuade the Turkish Prince; the other beganne the battery against Sfetigrade, which though it had bene long deferred, yetSfetigrade battered by the Turkes. was it fully concluded & agreed on. He placed therefore two pieces of artillerie of exceeding greatnes (for he had brought no more with him) vpon a certaine high place directly against the towne, where the walles were most open and discouered. Three whole daies together did the thundering of the cannon continue; by which time hauing made a large and wide breach, the Sultan imagined presently, that his ensignes the next morning would haue cleared the breach: and (by reason that it was of a great largenesse) both the flanckers, and the wall being on all sides beaten downe and ouerthrowen, he was fully perswaded, and did in a manner promise to himselfe: that his souldiers might easily enter the towne: and that (notwithstanding any resistance or deuise which the defendants should vse against them) they should not be able to hold them out, but that they would get the possession of the place. Of all this, Scanderbeg had notice the same night by his espials, and by such as were appointed to keepe the [Page 155] watch in seuerall places thereabouts: and therefore giuing a neere coniecture of the secret intent and purpose of Amurath: he was at the first in some doubt and mistrust, least they within the towne being pressed with the exceeding multitudes of the assailants should not be able and of sufficient power to repulse them: besides that the ruine of the wall on that side, did augment this his feare and suspition. Wherefore after he had debated many matters in his mind, he concluded at length, that he would diuert and take vpon himselfe some part of the perill and of their labours: & that he would somewhat ease the besieged of their trauels. About midnight therefore (taking withScanderbeg approcheth nearer to the Turkish camp. him victuals for one day onely and no more, and leauing all the rest of the baggage in his campe) he went to entrench himselfe within fiue myles of the enemie, in the same place where he had last layed his ambuscado. But he sent before him, two of the chiefest of his nobilitie Musache, and Gnirize de Vladrenne (men of a notable and singular conceipt and subtiltie) to take a view of the camp of the enemie, and to marke what course they would take in the assault: he himselfe in the meane time abode there still without any noise, till such time as they returned, that he might then resolue vpon his proceedings accordingly.
About the seauenth houre in the morning was the returne of these gentlemen to their Generall: and at the same time, the Asappi and Ianissaries (men that contemned and regarded no perils) were brought foorth of their trenches: and being armed of purpose with a notable resolution, they marched vp the mountaine. The horsemen for all that they could doe, were not able to get aboue some three steppes aboue the bottome and foote of the hill, by reason of the steepenesse and roughnesse of the place:Sfetygrade assaulted. and therfore standing there aloofe, and shooting with their arrowes towards them, they did rather feare then repell the defendants at the breach, whilest the raskall multitude and vile and baser sort of the Turkes, were drawen on to present themselues to the first furie of the Christians: to the intent that they being tyred and wearied with the killing of these slaues and raskals: and the citizens being otherwise occupied and drawn away with escaladoes, from the defence of the places assigned to their custody,A stratageme vsuall amongst the Turkes. the others might afterwards find the lesse resistance, and with the geater ease make themselues maisters of the rampiers, which by this meanes might be disfurnished of all defence. This was it that was attempted on that side where the violence of the cannon had made the breach. But the sudden mounting of the place being of it selfe naturally vpright and steepe rising, did easily beat backe the assailants; who at ech stroke that was giuen them (were it neuer so litle) were turned vpside downe by the defendants: who also had spent all the night in repairing and fortifying of the breach, by casting vp a rampier or countermure in fashion of a platforme: which they trimmed with plancks, boords, and baskets made of osiers, and well supported and borne vp with strong postes fastened round about, and with great heapes of stones: so that the verie height and downefall of the place, did make their dartes and other shot (being but weakely throwen and deliuered) either to flie staggering and without any force: or to be beaten downe backewardes vpon those which pressed forward: who could scarcely find any stay or rest, or any plaine or smooth place to get themselues footing, as they pressed to the assault, nor yet to stop and stay their bodies as they tumbled and rolled downe when they had the repulse. On the other sides of the towne, and especially towards the gates where the place was more plaine and open, and where the rising and falling of the ground did seeme more easie and pleasant for the souldiours; there the Asappi with their targets and pauishes were placed round about in the forefront: behind them were appointed two great and chosen squadrons of hargabussiers and crosse-bowes who with the thicke showers (as it were) of their quarels [Page 156] and deadly bullets, might make them within to quit and abandon the defence of their walles: to the intent the Ianissaries, who followed after them, might the more easily carie the place, and make themselues maisters of the towne by the helpe of their scaling ladders: with the which they pressed forwarde so furiously, and with a countenance so resolute and obstinate, that forgetting all care and feare both of wounds, or yet of death: some of them whole and sound, others wounded and may med in their approch to the walles, were now gotten vp and had laid hold vppon the toppe of the battelments. For on that side, the walles had not felt the diuelish rage and furie of the Cannon: neither had they any other helpe or receipt (as it appeared) to carrie the place but onely by a scalado. But notwithstanding all this their labour and striuing, by how much the higher they were gotten from the ground in skaling of the walles, so much the lesse force had they to keep their stand. For many of them being ouerborne with their proper weight, and the burthen of their owne heauinesse, did tumble downe to the ground with their heeles vpwardes, and their ladders vpon them, the same being broken with the ouergreat weight of those that clymed on them. Others hauing their fingers cut off, were enforced to forgo their hold: and so their weapons falling first out of their hands, themselues followed after, and their bodies tumbled likewise. But the chief and principall furie of the fight was with stones and such like, which being cast downe from alofte with exceeding great noyse and offence, did mightily both spoile and encomber the assailants, their armour, and all other their furniture. How beit though there fell continually innumerable with their heades downewards, yet was the number of the assailants nothing diminished, but still there came others fresh and lustie in the place of those which were wounded or wearied, who succeeding into their roomes, did still maintaine the assault, rushing furiously ouer the carkasses, and through the bloud of those that lay dead, with a greater desire of reuenge, then of any great hope to preuaile: and without any apprehension or feare of death, and with an herrible noise and tumult, they made hast to seize on the battelments, and by their ouermuch hastinesse & striuing to mount ech before other (euerie one not being able to get vp with the first) the one of them did (as it fell out) hinder and hurt the other. Concerning the besieged, as they had no want of armes and munition, so you may imagine that their force and strength did no way faile them: besides that, the place did greatly fauor them in all points, and did seeme to yeeld succour vnto it selfe. Moreouer they had certaine pauishes and thicke plancks extended in the forme of bucklers to keepe off the shot and blowes of the enemie, to the intent that the souldiers standing behind them close and in couert, might the better maintaine the defence of the places assigned them: and euerie man might the more frankly employ himselfe to the discharge of his deuoire and dutie. Many of the Turks might haue bene taken aliue, by reason that their ladders being exceeding long and high, their bodies were euen aboue the toppes of the walles: and some of them also hauing left their armour behind them were mounted vp vnarmed: because the waight therof would haue hindred them, if they had come otherwise to the assault. But no man had any mind or care of the liuing more then of the dead: for feare least if in the heat and furie of the fight, they should haue had anie desire to reserue the enemies for theirTurks repulsed from the assault of Sfetigrade. prisoners, or to couet after gaine and bootie, the towne might haue bene foolishly lost by their negligence and auarice. This was in a maner the whole proofe of the valure and deuoire shewed by the Barbarians in the first and second assault, from the which seeing themselues repulsed with shame and ignominie: and beginning now to perceiue their bootles and vaine assaies, and their foolish desire how they ran headlong to seeke their owne deaths, euerie man comming to consider his proper wounds, and [Page 157] the streames of bloud which ran downe their bodies: then (their corages being somewhat abated) they began to mitigate their furious and beastly fiercenes, their blowes grew to be more faint: and they fought not with their wonted stomack, their choller was well cooled, and they went not so hotly on to the assault, because by litle and litle their forces failed them: and (as it is commonly seene) men going continually vpwards and mounting still aloft, do waxe faint and weary, and do loose their breath in going. Notwithstanding the Bassaes & other the roial leaders being at their backs, solliciting and encoraging them, sometimes with good words, and sometimes with rough speeches and menaces, did enforce thē (weary as they were) to passe on against the enemy: and if any were ouerslow and lazy in their march, they would with blowes driue and force them on, beating them with cudgels or bastinados in most cruell maner. Wherupon thus constrained, they went on again to the assault; & drawing on their fainting and wearied bodies against the enemy, they came to the wals almost tired: where they continued in fight, though to no great purpose, til by litle & litle growing to be spent, they yeelded vp their miserable ghosts in the sight of the Christians. Many of them (as their soules were departing from their bodies) being dragged away by the feete, their fellowes (whilest they endeuored by so charitable a deed to conuay them to their tents & to saue them from the fury of the citizens) prouiding for others better then for their owne safety, were themselues mortally wounded from the wals: by meanes whereof they tumbled and fell vpon their companions half dead & almost breathles: and were reduced to the same, if not to a worse plight & condition. The Sfetigradians the meane while aloft vpon the wals making shew by their loud clamors and pleasant iests, that they were the victors, did with open mouth mocke & deride the assailants, which did not a litle exasperate their griefe, and renue the sorrow of their mischaunce.
The Sultan himselfe being not able to endure this iniury, nor to suffer it without reuenge,Feribassa sent with a new s [...]pplie to renué the assault. sent a supply of 3000. men vnder the leading of Feribassa, who being one of his most sufficient captains, was gretly renowmed for the great strength & dexterity of his body and of his mind: and he furnished him with an infinit number of scaling ladders and other warlike engines of all sorts. Immediatly hereupon the noise grew to be appeased within the towne, and their still silence arguing a new feare & doubt, did recall the soldier to a more difficult and harder peece of seruice, & to the beginning of a new labor. Wherfore both the spirits and the eies of all men were intentiue to receiue, and to repell the assailantes, and to trouble them in their proceeding, keeping them aloofe from the wals at the beginning, with force of arrows, quarrels, harguebusse, & all other kind of shot, whereby they might be hindered from making their approches. But perceiuing that notwithstāding al their deuoir, they marched close on with their ensigns without all fear, and that they made roūdly to the wals; they threw downe vpon them huge peeces of timber, and store of stones both small and great, besides artificiall fires, as baskets and fagots nointed with oile and pitch, and so set on fire: in such sort that the Infidels being sore terrified with the fiercenes of the fire, whilest some of them hasted to quench it, and others to auoid it, they could not present any great number of ladders against the wall: and of those which were set vp, the most part were burnt and fired. During this contention and confused noise, their commander himselfe with part of his troupes, somewhat remoued from thence, hauing slaine some of the defendantes, had raised vp ladders against that part of the wall, where fighting eagerly & incensing his souldiers with often admonitions, he encoraged thē to enter in on that side which was almost naked and void of defence. There wanted not in the soldier obedience nor readines, nor in the common sort forwardnes or corage: but of themselues they were sufficiently enflamed. For al of them pricked on with an exceeding fury, & almost enraged, [Page 158] as if the one of them had enuied the other) they did striue to purchase the credit to be the first man that should enter: well knowing what high fortune and rewardes, (besides the crowne due vnto him that first got vpon the wall) were prepared for that man that could attaine therunto. But Perlat with a good number of Dibrians, running speedily to the place, and filling it with fresh men in stead ofthose which had bin slain, did soone disappoint both the exhortations of the Turkishe commander, and the endeuors of the souldiers. For bringing a whole shoure and tempest (as it were) of shot vpon them, both the assailants were by that meanes oppressed, and all their engines and other prouisions were broken in sunder and dispersed. Therupon began the cry to be renued within the towne, & the Infidels were repulsed with greater fear then danger: for but 30. were slaine of that cōpany, and about 18. of them wounded. Notwithstanding, they desisted not frō pursuing the assault by all other means, till such time as they heard the retrait sounded: and yet was it only a meere obstinacy and a most wilful humor that made thē so to perseuer: and shame rather then corage pressed them forwards on al parts: so that the Christians had good and sufficient leisure to refresh them selues.
But the sodaine comming of Scanderbeg did soone after yeelde them some more aduantageScanderbeg goeth to inuade the campe of the Turke before Sfetigrade to refresh them: for the approch of their friends gan now to be discouered, & the thicknes of the dust with the great noise made through the trampling of their horses, did euidently bewray their comming to the eies and eares of euery man. The long stay of our men (for before their arriuall the assault had continued more then 3. long houres) grew vppon this occasion: because after many opinions debated in counsell, it had bene aduised as the surest and safest course, that the first onset to be giuen vpon the enemy, should be protracted a while: till such time as the Turkes hauing left their tents void & empty, should employ the forces of their whole camp against Sfetigrade, and that euery man should be busied in his particular charge and duty, supposing that then would be the fittest time to make them yeeld an accompt of their expedition, and to quit the assault which they had vndertaken. But the prouident Ottoman was not found so negligent and sleeping, neither did this Emperour (being so wise and polliticke) shew himselfe faulty in so grosse an ouersight & absurdity, as to make head with his chiefest strength against the towne, and to leaue his back bare & open in the mean time to the mercy of the Albanois. For the truth is, he had placed a strong & mighty court of gard about 500. paces from the wals: in the midst whereof himselfe stood enuironnedAmurath his pollicy and great prouidence. with his ordinary gard, both as a surueior and encourager of his people; and besides he had prouided a strong battallion of yong men purposely picked and chosen to the number of 15000. all horsemen, to whom he had giuen in charge to course vp and downe, and to discouer all places, and on all partes, for feare least some stur and tumult might be raised behinde them at their backes. Nowe Scanderbeg hauing gotten within 2. miles of the enemy with 7000. good horse, & 3000. foote, he had according to his custome, made a deuision of his companies, appointing Moses to lie in an ambuscado with all his footmen, and 2000. horse, to preuent the diuerse inconueniences which might fortune to befall him. He himselfe with the rest of his horsemen, taking the wide and open champion, did march on with great fury and violence against the enemy, and with a great and notable cry before he came to the encounter, he added corage to the besieged, & discomforted the assailants. Therewithall the Battallion roiallConflict of Scā derbeg with the Turkes. of the Turkish horsemen, which (as I haue sayd before) stood there ranged to that intent and purpose, with all speed went to meet him, and with a ful careere made head against them. The Albanois nothing abashed at their great multitude, but keeping close in good order of battell, went to the charge with such brauery, that at the verie first onset, they beate them backe and disordered them: and many of them being entermingled [Page 159] in fight together, did with their swords or cimitaries rudely and fiercely entertaine each other. The Infidels holding good for a time, by reason of their numbers only, did within a while recuile all together, and casting away all shame by a fearefull kinde of flight, by litle and litle did seeme to confesse, that the Epirots were no men for them to deale withall. Whereof as soone as their Prince had knowledge, and seeing that he fought on all sides with so great misfortune and bad successe, (as if God himself had bene against him) he commanded presently to sound a retrait: and pointing with his finger to the small number of the Christians, he spake thus vnto his souldiers.
What a shame and reproach is this (ꝙ he?) what? hath so small a troupe of theeues‘Speeches of Amurath reproching his souldiers flying from Scanderbeg. and robbers had the power to make & see you turne your backs? Nay, I my selfe haue seene it also, which (if you were men of any valour) would make you blushe for verie shame. What? haue your enemies, euen the Gods at their command? and do they cary victory with them in their bosomes? and haue you nothing but your swordes (and those vnprofitable) and your hands dead and without life, and your bodies feeble and subiect to the sword and iniuries of your enemies? Behold how they do yet abide you and stirre not a foot from you, wherefore stay you? Can you endure that a handfull of such base & infamous persons, should present them selues as conquerors before your eyes, whom you are able to swallow vp whole both horse and armes? Reuenge your owne bloud (my souldiers,) and if the common reputation doe any thing at all moue you, reuenge the deaths of your fellowes and companions, at leastwise your owne priuate wrongs and iniuries.’
Vpon these his speaches and exclamations, all of them sodainely turned their faces towards the enemy, & euery man (leauing al other busines) ran confusedly on all sides: and those also which were on the mountaine descended to charge the Albanois. But the Prince of Epire would not attend them though they were almost breathles & out of order: but retiring speedily to the place prouided for his surety, he kept the aduauntage which he had gotten in that encounter, without any losse except of one only, and 3. wounded: and so came & ioined himselfe with Moses, holding that the only way for his safegard from the enemy. Of the Turkes there were slaine some 60. or better, of which number (men say) that Scanderbeg slue fiue of them with his owne hands. The Barbarians did not pursue them far, because the Sultan doubted of some secret traine or counterwaits: and the rather, for that he had some apparaunt signe of the other troupes in the ambushment: wherefore he commanded them againe to a second retrait. It was a notable sight to see how in one and the same instant, the Barbarians on the one partGarrison within Sfetigrade sallie out vpon the Turkes. did charge vpon the Christians, and on the other part themselues were charged at the backes by those of Sfetigrade. The Turkes scoffed at Scanderbeg as he retired from the fight, and being not able to hurt him with their swordes, they prosecuted him with taunts and villainous speaches. But Perlat on the other side was much more troublesome and despitefull vnto them, and did more grieuously importune their companions: for he not onely angred thē by the hearing of his quips and fine girding speeches, but he vexed them also with good store of blowes at their backes both with pikes, shot, and other kinde of weapons. For as soone as he perceiued, that at the only name of Scanderbeg, they gaue ouer the assault, and descended a pace downe the mountaine, he (embracing the occasion offered him with a traine of three hundreth men quicke and well armed) issued out vpon them with a great clamour, and playing vpon them with his shot as thicke as haile, he went on beating, killing, and chasing them euen to the foote of the mountaine.
Thus was that day most vnfortunate to the Ottoman and all his enterprises, for that time fell out to be vaine and vnprofitable. The assault was broken off, the enemy was [Page 160] not seized vppon, but without any losse vanished out of sight. The audacity of the defendantes was augmented and encreased, and the most part of the Turke his readiest and best souldiers, lay dead before the walles of Sfetigrade, besides the incredible hauocke and spoile of his munitions and artillery, and other prouisions for the assault. For the number of those which were slaine in that iourney, was reckoned to be fullNumber of Turkes slaine and hurt at the first assault of Sfetigrade. three thousand: and more then foure thousand hurt and wounded, and infinit engines and instruments for the warre, were broken in peeces and consumed with fire. This victory cost the towns men the losse only offorty men: but of them that were wounded the number was very great: yet was there an inestimable quantity both of armes and other baggage found before the walles, and caried into the towne, whilest the enemy was busied in the pursuite of Scanderbeg, which was some amends for the losse and dammage they had sustained. For that day the Turke gaue no other attempt, but retiring him selfe from before Sfetigrade, he spent the whole night in sorrow and sadnesse, silent and melancholicke. On the other side the Prince of Epire holding him selfe sufficiently contented with this good and happy successe, in that this discomfiture and repulse of the enemy, did yeelde some time of respite to the besieged, he made no longer stay there, then whilest his souldiers must of necessity to breath themselues. But he imediately after returned to his first campe where hee had left his baggage at his departure, and there his people refreshed themselues both with sleepe and victuals. The next day early, the first thing hee did, was, to send away messengers, who rode post to cary the ioyfull newes of the victory of Sfetigrade, both to Vranocontes, and to the other townes and peoples vnder his obeysance. He him selfe the day following with two hundred horse onely, taking his way through the height of the mountaines, went to take a view of the demeanour and countenaunce of the enemie. All things were there in quiet, and the towne at good rest: by meanes whereof, being returned to his tentes, he soiourned there two dayes longer, and the third day trussing vp his baggage, he remoued his camp into the vpper Dibria, & there entrenched him selfe in a place strongly seated and well defended, about fifteene miles from Amurath. The principall cause that moued him so often to remoue from one place to another,Stratageme of Scanderbeg in often remouing of his campe. was (as I take it) either for feare least the souldiers (abiding long in one place certaine) might accustome them selues to ouermuch idlenesse: or least the enemy might thereby take some course and occasion, either by some draught layed, to surprize his person, or to guard him selfe the better from those traines which the enemy should prepare to entrappe him.
Amurath all this while being exceedingly malcontent for the vnhappy euent of this first assault, and badly digesting in his stomacke the rude repulse sustained bySfetigrade again battered. them of Sfetigrade: after hee hadde now sufficiently tormented his thoughts, with vaine consultations, griefes, and complaintes, once againe hee called together the ministers of his rage and vengeaunce, charging them diligently to consider of the site of the place, and on what side the towne might be best inuaded and offended. The place being once assigned, he appointed the ordinaunce to be planted against it, and then consumed three whole daies in battering the towne on that side, thinking to haue dismanteled it by the the force of the Canon, but their labour was all in vaine: for albeit on that part the flankers of the wall were beaten downe, and though fortifications which had bene made by hand, did tumble to the ground, yet the excellent and naturallSfetigrade, her naturall strength and situation. strength of the place, would not suffer it to be forced, neither by any violence or industry that could be vsed against it. For if it had bene laid wholly open, and no man there to defend it, yet had it not beene possible but with great difficulty, as (the saying is) by creeping both on hands and feete, for the most nimble and actiue persons to approach [Page 161] it, much lesse for men armed and carrying their furniture with them. So craggy, rough, & ful of woods were the mountains, so raggedly & vneuen did they stand, sundered each from other, with such variety of turnings and windings in and out, and so steepe were their bottoms and downefals: that they made the towne being seated vpon them, both inaccessible and impregnable. And againe on the other side where it seemed more assaultable, though the wall might easily of it selfe haue bene battered, and a breach made, yet right opposite against it, there presented it selfe a certaine belly of ground, swelling (as it were) or rising vp with a knob in forme of a Bosse, which running out from the backe of the mountaine, did so fitly couer and shadow the wall, that from the place where the enemy lay encamped, it was not possible to plant their cannon, nor to manage their artillery in any sort to offend them. But for that both the getting vppe at the first approach was very difficult, and because the towne was too neare a neighbour vnto them, they did attempt it though often, yet in vaine: for the besieged by their ordinary sallies (being helped with the fauour of the place, did daily hinder them of their intent, breaking the engines all in peeces. And besides, with their Cannon shotte and other artillery from the walles, they did in great safety and security disappoint the enemy of their purpose, and disturbe the endeuours of the assailaunts. Thus on all sides was their labour lost, and there was no appearance or hope of any good successe, which might encourage the aged Sultan to come to the end of his desires. Yet was he resolued to pursue the siege to the last point: and byAmurath resolueth to consume the garrison of Sfetigrade by often and light skirmishes. often and continuall skirmishes, to trauell, toile, and weary out the defendauntes without ceasing: affirming, that this was the best and likeliest way to consume their forces, and to bring them to nothing: and that though the first dayes assault had cost him dearely, yet hadde not the Christians made any great good market, considering their small numbers, and that hee both durst and would make further proofe of that way, though not by the venture and hazard of a generall battell, both because the enemy did by his continuall and dayly inuasions and canuazadoes keepe him in awe: and the remembraunce of his late discomfiture and ouerthrowe, did daily renue his sorrowes. Thus were the townes men neuer assailed, but onely by loose and light skirmishes: and the Ottoman forces did onely watch and lie in waite for some good occasion, amiddest their often incursions, sodainely and vnprouided to surprize the citie. Neuerthelesse they left not with their shotte cach to annoy other aloofe and a farre off: neither did they intermit or giue ouer any of the other ordinary seruices accustomed and vsed in the siege of townes.
Little or none at all was the dammage and hurt sustained all this while, either on the one side or the other: neither was there any exploite done worthy of memorie. There was no new assault giuen to the walles, neither were the scaling ladders anie more vsed, till such time as certaine Ianissaries, secretely gotten out of their campe, did perceiue that there was one place of the towne on the other side thereof, which being abandonned and vndefended, the inhabitantes thought not needefull to be manned, by reason both of the height of the place, which was naturally defended, and in a manner inaccessible: and the knoppe of the hill being seuered and deuided, andTurkes thinke to surprize Sfetigrade. sodainely distoyned from the mountaine. The matter being reported vnto the Sultan, did make him exceedinglie ioyfull and glad: and therefore liking well of the oportunity, he sent very many, some at one time, some at another, who by creeping hauing gotten vp to the toppe, were now a sufficient number able to make a reasonable good troupe or squadron. By good happe the gouernour him selfe went the rounde at that time, to ouersee and view the rampiers and fortifications: who being speedily aduertized of the daunger by the next Sentinell, and court of guard, went presently [Page 162] to the place, accompanied with a good number of chosen souldiours, and with great prouision of munition both of shotte and armour. And at the first he kept himselfe close, regarding and beholding the bold enterprise and aduenture of the enemy: and he could not but greatly wonder at their hardy and audacious attempt, or rather at the great folly of this people, who durst so to hazard their liues, without all care or feare of daunger. Hereuppon to the end hee might vse guile for guile and (as the saying is) cut them sops of the same loafe, and giue them drinke of the same cup, hee held him selfe still and quiet behinde the rampiers, marking how euery one of them was busily occupied at their worke, with their ladders raised vppe against the walles, and some of them already mounted, and others yet climing towards the top. Therewithall rushing forth against them with his onely presence, hee so terrified and amazed them, that leauing their armor and weapons, and many forsaking their companions (according as each mans feare did leade and aduise him,) they began to flie before that any shot came to touch them. Many of them as they fledde to saue themselues, were oppressed and beaten down with stones: all the residue in a manner, were most miserably crushed and brused with falling from their ladders, tumbling downe headlong from the top to the bottome of the steepe mountaine: in such sort that their bodies were so strangely battered and disfigured, that at their returne to the campe, they could not be knowen nor discerned by their owne fellowes, for that scant there appeared any shew or shape of humaine forme to be seene in them. Of the defendants, not any one that had any hurt or dammage. And during all that time, there was not heard in a manner, so much as one sigh within the towne: for with very good aduise and consideration all the day long they would spend their time towardes the place where the battery had bene made, and when the darke night came on, then woulde they fill vp and repaire the breach, with great store of earth, stones, and other stuffe, strengthening it with fagots, postes, and such like.
Whilest they did thus by light skirmishes and conflicts incense ech other; & that theScanderbeg scoureth the countrey. Turks did rather enflame the choller of the defendants, then any way discourage or apall them: Scanderbeg accompanied with 2000. horse did scoure ouer all the country, leauing no corner nor place vnuisited, to see if he could any way finde the oportunity to entrap the enemy, either as they went on foraging, or seeking for freshe water, or (which he was in hope of and might haue happened) that he might meete with some of their companies, sent forth by the Sultan to ouerrun, sacke, and waste the countrey: but he was euer deceiued of his expectation, for I neuer heard, that either then or at any other time during the siege of Sfetigrade, any such thing was enterprised or vndertaken by Amurath. Wherefore Scanderbeg seeing that all his draughts did turne to smoake, and that he could finde no fit matter, whereupon to discharge his choller, he returned to his campe more agreeued then he went forth.
It was now the two and twentieth of Iune, about two houres after noone, that Scanderbeg (as one that hadde of a long time beene kept fasting from the bloud of the enemy which hee so eagerly coueted) mounted againe on horse backe, and taking with him Tanuse and fiftie other tall souldiours, he went about his ordinary andScanderbeg goeth to viewe the armie and demeanour of the Turkes before Sfetygrade. wonted taske: namely to vnderstand some newes of the enemy. Now it happened as he beheld their Campe from aloofe: that he found all still without any stir or noise, nothing being to be seene that caried any shew or countenaunce of enemies, but the ensignes and standardes onely: the men lay wallowing all along vnder their tentes, pell mell amongst their horses, (for it was at that time when the Sunne being in Cancer, and in the extremity of heate did burne and broile their bodies most intollerably.) Castriot therefore seeing them in this plight, turned his face to them in his companie, [Page 163] and with a smiling countenaunce (as the report goeth) spake vnto them in this maner.
O what a goodly sight haue we here my friendes! See here the Emperour of the‘Speeches of Scanderbeg to his souldiours touching the securitie of the Turkish army. Orient, euen Amurath the terrour and feare of nations: see here this armie the Conquerours of the world, who haue so often adorned & beautified their Barbarous houses with the spoyles of Hungarie, the treasures of Asia, and the wealth & riches of Morea: see (I say) how they now lye buried and ouerwhelmed with sleepe, and ouercome with sloth and griefe, hauing bene lately vanquished by the garrison of Sfetygrade, by a Towne of so small force and estimate, that they seeme to be in case rather of men besieged, then of such as besiege others. Hardly can any minde be satisfied with this sight, to see how filthie and vncleane a shewe they make on all partes, resembling very beastes and brutish creatures. O that the great Princes of Christendome were here now present to behold them: I doe not thinke, but doe fully assure my selfe of it, that ioyntly with me they would shed teares when they should come to measure the indignitie of their misfortune by the infamous estate, and by the vile habite, and base shewe of the vanquisher. For your partes (my good souldiours) as you cannot now behold this filthie spectacle proposed before your eyes, without the singular disdaine and contempt of these base miscreants: so (I pray you) let the remembraunce of this sight be so deepely engrauen in your stomackes, and imprinted in the very bottome of your harts: that they may continue still mindfull of your libertie. Go to then, let vs make hast while the day yet lasteth, and whilest the representation of this spectacle, remaineth fresh in our memory: let vs returne to our campe to take vp our ensignes & to arme our cōpanions, whilest our enemies thus laid along all at their ease, ouercome with sleepe & drowsinesse, do offer themselues as a prey to our swords and do inuite vs and giue vs such oportunitie to the cutting of their throats.’
This sayd, he pricked forward and being fully replenished both with hope and choller, he returned to his Campe, where without giuing any respite vnto his souldiours (scarce so much as a litle to refresh them selues) and causing them to carie victualles for one day onely and no more: with singular diligence he willed the ensignes to be displaied, and commaunded all the companies to followe him with all celerity. For the guard and custody of the Campe, he left onely fortie souldiers: for the residue of those that stayed behinde, were but vanlettes, and men of seruile condition. A litle before the Sunne setting, the earth began to be couered with a darke mist, during the which, the Princ of Epire with a soft and easie pace was gotten neareScanderbeg his order and policie in marching with his arme. the Turkishe army, but he euer hadde some horsemen continually riding and scouring the countrey before him, to suruey and regard all places round about, and after their ordinary and accustomed manner of searching (by turning and winding, here and there on all parts, to sound euery forrest and daungerous place, least there might haue bene laied some ambushment to surprize and beguile him, who was his craftesmaister in such traines and artificiall sleights of policy. For this expert Chiefetaine, either was continually in feare and doubt, or else he did purposely faine and dissemble a kinde of feare by a certaine singular dexterity of his spirite, to the intent hee might make his souldiers more wary, circumspect, and aduised, and the more attentiue to all accidentes whatsoeuer. And this was the reason (as the report is) why he was wont‘Saying of Scanderbeg. commonly to haue these speeches in his mouth. That many more excellent captains & triumphant armies, haue bene ouercome & vanquished by surprizes then in open and set battell: that he had rather fight against ten men resolutely, and openly being prouided for them, then against two vpon any vncertainty & suspition either of place or any other inconuenience. Because that all things whatsoeuer which are doubtfull [Page 164] are more suspitious and fearefull, and vpon asuddaine do seeme more hard and difficult.’
When Scanderbeg was come within a quarter of a league of the enemy, he made a stand, being not minded to aduaunce his ensignes any farther, till he had first sentMoses with two other souldiours goeth as aspie into the campe of Amurath. two souldiours (to whom he had promised a good summe of money) to the tentes of Amurath to see and vnderstand the doings of the enemy. Moses likewise voluntarily tooke vpon him with a gallant and chearefull courage ioyntly with them to be an actor in the matter: for that he thought there was not any great confidence to be reposed in their skill and sufficiencie. Immediatly therefore leauing their horses (for that being on foote they might the moresafely deceiue the Turkes sentinels) he being disguized in a varlets garment & a Sclauonian sword by his side went chearefully on, and was soone out of sight, with both the other souldiers, who followed him without any feare at all. They in the campe when they saw that Moses did not spare to aduenture himselfe in that enterprize, conceiued a singular hope in the matter: neuerthelesse they still expected in great perplexitie (by reason of the darknesse of the night, which made them somwhat both in feare and doubt) what would be the end of this attempt, and to what seruice they should bedrawen, when this worthy spy should returne to make report what he had sene. Neither did the Dibrian deceiue them of their expectation, for I may iustly speake it) he did not onely compasse all the trēches & fortificatiōs of the infidels, to take a view & notice of euery thing: but he went euen through their inmost courts of gard, passing & searching the most secret places of their campe. I am not ignorant, that some haue ascribed the proofe of this hardy and audacious fact vnto Standerbeg, of which for my part, neuerthelesse I will not robbe nor depriue Moses: relying in this matter (though there be no great certainty thereof) vpon the pluralitie ofScanderbeg went as spy into the Turkes campe lying at the siege of Croy. opinions which do defend it: how beit that this was not the first time that Moses merited this commendation, neither was this peculiar to him alone. For it cannot be denied but that euen Scanderbeg did aduenture himselfe to the like hazard (especially during the siege of Croy, with the like courage and good successe, I will not say, counsell and good aduise seeing in this case there is not any thing in a maner gouerned and ‘guidedGenerall of an army not to be commē ded for aduenturing his person ouer hardily. A rare thing to see fortune, and vertue in one mā to be alwayes ioyned together. by reason, but by meere chance and fortune. And therefore I dare not much commend in a Generall of an army that valour or vertue which is carelesse & so prodigall of his life and safetie. How beit fortune her selfe seemeth to haue exempted Scanderbeg from reproofe and blame in this behalfe: in that she did continually so accompany and second the endeuors & heroicall cōceipts of this worthy personage, that it was a thing very seldome seene in that age, & it was a spectacle both rare & singular to see a happy issue & euent still ioyned with counsell & wisedom, & that vertue should be so attēded by fortune. But we shall haue occasion elsewhere to entreate of this matter: let vs now returne to our campe with Moses: who being perceiued a far off by the court of garde (for the moone was then at the full and did shine all night)’ they went to meet him and receiued him with infinite ioye and gladnesse, and so conueyed him to the generall. Then might you see the priuate and common sort of souldiours mingled pell mell with the nobles and chiefe commanders, all of them running in great desire to vnderstand what he had seene, what he had learned, and what likehood he brought either offeare or hope. When it it was knowen that all was well, and that matters stood in good case, and this ioyfull newes being dispersed & published to euery one of them: Scanderbeg knew that the wished houre did now approch for them to march on against the enemy: he bestirred him selfe therefore on all sides, and you might haue seene him sometimes there amongst the rancks and squadrons of his armed souldiours, [Page 165] taking order, both for the men and their armes. Now disposing of some in the vauntgard, and others in the rereward, each one to his charge. And there withall he encouraged them with many braue speeches and exhortations.
Although (sayd he) my good friends and companions, both the present time and‘Oration of Scanderbeg to his army being to giue a canuazado to the Turkish campe. all things in a manner round about, especially your valour and prowesse so often manifested, may summon me now to be silent: yet the noueltie of the course which we now take, and this vnaccustomed fashion of fight, which now we are to begin (it may be) will giue you cause to think, that my speeches are not needles nor impertinent considering that it behoueth you now at my command to yeeld some new testimony of your auncient vertue against the enemy in the darknes of the night, and not as heretofore you were wont, in set battell open and orderly raunged. This is the cause, that I do now freely speake vnto you, and as instantly as possibly I may, I do pray and entreate you, I do exhort you, and I do require you, that euen the night it selfe may shew you to be mindfull of your noble courage, & to be mindfull of your honor & reputation which you haue purchased and continued so many yeares. For now cannot I be either a beholder or encourager of the valour or of the sloth of any of you, onely the moon-light shall be the witnesse of your valure, and your valure must animate and encourage you. Notwithstanding the successe and issue also of this nights seruice will giue an open testimony of your deuoire, and my selfe wilbe the particular iudge of your seuerall desertes, when I shall see your victorious handes bring me the bloudy spoyles of our dead enemies, their ensignes encountred and conquered before their trenches, and the heads cut off from the carcasses of their slaughtered bodies.’
These and such like speeches did he vse vnto his souldiours, as it were in iest and meriment, admonishing them notwithstāding in any case to abstaine from the pillage of their campe, least in thinking to satisfie their vile & couetous humour, their booty might happen to proue fatall vnto them, and be the occasion of their death and destruction: that nothing could be more pretious, neither could fortune offer any thing of better value to the braue souldier then the throat of the enemy.
This done, and hauing made their praiers and vowes of all sorts vnto God for the obtaining of victory, about the fourth houre of the night, hee caused his ensignes toScanderbeg giueth a canuado to the Turkish campe. march, but the clattering of their armour, and the neighing of the horses, did discouer their comming to the skoutes, before that they came to the tentes of the enemy: and they giuing the allarme to their Captaines, filled all parts with disorder, tumult, and confusion. Vpon this so sodaine and vnexpected a noise, the tents of the Graund Seigniour himselfe were striken with feare and terrour, and the old man being soone awaked, as a man amazed and destitute of all counsaile, did prouide as well as he could vpon so desperate an accident. But Scanderbeg for all this, neither slacked his course nor abated his fury: and although he perceiued by this tumult, that all the campe was in an allarme, and that the souldiers did runne in and out to the gardes, and passages of the campe, yet did he not diminish any part of his fury and fiercenesse formerly conceiued, but with high cries and wonderfull noise, he inuaded their trenches and fortifications. The first quarter that was assailed, was where certaine souldiers of Asia lay encamped, who being by chaunce the first that were encountred, had their tents and lodgings ouerthrowen in an instant, and themselues as they stood vpon their defence being partly slaine & partly put to flight, did draw on the like fury and destruction vpon others that succeeded in their roomes. For many who had taken armes in great hast & tumult, came to make head against the enemy, but being not able to make their party good, by reason they were vnequall to our men both in number and in fiercenesse, they were quickly cut in peeces, or driuen to forsake the place. From thence the [Page 166] Christians passing further on, they found diuers tents and pauillions voyde and emptie, which they caused to be fired, and the cordes being cut in sunder, they left them thus ouerthrowen in poore estate. Thus did Scanderbeg a long time continue victorious without any losse or bloudshed of his men, till such time as a strong batallion of Turkes being rallied and gotten close together, did come forth and aduaunce forward from the hart and strength (as it were) of the Campe to repulse the shame and ignominie of this dishonour. Then began the fight to be doubtfull and ambiguous, the place was couered with dead bodies, and dyed with much bloud. For the Generall of the Albanois making head against them with a troupe of harguebussiers and crosbowes and all his companies of archers, and bearing them off brauely at the first encounter when they came to charge him: he gaue them such a volley of shot both with bullet and artillerie, and he handled them so rudely, that growing at the very beginning to be astonished, and the night redoubling their feare, they stood a while in a doubt whether they should presse forward or returne backward, neuerthelesse trusting to their number wherein they thought them selues the stronger (for there were more then 14000. fighting men:) they resolued at length to try the extremitie and last hazard, neither would the Albanois in any case quit the place which he had once set foote on: but marching still on with obstinacie & perseuerance, he prepared himselfe both to giue & to take blowes with like hardinesse & resolution. For albeit he could not pierce any further into the campe of the enemy (because the thicknes of the presse and multitude trouping close together) did hinder them: yet would he not for any danger whatsoeuer giue ouer this occasion of so notable a victory. Wherfore ioyning close with the enemy, & setting foote to foote, sword to sword, & target to target, they came to encounter together man to man, and hand to hand, all of them taking good heede to keepe them selues from entermingling with the enemy, for feare least in this confusion and in the darke, they should not be able, to discerne their friends from their foes. And their fight did seeme in shewe and resemblance to be in the nature of a particular combat, for so eger and furious was their fight, that they seemed like mad men, and so vehement was their hatred which they bare each other (not so much in publique as in priuate) that euery one did imagine the enemy then before him, to haue bin predestinat vnto him, and therefore each man did his best and the vttermost of his endeuours to lay hold on the bloudy spoyles of his enemy.
Now did it appeare on all sides how notably the late oratiō of Scanderbeg was fixed & imprinted in the memories of his souldiers, and what effect his particular preceptes & instructions had wrought in their harts: For on all sides the Circumcized yeelding vp their soules, did sigh and grone vnder the hands of the Christians, and their throats (as they were cut a sunder, did euen crackle & make a noyse through the aboundance of bloud which like streames, issued from them: so ardent a desire had euery one of the Albanois to shew vnto his Prince the heads seperated from the carcasses) as the certain & euident pledges of their faith which they had giuen him, & the assured markes of their prowes & vertue. But our men did not lōg enioy this libertie of killing & massacring: because the Turkes (seeing how their batallion was pressed & ill entreated) did now retire on all sides, both those which were whole, & those that were wounded, all together: and they conueyed themselues into the most secure and safest places of their campe euē to the lodging of their Prince. By this time their whole army being drawn out of the seuerall quarters of their campe, & orderly raunged) as the time & tumult would permit) they made towards the place of the combat, where purposing to haue done their best against the Christians, their comming was not so furious and so violent as it was in vayne and vnprofitable, for they euen vpon the first flight of their enemies, [Page 167] being partly wearied and partly satisfied with the slaughter, were departed. And albeit they were scant a mile from thence, yet durst none of them be so hardy, as to follow after them for feare of ambushments. They remained therefore and abode still in that place, till such time as the morning light did discouer the horrible butchery, and the sorrowfull obiect of the dead bodies of their companions, which them selues did bewaile with warme and bitter teares. It is generally agreed that there were slaine 2000. and more then 500. hurt and wounded: for two and fortie of the ChristiansNumber of Turkes slaine in the canuazado. which lay buried amongst the heapes of their dead enemies, whom afterwardes being found (though their bodies were stone cold and their eyes pale (as in dead men is vsuall) & though their members stiffe and cold had lost their vse & ordinary functions by the departure of their happy soules) yet these miscreants neuerthelesse, through a vaine desire of reuenge most inhumanly tearing them in peeces, did endeuor to satisfie their rage and malice, vpon the deafe and sencelesse trunkes of their dead carcasses.
This meane while the Prince of Albanie had gotten ground, and being past cleane out of sight and hearing of the enemy; he caused his army to make a stand in a certaineThe fayre valley. valley which the inhabitants call the fayre valley, and was about fiue miles from Amurath. There did he make some stay, to the intent both to breath his companies, and to set his troupes in better order by the benefite of the day light, as also to prouide for thē that were wounded, whom visiting one by one, he did gratiously comfort, and without any respect of the dignitie of his estate, with a souldiourlike regard (as one that had bene but a meane footeman) him selfe did handle and looke vnto their woundes. All things being well and diligently ordered and disposed, he disloged thence with hisScanderbeg returneth to his Campe. ensignes displayed, and came to his Campe about the eleuenth houre of the day a little before noone. He had made the lesse speede, because the wounds of his souldiours did much hinder him: so likewise did the extremitie of the heate, and the burthensome cariage of the preye and booty gotten from the enemy. Besides there was a great number of prisoners both good and bad: for whatsoeuer was found within the enemies tents was taken and caried away. Amongest the rest of the pillage, there were 230. horses and seuen ensignes: but the heades of the Turkes, cut from their bodies, which the souldiours held and caried in their handes, as the notable markes of their priuate vertue, did singularly grace & beautifie the fight of this triumph. And Scanderbeg forgot not both with high praises, and rich presents and rewards, to honor all of them openly and in publique. The prisoners were sent into the next townes there to abide, till such time as they were ransomed. The ensignes with certaine moueables and riche ornaments, were sent vnto the Princes his associats: the rest of the spoiles were graunted and parted amongest the souldiers. After this for a while was the campe in goodScanderbeg encampeth in Emathia. rest and quietnesse, and they had leysure to repaire their forces with new supplies. The third day being past, they remoued with bag and baggage, and all their cariage into the plaine countrey of Emathia, where they encamped.
The wrath and anger of the Turkish Emperor did so far preuaile with him, that the same being conuerted into rage and meere madnes (both for the peruerse misfortune and slaughter of his people, and through the deformed shape and aspect of his campe: and seeing no other meane nor matter of reuenge, he disgorged the rage and fury of his heart (yet all in vaine) against the besieged, and against the wals of their city. ForSfetygrade assaulted for 3. dayes together by the Bassa of Romania. three daies together did the Bassa of Romania, with a great and puissant preparation, enterprize vppon them, and as often was he repulsed, and with notable great losse ouerthrowen and beaten backe. By meanes whereof, as the hardy and couragious fiercenesse of the defendants was encreased more and more, so did a vehement indignation and broyling rage more and more torment the heart of the Sultan. And [Page 168] though his body were euen wasted and worne out with age, yet the exceeding vigour of his spirite (suruiuing within him) did euen reuiue and quicken it selfe a new, through the remembraunce of the worthy exploites, and the notable deedesSpeeches of Amurath to his souldiors: encouraging thē to a new assault of Sfetygrade. ‘of armes which he had atchieued in times past. He told his souldiours, that the euents of warre are diuers, and that the vnconstant humour of fortune doth not shewe it selfe in any thing whatsoeuer, morevnstable and variable, then in armes and martiall matters: that all difficulties by deliberate obstinacie and continuall study may be easily surmounted: that the strongest Townes and fortresses are but weake and feeble: that rampiers and all fortifications are of no force nor of long resistance: In briefe, that all things are easie to be compassed and effected, whereunto men doe frame their mindes, and intende their thoughts, and apply their continuall trauelles and endeuours.’ With these and such like speeches animating his people, and giuing them therewithall large promises of huge and excessiue rewardes (such as he had neuer made the like to any since the time of his comming to the Empire) the appointed a new assault to begin the next day following.
Nothing of all this was concealed or hidden from Scanderbeg, but dayly assoone as the Turke had decreed or determined vpon anything: he was speedely aduertised of it, both by espialles which he had abroad of purpose, and also by the discouerie and relation of the Paynims themselues, of whom many did dayly flye vnto him,Turks fly from Amurath to Scanderbeg. either for that they were wearie of the Turkish tyranny & dominion, & did desire to follow that good fortune which seemed (as it were) to smile vpon this Prince fauoured by God him selfe: or (as it often happeneth) being drawen thereunto through the inconstancie of their owne dispositions. More then this, the franke and liberall nature of the Epirot, and his admirable prudence did so rauish the hartes of all such as did repayre vnto him: that if any of them came vnto him, with an ill and fraudulent intent, and with a purpose and resolution to deceaue him, they would soone alter their minds: so suddenly would he vanquish them with the regard of his bounty and with this clemency and benignitie. Now Scanderbeg vpon notice had of Amurath his determination, made no longer stay but till the returne of Moses, whom he had sent to leuie certaine new men for the supply of those whom he had lost in the former seruices. The rest of his troupes in the meane time stood ready ordered and raunged for the fight, as if they had bene to charge and giue battell presently, and as if the enemy had bene in sight to encounter them.
The day being come which Amurath had assigned for the assaulting of the Towne, early in the morning the ensignes being brought close vnder the walles, and the alarme giuen, the assault began euen by the breake of day. On all sides where the Towne was approchable was it enuironed round about, and all places were couered with armed forces. For the monarch of the Turkes hauing published and made it knowen, that this assault should be the last that he would attempt: he laboured tooth & nayle, and employed & bent all his forces & puissance against the defendants. And in the meane while to the intent he might preuent the sodaine commingFeribassa appointed with an army to resist the inuasiōs of Scanderbeg, during the assault of Sfetygrade. of Castriot from troubling (as he was wont) the course of his furious dessignes & endeuours, he gaue vnto Feribassa that braue warriour, (at his owne instant & earnest request) an army of 12000. horse & foote, for the encountring of so daungerous an enemy, that making head and opposing him selfe, against the violence of his inuasions, he might keepe him still doing: so as his other troupes might not be disturbed nor withdrawen from the Towne, nor the assault discontinued. The sufficiencie of thisFeribassa his praises and cō mendations. chieftaine was great and notable: he was of a very good conceipt, & aduised, & full of courage, as one whom the continuall practise of deeds of armes had brought to haue [Page 169] the reputation of a most worthie souldier and an excellent Captaine. Hauing receiued his charge and ordered his forces, he neuer ceased coursing vppe and downe of all sides, and sending foorth his scoutes to discouer euen the most remote and farthest places from the campe: and in great impatiencie both of choller and of rest, and as being grieued and discontented, that so faire an occasion of honour and commendation, should be so long delaied and detayned from him, he did attend and expect the enemie with a singular desire and deuotion: and did wish that he had euen then beene there before him. So mightily doth the immutable destinie of the heauens ‘inuegleSentence. and blinde our eyes, and the licentiousnesse of vnaccustomed libertie, that it maketh vs oftentimes more hardie and audatious then either in reason or necessitie is requisite. And so was it with Ferybassa, who being an vnskilfull iudge of his owne strength and puissance, had long since determined to trie himselfe in priuate and particular combat against Scanderbeg,’ vpon the first opportunitie that he could get in the tumult of armes, and in the furie of the fight.
By this time was a great part of the towne beaten downe, and certaine of their fortificationsAssault to Sfetigrade. ouerthrowen. The Turkes likewise had filled the walles with ladders and with all sortes of weapons: but especially with long and great hookes did they assaile and presse vppon them which stoode vpon the walles, whilest that others (though all in vaine) did not cease, by hollowe caues and mynes digged through the earth, to haue made themselues way into the towne. There wanted not also some who cast balles of wildefire into diuerse quarters of the citie, (for as yet were not Mortyers in vse, or not knowen at all:) but soone was the fire quenched by the inhabitants, who without sparing their liues, did carefully guarde and defende the walles on all sides. But the chiefest stirre and whole daunger in a manner was towardes the great gate, where the Mahometans by the helpe of a great number of ladders, and long plankes and bordes heaped together, had raised vp (as it were) a certaine tower or plotforme, by the which manie might get vp at once, and hauing once gotten good footing, they might afterwardes ayde themselues both with their shotte and dartes, to make the defendantes to forgoe their places. The number of the enemies resorting thither did so increase continually (assoone as they sawe this matter intended) as if they had nowe founde the way to enter into the towne. Some brought great and long beames both to strengthen and to enlarge this newe building: others made them secret lodgings in couert close adioyning to the walles, and then brought diuerse instrumentes, as pick eaxes, barres of yron, and such like, to digge and vndermine the wall. They prouided likewise store of arrowes, dartes, stones, and other flying weapons, by which they might oppresse the defendauntes from the toppe of this their building. Nowe beganne the heate and furie of the assaylelantes on ech side, in the other partes of the towne by little and little to waxe colde: and thither was drawen all the daunger and violence of the conflict. Besides that the tumult and horrible crie of them without did make all things seeme more fearefull and terrible. Feare and dispaire mingled together, had mightily seized vppon the hearts of the Christians, who were very busily occupied in the defence of this place; when they saw the matter brought to that issue and extremitie, that the enemy could neither be remoued, nor yet hindered from the obstinate pursuite of their endeuors. For by how much the more they were repulsed and beaten downe and slaine, by so much the more did their numbers still encrease: and fresh men continually succeeding in their roomes, did by heapes mount vpon the walles, not giuing them any time of rest and breathing, or anie intermission; in such sort that the defendants did not only now want weapons to repell them, but their force and strength began to faile them. [Page 170] Perceiuing therefore that their resistance did smally auaile them, and fearing the imminent daunger least the towne on that side should be wonne by the enemie: they sent speedily to call the Gouernour. But the brute and terrour running from one to an other, was alreadie come to the eares of Perlat, and had summoned him to make hast thitherwarde: by meanes whereof those that were sent to call him, found him neere at hande, and comming to the place withall possible speede and good diligence, and accompanied with a good troupe of citizens. For all the people both olde and young, being as men confounded and amazed, neither more nor lesse, then as if they had heard that the towne had beene alreadie taken by the Turkes: yet (being in suspence, and vncertaine of the matter) they ranne thither sighing and sorrowing, yet desirous to see the issue of this lamentable sight and spectacle. The presence of this hardie and stout Chiefetaine, did at the verie first onset beate them off that were mounted vppon the wall, and certaine standardes of the Turkes, which were found raised vppon the rampier, were quickely pulled away, and with great crie and clamours caried into the market place, to the intent the sight of this bootie might encourage and hearten their companions, and free them from their former care. One thing yet remained of especiall importance, and that was, to breake in peeces and to beate downe this massye heape of woode, and those great beames of timber which lay so neere the wall: vnder the couert whereof (as we haue saide) the souldiers being lodged, did both vndermine the foundations with pickeaxes and iron barres, and did furnish the assaylants with diuerse thinges needefull for the assault. Besides the enemie yet standing firme aloft vppon this tower, and pressing the defendants with a furious and eger fight, did hold them continually in allarme, and in small securitie. To remoue this inconuenience, they got together manie heapes of great and huge stones, which they caused to be rouled downe vppon this building, casting downe also withall great quantitie of oyle, vineger, and seething water, all of them boyling whot, which they continued so long, that with the force and violence thereof, and with the often stroakes of the stones, and other things cast from aloft, both the plankes of this tower, and the whole frame, by which the ladders were ioyned and helde together, beganne at length to be broken, and to be laide euen with the grounde. In like case the other engines and instruments of the enemie, were broken and buried vnder the ruines of this frame: besides more then a hundreth common souldiers, and with them also two of their chiefe Captaines, were crushed to death and smothered by the deadly fall of this building. The towne being freed and deliuered from this feare, the tampiors being newly repayred, and the walles furnished and guarded with fresh souldiers (for that there was scarce any one left either vnslaine or vnwounded of those that were placed there at the first) the Gouernour with his traine went speedily from thence to oppose himselfe elsewhere against other attempts of the enemie. For by this time the like debate and conflict was risen in other places, and the Turkes did presse so hard to get the aduantage of the walles, that the towne seemed to be in as hard an estate, and in as great a daunger as before. Within a while after the Gouernour his departure, the Mahometans (which had beene repulsed and beaten backe from the assault, by the fresh supply of our men that came against them) hauing for a litle while withdrawen themselues from the wall: assoone as they knewe that the Gouernour was absent (imagining that the former heate of the Christians was somewhat abated) they beganne once againe to goe in hande with their former worke, and to vndertake the taske which they had beene forced to leaue vnfinished. Raising vp therefore once againe their beames of timber against the walles, which were yet [Page 171] fuming with the bloud of their companions, they seemed to giue the defendants a new representation of their forepassed daunger. But their last assayes were no more fortunate then the former, by reason of the sudden arriuall of Perlat, who with little labour ouerthrewe this worke but newe begunne: and the stuffe being scarcely yet brought together for that intent and purpose, was quickly dispersed and cast to the ground.
In the middest of these contentions and varieties of fortune at the assault, there presented it selfe another kinde of fight, farre more notable and more worthie to be regarded, the which was able to haue withdrawen the thoughtes, and to haue staied the handes both of the one side and the other, and to haue made them (as if all armes had beene laide apart, and all choller and rancour quite forgotten) not to pursue their attempt, but to stande still wholly attentiue to the successe of their companions.Scanderbeg commeth to inuade the Turkish campe For now was the Prince of Epyre approched neere with his armie, and (being come almost within sixe hundreth paces of the enemie) he was determined suddenly to breake in vppon their campe. On the other side, Ferybassa was readie prouided to receiue him with the forces which the Sultan had giuen him to that purpose. For he did not thinke that the Albanois had anie other intention, but onely by a faint and false allarme to hinder the assault that was begunne, and to make the Turkish bandes to retyre from the walles euen in the chiefest of their furie: wherefore to preuent him in this point, he made towardes him, and would not suffer himThe battell betweene Scanderbeg and Feribassa. to passe forwarde, till they had debated vppon the matter. Scanderbeg feigning a kinde of feare, beganne softly to retyre drawing on the enemie (who still followed him) some seuenscore paces farther: and then with all his forces, well ordered to the battell, marching againe forwardes directly against him, he charged him most furiously. The Turkish Captaine (who had beene euer desirous of battell) did not in anie sort refuse him: but hauing seene the small number of the Christians, who were but nine thousande men, or little more, (for Scanderbeg had left the residue of his troupes, being but fifteene hundred at the most, with Musache, about a mile and a quarter off for the safegarde of the others, if anie misfortune should betide them) he opposed against them all his footemen and foure thousande horse, whom he placed in the front before them: and with these he made head againstStratageme of Feribassa to enclose Scanderbeg. the Albanois, and receiued them to the shocke. The rest of his horsemen with a wylie and fine stratageme, he caused secretly to withdrawe themselues from the bodie of the armie, and a farre off to fetch a compasse about, to the intent they might get behinde the Albanois at their backes, and so, (hauing them enclosed and entangled on both sides) they might shut vppe the passage, and bereaue them of all meanes and possibilitie to saue themselues, and perhappes also take Scanderbeg aliue. But this olde beaten and expert souldier did presently discouer the deuise: wherefore leauing Moses to maintaine the fight of the middle battell, himselfe with a troupe of horsemen most readie and resolute, setting spurres to his horse, turned aside to the right hande: where at the first sight, hee staied the course of the enemie that hastened to haue enclosed him, and afterwards comming to handie strokes, and pressing rudely vppon them, he made them giue ground, and in the ende to change their determination, and to looke to their owne safegarde. There were of the Turkes more then foure thousand horse, whereas the Albanois did not fully make two thousande. Neuerthelesse, for a while the hope of the victorie rested indifferent on both parties, and their courages were equall, though their fortune were not alike, for that there fell a farre greater number of the circumcized. Musache likewise (hauing beene called foorth by some of the Albanois) had now charged the Paynims on the [Page 172] left hand, and with all his forces kept the rest of them there employed. In this manner both the armies, being deuided tripartite, did represent on the one side and the other, the forme of three sundrie fightes and combats. Moses behaued him selfe wonderfull aduisedly, and seemed to vse rather pollicie then force against the enemie. For neither would he giue the bridle to the furie of his souldiers, nor would he aduenture them to the hazarde ouer hastily: till such time as he perceiued that the two winges beganne to haue some likelihoode of good successe, and had made an entrance to the victorie: to the intent he might reserue the strength and vigour of his men fresh and lustie. Till then therefore he helde the rankes of his battell firme and close ioyned together, and with a kinde of subtiltie seemed to temporize and to prolong the fortune of the fight, till the comming of his companions. This made Feribassa the more fierce and insolent, and to presse vpon them without any intermission: and oftentimes would he vse to encourage and hearten on his souldiers with these and such like speeches.
‘On, on, (my good souldiers) vse the fauour of the gods, take the benefit of the victorie, whilest the swords of the Christians doe stand (as it were) amazed, and whilestEncouragement of Feribassa to hu souldiers in the battell against Scanderbeg. their forces doe growe faint. Goe we on to seeke out these heads which are vowed to the slaughter, and to cut in peeces their cursed bodies. See how they faint on all sides: scarce can we discerne any tokens of enmitie in our enemies, neither doth their countenance, nor their voice, nor their gesture make anie shewe that they haue a minde to stande vppe long against you. Or (it may be) that they doe purposely delay the combat, and attend the comming of the night, because (as theeues and robbers) they are vsed to the night. It behoueth you to aide your selues with the light, and you must keepe them from this policie, and take that opportunitie out of their hands, euen now whilest we do exceede them in number, and do surpasse them in valure. If we staie for the night, the lesser numbers will be equall to the greater, and the cowards will match the most valiant and hardie. But what do I blame these, or why doe I presse vpon them, whose obstinacie will soone cease and vanish as the surges of the sea, when the tempest is gone and past? We must cut off their head, and then the bloud of the other (as it is but vile and base) so is it of no force nor resistance. Where is this wicked fugitiue, the author of so manie mischiefes? I my selfe alone will dispatch him of his life without the hazarde of any of you, if it be my good happe to encounter him in the battell. And I will sacrifice the bloud of this sauage and wilde beast, (whom so many theftes and robberies haue made insolent) to the soules of our slaine brethren, friendes, and kinsfolkes. I haue (my friendes) of a long time bene of this minde, and this my desire is not of any sudden or new affection. It is long since that my thoughts did ayme at this combat: and my spirit hath beene euer enflamed to seeke the punishment of this wretched, vnhappie runnagate. I will once make proofe whether this my sword can cut well or not, whether that bodie of his be penetrable, or that it be fatall to those that encounter him. And I will see from whence he hath that corporall strength and vigour: and in what this happie warriour (whose fortune hath beene of such long continuance) doth excell and surpasse all others.’
In this manner did the Barbarian speake vnto his souldiers, and then swelling with pride and furie (more then was befitting a Generall of an army) he went vp & downFeribassa chalengeth Scanderbeg to the combat. searching and seeking amiddest the presse, and casting his eies on all sides to see if he could finde out Scanderbeg: and his minde being set on nothing else, he made signes with his hands and with his voice, still calling and demaunding for Scanderbeg. The souldiers were nothing discontented with the hearing of these vauntes: and albeit [Page 173] the prowes and valure of the Christian Captaine, did seeme vnto all of them to be inuincible, yet did they attende neuerthelesse with great deuotion (as the cōmon sort isSentence. desirous of nouelties) to see the successe of so notable a spectacle. Besides they were in hope, that (the aduantage of the fight and victorie falling to the one or the other of them) it would be an occasion that the bloudines of the fight would be the sooner determined, and their labour would be the more speedily at an end. Many of them notwithstanding,Ferybassa disswaded from the combat by his owne men. whose minds were more intentiue to higher matters, and who were respectiue of their honour, did diswade Ferybassa from this combat (yet with gentle perswasions least they should seeme to haue imputed cowardice vnto him,) and they shewed him (as well as they could,) that the triall of this combat, was no lesse perilous‘The office of a Generall to consult and to command rather then to fight. then strange & without any president or good example: that the Generals of armies should not in their owne persons make themselues the obiect of a sight, whereof they ought to be the beholders and the iudges: that such contentions were proper vnto souldiers, and were the offices of particular & priuate persons, that the charge of great Captaines was to giue counsell, and to commaund rather then to fight and to handle the sword: that if occasion were, there would be store enough of others found who would valiantly vndertake this enterprise, rather then that he by this ouer hardie fiercenesse and immoderate desire of danger, should leaue at sixe and seuen, and commit to blind chance and fortune the honor of the victory, which they had in a maner sure and certaine.’
Ferybassa hauing his eares shut to all these reasons and perswasions, and litle or nothing regarding this good and wholsome counsell, with a mind & humor quite contratie, set spurres to his horse: and being attended with a strong squadron of horsmen, went to call for Scanderbeg, and with a loud voice willed him to prepare himselfe to his defence. The king of Epyre, albeit he had before heard almost the whole discourseScanderbeg prepareth him selfe to the combat with Ferybassa. of his aduersarie: yet not remitting for all that the heate and fury of the battell already begunne, but either dissembling, or in respect of his royall dignitie disdayning him, he would scarce turne his face towards him. But when he saw the victorie already enclyning vnto him, and that the barbarian did so presse and importune him: then his fiercenesse being augmented with the new and happie successe of that aduantage, he refused not the challenge: but being all besprinckled and embrued with the bloud of his enemies, he went well accompanied to meete with Ferybassa. The fierce and austere countenance of the Epirot, whom the Mahometan had prouoked to present himselfe there before him: the wings of his owne legions being then in rout and disorder, and the losse of so many of his souldiers, might haue sufficed to disswade this rash and temerous Turke, and to haue bethought himselfe better. The view and pitiful regard of his misfortune, ought to haue terrified him & speedily to haue suppressed all desire of entring into combat. Neuerthelesse whither it were the necessitie of his destiny that did constraine him, or that the feare of shame & infamy did restraine him, he shewed not any change of his first resolution, nor bewrayed any alteration of his courage. Now in an instant both the one part & the other ceased from fighting, and the fury of the souldiers was staied by their Generals, in such sort that betweene both the armies, there was not heard or perceiued any noise nor any shew of malice and enmitie.Speeches of Scanderbeg by his Nobles entreating him not to combat with Ferybassa All things were still and quiet, except certaine of the Lords & chiefe Captaines of the Albanois, who inuironning their Prince, did endeuour sometimes by praiers and petitions, and sometimes by their importunity to entreate him: that he would not meddle with the clamarous and rayling beast: and they told him moreouer, that his head only after he were slaine, did appertaine to their Generall, but that his ‘slaughter belonged vnto them & was their dutie: that it should redound more to his honor [Page 174] and more aduantage the estate of Albanie for the Ottoman to see, that the souldiers of the Epirots were to be compared for their valure with the Captaines and leaders of the Turkes: and that there was no comparison betweene their Generals. Besides that it was not conuenient, that so great a Prince should aduenture the reputation and honour of so many honourable exploites, and the glorie and renowme purchased by so many yeares: in combatting with one that was but a slaue and bondman to Amurath. That it could be no increase or augmentation of honour or fame vnto Scanderbeg to ouercome this barbarian, whereas Feribassa by this act might grow more triumphant and glorious,’ then by all the deedes and demerits of his life before past. All these perswasions notwithstanding, Scanderbeg hauing highly commended and extolled their singular affection and good wils towards him, whilest he was preparing himselfe to the ioust: he thus replyed vnto them.
God defend (quoth he my friends) that as long as this hand of mine can handle the sword, and as long as this bodie of mineretaineth his wonted strength and vigour,Answere of Scanderbeg to his Nobles, disswading him from the combat with Feribassa. that any of you should carrie away from me the successe of this aduenture: the which (whatsoeuer it be) I referre to him that is the giuer of all victorie. Reserue therefore ‘these your offices of good will to some other season when you shall see me aged and stricken in yeares, when my limmes beginne to faile, and when I shall assure my selfe that my strength doth decay. At this time you ought to haue a care, least whilest you shew your selues too carefull of my life, you doe enuie my honour and reputation. And what would the enemy say if (according to your request) I should yeeld you the hazard of this combat: but that my holding backe and refusing of the fight were but a meere dissimulation of my cowardice, and a true confession of a fearefull and faint heart, and that I durst not encounter him, nor were comparable vnto him. For (to answere your obiections) it is not amisse sometimes for a Generall of an armie to vndertake a combat as well as a priuate souldier. That glorious combat of Alexander the Great with Porus king of the Indians was it any diminishing to his honour and reputation? Did our auncestors euer discommend the fight that was betweene Pyrrhus and Pantachus? I will not here speake of the Marcelli, the Torquati, and the Coruini, who with the singular glorie both of themselues and their citizens, haue ouercome their enemies that challenged them to the combat. These are the hands that must vndertake this hazard: for me it is that the enemie calleth with so many menaces and brauadoes: to me it is that this cruell beast speaketh. I could do litle if I should refuse him in such a matter, and he might thinke me very vnkind if I should not satisfie his desire in so honest and reasonable a request. He is a man of sufficient worth to feele the weight of this my sword, whom Amurath thought so worthy to haue the charge and commaund of so great an armic.’
This said, he sent presently one of his guard to tell the Barbarian that he shold make readie to receiue him: and immediatly he presented himselfe vpon the place assignedThe combat betwene Scanderbeg and Feribassa. for the conflict, being conueyed thither with many acclamations and high clamors of his souldiers. The inequalitie of the combattants (the Turke not being comparable in valure to his enemie) and his short and speedie ende, (for he was too too soone dispatched) did make the sight and spectacle lesse delightfull, and made the combat lesse notable then otherwise it might haue bene. For at the first course and encounter with their launces, Feribassa being striken through the face into the head tumbled downe to the ground, and left both his life and his horse both at once. Scanderbeg takingFeribassa slain by Scanderbeg. no regard either of his bodie or of his spoiles, but returning presently to his cō panie, willed them to renue the fight, and to inuade the enemie a fresh. But the infidels being enraged, would not giue them the leasure: for assoone as they sawe their [Page 175] Generall laide on the ground, at the first they made towardes his corps with their troupes close and firme together, thinking to haue guarded his bodie from the outrage of the enemie, and to haue dragged him away by the feete. But being not able toVictorie of Scanderbeg against the armie of Feribassa. effect it by reason that the Christians suddenly comming vpon them, did hinder their attempt, they thought it better to withdraw themselues, and to carrie the newes of their misfortune vnto their soueraigne: and therfore turning their backes, they fled away with might & maine, which the Albanois perceiuing (who were come thither with a full resolution and good deuotion to haue charged them) many of them, especially the vauntcurrers fell to the chase, till such time as the retraite being sounded, caused them to returne. Scanderbeg ioyous and glad of this victorie, after he saw that all was quiet and that there was nothing to be seene but the footesteps of the enemie, and the earth washed with the blood of their cold carcasses, presently sent the common souldiers to gather the pillage whilest himselfe with the residue of his best and brauest souldiers arranged in order of battell, stood vpon his guard for feare of some commotion that might be made from the campe of the enemie.
This ouerthrow and vnhappie discomfiture being first reported, and afterwardsAmurath fortifieth his campe against future inuasions of his enemie. perceiued by the Sultan, did so ouerwhelme his heart with griefe and sorrow intermingled with feare, that he stood mute for a long season as if he had bene in a traunce: for he sawe himselfe so frustrate of his hope and expectation, as if all the powers of heauen had conspired against him. But the violence of his passion by little and little leauing him, he prouided by reason of this accident, and tooke order for all matters so fully and in as good sort as any Generall (were he neuer so prudent and expert) could possibly haue done. First therefore he placed souldiers on all sides, charging them diligently and carefully to espie the driftes and counsels of the enemie: then drawing downe certaine small peeces of artillerie from before the towne, he planted them towards that part of his campe where the townes men did most vsually sally out vpon him, and which was most subiect to the iniuries and inuasions of the enemie. Moreouer hauing augmented and restored the troupes of Ferybassa with a supply of foureNumber of Turkes slaine in the battell betweene Scanderbeg and Feribassa. thousand men (for so many had bene slaine in the fight betweene him and Scanderbeg) he appointed them for the defence of the trenches and fortifications of the camp, expresly charging and enioyning them, that no man should set his foote without the trenches to oppose himselfe against the Christians, till such time as they sawe them entred within the campe: and that then they should make some barricado at the place, and playing vpon them with the peices (which were placed there of purpose) they should oppresse them with the force and violence thereof, rather then with the hazarding of their bodies against them: supposing by this meanes, that both his souldiers should be the better preserued, & that so he might happen to recompence them both for his forepassed and future losses sustained at all times in seuerall conflictes. Thus did he make prouision to preuent all inconueniences, so as the siege and assaulting of the towne should not be any way interrupted. Notwithstanding the courage of the Mahometans was mightily decreased and diminished, their strength beganne to faile them, and the force of their blowes seemed to waxe faint and feeble, after they once saw that the fortune of the fight did succeed so vnluckely against them, and that contrarie to their hope and expectation, the fauor of the field did seeme to smile vpon the aduerse partie: and principally for that the vertue and fortune peculiar to the prince of Epire, had gotten him the good will and liking of many euen of their owne company: especially them who measuring matters by their successe and euent, do variably frame and conform their faith accordingly. For I find it recorded, that the same day of the discomfiture of Ferybassa, more then fiftie Turkes left the seruice of Amurath, [Page 176] and came and yeelded themselues to the Christians. The honor of this iorneyTurkes flee to the Christians. seemed to encrease and (as it were) to yeeld a kind of nouriture to the forces and courage of the Sfetigradians: whereof they gaue a large and blooddie testimonie to the assailants: who continuing more fresh and fierce then before, had made another assault against the towne, notsuffering the besieged at any time to breath and rest them selues, till the darke of the night so long and earnestly desired, did seperate and part them asunder, causing euerie man at the sound of the trumpet, to retire to his quarter sore wearied and wellneare tyred with their extreame labour. This daies iorney costNumber of Turkes slaine at the 2. assault of Sfetigrade. the grand Seignior the liues of seuen thousand souldiers at the least, an euident signe of his misfortune: and more returned hurt then whole from the assault. Of the defendants there wanted 70, besides ninetie two wounded verie dangerously, by meanes whereof their numbers daily diminishing, many of them grew to be troubled: fearing least at length, the towne being dissurnished of menne to defend it, should be brought to that issue and extremitie, as to yeeld to the will and pleasure of the enemy. This made them to apply all their studie, care and endeuors more intentiuely then euer, to the repairing of their walles, to the building and raising of their rampiers, platformes and Gabions: to the intent the souldior standing close and in couert, might the lesse aduenture his bodie to the blowes and shot of the enemie. One thing notwithstanding did greatly comfort and encourage them though they were shut vp and sorely trauelled: and that was: to see their Prince continue his good fortune and prosperitie: and that the armie of the infidelles was so harried, weakned and beaten with so many slaughters and rough discomfitures, that it was greatly diminished and empaired.
I come now to Scanderbeg and his people, whom I left making their benefite all at pleasure of the victory which they had gotten, and gathering the spoiles of the dead bodies before that the Ottoman troupes descending from the mountaine, did giue ouerThe returne of Scanderbeg to his campe. the assault. This done, he retyred himselfe with tryumph for his double victorie, to his campe, where he spent the rest of the night in singing of songs and other sports. The bootie carried away was so maruellous, that the souldiers seemed not to care for it: but especially they had such plentie of horses, that there was not any of the souldiers in a manner, but had some giuen them. Many of them were giuen to the Princes neere adioyning, with other rich and costly presents purchased from the enemie. Moreouer there were infinite marchants which came purposely both from Italy and other Nations, who buying of them for ready money, or for exchange and barter of other marchandize, did daily rid and carie them out of the countrie.
The whole Prouince of Epyre began now to leaue all feare, and to be secure from the terrour of the Turkish armie, and the Ottoman grew to be little redoubted, but rather contemned by all in generall, now that they saw his forces so beaten, broken and discomfited: and euen Scanderbeg also was of the opinion, that Amurath would of himselfe raise his siege from before Sfetygrade, and trussing vp his baggage, after so many calamities suffered and endured, would depart and not make any longer stay in the countrie. Neuerthelesse, he daily sent out spies and others to sound the counsels & secret deliberations of the Sultan: but yet for all that he could heare no newes from the campe of the enemie. Wherefore as one that mortally hated idlenesse, he madeScanderbeg goeth to discouer vpon the enemy. choise of 2000. horse, & taking the way of the mountaines, he went abroad to search and enquire in what estate all things stoode, and he was in great perplexitie, because he could not any way learne nor coniecture, what were the counsels & intent of the Ottoman, nor what course he was determined to take. If he could intercept any of the foragers or vassals of the Turke so it was, otherwise he was like to remaine doubtfull [Page 177] and in suspence as before: for either to inuade his trenches, or to come openly to fight with him was but meere folly: neither was there any surety to be hoped for by any such course; because he feared the number of the Turkish forces whole and vnited, and the engines which lay couertly prouided for the fortification of their campe: of the which he had had aduertisement by those that were come vnto him from the enemie. All this notwithstanding he coursed still vp and downe, sometimes heere, sometimes there to shew himselfe to his enemies, and vpon the appearance and shew of his small numbers, to draw him foorth to fight, in hope of some good and happy exploit. But all these deuises did litle or nothing auaile him; for that the Infidels (as if themselues had bene besieged) did not stirre a foote out of their trenches and rampiers: by reason that the Sultan had pronounced the rigorous and terrible sentence of death, to be executed vpon all those who should dare to aduenture without licence, either to issue forth to fight, or to make any mention of fighting with him. The Albanois seeing that matters did not fall out to his desire and expectation, returned to his campe full of care and discontentment, there to take further aduise what courseScanderbeg holdeth councell for his proceedings against the enemie. was most conuenient, both to deliuer the towne that was so straightly besieged, and to expell the enemie out of the countrey: considering he was not able to vse open force against him, neither would he be brought to enterprize or aduenture any thing rashly and vnaduisedly. To solicite the potentates and townes of Epire his confedederates to take armes, and with them to aduenture the fortune of the whole estate to the doubtfull chance of battell, seemed a course of litle or no safetie. For, put the case he were assured of the victorie, yet could not a matter of so great consequence and difficultie be effected but with much bloodshed of infinite of his people. Amongest many opinions propounded in councell, this was laied downe as the most safe and commendable, to continue the warre according to their accustomed manner, and that be should suffer the power of the enemie, to vanish and wast away, and to grow into contempt: till being consumed and spent by their owne secret discommodities and inconueniences, and his forces growing from day to day, to waxe more faint and to decay, he should voluntarily desist from his attempt, and by his owne losses and dammages, might be driuen to leaue the prouince which he had so vnfortunately inuaded: that he had not (God be praised) any occasion to find himselfe aggrieued neither with the faith and loyaltie of any person, nor yet with his owne good fortune: and that touching those of Sfetigrade, there did appeare so many & so notable signes and euidences of their good perseuerance, that euerie man might hold himselfe contented, and his mind well satisfied. Besides that, the towne was so well fortified and defended of all things needefull for the besieged, that they had not onely good store of necessaries for their ordinarie vsage, but more then enough though they should mispend and abuse them: and therefore, what course soeuer the Turke should take, either by abstaining along time from assaulting of their walles, or by giuing the same new and often assaults, it should be to the ruine and confusion of his owne people: or that whilest they should be most busily employed and troubled about the assault, they might easily approach with an armie from the field, and so annoy or endaunger them within their campe, that both on the one side and the other, they should reape nothing but shame and infamy euen in the face and view of Amurath.
These things did Scanderbeg alleadge openly and in publique, making a shewe in outward appearance, and carying a countenance of great cheerfulnes and assurance: but inwardly and in his hart, his mind was violently troubled and perplexed with diuerse cares and pensiue thoughts and imaginations: and he did diuine of the counsels and practises of Amurath no otherwise then the issue and euent of matters did afterwards [Page 178] make manifest. He was no lesse in doubt and feare of the sad and silent behauior, and of the slothfull and idle quietnes of Amurath, then of his armes and all his forces: and he had reason: for he knew by long experience his naturall disposition, and his subtile cariage and demeanour. He daily considered with himselfe also, that giftsScanderbeg in great perplexitie for doubt of treason in Sfetigrade. and large rewards, were able both to assaile and to peruaile against any towne or fortresse. He knew that couetousnes and the hunger of gold, hauing taken hold in mens hartes, did make them sacrilegious and irreligious, and worse then brute beastes and monsters. The conceit here of did easily perswade him to doubt and feare euery thing, whose mind was full of ielousie and suspition: for he was not ignorant, that the wals of many townes, and the bodies of many men who had contemned all daunger of sword and armor, who were vnconquerable by force, and against whom iron could not preuaile, yet had bene tempted and ouercome by gold and siluer. This was it that brought him into an exceeding feare, and an incredible mistrust: for his mind running and discoursing of diuerse matters, he imagined it a matter verie easie and likely, that in so great a multitude there might be found some one wretch or other of a wicked and mischieuous disposition, who being blinded and inueigled with the inordinate desire of gaine, might open his eare and be seduced to condescend to some infamous and vile conditions of trecherie and infidelitie. And this care did not torment him for Sfetigrade only, but for all the other townes likewise within his dominions: but principally for Croie: fearing least some one of his subiects traiterously disposed, should haue secret and priuate intelligence with the Ottoman, and should worke him some mischiefe and misfortune. For this cause taking with him in companie no more then Tanusee and Musache, and about thirty other beside them, and being disguised in the habit of a simple souldier, he emploied all his possible diligence and industrie to search out and enquire if he could heare of any thing attempted or managed to that effect.
Thus you may see how the Prince of Albanie on the one side, and the Soueraigne of the Turkes on the other side, ech suspecting and redoubting other, and being tormented in their mindes, had both of them their imaginations occupied with diuerse thoughtes and cogitations about the vncertaine issue of their affaires. The Ottoman Amurath consulteth vpon his proceedings against Sferygrade. keeping himselfe close within his trenches (as we haue saide) did spend all his time in discoursing and consulting vpon diuerse subtle plots and deuises: for knowing that neither violence, nor menaces, nor a long and tedious siege, nor the often and continuall assaults of his souldiers were sufficient to carrie the towne, but that the defendants did perseuer in their former constancie: he determined therefore to trie his fortune another way, albeit there were some who counselled him to continue still inCounsellers of Amurath are in diuerse opinions for his proceedings against Sfetygrade. pressing them with his forces, and to holde on his attempts against the towne. Many also did aduise him not to proceede any further against so manie difficulties, but to bend all his forces to the destruction & spoile of the countrie, and to make the whole Prouince of Albanie to feele the extremitie of sworde and fire, the two scourges of warre: and to pursue the enemie, who being growen insolent and arrogant with so many victories, did seeme to contemne all dangers, and did course here & there walking vp and downe the countrie at his pleasure, with a handfull (as it were) of rascals and beggers: or else that leauing Sfetigrade, he should leade his armie before Croit, where peraduenture they might encounter some better fortune: and (it might be) that Scanderbeg would shut vp himselfe within that citie, by meanes whereof they should haue but one enemie onely to make head against them. For they were easily perswaded, that he would not commit the guard and care of this place, being of such importance, to the faith and industrie of any person but himselfe onely. None of these considerations [Page 179] could sinke into the minde of the Sultan to resolue vpon: but contrariwise he reiected and contemned them, replying (and that with good reason) that these fashionsAnswer of Amurath to the reasons and aduise of his Councellors. of pilling and robbing the countrey, were but mockeries and childish toyes: for that the fields did scarce aford wherewithall to satisfie the appetite of one onelie souldier, so carefully had Scanderbeg prouided against all inconueniences before their ‘comming into that prouince. No lesse did he deride the foolish discourse of those, who counselled him to pursue the Epirot: telling them, that there was nothing more pernicious and daungerous, then of a foolish and vaine curiositie to entangle themselues in those large forrests and thicke woods of Epyre, being a fit couert for wilde and sauage beastes, where no man could come neare them: but not for men endued with reason and discretion: and that the enemie himselfe would desire no better aduantage against them. In like case, to remoue his campe before Croy; he said, that were to runne into new doubts and ambiguities, and to hazard themselues to fresh subtilties and alterations of fortune: and that it was certaine they should there find the Croians farre more stout & obstinate in their defence: that Croy had their peculiar and particular Gods as well as Sfetigrade: and do you thinke (said he) that there is any appearance or likelihood of reason, for vs of a vaine desire and meere fancie onely, to proceede any further in making tryall of their vertue and fortune, in a matter of so great weight and importance, which we (full litle to our profit) haue found to be so fauorable vnto them in matters of lesse consequence? and in the verie beginning and (as it were) in the prime of their good fortune? shall we leaue Sfetigrade vnconquered at our backes being but in their borders? and shall we plunge at the first dash into the verie hart and bottome of Albanie, and into the bowels of their realme, and besiege Croy their capitall and strongest citie?’
In this manner did Amurath discourse with his councellours, neglecting and reiecting those counselles which they propounded, yet not finding any other course which could seeme more plausible & expedient: so that all things remained still vncertaine and vnresolued. But this was it that most vexed him, on the one side feare of shame and reproch, and the vehement indignation of his mind disdaining beyond all measure to be repulsed, would not permit him to dislodge and breake vp his siege. On the other side his misfortune and extreame losses did disswade him from making any farther attempt against the towne. Thus did Amurath hang in suspense, still doubtfull and vnresolute, concealing his discontentmentes, and dissembling his extreameAmurath seeketh to corrupt those of Sfetigrade with giftes. dolour. Yet because he would not lye idle and doe nothing at all, by litle and litle he made way to finde some oportunitie, and he sought a farer off, to espie the meanes how to haue some parley and conference with the Sfetigradians: which in the end hauing compassed, he endeuored to allure and entise them with smooth and gratious speeches, which are fit enticements for variable and vnconstant Epirotes: and (thatAnswer of the Citizens of Sfetigrade to the enticements of Amurath. which doth most solicite the curious and vnsatiable minds of men) he assaied by force of rich offers, great rewards, and large promises, to perswade them to open their gates vnto him, and to receiue in a garrison into the towne. The Citizens gaue him diuerse answers, which came all to one issue and conclusion: ‘that they sawe no cause why they should consent to exchange their faith and fidelitie, & to become corrupt and disloiall: nor to leaue the loue and fauor of the Prince of Epire for the yoke and seruitude of a stranger: that there was none of them all yet that could be content to make marchandize of that faith: that they were all of them bound vnto their Prince with a most strict bond, and in a fraternitie together, which they would continue whilest they had breath. All this notwithstanding the Sultan persisted still in hope: because hauing propounded such large offers, he had valued their dissoialtie at so high a price [Page 180] and so excessiue a rate,’ that it was able to haue corrupted the faith, and to haue peruerted the alleageance euen of the most constant and best minded. Neither was he atAmurath corrupteth one of the garrison of Sfetigrade to betray the towne. the last deceiued of his opinion, for the filthy and foule desire of gaine preuailed with one of the garrison, a most wretched and desperate villaine of all men liuing to be abhorred: who being corrupted by the large and perilous offers of Ottoman, did not care a button for the safetie of his citizens, of his countrey, nor of his frendes or kinsfolkes, in respect of his owne particular profit and commoditie. This wretch because he would not be perceiued by the watch and Sentinels of the towne, sought a fit and conuenient time to deceiue them, and to conferre secretly with certaine spies of the grand Seignior, with whom he bargained and concluded vpon the price and reward that should be giuen him for betraying the towne into their hands. But fortune did not immediately present him the meanes to compasse his detestable and wicked enterprize: but (the guilt of his crime, and his owne conscience making him timerous) he was doubtfull to attempt any thing: least his treason happening to be discouered, himselfe might be the first that by his owne ruine and destruction should incurre the danger of so execrable a conspiracie. To breake downe the barriers or portcallys, to force or breake open the ports, and so receiue in the enemie was a matter of great difficultie, and litle certentie, because the place was so carefully garded by the citizens. To practise with others, and to procure vnto himselfe consorts and companions, by whose helpe he might in the nighttime raise an allarme in the towne, cut the throats of the principall persons, and oppresse the citizens being in feare and astonishment, & so to let in the Barbarians into the towne, & to possesse them of the place, was a matter of as great impossibilitie: because he knew that there was not any creature within the towne, but had the verie conceipt of any such fact in horror and detestation: and he saw euen by the countenance of ech of them, that they were resolutely determined, either by a glorious victorie to see their countrey preserued, or if it should be lost and vanquished, to end their liues honorably.
The citie by reason it was placed vpon the mountaines, and seated vpon the toppeThe cause and ground of the treason, bringing the losse of Sfetygrade. of an exceeding high rocke, was vnprouided of the commoditie both of fresh springs and of the riuer that ranne neere it. They had within but one onely pit or well in the middle of the towne, which long before that time had beene digged and built by the diligence of their auncestors for the common vse of the inhabitants, but principally for their necessitie in time of warres that might afterwards befall them. The whole garrison (as we haue before touched) consisted of souldiers that were Dibrians, who though they were a people subiect to Scanderbeg; yet were they not naturall Albanians,Description of the Prouince of Dybria in Epyre. neither in name nor in language. For this countrie of Dybria is deuided into two partes, separated and seuered by distinction of names as well as by their nature, for the inhabitants call the one of them High Dybria, and the other Base Dybria. This latter is all plaine champion, and the whole leuell thereof is a rich and fertill ground, and yeelding plentie of all things: this Dybria is inhabited by the Albanois or EpyrotsBase Dybria inhabited by Epyrots. a hardie and warre-like Nation, by whose armes and valure Scanderbeg did both augment and maintaine his Empire, and atchieued all his enterprises of greatest difficultie: in so much as he reputed and retained them as his last and chiefest succours and refuge in all perilous aduentures of the warres against the puissance and power of Ottoman. During his whole life time he had from thence most valiant and excellent men as often as he thought good, who proued no lesse seruiceable and profitable to the estate of Albanie in all charges and honourable degrees of sufficient Captaines and commaunders, then of braue and valiant souldiers. The higher Dybria is mountanous, hilly, and full of woodes, yet verie fertill and commeth neere [Page 181] to Macedonie both in neighbourhood and resemblance of manners. The BulgariansTribullians of Bulgarians, inhabitants of the vpper Dibria, bordering vpon Macedonie. Tribullians or vpper Dibrians hold of the Greeke church. or Tribullians do inhabit it, a nation fierce and addicted to the warres, and as deare were they vnto Scanderbeg as the other, both for the merites of their prowesse, and of their singular faith and deuotion. Notwithstanding, they do vse the fashions and conditions rather of strangers, then of the Epirots: and in many of their customes they do in a manner abhor the vsage and manner of the Albanois, by reason that they doe retaine the ceremonies of the Greeks, and do imitat them in many of their superstitions.
Hence did this abhominable traitor take the occasion of his damnable and wicked purpose, for he knew and was perswaded, that if the Dibrians should once see the carkasseThe manner of the treason causing the losse of Sfetigrade. of any beast, drowned in the bottome of the well within the towne, they would submit them selues to the extreamest ruine and desolation, and admit any conditions of peace were they neuer so vniust and dishonest, rather then they would drink of that water. And accordingly as he imagined so it came to passe: for the same night, this wretch hauing polluted the water with the carrion of a dog which he threw into the well: the next morning the thing being perceiued, the rumour thereof was in a moment dispersed abroad from one to another ouer all the towne: whereuppon there began a strange murmuring throughout all the streets of the city, to enquire who should be the author of so detestable an act: but being not to be found, the matter grew well neare to a sedition. The Dibrians being discomforted as much as was possible, did extreamely grieue to see themselues brought to that estate, exclayming that they wereThe notable superstition of the Dibrians. betrayed, and that they should shortly die as bruite beastes for pure thirst and want of drinke. See the strangenes of the case, there was not so much as any one of them who had not rather make choise to be made slaue to the Infidels, then to drinke of this water. Some of them cried out a loft, that they ought to set fire on the towne and to burne it to ashes, and so by a furious sally through the enemy to prouide for their safety, or else to die valiantly. Neuerthelesse of all other mischieues, they held it to be the least to fall to composition with the enemy. By litle and litle therefore their griefe began to vanish, and the noise grew to be appeased on all parts. Thus for a matter of small moment and a very trifle, was the fiercenesse and couragious stomackes of the Dibrians abated, and their faith being now quite exiled, had left & forsaken their superstitious consciences. Now had the Infidels more easy accesse and liberty to repaire vnto them, and their eares began more graciously to encline to conference with the enemy, and now the souldiours in a generall commotion, without all care and regard of their dutyThe Dibrians are determined to surrender the towne to Amurath, because their water was polluted. and deuoire, did prepare them selues of their owne accord to goe vnto Amurath, and to demand those shamefull and ignominious conditions, which of late so gloriously they had refused and reiected. The number of the citizens was much lesser then the Dibrians, and therefore were farre inferiour vnto them in force and puissance: by meanes whereof they were not of ability either to put them to the sword, or to expell the garrison out of the towne. Besides, if they had bene able to haue cleared the town of them, yet were their owne numbers so fewe and small, that they did not suffice to keepe watch and ward vpon the walles: notwithstanding (poore men) they murmured on all sides, sometimes exclayming against their infidelity, sometimes accusing them of foolish and blinde superstition, and charging euen Scanderbeg in his absence with their complaints, for that he had committed the care and safety of their liues, and of their city, into the hands of such vnfaithfull persons. Perlat being astonished at their scandall, and suspecting that this corruption of the water pretended, was but a meere fiction, and onely inuented by some whose mindes were inclined to disloyalty, he did firmely beleeue, that there were some who had intelligence with the enemy. For this cause first he prohibited them to haue any treaty or parley with the Turkes without [Page 182] his priuity and presence: and immediately repairing to the market place, and assembling the multitude together, in a generall conuocation thus he spake vnto them.
‘What a Gods name! was your faith and fidelity (ô you Dibrians) so lightly grounded,Oration of Perlat gouernor of Sfetigrade to the Dibrians, disswading thē from yeelding them selues to Ottoman. that he (whatsoeuer he be that was guilty of this wicked act) a vile wretch hatefull both to God and man, should haue the power to corrupt your courages and your constancy, which haue bin knowen and tried in so many places and conflicts, as well as he hath polluted the water in your wel? Out alas! it maketh me euen beside my selfe, and I know not what to thinke, when I consider your pernicious consultations, and this sodaine change of all things, that so slight and ridiculous a matter should be the occasion of so great an indignity and discontentment. Doe you thinke it more honest to betray the countrey of your friendes and confederates, and to deliuer their wiues, their children, their dwellings, their temples with all holy and sacred mysteries, into the hands of the Infidels, and to yeeld your selues to so great trechery and infidelity, rather then to preserue the excellency of your courages, the purity of your hearts, and the glory of your faith, which hath bene euer admired? and rather then you will defile your mouthes with drinking of this water, be it (as your selues terme it) filthy and polluted? I see no cause (my good friends) why that should make you to thinke your selues vndone, vnlesse some deuill or fiend haue bewitched and peruerted your vnderstanding. We are now come to this passe, that being more superstitious then is conuenient, we care not to reiect all regard of honesty, faith and piety: and doe hold it better that the world should accompt and call vs traitours, then men voide of scruple and not superstitious. All men will laugh at vs, the posterity will wonder at vs, our enemies themselues will detest vs, when they shall vnderstand that so sottish and foolish a cause should make vs change our faith and loialty: that our minds should be so easily withdrawen to reuolt and decline vppon so vaine and absurd an occasion to such notable disloyalty and treason. Nay there is no man but will thinke (I my selfe shall be of that minde also vnlesse you draw me from that errour) that it is the giftes and promises of the Barbarians which haue gained and corrupted you, for the desire whereof you are now willing to pretend this excuse, and to forge this for a colour of your rebellion: by the very obiect whereof (whilest you endeuor to purge your selues to the world from the guilt of that crime) you shal confirme and make manifest, euen by your own confession in the iudgement of each man, that you are faulty, and to be condemned for this hatefull and vnhappy fact. For what good reason can you yeelde, or what argument can you make of sufficient efficacy to perswade them, why you should so sodainely forget all remembraunce of your honest deuoire and duety, and all the benefits which Scanderbeg hath bestowed vppon you? Are these the presentes which you giue him (ô you Dibrians?) Are these the testimonies of your constancy? Is this all that you owe to the Sfetigradians your allies, who haue vsed you so kindly? I am ashamed thus to speake to men that are reputed valiant. From henceforth let vs looke for no security and surety in mens affections, no integrity, no vpright and sound dealing. If mankind be growen so carelesse of loialty: if they be so delicate and curious: if the faith of men doe depend vppon so friuolous and vaine occasions: what enemy is there so vile and contemptible, or of so small prudence or wisedome, but he may daily finde out some inuention to endammage his aduersary, or that will leaue any secret traines, deuises or meanes vnsought and vntried, when he shall see that his fraude hath such likelyhood of good successe, and may so easily be compassed? In vaine did our auncesters inclose their townes with walles: in vaine did they build towres and castels vpon the tops of high rockes and mountaines: and in vaine were garrisons inuented for souldiers, if men be mutable and changeable with the times, if the faith of men be chaungeable according [Page 183] to the inconstancy of their occasions, if (as trees doe with their leaues in winter and summer,) so men doe still put off and put on new thoughtes and affections. What would you haue done (I pray) if the immoderate heate and distemperature of the season had altered or corrupted this water? Is it not stil the same water that it was? O daungerous kinde of faith! O the detestable inconstancy of mens mindes! we deuise and discourse concerning the safety and liberty of this towne, as if the least and hasest thing of the world were now in question. Your duety were (ô you Dibrians) after the last droppe of your bloud had bene shed, to haue left your bodies to be trailed by the feere halfe dead, out of the possession of this place: and not voluntarily, whole and sound to resigne and giue ouer the command of your glorious and good fortune. We our selues (if I may speake it) doe inuite the enemy, we offer them our neckes, wee abrogate our owne liberty: and because wee will not defile our scrupulous mouthes with a superstitious kinde of drinke, we will not sticke to pollute all lawes, and all rights both diuine and humaine. Haue you not heard how Darius that proud and delicate king of the Persians, did not refuse to take a draught of muddy water at the handes of a slaue which had taken it vp (as they fledde) in the high way amongst the dead carkasses, and vnder the horses feete, at such time as being ouercome by our countey man the great Alexander, he fled before him shamefully after that memorable discomfiture? As braue and proude a Prince as he was he did not disdaine it: but after he had taken and tasted it, he sware, that he neuer drunke more sauourly: and that before that time, he neuer knew what it was to be thirsty. Thus did a draught of filthy water both keepe him from being made captiue to his enemy, prolonged his fortune, and preserued the life of a great and mighty King. What will you say to Caius Marius that famous Generall of the Romaines? how hath the antiquity recorded his sufferaunce of hunger, and thirst, at all times amiddest the extreame heate of fight, and amiddest his greatest laboures and trauelles in any seruice at the siege of townes or otherwise? And to let passe the constancy of the Saguntines; what thinke you of the city of Petilia amongst the Brutians in the time of Hanniball? did it not by an example of singular regard, and almost incredible, leaue a rare testimony of their constancy and fidelity vnto all posterity? And to the intent they might obserue their faith inuiolably, which they had giuen to the Romaines, and for the defence of their bare and sore battered walles, they made no difficulty to liue vpon the flesh not only of dogges (which you abhorre so greatly) but of all kindes of foure footed creatures, and with the skinnes of swine, with rootes, and with barkes of trees? The most noble and renowmed Athenian Themistocles, to the intent his vngratefull countrey might not sustaine the blame of his death, dranke (as it is reported) a cup of deadly poison. But perhaps you will say that the Sfetigradians are straungers to you, and that their city is none of your countrey: it was deliuered to you to be defended, and therefore it is yours (ô you Dibrians:) Scanderbeg made choise of your faith and honesty before all others, to see to the safety of this place. The towne which your Prince hath committed to your charge, it behoueth you to see it safe redeliuered into his hands. Moderate therefore I beseech you, and lay aside these your desperate opinions, and doe not you attribute that to force and necessity, which is indeede nothing else but a damnable and peruerse counsell and resolution. For tell me true, (I pray you) what will you doe in case the Ottoman will not accept of the composition to graunt you your liues? would you then refuse this drinke that you imagine to be so deadly? I am perswaded that all of you would drink it, ere you would do your selues anie outrage. But now because you are assured of your own safety, & you are not in danger to lose any thing but your faith, you are all of you touched & infected with one malady, and your thoughts [Page 184] doe runne a madding as men franticke and out of your wits. So little reckonning doe you make of your faith: & of all other crimes, you hold it the least to be touched with the crime of periury and disloialty. I cannot (ô you Dibrians) commaund nor moderate my affections, I cannot abstain from tears when I cal to memory our good prince Scanderbeg. Me thinkes I see how graciously he spake vnto you, with what praiers & intreaties he recommended this towne vnto you at his departure, & how euen in this place he implored with too much credulity, your deuoire and loialty. I do remember those clamors and loud cries, which all of you made with brauadoes and magnificall promises both openly and priuatly. Where are those your clamors now (ô you Dibrians?) where is that fiercenesse of your courages? where are those hearts which you then vowed for your country? where is that audacity & carelesse contempt of life and death? I see here still the same men and the same armes: but the habit and disposition of their mindes is cleane altered. And this towne being brought to a desperat point, I see all things in a miserable estate and condition. Imagine that your Prince standeth here before you in great anguish and griefe for this your notable treason: what thoughtes think you, will he, & all others entertaine? what astonishment will there be throughout all the prouince? what will be the estate & condition of all Epire? seeing that from you doth proceed the root of all their misfortunes and calamities? ô that you would present before your eies, whilest you are yet able, the indignity of this fact, & that you would preserue your selues for your selues. Cease not to keep your allies and confederats in the possession of their countrey, do not leaue to defend their liberty, & to maintaine your own honor and reputation, which without any great paine or trouble you may yet easily preserue. Regard the piteous & grieuous lamentations of these citizens, regard me, euen my selfe, who (if you can abide to see it) do lie prostrat at your feete. Behold how all of them doe offer their throates vnto you, and I mine first of all. Behold here my naked breast (ô you Dibrians) runne it through, pierce it with your swordes, take away my life it shall not grieue me: let my bloud serue for drinke vnto you (if such drink doe please you,) and if so be you cannot by any other meanes neither maintaine your faith, nor defend this city.’
With many such reasons and perswasions did Perlat vrge them, recommending vnto them the life and liberty (if not of others) yet of themselues, and that they should regard their proper safety: and still he was in hope to haue remoued them from their strange and pernitious purpose. And in the end because he would know whether his speeches had any efficacy or working in their scrupulous thoughts: assoone as he had finished his Oration, he went presently towards the Well, hauing almost al the communaltyPerlat and the citizens of Sfetigrade, drunke of the polluted water, to draw the Dibrians to do the like, who refuse it. at his heeles, and in the presence of them all he dranke a good draught of that water: the like also did the most part of the inhabitants. Whereupon it was presented likewise to certen of the captains, & chiefest persons of the garrisons: but neither good words, nor good deeds could preuaile with those superstitious and curious stomacks.
Scarcely can I without blushing, either beleeue it my selfe or deliuer it to others for a matter of truth, that so light and ridiculous a cause should preuaile with thē in a case so waighty & important: and I make no doubt but that the posterity will take a greater pleasure rather to laugh at it, then to admire & wonder at this strange accident: and if they do giue any credit to the strangenes of the case, yet will they hardly be perswaded, that so vaine and friuolous a humor could haue moued them thereunto. But they wil iudge rather that it was taken as a fit occasiō by the souldiers, who being enclined to treachery and infidelity, had bene before corrupted by the enemy. For my part hauing searched and enquired of all things with all possible diligence, I could neuer find any likelihood to verifie this superstition: and therfore I need not make any difficulty [Page 185] to thinke them blame worthy, who haue conceiued of them so smisterly. My reason is, for that (as I suppose) there is nothing in the actions of mortall men so secrete and hidde, which could for so long a time haue bin vnreuealed. And more then that, of all those who were so superstitiously addicted, there was not any one of thē euer known to haue yeelded him selfe to Amurath: nor at any time was the estate of any one of them so enriched, whereby it might be presumed or coniectured, that they had any fraudulent intelligence or secret practising with the Infidels. Neither is it any maruell that the Dibrians being once intoxicated with this foolish scrupulosity, and being fallen into so frantike a humor, did commit such an error: seeing that they were not onely giuen to be superstitious, but were alwaies and yet are reputed for Heretickes. ForHere [...]ie and superstition neare of kinne each to other. these two contagious maladies of superstition and heresie, are very neare of kinne the one to the other. For these people of Dibria doe vse the Sclauonian tong, the which language being very large and ample, (as most notable authors do testifie) is dispersed and dilated into many and diuers [...]ects. And that this is true may be seene, in that some of the Sclauonians doe acknowledge the vnity of the Church of Rome: as the Dalma [...]a [...]s,The Sclauoni [...] tong very large and ample. the Croatians, the Carnians, and the better part of the Polonians: others doe adhere vnto the errors and fantasies of the Greeke Church, as the Triballians or Bulgarians, the Ruthenians, and a part of Limania. Others in the malady of their spirits, haue forged vnto them selues a particular opinion, as the Bohemians, the Morauians, and the Bosnians, who for the most part doe follow the heresie of the Manichees. But wherefore doe I make mention of these nations? seeing all Europe is at this day ouer whelmed with a multiplicity o [...]f [...]rious and cursed doctrines? For, ou [...] alas! within these few yeares, by the contagion and infection of neighbour nations, or rather by the ouermuch negligence and slothfulnesse of the Prelates of the Church, and by the pernicious carelesnesse of Princes and secular magistrats (if it be not the enormities of our sins, that haue set heauen against vs:) al quarters & kingdoms of Europe haue suffred them selues to be polluted with a multitude of these prodigious opinions of all sortes, which do now swarme and abound throughout al christendome. But I haue wandred too far from my matter, we will now returne to our doating and franticke Dibrians.
The Gouernour was instant vpon them sometimes with praiers, sometimes with promises of great giftes and rich offers, at the last, seeing all of them to be obdurat and hardened against his fruit losse perswasions, he framed and conformed his minde also to the exigence and necessity of the time. And hauing assembled together a certaine number, part of them Dibrians, and part of the chiefe and principall of the citizens to deliberat vpon the matter: they made a short conclusion (for the matter would not admit any long delay) and themselues did set downe the conditions & couenants of their surrender, such as they thought would neither be iniurious vnto themselues, nor disagreeable vnto the enemy. Namely, that the garrison should depart freely & in safety, with bag & baggage, that the citizens should haue free choise either to remain in their former estate with in the towne, or to depart at their pleasures. Touching the garrison nothing was altered by the grand Seigniour, but for the citizens he would not in any case condescend, that they should remaine within the towne. All the rest was accorded and a watch appointed in the suburbs. Immediatly were the keies brought vnto Amurath, Sfetigrade yeelded to Amurath. and the place was rendered vp voide and empty of all the inhabitants. Some of the citizens (who were deeply affectionat to their countrey, and loth to depart from the place of their natiuity) did tary still without the walles. But many of them who could not endure to liue vnder the Infidels, leauing and abandonning all, went to seeke out Scanderbeg. The traitor who had corrupted the water staid within the towne, and remained with the enemy, where being knowen by them that practised with him to [Page 186] betray the town vnto the Turke, they conueied him presently to the tents of the Ottoman, with wonderfull ioy and great gladnes. You need not doubt but he had good entertainment: for the Sultan honored him infinitly, both with good words and notableThe traitour who betraied Sfetigrade, rewarded by the Turks. rich presents, far exceeding the promises that had bin made vnto him, in recompence of his disloialty and treason. For first he had 50000. aspres giuen him, and three roabs or sutes of apparell of excellent workemanshippe and very rich. Moreouer hee had so much land of inheritance and demeanes assigned him, as the yearely reuenues thereof did amount to 2000. crownes. But litle ioy had the traitor of those great benefites: for albeit he were thus magnificently rewarded with all these honors and riches in the open sight and knowledge of a multitude of people, and albeit hee did daily receiue a world of fauors amōgst the Barbarians: yet within a while after he was sodainly goneThe end of treason. and vanished, and was neuer more seene nor heard of▪ The report went, that he was secretly made away by Amurath, by some priuy and deserued kinde of punishment, because he durst not repose any trust or assurance in the nature and disposition of him, who by a filthy auarice had traiterously conspired against his countrey, against his confederates, and against his owne bloud and kinsfolks. Thus you may behold how ‘this marchaunt was enriched by his marchandize: and a man may see by this so worthyTreas [...] loued by Princes yet traitors hated of thē. an example, that Princes and great men haue treason in estimation, but they abhorre the traitours, and haue them in detestation.’
The garrison of Sfetigrade was suffred to depart free, and without hurt through the middest of the Turkishe squadrons, which stood orderly raunged on each side as they passed betweene them. How beit that Mahomet the yong Prince of the Turks a fierce and cruell youth, who (as the report goeth) did then follow the army of his father into Epire, vpon a desire to see the warre, and to purchase himselfe reputation, did instantly and vehemently vrge and intreate Amurath, not to suffer them so to depart freely ‘without any punishment. And he alleadged, that it was but a vaine curiosity to standSpeechees of Mahomet the yong prince to his father, perswading him to violate his faith with them of Sfetigrade. vppon the obseruation of his faith, and that it would be to his eternall reproach and infamy; for that the Turkes haue not any doctrine more expresly deliuered in their law, nor any precept more auncient in the religion of Mahomet, then to shew themselues by all possible meanes mortall enemies to the Christians: and specially to them from whom he had receiued so many calamities and outrages by the slaughter of their legions, the killing of their Chiefetaines, and the pitifull wasting and destroying of their army: that the Sfetigradians ought to be chastised to terrifie others, & were to be made an example vnto those which should come after, to teach them not to perseuere in such peruersnesse and obstinacy. For it is not (quoth hee) the office of an excellent Generall, to cary a minde mutable and chaungeable according to the estate and fortune of the enemy, and to commiserat their teares and petitions: that it were wel done to put them all to the sword, or to keepe them in irons or straight imprisonment, till such time as they had order for their raunsome.’
By these speeches did this arrogant and proud Prince sufficiently bewray his nature and disposition, declaring euen in his youth and priuat estate, what manner of man he would proue one day when he came to riper yeares, and to the possession of the Empire. And the insolency & fiercenes of his tender yeares, did already discouer the filthines of his auarice and cruelty. But the wicked and blouddy counsell of the sonne could not preuaile nor finde any place in the prudent thoughtes of the aged father: but ‘sharpely reproouing him, it is sayed, that he thus replied vnto him; That nothingAnswer of Amurath to the speeches of his sonne Mahomet. was more necessary and requisite amongst men, then the integrity of their faith, the which being once violated, it was not possible that either kingdomes, Empires, and estates or any society could stand or continue. That euery Prince of a generous and [Page 187] noble minde, and of high renowme (if his hope and courage doe aime at honour and superiority, & to the compassing of great matters) this faith ought to be the one or the other, either in truth and effect, firme, sound, and inuiolate, or at leastwise in outward appearaunce. For that is the onely way and ready meane to procure and purchase the lone and good will of all persons: whereas periurie and crueltie doe subuert both scepters and crownes, both Townes and nations: and last of all they are not more pernitious to others then to the parties that vse them: that men are conquered and won by the beneficence and liberalitie of those who desire to finde them faithfull and loyall, but that crueltie, hatred, and inhumanity do little profit a Prince towardes his subiectes. For when they see themselues gouerned and commaunded by a proude and immoderat kind of puissance, they will not long endure the yoke of such dominion: that by clemencie the harts & affections of many are soone gained, and being once drawen to like, seldome or neuer will they abhorre to endure that subiection which is so gratious gentle & tollerable. And to say the truth: wherein haue the Sfetygradians offended? or what fault haue they cōmitted against the maiestie of our Empire? They haue defended their countrey, their wiues, and their children: and if they haue of themselues both prescribed such conditions, & haue as faithfully obserued them as the cōquerour hath reason to rest contented with thē: what can we farther obiect or demād of them?’
The Dibrians being remoued out of Sfetygrade withall the other companies of the Christians: and a new garrison of twelue thousand Ianissaries being there established:Amurath fortifieth Sfetigrade. Amurath bent all his care and endeuour to the repairing of the walles on that side, where the cannon had endammaged them. In the meane time Scanderbeg being lately returned from surueying and visiting of all the countrey, was newly aduertised of the misfortune of Sfetygrade, and of the infidelitie of the Dibrians. This caused him to keepe close within his tent in great silence, and full of despight and anger. Within a while came Perlat with that his infamous & dishonored troupe of souldiours.Perlat and the citizens of Sfetygrade their comming to Scanderbeg. Sad and pensiue was their gouernour, but much more sorowfull were the citizens, & the teares trickled in aboundance downe alongest their cheekes, for griefe and sorow of their country now left desolat. The Dibrians likewise through the remorse of their fault (which was so notably shamefull) casting their eies down to the ground,Dibrians craue pardon of Scā derbeg for yeelding Sfetygrade to the Turke. did imitate the sadnesse of their companions. But when they came in presence of their Prince, and had seene by the austerity and felnesse of his countenance, the vehemency of the indignation, which he seemed to haue conceiued in his heart; euery one of them casting his armes to the ground, and taking their girdells from their wastes, and putting them about their neckes, they fell prostrate at his feete, and with bitter teares besought him, to pardon their grieuous and shamefull act. What shoulde this Prince doe that was so mercifull and gracious? To punishe so many men, it was no easie matter, he saw no other occasion of their crime, but only the superstitious credulity of that nation: they did freely confesse their fault openly in his presence with contrition and humility almost incredible. This could not but moue and appease Scanderbeg, Speech of Scanderbeg to the Dibrians, whō he pardoneth. for his anger being pacified, he turned himselfe towards them, telling them, that he gaue them their liues in acknowledgement of their good deuoir, and because they had behaued themselues valiantly in defence only of the wals of Sfetigrade. To the citizens according to the former estate of each of them, were landes, and possessions appointed, and to many of them hee gaue charges and honorable offices in the warres: neither did he deny any request in a maner to the Dibrians. Neuerthelesse, the shame of their late ignominy hauing so greatly disgraced them, did not permit them to abide long at the campe, all of them shunning the face of their companions.
The vertue and constancie of Perlat during his gouernement of Sfetygrade, did [Page 188] deserue sufficient praise and commendation both by the honorable testimony whithPerlat his good desertes and prayse for the defence of Sfetygrade. Castriot gaue him for his deserts, as also by the confirmation of the souldiers who serued vnder him, yet it may be, that perhappes he merited more blame then commendation, and I might impute the fault and losse of the Towne not to the infidelitie of other, but rather to his small care or ouer licentious indulgence towardes his souldiours: because in a season so daungerous he ought to haue taken great heede, and to haue bene very carefull not to suffer his souldiours to haue conference and familiaritie, nor to haue permitted those of the Towne so ordinarily to frequent the company of the infidelles: by meanes of which their dayly communications (the corruption of man is such and the desire of gold and siluer so in satiable,) the souldiourPerlat cōn enmended and rewarded by Scanderbeg. might easely be wrought to practise with the enemy. Neuerthelesse Scanderbeg did publiquely ratifie and allowe both his fidelitie and all his actions, not onely in plentifull speeches and often discourses, by word of mouth, but to his wordes, he added also deedes of no lesse value and estimation. For he recompenced him with a great summe of money, and certaine sayre horses, and with many other ornaments and rewards which he gaue vnto him, albeit Perlat was very loath to accept them. Thus was Perlat sent home to his owne house with great encrease of honour & reputation. ThisPerlat made an Abbot. Proto-sengeli Abbots in Epyre. Perlat his integritie of life, his eloquence and learning. personage being borne in Emathia was preferred to a spirituall dignitie, (which they call Proto-sengeli:) & we commonly name them Abbots: he lead a maruellous strict & austere life, in singular continency and wonderfull integrity: he was also very learned and passing eloquent: besides, the grauity of his yeares which accompanied his other vertues, did as much or more adorne and beautifie all the rest of his perfections.
These things thus concluded and finished, Scanderbeg perceiuing that the Sultan was busily employed in fortifying of Sfetygrade, and did wholly apply his minde to that worke: he tooke with him fiue thousand horse, and hasted with all possible speed towardes those partes with a purpose to interrupt and disturbe him in his endeuours. But hauing stayed there, the space of two dayes coursing vp and downe, here and there through the woods, and ouer the high mountaines, without finding any matter worthy the speaking of: he attended there, still watching some oportunitie, in hope at the leastro surprise some of their forragers, or some of the enemies scouts, or by som other meanes to endammage the enemy: nor did the souldiours returne altogether without bootie. For (as it is vsuall in any great army,) there were taken many men and horses as they raunged carelesly abroad in the countrey.
Now after that Amurath had sufficiently repaired the walles of Sfetygrade accordingAmurath determineth to leaue Epyre & to returne to Andrynople. to the shortnesse of the time: and that the place was furnished and stored with corne and other prouisions for one whole yeare (as though his minde did foretell him that it was like to be besieged:) he resolutely determined and concluded with him selfe to retire his forces out of Epire, and to returne into his owne countrey. Touching the cause of his so speedy departure, many are the fables & lyes which haue bene commonly bruted abroad, yet without any certainctie, whilest that each one would seeme by coniectures to search out and to set downe the counsels and determinationsThe cause of Amurath his suddaine departure out of Epyre. of Ottoman. Some impute his sudden discamping to the tumultes of Hungarie: others to the troubles of Greece, and some to those of Persia. Many doe hold that the losses and dammages receaued in Albanie, and the diuers trauels and difficulties of this warre did chase him so soone out of that prouince: with an intent neuerthelesse to returne thither againe with more puissant and fresh forces, & to plant his campe before Croy, because that citie did seeme to require greater meanes, and more redoubtable forces to terrifie them. For my part I am content to approue both the one & the other of these opinions, as hauing all of them some shew and apparaunce of truth. Notwithstanding [Page 189] the last seemeth most likely and probable being ratified and confirmed by the issue and euent, which is a witnesse infallible and without reproofe: or perhaps it were not amisse to say, that the houre and time limitted and appointed to this aged Ottoman by the destinies was not yet come, and as the Poets fayne lieentiously:
But whatsoeuer was the cause of his returne, the last of Iuly he commaundedAmurath with his armie departeth out of Epire. to truffe vppe bagge and baggage, and that the carriages and parte of his horsemen should goe on before. The next day at the sunne rising (hauing first in the night time fired their lodgings, and some other furniture of their Campe) him selfe marched after the others, with the residue of the armie who with excessiue ioye did make an exceeding noyse, both by their loude cryes and clamours, and by the sounde of their ordinaunce and cannons, which they made to roare with often shooting off at their departure. The Turkish monarch did euer vse in times past,The manner of march obserued by Amurath with his campe. and so did he then take his place in the middest of all his batallions, where being mounted vppon a white horse, and enuironned rounde about with his armed Iannissaries, he needed not to be affrayed of any tumult or perill. For in the vaungarde the Beglerbey of Asia, and in the rereward the Bassa of Romania (both being in good order of battell) did assure and garde the middle battell in which him selfe marched. They that write of this expedition doe in a manner all of them agree, that Amurath returned out of Epire with fewer men then he brought withNumber of Turkes lost in the iourney of Amurath into Epire. him at his comming by thirtie thousand, hauing lost fully so many in that action. Besides that, a great parte of his prouisions for the assault, and also many of his ensignes were spoyled and taken by the Christians, which he neuer caried away againe with him. But all these losses and hinderaunces did Scanderbeg enlarge with the ignominie of a new slaughter: and he renued the misfortune of their estate with a fresh calamity. For vppon this returne of the Sultan, the Albanois hauing intelligence giuen him where he lay encamped, that the enemy did dislodge, he put him selfe onScanderbeg pursueth the armie of the Turkes. the way to pursue them with all his army, which was 8000. horse, and 3000. foote, and liuely pressing them in the rereward, without any intermission, he held on still killing and destroying them: and he gaue his souldiours good occasion to flesh themselues, and to shew the fury and eagernesse of their stomackes vpon all those, who either were found to slacke their pace, or by any mischaunce and inconuenience were left behinde their companies: for there was none of them but were gleaned vp, and they did dearely buy it with the losse of their liues. The Barbarians did often make head against him with their whole army, to sustaine and repulse the violence of their pursuite. But the Albanois euer dissembling as though he fled, did still delude them, when they were ready to receiue him: sometimes withdrawing him selfe into the next vallies and hilles adioyning, and then sodainely againe appearing in sight: sometimes would he charge them in front, sometimes in slanke, and sometimes in the rereward: and thus still skirmishing with them as they went on, he plagued them with a thousand discommodities. In this maner mocking and abusing Amurath and his army, he continued so long in pursuing them, that for sixe miles together, he neuer left following them close at the heeles, pressing and annoying them with innumerable iniuries.
The Emperour of the Turks being extreamly vexed with the shame & ignominieAmurath leaueth the Bassa of Romania to repulse the inuasion of Scanderbeg. of this abuse, and at the slaughter of his people, commaunded the Bassa of Romania to stay behinde with 30000. horse, for the surety and free retraite of the residue, charging him that if the enemy did continue to importune him, he should either charge [Page 190] vpon him or constrain him to the fight, or else enforce him to betake himself to fight. Scanderbeg perceiuing the enemy to change his course, fayre & easily retired his companies, and for feare of being enclosed betweene the two armies, he thought it lest to leaue them being so great a multitude. Wherefore he seized vpon certaine valleys and passages of the mountaines, where he knew he should be safe, and that he could easily warrant both himselfe and his army against the puissance of so many enemies. There for a while did he make a stand with his forces ready raunged in order of battell, as if he had bene vpon the point to go to charge vpon the enemy, and to hazard the fortune of the field with the Mahometan: and peraduenture so would he haue done (such was the hardinesse and confidence of this personage,) if the wearinesse of his souldiours, who were almost tyred with their long and hote pursuite of the enemy, and the inequalitie of their numbers being farre inferiour to the Turkish forces, had not constrained this braue warriour to lay apart that counsell which was so temerous and dangerous. Vpon this occasion therfore addressing himselfe to his souldiours, and seeming as if he would excuse himselfe, he spake vnto them this prouerbe (which he vsed ‘often:) I had rather (quoth he) that this place should be noted to be famous for theA prouerbe vsed by Scā derbeg vpon his retiring frō the enemie. flight of Scanderbeg then for his crosse. For the custome of that countrey was to raise a crosse in that place, where any Christian, especially any man of marke had bin slaine or miscaried, and he alledged this reason to iustifie his saying:’ because any man may abolish the infamie of his flight, by some new act worthy of prayse and commendation: but the life of a man being once gone and past, besides that it is irreuocable & out of hope, so is it seldome without some infamie, reproch, & obloquie of the vulgare and ignorant multitude, who do measure all things not by reason and iudgement but onely by the issue and the euent.
When the Bassa of Romania saw that Scanderbeg would not moue, but did abide stillThe Bassa of Romania marcheth away after Amurath. within his campe he likewise by little & little begā to remoue with his companies, & to march away, being as willing to let alone the enemy and not to meddle with him, but to go onwardes & to ioyne him selfe with the maine army that went before him. The like also did Scanderbeg vpon the perswasion of his souldiours, who humbly besought him not to be obstinate in pursuing and following of those miscreants, nor to detaine or hold backe any longer within the hart and bowels of Epire, that pestilent plague which was so happely rid away, and departing out of the countrey. Thus neare about the same time, did Scanderbeg returne to Croy, and Amurath taking his iourney through Macedony, & ouer the mountaines of the Tribullians, came to the citie of Andrinople. Both the one & the other of them departed home sad & pensiue, and as full of melancholie as was possible, because their affaires had succeeded with such varietie of fortune. But much more discontented & full of despight was the Turkish Emperour, both because he could not subdue his enemy the Albanois, for whose destruction and confusion principally he came forth of his owne country: and besides, because the honour, of so small a fortresse, and so meane a place as he had gotten, did not seeme vnto him to be a sufficient recompence for so many misfortunes, mischieues and calamities. Notwithstanding the care and griefe of the Christians was wonderfully comforted, in regard they were fully perswaded, and made no doubt, that the infidels being once gone and departed, Sfetygrade might be soone regained, and without any great difficultie recouered out of their hands.
THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
SCanderbeg is perswaded by his nobles to marrie. The frontier warre betweene the Turkes of Sfetygrade, and the garrison of the Albanois. Scanderbeg besiegeth and assaulteth Sfetygrade, but is constrained to breake vp his siege. He prouideth for the furnishing and defence of Croy and the rest of his dominions against the inuasion of Amurath, who commeth with a huge armie into Epire. Croy is besieged, battered and oftentimes assaulted. Amurath being not able by assaultes, mines, nor otherwise to force Croye, practiseth to winne it by corrupting of Vranocontes the Gouernour, who reiecteth him. Scanderbeg, by sundry inuasions, and canuazadoes vppon the Turkishe Campe, and by the great slaughters of the infidelles before Croy, so vexeth and wearieth Amurath, that he sendeth Ambassadours to Scanderbeg to desire peace, which is refused. Amurath vpon griefe and melancholie of his misfortune sickneth and dyeth before Croy. Mahomet sonne of Amurath succeeding his father in the Turkishe Empire, raiseth the siege of Croy, and departeth with his army out of Epire.
THe publique peace and tranquillity of the whole prouince of Epire being now reestablished by the departure of the Ottoman forces, and euery man being freed of their feare and care, the traffique being laied open in all the townes and fortresses, the garrisons being dismissed, and each man returned to his wonted trade and vocation, the king of Albany did at length also giue liberty vnto his legions to rest them selues for a season, from the toiles and trauels of the warres. Nowithstāding he gaue them in charge, that at the end of two moneths, they should all of them repaire againe vnto him, to march with him towards Sfetigrade, to the intent they might recouer that towne of their confederates, out of the handes and possession of their aduersaries. He retained with him in the meane time but two thousand horse, and one thousand foote, whom he sent as he was accustomed, to keepe vpon the frontiers of Macedon, and to guard the goods and possessions of the inhabitants in those quarters from the roades and inuasions of the Turkes.
Whilest Scanderbeg did thus refresh him selfe from his late trauels and labors, and did within Croy employ that small time of leisure which he had gotten, vnto a newe kinde of exercise wherewith he was vnacquainted: namely to the administration of iustice, and to matters of state: the nobles of Epire and the Pinces his allies and neare neighbors misliking, that a personage of such rare excellency should passe his age (for [Page 192] he was then about fortie or perhaps more) without leauing any issue of his body lawfullyScanderbeg perswaded to mariage by the nobles and Princes of Epire. begotten to inherite his estate and kingdome: all of them with one accord assembled them selues together, and came to the presence of Scanderbeg as they had oftentimes before done the like: and they laboured by all meanes possible to perswade him to take a wife and to continue his name and memory by the procreation of ‘happy children which might lawfully succeede him in his kingdome: alledging, thatSpeeches of the Princes & nobles of Epire perswading him to mariage. in vayne had he amplified the boundes of his realme, and in vayne had he encreased the estate of Epire: if he did not against the time to come likewise see them prouided of a Lord and Prince, to whom he had purchased so great honour and glory by the immortall memory of so many famous & worthy actes: that if he should be carelesse of this matter, they might well say and thinke: that his intent and meaning was to haue the publique weale of Albanie to decay and perish ioyntly with himselfe, and that with the body of one alone, he would bury the memory and whole body of so florishing an estate: that he should hearken vnto the secret prayers, and regard the carefull complaintes of his subiectes. For if the succession should descend to any other: the prouince of Epire knew not how to suffer the dominion of any straunger: but did disdayne to haue any other for their Lord and maister but him onely, which should leaue them some issue of his owne bloud, as the inheritour and image of his rare vertue; that so long, and no longer both their good fortune and the diuine fauour of God would continue and dwell amongest them, whilest the scepter and crowne of Albanie did remaine in that race, and did abide in the possession of his posteritie.’
Scanderbeg was of a humour cleane estraunged and alienated from any such thought, and the haughtinesse of his conceiptes did ayme at greater matters: and as one that was either vnmindfull or carelesse of all other things, he fixed not his hope nor his thoughts vpon any thing, which did not seeme to exceede the common reach of all humane capacitie. Wherefore as the report goeth, at the first he did with many reasons full of grauitie and sententious, vehemently impugne this aduise and counsellAunswere and speeches of Scā derbeg concerning the maried life. of his friends, exalting and commending with no friuolous proofes the simple & ‘vnmaried life especially in Princes and great personages. And he told them: that nothing was so burthen some and insupportable to a free minde, as the dominion of a wife: that the troubles of mariage hauing once made an entry into a mans house, his body & his spirite had no longer libertie to vse those rights which do belong vnto them: that fortuneMariage both troublesome, and the hinderance of a mās good fortune. Scanderbeg condescendeth to take a wife. her self (as though by mariage she were become lame) would diminish & abridge the amplification & encrease of a mans greatnes, & would depriue him of a good part of the meanes, which should raise him to the supreme degree of prosperitie. Notwithstanding at the last because he would not seeme as one that was giuen to ouer much austeritie,’ not to neglect the good zeale and sincere affection of his friends, he condescended and granted, being loath to refuse their aduise in any thing which they should iudge to be for the publique good, & for the aduantage & dignitie of the estate of Albanie. And he was content to submit him selfe to that yoake, since they thought it so expedient, & seeing it was so agreeable vnto their minds. Neuerthelesse he demanded a time of respit for the accomplishment of the matter, and desired that the same might ‘be deferred till such time as Sfetygrade were recouered, saying: that for the present it could not but be greatly to his reproch, if he should now bend his minde to the solemnities of mariage, to feasting and such like actions of reuelling and banquetting: and in the meane while to suffer his allyes and friends to remaine vnder the tyranny of the enemies of Christianitie.’ The Princes and nobles of Albanie thought them selues sufficiently satisfied in that they had obtained thus much at his hands: and [Page 193] therefore they would not importune him any further, but yeelding him a thousande thankes, as if he had done them some speciall grace and fauour, or bestowed some singular gift vpon them: they quickly published & made it known through al the country, & the whole Prouince was replenished with exceeding ioy at the report therof.
These things thus depending, there came messengers daily from the frontiers, bringing tidings, sometimes that the lands and possessions of the Barbarians were wasted and spoiled: and sometimes that their scouts were beaten and put to flight. About theFrontier wars betweene the Turkes in Sfetigrade and the garrison of the Albanois. same time also, the garrison of Turks within Sfetigrade were enforced to keepe close within their fortresse, by the daily and continuall skirmishes of our horsemen, who vsing to ambush thēselues in the woods neere vnto the towne, did suffer none to escape whom they found at any time, wandering abroad either carelesly, or as they went on forraging, or vpon any other occasion. For hauing many times issued foorth of the towne, they were enforced still, most commonly, to returne againe faster then with a good pace. True it is, that our Christians doubting the disaduantage of the place, durst not go too neere the walles to encounter with them, but by feigned shewes of flight, they did still endeuour to draw them out into the open fields. One day amongst the rest they grew so audatious, that 300 of them came forth and passed about a bow shotA skirmish betwene the Turkes of Sfetigrade and the garrison of the Albanois. beyond the foot of the mountaine, drawen thereunto with a vehement desire to be reuenged vpon our men, with whom comming to the encounter with more fury then wisedome, three and fortie of them there left their liues, and 14. were taken prisoners, the residue saued themselues by their timely departure, flying away with a speedy gallop: and there had not any one of them escaped to carry the newes into the towne, if their companions, who staied within for the guard of the place, had not made hast to come & succour them. It was an easie matter for the Scanderbegians in this tumult & confusion of all things to haue surprised the towne, if they had either chased thē with more feruencie, or if they had had a greater company. The Turks being from thenceforth shut vp within their ports, were seized with such feare and terror, that they durst not any more set foot out of the citie, but held themselues close as if they had bene besieged by a handfull of Christians. All this was done onely by a part of that garrison which (as we haue said) was left vppon the frontiers. Notwithstanding they did it without the aduise or knowledge of Scanderbeg, neither did he giue them any commission so to do: but sent thither those forces only for the suertie of his subiects, and to represse the courses and violence of the Painims. Neuerthelesse being aduertised how all things had passed, though his souldiers in so doing might seeme in some sort, both to haue contemned his authoritie, & to neglect all order & care of martiall discipline: yet was not this sage & prudent Prince any thing discōtented with them, but he so liked both their coūsell & their actions, that it both gaue him an occasion to hasten his busines, & did incite him the more cheerefully to the assayling of the place, in regard that the feare & remēbrance of so small a losse did make them to mew themselues vp within their wals, as men quite discouraged and out of heart. For this cause without making any delay, before that he had proclaimed any generall muster for the assembling of his old bands, or for any leauie of new souldiers: he dispatched away to Sfetigrade 300. horse, and 500. footmen, which he had then ready at hand to comfort & aide their companions: to whom also he sent many gifts and presents, to shew that he approued those exploits which they had already done, & willing them to go on & to perseuer in the like, and whatsoeuer they could with safety enterprise against the enemy they should not neglect it, nor suffer them to take any rest, till such time as himselfe comming with greater troups, & with all other prouisions fit & necessary for a siege, might bring the town to be at his discretiō. This done he bent all his thoughts to the [Page 194] gathering of new forces, so that within few daies he had assembled an armie of 18000 men, of which 8000. were horsemen, and the residue did serue on foote.
His preparations being all ready, & his cariages sent away before, himself marchedSfetigrade besieged by Scanderbeg. after with all his hoast: so that the xx. day of September, he planted his ensignes before the wals of Sfetigrade. His owne person & his horsmen were lodged no farther from the wals, then so as an harguebusse shot could not reach them, (for the garrison of the Turkes was in a manner all harguebussiers the best that Amurath could choose.) The footmen were quartered somewhat neerer: and to the intent the enemy should not be able to offend them with their shot, they raised vp (in manner of a Palyssado) a great quantity of rafters & plankes, wherof he had made great prouision, behind the which the footmen might stand & remaine in suertie. The Albanois were almost all of them archers: the residue being Italians and Almaines did serue with harguebusses & crosbowes. There were also some Sclauonians, who being more skilfull in the vse of theSouldiers of seuerall Nations serue vnder Scanderbeg. sword then of the bow: vpon the newes of this leauie of souldiers (being allured with the desire of prey & purchase) did come to serue with the Albanois voluntarily and without any pay at all. There were in those daies that came daily into Epire out of all Nations to serue, & to take pay vnder Scanderbeg: for that of all the Captains of Christendome, he only was still busied and emploied, and was neuer out of armes: but in continuall seruice, as the mortall and deadly enemy of the Turkes and Miscreants. For this cause many of them that were retained, being emised both with the sweetnesse of daily booties and pillage, and by the pleasantnesse of the countrie, did set vp their rest to remaine and dwell there for euer. But the truth is that the most part being enriched with the spoiles of the Barbarians, & growen wonderfull wealthy, did afterwards returne home to their owne countries. There were also some Frenchmen to the number of 50. or more, who serued in that armie: they were appointed to haue the managing & disposing of certaine small field pieces (for they were entertained specially for Cannoniers) with the which they might annoy the defendants, rather then the rampiers of the towne. For I do not find that there were brought thither any other greater peeces, either for batterie or to make any breach, because it seemed, that to force the citie by the scalado was most to the purpose. These things thus ordained, the chiefest matter & of most importance rested yet behind: and that was, to prouide for the tranquilitie of the whole campe, & for the more assured continuance of the siege: namely, to shut vp all the passages from the enemie: for by this meanes both the besieged shold be out of all hope of comfort, and the Turkes should be debarred from comming to succour or relieue them. In this seruice was the old garrison emploied, and there was ioyned vnto them a supply of 800. foot, & 1000. horse of the new leauied troupes. All which forces being deuided into two parts, the one moity of thē he sent with Streese, the other moitie with Tanusee into diuerse quarters, for the better gard of the residue of his bands, and to detaine all succors from the besieged. This was no sooner concluded on, but it was as soone put in execution. And thereupon Scanderbeg thought it high time to set his souldiers on worke, & by giuing a braue assault vnto the towne, to let them know the fiercenesse of his fury. For you must vnderstand, that the seuen first dayes after the Christians had presented thēselues before Sfetigrade, they were vncessantly occupied in enclosing & entrenching of their campe, & in building & ordering of their lodgings (because they thought they should haue wintered before the towne.) And during all that time they had not in any sort molested the besieged, neither in word nor in deede: which made the souldiers now of all hands assemble about their Prince, demanding euery houre that they might be suffered to assaile the enemie. But Castriot being vnwilling to attempt any thing by armes, til he had first assaied al other [Page 195] meanes, he did for a time restraine the forwardnesse and heat of his men, till such time as he had sounded the minds of the defendants. He sent therefore two souldiers to carie vnto them the same capitulations, which the citizens of Sfetigrade did lately accept of Ottoman. But the Turkes made no more reckoning of his offers, then as of aAnswere of the Turks within Sfetigrade to the summons of Scanderbeg. thing of nought: but with notable resolution, they sent him this aunswere, That the place which cost them so much bloud, was not to be sold for wordes: that he should offer hardily the bodies of his people, yea his own head, for the price of the redemption of that towne: and that then he should well knowe, whether that their faith were dependant vpon the water of a well, as was that lately of the Dibrians.
This aunswere was no newes to Scanderbeg, neither did it come contrarie to his expectation, for he foresawe and coniectured how the Turkes were affected. Wherfore he thought good to haue recourse to the sword, & he determined to set the Christians a worke as they had before desired: and he tooke vnto him courage not as one that would vse many words, but as an enemy that would make them feele the weight of his blowes. The next morning therefore about breake of day, hauing caused hisSuburbes of Sfetigrade assaulted and burnt by Scanderbeg. troups to approch close vnder the wals, he first gaue the onset vpon the suburbes, lately assigned by the Turkes to the poore citizens, which he caused to be ouerthrowen & burnt. Many of those, who inhabited in the same, at the first sight of the Christians ensignes, had their refuge to their ancient friends and allies: the others dispersed here and there, and being retyred vnder the walles, did safegard themselues by the fauour of the same, & of the souldiers which stood aboue for their defence. In like maner the buildings next the towne were without hurt, except such as the fire (being caried frō one to the other) did consume with the like confusion. The fury of the assaylauts did not in this place proceed any further, because there were but few Turks there abiding, but only Sfetigradians & Epirots, who although it might wel be supposed (as was apparantly to be seene) that they were but badly affectioned to our men, yet Christian charitie made them to be more remisse and pitifull: and they measured the persons by the habite and affections of their hearts in times past, and not by the estate present.
Moses was not idle in the meane time, for perceiuing them of the towne to be busied on that side in defence of the suburbes, and in quenching of the fire: he lead againstAssault by Moses to the ports of Sfetigrade. the great gate three thousande souldiers all stout men and hardie, whom being couered and shrowded with pauishes against the iniurie and force of the assaylantes, he did animate on with all his might to force and breake downe the portes. The Turkes (whose number was more then sufficient both to defend so small a place, and to yeeld readie supplies in all parts) came running thither speedily from all quarters, and some of them from aloft with great store of shot: others with great stones & long peeces of timber, did prop vp & defend the port on the inside, making them stronger then they were before: by meanes whereof they caused our men to quit the worke which they had vndertakē. And thus was the issue of that attempt without any great losse of mē: for the Christians hauing not then (as it chaunced) brought any scaling ladders with them, they did not long striue in assaulting of the walles, but they discharged their choller that day both on the one side & the other, with bow shot and harguebusse shot only. Scanderbeg hauing caused to sound a retreat (albeit Moses being chafed & set inScanderbeg causeth to soūd a retreat, and to giue ouer the assault. a heate by litle and litle with the furie of that fight) did call and cry vnto his souldiers to bring their ladders and other engines for the assault: neuerthelesse all of them vpon the cōming of their Generall did presently retire, and in a maner against their wils, returned ech man to his quarter. Thus were the courages of either partie at that time the more incensed and sharpened by the proofe of that small & light conflict, for that the fight was broken off without any hope or doubt either on the one side or the other. [Page 196] The residue of that day did Scanderbeg spend in diuerse consultations, deuising vponConsultation of Scanderbeg for his proceedings against Sfetigrade. the short & surest way to force Sfetigrad. For the strong situation therof which made it almost impregnable, and the great & puissant garrison wherwith it was stuffed, did euidently make shew, that the perill would not be small, if they should attempt it inconsiderately or vnaduisedly: and the late example of Amurath by his ouerhardy and too peremptorie experience, did coole the courages of the Christians from being too forward in committing of themselues to the hazard of the like inconuenience. It was concluded therefore for the more suretie, that during the daies following, the enemie should be drawen forth by small & light inuasions, and with as great subtiltie & wylines as might possibly be inuented, he should be entised to issue out, and to make some sallies vpon them: hoping by that meanes in time, either to diminish the forces of the garrison, without any great losse of their owne people, or else making shew by little and little of a dissembled and fained flight, to toll the Infidels out from the guarde of their portes, and then suddenly at the same instant setting vpon them with great furie, they might happen to surprise the citie, during the tumult of that alarme and astonishment, if so be the Christians did presse hard vpon the Turkes in their flight, and did striue to enter with them pell mell, into the towne.
The execution of this counsell was no longer delaied then till the next night, the darkenes and secrecie whereof did giue them the opportunitie to attempt it in such manner as shall presently be deliuered. Moses was appointed to haue the leading ofMoses. 300. chosen horse, to prouoke foorth the enemie. Zacharie Groppe on the one partZacharie Groppe. with 500. horse, and Scanderbeg himselfe on the other part, with the like number of horsemen placed themselues very close and secretly in an ambuscado. For these companies, taking the benefit of the darkenesse of the night, and creeping with as great silenceAn ambuscado laid for the Turkes of Sfetigrade. and secrecie as they might, by the pendant of the mountaine, hid themselues in a place verie fit and conuenient for an ambushment, and where the enemy would not haue any doubt thereof, euen amongst the hollow & winding turnings of the vallies, and amidst the woods next adioyning full of bushes & bryers, where the scouts of the enemie could not haue any knowledge of their being. For hauing partly put out, and partly couering and keeping close their fiers, they went forth on the backside of their campe. The time it selfe also did in some sort aide them to the concealing of their enterprise: for all the long night, the ayre being full of moist & foggie vapours, and the earth being couered with darkenesse, and with obscure and thicke cloudes: the continuall thunder and lightning did so hinder the sight and hearing of euery man, that it was an easie matter to deceiue the Turkish Sentinels. The Dybrian in the meane time without staying till the day breake, watched and pryed round about on euerie side with his men, in manner of a freebooter or robber: and approching by degrees neerer and neerer to the walles, he wandered vp and downe here & there in the sight of the townsemen, and did keepe still within their daunger. They within Sfetygrade were not all of one minde and aduise, nor of like courage. Many would not be withSpeeches of the Turkes within Sfetigrade, being deuided in their opinions, concerning a sally to be made vpon the Albanois. ‘held, but did exclaime and crie out: That it was necessarie to issue out and to set vppon them, and that it was a shame for them to endure and suffer, that so faire an occasion should be lost: some others helde stiffely on the contrarie, That they ought to bouge nor attempt any thing without good aduise and deliberation. Whereupon there grew a great alteration and dissention amongst them, as it is commonly seene in those men, who being naturally of a fierce & hasty disposition are pricked on & caried away by a kind of light incredulitie only regarding the outward shew & superficial apparance of things, & neuer looking nor searching into the marow, depth, and substance of matters. To such men al good and wholsome counsels do seeme vile [Page 197] and naught: and they do thinke that all good fortune is then only cleane fled & escapedSentence. away out of their hands, if the ordering and disposing of any affaires be neuer so litle deferred, or (as it were) seasoned and attempred with a litle moderation of some shortand small delay. Notwithstanding in the end the better opinion (as the euent testified) did beare it away, euen those whose aduise was to be still and not to stirre at all:’ for they without could not heare any newes nor perceiue any likelihood of any salley; but the gates were kept close shut, and none suffered to come forth, onely they were saluted with harguebush shot aloofe from the wals. The Albanois sometimes in troups, and sometimes scattered and dispersed, with their bowes bent against them that stood vpon the wall, did course and gallop here and there, to the intent that they being prouoked the sooner by these brauadoes, might be entised to issue foorth vnto them. But when Moses saw that he got nothing but blowes, and that there was more likelihood of further danger, then of hope to doe any good vpon the enemie (for by this time two of his men were slaine, & sixe or seuen of them sore hurt, that he could hardly carrie them away) he beganne to retire faire and easily from the wals: and hauing conceiued no lesse indignation then shame, he withdrew himselfe from the view of the enemie. Scanderbeg likewise with his troupe in as pitifull a case as the other was not long behind him, but he came forth also from his denne extremely grieued and discontented: in such sort, that both he and his company, being thoroughly wet and (as it were) all dropping with the raine which had fallen on them all the night: and the Dibrian on the other side, returning with his souldiers full of anger & despite, they gaue good occasion to the enemy to laugh, and make themselues merry at them.
But the Epirot did not long endure this mockery, for he was minded to requit them with plaine and open force & by a generall assault. The next day therefore, hauing setSfetygrade assaulted by the Albanois. his cōpanies in order of battell, & euery mā appointed to his charge, about two houres before noone, he lead at the very first 10000. men against the wals. Of the residue of his army part was left to keepe the trenches, and part was reserued in a teadinesse for a fresh & new supply, to the intent the assault should not be interrupted. Moses first of allMoses. with a good squadron of stout & valiant young men went to the scalado, hauing conceiued a good hope to carry the towne. For Scanderbeg frō beneath with a great band of archers & crosbowes Italians made the defendants by force of their shot to forsake their standings, & by that meanes the others had the more liberty to mount vp to the wals, in so much that many of thē hauing gotten to the tops of their ladders, did now get footing vpon the rampiers, & there with equall courage & fury did maintaine the fight with the Turkes for the possession of the wals. The artillery, which as we haue said, was plāted on the farther side of the town to beat the rampiers, did not suffer the garrison to rest on that side. For albeit the shot of these peeces did not make any great breach, yet did the wals daily decrease in the sight of them that fought: & the defendants by litle & litle did diminish & waxe lesse by reason that the continuance of the shot which rased the wals, did also make away many of their mē that stood in defence of that place. If these here did performe the part of tall souldiers, I can assure you that the others did behaue themselues with much more fury on that side, where Zacharie Zachary Groppe. Groppe went to the assault, with whō were the chiefest forces & strength of the armie, and especially the Almaines who were resolute euen to the death, and knew not what it was to recuile frō the enemy. These with pickaxes & bars of iron did seeke to ouerthrow the wals where they had bin newly reedified & repaired. Some couered with the targets of their companions and with baskets close ioyned together, did digge & vndermine the foundations: others voiding and ridding away the stones that were digged vp, did make the place like vnto an arch or hollow caue. The Infidels that [Page 198] were aloft on the wall could not, although they would, hinder them from the pursuit of this worke. For albeit many of our men did droppe downe here and there, & were slaine with harguebusse shot from the towers and flankers of the wall, yet did others continually succeede in their places without any respect of daunger, or without anie feare of death. And the others in the meane time with their crossebowes and harguebusse shot did play vpon the enemie: and they had so diligent an eye vnto them whersoeuer they sawe them to stirre or to present themselues in the defence of the walles, that they kept them in such awe and subiection, as without euident perill, they durst not abide vpon the rampiers: yet the besieged laughing at the great paines and labour that the Christians tooke, did purposely delay and protract the fight. For in very deed the foundation of the wall was laid so thicke and so large by the Sultan, and besides, it was rampiered within, with such store of stones and bankes of earth, that the place was sure enough of it selfe, without the aide or succours of any armed forces. Neuerthelesse for a while did Zachary hold on stiffely in his enterprise, to see if he could preuaile or find any entrie for his men. In the ende when he sawe that he lost his labour, and that it was almost an endlesse worke, he chaunged his course: and to as litle purpose he determined to scale the walles, crying vnto his souldiers, To the scalado, to the scalado. The Turkes perceiuing from aboue the new attempt of the Christians, did purposely suffer some of them to mount euen to the toppe of their ladders, & then saluting them with a great volley of harguebusse shot, and with great stones which they tumbled downe vpon them as thicke as hayle, they did easily turne both them and their ladders vpside downe from the height of the wall to the bottome of the valley. For on that part the ground about the wall for a very litle way only was somwhat plaine and euen: but on a sudden, it was inuironed with a mightie great downfall of a huge depth, exceeding hollow and steepe withall. Litle better entertainement had the assaylants on the other side, where Moses with his company hauing reared their ladders, had diuerse times raised vp the colours of the Albanois vpon the rampiers of the enemie: but the Pagans waxing raging mad to see this their brauerie and valure, caused a strong supply of their companions to come thither, who held themselues cō tinually in a readinesse to helpe and relieue their fellowes where most neede should be. And then all of them close ioyned together, bestirring thēselues without all feare of death or daunger, did ouerthrow both men and ladders topsie turuy to the ground, killing and murthering many of them, so that in a small space they got the aduantage of the fight. And wheras they were but euen now as men confounded & vanquished, they wrested the victorie out of the hands of the Christians, with such furie and violence, that the fortune of the fight being suddenly chaunged, and in an instant; it seemed that God did fauour their part. Castriot being wounded with extreame griefe to see his men so ill handled, and aboue all for the hurt of Moses, whom with muchMoses wounded. adoe he had withdrawen from the shot of the enemie, and sent vnto his tent to haue his wounds dressed: he was a litle retyred and gotten farther from the wall, where being couered with the targets of two souldiers on ech side one▪ he inuited some to stand by him & with their shot to play vpon the enemy. Others being fresh & sound, he commaunded and encouraged to take againe the ladders and fiercely to terrifie the besieged by renuing of the assault. Scanderbeg himself serued there that day with bow & shafts, which many of them within the towne did find to their costs. For it is reported, that it was a wonderfull thing to see how many Turks he alone did kill that day: and that he neuer drew any one shaft in vaine. It was no hard matter to bring the ladders, and to raise them against the walles, but the souldiers beganne now to present themselues in slender troupes, and they durst not hazarde themselues in mounting [Page 199] vp vpon the walles. One of them stood looking vpon another: and albeit the greatThe Albanois repulsed from the assault. promises of the Prince inuited many of them to be forward: yet did the recompence seeme to be deadly and mortall, as it made none of them desirous to aduenture for it. Thus either partie growing into cold blood by litle and litle, they left fighting at the last, and the darknesse of the night which was equally desired both of the best and worst souldiers, did end and determine that daies seruice. The Albanois held themselues quiet and verie still within their campe all that night, as those whom both the ignominie of the day before and their present misfortune did seeme to inuite to take their rest with silence: for they had lost two hundreth of their best souldiers, and of those that were wounded there were aboue six hundreth, of whom there died of their wounds shortly after more then thirtie. Of the defendants, though there were a greater number slaine, and that the cries and plaints of an infinite number, which were wounded were heard on all parts: yet the repulse of their enemies, and the preseruation of the place, made them to demeane themselues in great mirth till the next morning: passing away the night with great fiers, and they neuer ceased running vp and downe the walles and rampiers, singing of songs, and making great triumph and exceeding ioy.
By this time had Ottoman intelligence of the siege of Sfetigrade, and it grieued himAmurath proclaimeth a new leauie of forces to returne into Epire. at the hart, often times complaining that when he was scarce gotten to one end of his trauels, and had but newly licensed his armie to depart, he should now againe be constrained to a worse warre then euer, especially in the beginning of winter: a season not so strange as vnfit and inconuenient to make warres in. Neuerthelesse seing himselfe vanquished both with shame and with a certaine kind of necessitie and predestinate fortune, which would not permit him without ignominie and dishonor to leaue his townes to the oppression and furie of his enemie, he concluded againe to reuiue his former preparations, and to proclaime a new muster: and to this effect he dispatched on all parts his Saniacks, Bassaes and Chieftaines, employing all meanes which he could possibly deuise to hasten his purposed iorney. And the first thing that he did, was, to publish abroad his returne into Epire, perhaps doing it of purpose to giue the more countenance and authoritie to the matter: or for that the Christians being astonished vpon the report of this newes, might be discouraged from proceeding with their siege. For to speake the truth what I thinke thereof: hardly can I be perswaded, that there is any likelihood or probabilitie, that the Sultan in the last point and period (as it were) of his age, and the daies being at shortest, in so intemperate a season and time of the yeare, would be so foolish and vnaduised as to take the fielde at that time in proper person; considering especially, that the matter was not of such importance, that (if any accident should haue happened) it could haue bene any great preiudice vnto his crowne or kingdome: but that some other rather then himselfe might haue bene sent, and employed in that action, and haue discharged it well and sufficiently for his honor and reputation.
The Prince of Epyre being nothing at all abashed for the late slaughter of his people, or through the disfauor of fotrune for that daies seruice, did apply all his wittes, and emploied his best diligence, from time to time to molest and annoy them of the garrison: somtimes in the day, and otherwhiles in the night, he would lead his troups close vnder the walles, and casting balles and pots of wild fire vp into the aire, which fell downe amongest the enemies: he sought by these and all other meanes to astonish them: and sometime he would send forth some small number of souldiers, to gather together the dead bodies, and to drag them away, thinking by that policie to haue drawen them foorth to issue out vpon them. All these attemptes and cunning deuises [Page 200] being practised in vaine by the Albanois, he concluded to make an end of this siege, after he had once more by one other assault tried the last and vttermost of his fortune, howsoeuer the same succeeded and fell out: and he was induced to this resolution, partly by reason of the hurt of Moses, and partly also because the ill successe of the lastScanderbeg encourageth his souldiers to a new assault. assault might seeme in some sort to be excused and imputed to the sudden comming of the night vpon them, which might also promise the hope of better fortune to such as had their mindes charged with care, and did interpret things according to their owne particular affections. Wherfore the day following after the sun rising, he caused it to be proclaimed throughout his campe by sound of trumpet; that besides the great rewards promised in recompence of their vertue who should enter first, he did permit them to haue the pillage of the towne, and he amplified the matter with many good words, making it seeme a great thing in shew and beyond all credit. Besides, he seemed to deplore and bewaile the shame & ignominie of the name of the Albanois: that so many excellent Captaines and braue souldiers, after innumerable proofes of their sufficiencie and valure, should to their singular reproch be enforced by a handfull of base and vile slaues to make so long abode, and so shamefully to spend their time vnder these walles which were so shamefully lost vnto the enemie. And he demaunded of them, how long they would suffer and endure this infamie: that within their owne prouince, and in the middest of so many townes and fortresses, and nations of their obeisance, one vile garrison of the Barbarians who had nothing but bare walles to defend them, and were destitute of all other hope and comfort, should keepe and holde out so long in this place, euen vnder their noses, and should in a manner triumph at their pusillanimitie and want of courage? That they should hardly do any exployt of worth in a strange countrie and a farre off in forraigne regions, if they had not the power to dislodge and driue away these robbers who were gotten (as it were) within their doores, and did dwell euen within their very bowels.
With these and such like discourses and examinations hauing set a newe edge on the courage of the Albanians, and made them more eger against the Infidels, he deuidedSecond assault to Sfetigrade. his companies, and hauing left about 600. for the guard & custody of the campe, with the rest he pressed the towne on all sides where it was approchable. At the first they began the fight with their shot only both on the one side and the other, ech man doing his best to draw bloud from his enemie. After they had sufficiently skirmished together in that manner, and that they beganne now to growe in choller: the most hardie and such as were well chafed betooke themselues to their ladders, being minded to talke with the enemy somewhat neerer. Once or twice were they couragiously repulsed by the defendants, and they gaue them not so much leasure, as to raise their ladders to the walles: but at the last the Barbarians being surmounted by the hardinesse and obstinacie of the Christians, who no otherwise then as Lions almost famished, doe rush vpon the flocke without any remembrance either of snares or other trappes that men doe vse to lay for them: so they, furiously persisting in the assault without all feare of death or daunger, by little and little, did yeelde and giue place to so extreame furie: and wanting both strength and weapons to keepe off the enemie, they retyred themselues behinde the rampiers in such sort, that they gaue the ChristiansThe Albanoys winning the walles of Sfetigrade vpon a surmise and feare of secret ambushments forsake and loose the towne. good meanes and opportunitie to haue made themselues masters of the place. But see what feare of Ambushments may doe: our men who till then were so fierce and couragious, and who in a cruell and bloudie assault, shewed themselues so prodigall of their liues, and so carelesse of death it selfe which they had continually euen before their eyes: assoone as they perceiued the enemie to waxe faint, and that one after another did abandon the wall, they beganne presently to mistrust some policie, and hauing [Page 201] a conceipt and imagination, that some great troups of the enemie did lye close behind the rampiers in some ambuscado, and did attend there to bid them to some ill banquet: they grew more cold and negligent in their actions, and casting their eyes about them on ech side, and carefully regarding all places neare them, they did expect nothing else, but euen in a moment to be all of them destroied: such was their vaine and foolish opinion. Herewithall had the Barbarians good leisure to bethinke themselues, and to prouide for that which should be needfull and necessary: and their companions flocking thither from diuerse quarters vpon the rumour of that fraie, and bringing with them great store and quantitie of weapons, did reuiue both their courage, and their good fortune. In this concourse many a man lost his life, both on the one side and the other: but many more on the part of the assailants then of the defendants: and more had bene slaine if the readinesse and good deuoire of Zachary had not hindred them: for he at another part of the wall hauing raised vp many ladders, did interrupt this their victorie, diuerting the enemie by a new onset: so that they were constrained to separate themselues, and to sunder their forces. All this while you might haue seene Castriot with his squadrons, sometimes approching neare the wall, to terrifie them within: and sometimes doing the dutie of a simple souldier, leading them the way against their enemies; one while by prayers, another while by reproches he would solicite and animate them on. The archers and other shotte being placed round about the walles, did keepe their stand where they were first appointed, and still as the furie of the fight encreased and continued, they did neuer cease to play vpon the Infidels as they marched vp and downe vpon the curtins. When the defendants did perceiue that their numbers did decrease, and that the Christians did encrease in courage and obstinacie farre beyond humaine reason: they doubted what would become of it, and they feared the issue of that daies iorney: wherefore to stop the course of their furie, and to gaine time to themselues, they deuised this policie. They snatched vp the Turkish ensignes from the rampiers, and calling to the ChristiansA policy of the Turkes within Sfetigrade with a loud voice, they desired a truce and suspension of armes for a litle space, and that they might haue libertie to parley with Scanderbeg. This was granted vnto them by the Albanians with the consent of their Generall: and both parts being commanded to surcease from hostilitie, the Infidels were permitted to speake their minds. Thereupon one of them, an auncient and graue olde man (after he had first yeeldedSpeech of a Turk [...] of Sfetigrade desiring a parley and truce for a day. thanks to the Generall and his companies, for so courteous and liberall a graunt made to their enemie) he told them that his desire was by the consent of this companie, that they might haue truce granted them for that day onely, to the intent during this small time of delay, they might consult amongst themselues vpon the forme of their capitulation, whereunto their whole companie was inclined with one mind and general ‘consent: and that the next day they would send certen deputies vnto him with conditions, whereunto they would submit and yeeld themselues: which if they were agreeable to him and to his liking, they should take it as a singular and high fauour: whereof notwithstanding considering his clemencie they neuer made any doubt nor distrust, that if he did mislike of their offers, and would not allow of them, that they would wholly referre themselues to his owne discretion and ordinance; and that they would not in any sort refuse nor depart from his arbiterment, and iudgment: and they were in good hope to conclude all things with him to the good and profit of both parties. At the first Scanderbeg shewed himselfe highly discontented and nothing tractable to those demaunds of the Mahomatistes,’ iudging verie wisely, that they sought for nothing else, but fraudulently by these shifts to deferre the assault for that day: and either to depriue him of that aduantage whereat he had them: or else in [Page 202] ‘hope of succours from their soueraigne as the experience did afterwards make it manifest.Answer of Scanderbeg to the speech of the Turke demaunding truce. And therefore he enioyned them to declare presently what their intent and meaning was: otherwise they should looke for the vttermost extreamitie of a fresh assault liuely renued and recontinued: that all time of delay was impertinent, considering that the estate of their affaires was brought to such necessitie,’ and to an extreame exigent. Neuerthelesse at the length being vanquished with their importunate flatteries,Scanderbeg faultie in ouermuch courtesie and facilitie, retireth frō the assault, and accordeth truce to the Turkes. and the entreatie of his owne souldiers, he was content to giue ouer the assault. True it is that he saw, that if there were any good hope to force the place, that this small time of delay could not depriue him of that aduantage: wherefore retyring his ensignes, and engines of assault, and his troups being withdrawen into the campe. The rest of that day, and the night following was spent in great rest and quietnes.
The next morning, foure Turkes, men notably subtile and wily, being deputed to treat vpon this matter, came to speake with the Prince of Albanie; and brought him diuerse exquisite gifts and presents. The conditions whereupon they offered to capitulate were of that nature and substance, that not onely any victor, but euen men vanquished would haue bene loth to accept of them: and they did it purposely to prolong the time, that whilest these should be reiected, in stead of them they might preferre others, and after that againe others: by meanes whereof, the treatie might be drawen at length. And this was the summe of their demaund, That the ancient citizens beingConditions propounded by the Turkes of Sfetigrade. restored within the towne with their old priuiledges and immunities, both the houses and the fieldes should be equally deuided amongst them all: and that in this ‘manner they resigning and yet retaining still the towne, would become his subiects, and yeeld vnto him perpetuall fidelitie and obeisance, vtterly disclaiming the name and gouernment of Ottoman.’ And they required also, tenne thousand aspres in readie money to be giuen to their Gouernor. The Christians gaue them no answer, but onely laughing at these demaunds, through pure despite which they conceiued of the same, they cryed presently on all parts, To armes. And thus with iniuries and scoffes were these deceiptfull messengers dismissed together with their guilfull and fallacious presents. The Paynims left not for all that, but suddenly sent againe the same persons to attend and know the last resolution of the Christian Generall, and in case they could not otherwise dispatch, to referre the whole to his discretion. This strange alteration in the mindes of the enemie, and their suspected liberalitie, though it did keepe Scanderbeg from beleeuing them ouer rashly; yet neuerthelesse he thought it not good to ‘reiect these meanes altogether: wherefore he tolde them plainely, that he would notAnswere of Scanderbeg to the conditions propoū ded by the Turkes of Sfetigrade. change nor alter any things of his first offers made vnto them, when he summoned them at such time as their estate was not empayred, nor his camp then endammaged: that they ought not now to thinke those offers grieuous or iniurious, which themselues at another time had iudged to be equall and indifferent to the Sfetigradians: that they should not expect any other composition at his handes: that if they would accept this, he was content without any further losse to take the towne into his hands, but if their drift and purpose were, by these subtilties and disguisements of faire and cunning speeches to gaine time and to persist in their obstinate wilfulnes, that they should not for their parts, euer after looke but for all hostilitie and extreame rigour: that they should al of them hold this for certaine and determined, that nothing should end this siege without the death and destruction of them all.’
Whilest the Barbarians did in this manner come and goe to and fro, and that they did thus faine and dissemble, three whole daies were spent and consumed in these emparlances, and at length the ende made manifest, what was their intent and purpose. On the one side therfore the subtiltie and inuention of the defendants was discouered: [Page 203] on the other side newes being now come of the stirring and speedie comming of the great Turke, it did greatly grieue and perplexe the minde of the Prince of Albanie. To quit the place besieged, the late iniurie and abuse proffered by the Turkes would not permit him: and to continue there, he sawe that both the doubt of the enemie, (who was reported to be neare at hand behind his backe) and the importance of all his affaires, which were of greatest consequence did disswade him from it: Notwithstanding he remained there a while longer, till such time as there came more certaine aduertisements of the preparation made by Amurath. But it seemed, the very destinies did oppose themselues against his desires. For the heauens powred foorth such maruellous abundance of moistures and showers in all that time, that the souldiers could not set their feete without their trenches, much lesse could they attempt any thing against the walles. The raine being ceased, Scanderbeg proclaimed one assault more against the towne to be giuen the day following: and he gaue good order and direction, that all things requisite should be made and prouided in a readinesse. Himselfe abstained from sleepe all the whole night: sometimes being busied and emploied in diuerse matters, which were most needfull and materiall: & somtimes did he walkScanderbeg encourageth his souldiers to a new assault. vp and downe his campe here and there, encouraging and exhorting his people: often times telling them, that they must either driue the enemie cleane out of Epire, or not returne any more to the campe, till they had made themselues maisters of the towne: ‘that the realme of Epire did seeme disguised & deformed: that nothing could be said or esteemed in safetie and securitie, if the Pagans should be suffered any longer to abide and continue within the countrey. And admit that there were no perill or daunger to be feared, nor any dishonor did ensue by suffering them, yet what reason had they to endure those outrages of their enemies? and how long would they swallow vp those derisions, and disgratious scoffes and abuses which had bene offered them?’
Thus the night being quickely spent in these consultations and prouisions for the intended seruice, the day began now to approch, before the breake whereof Scanderbeg drawing foorth his troups, did lodge them all against the walles: but the souldiers found it more painefull to creepe vp against the hill, then was ordinarie or accustomed:Third assaul [...] to Sfetigrade. and the way was more soft and slipperie vnder their feete, by reason of the great store of water wherewith the earth was washed: that it made them to drawe their ladders and other engines with great paine, and (as a man may say) to dragge them with their teeth. Neuerthelesse the Christians, being lately incensed with choller, and inflamed with anger, did not feele either the difficultie or the painefulnesse of their attempt. The besieged who doubted of no such matter, at the first did resort to the defence of the walles in small numbers, and were somewhat negligent in their deuoire: but hauing quickely made prouision of all things, they hastened thither with greater forces, and reenforcing their defence, they were of sufficient power to repulse the assailants. From thenceforth the audacitie and forwardnesse of the Epirotes was not so fierce and violent as before: and the swords and countenance of the enemie being now neare them and at hand, did inuite and perswade them to carie themselues aduisedly, and with discretion: and not with furie and rashnesse, and too much hardinesse of courage. Wherefore casting a carefull eye to the blowes of the enemie on the one side, which fought with them aloft from the walles, they tooke a conceit immediately, that there was another enemie at their backes: and that the rumor (which had bene reported of the returne of Amuarth) was not in vaine, nor a tale falsely giuen out. The bruite of this concepit did so encrease from mouth to mouth, and it tooke such force in their credulous hearts, by a certaine apprehension of vaine feare that they seemed to see before their eyes those preparations of the enemie, which were yet [Page 204] scarcely begun: and they imagined the Sultan to be alreadie come into Epire, who was yet quiet and at rest at home in Andrinople. Scanderbeg though he were of an inuincible courage, yet perceiuing this feare and terror of his souldiers, was constrained to yeeld to the present necessity: and by reason that all things were in a kind of horror, confusion and disorder: he caused to sound a retrait, and to surcease from the assault.
It was scant the ninth houre of the day, but that Scanderbeg (after his men had takenSiege of Sfetigrade ra [...]sed by Scanderbeg a repast) commaunded them to trusse vp their baggage: hauing first throwen downe their trenches, and set fire on the other fortifications of their campe. The trees and other frutes in the country had not bene exempted from the wrath and fury of the common souldiour, but they had made spoile and hauocke of all, if the Prince of Albanie had not repressed their rage: telling them, that it was to be hoped one day when it should please God to be more fauorable vnto them, to recouer the towne, and to reestablish the same in her former estate. And therefore without any signes or markes of an enemie left behind him, he dislodged as secretly as he could, and tooke the direct way towards Croie. It is reported that Scanderbeg lost at this siege of Sfetigrade Number of Christians slaine at the siege of Sfetigrade. fiue hundreth men and more: which opinion in my iudgement hath more likelihood of truth, then others who affirme, that at the time when he dislodged thence with his armie, he had not lost aboue sixtie. A thing most absurd and far from all reason, considering the great number of the Turkes which were slaine at the former expedition, when they besieged the same place: as all men do confesse iointlie and with one accord: vnlesse perhappes we will seeme to say as the fabulous Poets haue imagined of some men: that the bodies of the Christians were lesse penetrable then those of the infidels.
It was on the three and twentieth day of October that (the siege of Sfetigrade beingScanderbeg prouideth for▪ the defence of Croy and other places. raised) Scanderbeg with his armie returned to Croie, where he had scant a minute of leasure to recreate and to refresh himselfe, but that he gaue present and speedie order for the enrolling of men, and made choise of Captaines and leaders, to whom he appointed their seuerall charges according as the consequence of his affaires, and the newes lately brought vnto him did require. The towne was voided of all sortes ofNumber of souldiers in garrison within Croy against the siege of Amurath. people, who for their age and sexe were vnfit to beare armes: and it was stuffed with a garrison of 2000. men, of whom some were Albanois, some Italians, some Almains, Scla [...]onians & Frenchmen. All which neuerthelesse did agree in such vnitie & good accorde, as better could not be imagined: the which was in the ende made manifest and apparant by the happy successe and honour which they purchased by the worthy defence of the towne against Amurath▪ Vranocontes as in times past, so now with theVranocontes the Gouernour of Croy, his commendation generall liking, and with a wonderfull consent and allowance of all men, had the absolute, charge, authoritie, and gouernement of the place. Very hardly was there anie other to be found in the whole army more fit and worthy of this degree, or who was more in fauour, or better accepted of the souldiers. He was a personage of singular resolution and conceipt in the middest of all perils and greatest hazards: he was euer readie in the performance of his charge, were i [...] in commaunding or obeying: he alwaies vsed and that with an excellent good grace, to attribute the praise and desert of any seruice well affected, to the souldiers in generall, rather then by robbing others of their merits to appropriate it vnto himselfe. And besides all this, he had behaued him selfe well and valiantly during his whole life. Both the goodly representation of his person, and the grauitie of his yeares did make him to be reuerenced of all men: and the auncient Nobilitie of his race, did greatly beautifie and (as it were) season all these good parts in him. Wherefore to confirme and continue this good opinion conceiued of him by the Albanois with so generall a consent and liking, he promised to [Page 205] make no spare of his paines nor vigilancy, though it were with the losse of his life in all occasions where it was needfull to be emploied. To Stellusa likewise and Petralba, and other places of strength, were sent both gouernors and sufficient forces to defend thē. Neither was it forgotten to appoint a great multitude of persons in all the towns, who should make prouision of victuals & munitions from all parts. But notwithstanding all the care, paines, and industry taken in that behalfe, yet hardly could they make prouision of the same for 3. whole moneths, by reason both of the continuall spoile and wast made by the wars, and for their daily attendance and emploiment in armes, which had caused the Epirots that year before to neglect their husbandry, & not to attend to tillage. Notwithstanding the report is, that certaine marchaunts of Venice, and others of the inhabitants there in the Venetian territories, did furnish them of victuals secretly and vnder hand: because at that time (such was the ill hap of the Christians) the lords of that Signiory were in league and amity with the Turkish Monarke. CertaineScanderbeg aided in all his wars with supplies of money by the Venetians. Venetians in peace & amity with the Turk. it is, that Scanderbeg did neuer faile of great supplies of money from that estate, and during his whole life, whilest he was in wars, he did atchieue & go through them vnder the support and fauor of the Venetians: referring vnto them the glory of his most memorable exploits and triumphs. I doubt not but many wil maruell, no lesse then I my self, whence it should proceed, that the Venetian should make this peace with the Infidel, not cōprising Scanderbeg in the same: considering that they were before so strictly associated together, by so many bonds of friendship and amity. For my part I will not wrong that Senat, which hath euer bene reputed both sage & religious, to suspect that they did it in any other respect and consideration, but only for the good and preseruation of Greece, which seemed then to be banded and deuided euen within and against it selfe. And therefore I leaue this matter for others to giue their iudgements vpon it.
Prouision being made of graine and other victuals within Croy, the common garners and magazins were filled in such rate and proportion, as it was sufficient to sustaine the soldiers for one whole yeare. Then was there preparation also made for supplies of all kinds of shot, both long bows and artillery: the charge & managing whereof was continued to the French-men, & they had allowance at all times both in peace and war, for each mans pay 5. crownes a moneth. And most part of the garrison within Croy were harguebussiers & crosse bowes. The affairs of Croy being well setled and assured, that which remained of the victuals, did Scanderbeg cause to be transported and deuided to other townes and places of the Prouince. For his owne part, before he would leauy any new forces to be retained to himselfe for the molesting and inuading of the enemy, as he was accustomed, he thought it good first to go and visit those troupes▪ which he had lately ordained for the defence and guard of the frontiers. And therefore he called vnto him Moses and some few horsemen besides, with whom hee went both to take order, and giue directions for all things, and to send forth espials to sound out the enterprises of Amurath, that he might be fully enformed of all things in particular. There was no occasion neither of frostes nor cold, nor the earth all coueredScanderbeg [...] industry and great carefulnesse. with snow, that could hinder or stay the industry and diligence of this laborious and watchfull Chiefetaine: neither the greatnesse or difficulty of his affairs or determinations, nor the hard trauell of his painfull iourneis could terrifie him, but that euery day more resolutely then other, he did vndertake all the labors that belonged to his charge, visiting and reuisiting sometimes one place, sometimes another. And at other times would he disguise himselfe, and in the habit of a sheepherd, would go euen vnderScanderbeg disguiseth him selfe to espie aduantages vpon his enemies the walles of Sfetigrade, to espy if he could by any policy or stratageme (as he had in times past) or by force, or by fauor of secret trains and ambushmens closely laied, seize vpon that towne, and get it out of the hands of the Ottoman. By meanes whereof, they [Page 206] within had no liberty to rest themselues: but (as if they had bin still besieged) they stirred not from their gates, neither durst they at any time be negligent in keeping good watch and ward, and in looking to all things, with all care as they were accustomed.
During that time that Scanderbeg was thus carefully busied about his affairs, the espialsAmurath vpon the newes of the siege raised at Sfetigrade referreth his iourney into Epire. being returned brought him tidings, that there was no more talke of assembling any forces by the Sultan, but that the fury of his armes was deferred, and that Amurath had put off the war of Epire til the next spring: for he hauing heard of the departure of the christians from the siege of Sfetygrade, needed not to be entreated (considering the season of the yeare) to make stay of his preparations, which he had begun with so great heate and vehemency, but changing his former order & decree, he had caused a new edict to be published▪ That al his soldiers and captains who were appointed & enrolled for that action of Epire, should make their repair and rende vous at Andrinople the 15. day of March following. He had a great desire to haue that voyage & the siege of Croy to be concealed and kept close: but he could not disguise nor conuay his matters so cunningly, but that euery man might assure himselfe that Scanderbeg was the enemie against whom those forces should be emploied. Vpon this determination of the Turkishe Monarch, the Christians likewise had leisure for a while to breath themselues. Wherefore the garrison vpon the frontiers being diminished by the one moity, there were not left aboue 2000. at the most, who building for thēselues lodgings & cabins (as the fashion is of souldiers) did prouide against the iniury of the weather, & winter season, and the residue of them were dismissed & had leaue to depart home. The kingCroy repaired and fortified. of Epire with Moses & the others, being returned to Croy, did for a while cōtinue there, during which time, he caused certaine bastils and platformes to be added to the other fortifications of the towne, and to repaire the wals on that side which lay towards Tiranne, where antiquity and continuance of time had made thē weake & ruinous. This done, as he was euer stirring & impatient of rest, sodainly he set foot in stirrop, posting to this and to that place: and being meanly apparelled, and with 10. men only in his cō pany, he went to the Potentates his next neighbors and allies, and to the gouernors of the Venetian towns, labouring to embarke them in this war, and to put them in mind of the imminent danger and ruine, that did threaten them euen at hand, and did hang ouer their heades: both admonishing and encouraging them to the remembrance of their deuoire and duty. Neuertheles the most part of that winter, he passed couertly in the confines of Macedony, in company of the garrison which was there appointed. All which time, a man should scarce haue seene them of Sfetygrade, to issue forth out of their gates, for that the nearenesse of our campe being but 15. miles off, made them to stand carefully vpon their guard, and did keepe them in great feare and awe.
The cold winter being thus spent and passed ouer, with the new spring came new1450. labours and calamities, and all things grew more troublesome both in publicke and in particular. There passed almost no day nor night, without some letters or intelligence brought to Scanderbeg. Amongst the Infidelles, one while came some to yeeld themselues to his seruice: at an other time, others remembring their auncient familiarity, would enforme him truly of the desseignes and enterprises of Amurath: which caused many to plucke vp their spirites more and more; and to others, it gaue occasion either of feare or hardines, according to the habite & disposition of ech mans heart & corage. But for that he had of late sufficiently prouided for all his townes, and nothing had binScanderbeg [...]ieth an ar [...] to make res [...]ance against the [...]asion [...]tended by [...]murath. reuoked nor diminished of those prouisiōs▪ there was no great matter now remaining to take order for, but only to assemble some forces in forme of an army, with which he might annoy the enemy sometimes in the open field, and somtimes in the straights of the mountaines according as the oportunity of time and place should giue him leaue. [Page 207] That so when they should afterwardes beleaguer Croy, he might be the better able to weary and annoy them, as he had oftentimes at the siege of Sfetigrade, atempted and done the like with happy successe and good fortune. Of all his Chiefetains, Scanderbeg had not then the company or assistance of any, but only of Tanuse, of Streese, and of the Dibrian. For the others hauing bene sent and emploied in the like occurrences [...]nd occasions, were deuided into sundry townes and seuerall fortresses. He sent therefore those three with all speed to leauy men throughout all the Prouince: but by reason that it was drawen dry of good and able men (the flower and youth of the realme being distributed into diuers places & castels) they spent many daies in the mustering and leauying of those forces. And this was the cause that Scanderbeg (as the report goeth)Dalmatia or Sclauony vpon the sea. in this warre, did wage many of the subiects of the Venetians, and some also out of the next Dalmatia, or that part of Sclauony, that confineth vpon the sea.
The Prince of the Turkes in this meane while, had at the time prefixed, assembled the most part of his forces, & yet he wanted many thousands to furnish vp so huge andAmurath leauieth his army and maketh preparations for his iourney into Epire. massy an army as that which he had the yeare last past. By reason, that either the far distance of places, or the difficulty of the waies did hinder some of them, either more or lesse. And therfore attending till such time as he saw his numbers and preparations in all points performed, because he would loose no time, he emploied that space in the prouision of other things necessary for an action of that weight and importance, and especially for the gathering of victuals. Albeit order had bin taken, that euery souldier should furnish him self in particular with victuals for many daies prouision: for he was fully resolued, that the Christians had not left any corn vpon the ground, and that they would wast and destroy all the pasture and herbage vppon the first tidings of his approach. It were almost a thing impossible to number vp all the instrumentes and engines of assault which were prepared. Amongst the rest, there were many tooles and instruments of iron vsed by husbandmen, besides an infinit number of bars and mattocks, & pickaxes made of iron crooked of purpose to dig in mines, as was afterwards seene by experience: for the Sultan had bin perswaded to vse this deuise as a most commodious and fit meane to carry the city of Croy, which otherwise was inexpugnable. In like maner, great prouision was made of litle peeces of artillery, such as might conueniently be caried vpon camels, and other beastes of cariage. And as for great ordinance to serue for battery, he prouided great store of brasse, and other rude and massy mettall, which being caried in grosse, should afterwardes be founded and▪ cast for thatNumber of Turkes in the army of Amurath at the siege of Croy 160000. [...]n [...] purpose. These things thus prepared, and his troupes being fully furnished and complete to their perfect numbers, it is generally agreed by all the Historiographers, that his army consisted of 160000. fighting men: besides artificers, as carpenters, masons, and all other sorts of handy crafts▪men and laborers, which are reported to haue followed this camp, part of thē vpon the purse and pay of the Ottoman, and part at their owne charges for the hope and desire of prey and purchase. All of them being perswaded, that the siege of Croy and their abode in Epire, would endure a very long time and space, and would proue very tedious: for by reason that there went many straunge rumors & reports of the strong situation of this city, and of the rare fortifications therof, as of a place impregnable, Amurath was determined not to returne againe to Andrinople, till such time as he had gotten it into his hands and possession.
About the fift of Aprill, assoone as all things were in a readinesse, and that the hoastAl [...]anzes or the Turkish van [...] currours. Sebalias Ze [...] renesse. was ready to march: the vauntcurrours of Alchanzes vnder the leading of Sebalias Ze [...]renesse (a man of great practise and iudgement in actions military) were sent into Macedony, at the same instant that the king of Epire (hauing all at leisure raised his forces, and disposed good watches, wards, and skouts throughout all the mountains and [Page 208] woods) did ride vp & down here & there coursing ouerall the Prouince, & taking order for the estate of his affairs. By this time he had retired also his garrison frō the frontiers, and had with great diligence gathered all his troups together. All this notwithstanding I doe not find, that during this siege of Croy, he had with him selfe and in hisNumber of Scanderbeg his army against Amurath at the siege of Croy 8000. men only horse and foote. owne company, more then 8000. fighting men, whereof 2000. were footmen, and the residue horsemen: neither do any of those who haue historised his actes affirme any otherwise. I do suppose that the cause of this small number proceeded either of the scarcity of souldiers (as was lately touched) because he was of necessity to depart, and to seuer them into so many places, or it might be, that he thought it more expedient to dally with the enemy, and to trauell him by litle & litle, holding him continually in alarme, & so to reserue the chiefe strength of his forces to other necessities & diuers accidents of fortune. Considering that the war was to be made in the very center & bowels (as it were) of the Prouince, and that now the consequence of his whole estate and kingdome was in question, and he was to set vp his rest vpon the successe of that warre.
Three daies before the arriuall of the Mahometan troupes into Epire, Scanderbeg Scanderbeg spoileth his own countrey before the comming of the Turkes army into Epire. with his horsemen beating ouer all the champion countrey, had trampled vnder foot, wasted, and spoiled, or by sword and fire had consumed and destroied all the corne, and whatsoeuer else was found fruitfull vpon the ground. And afterwards being aduertised by message vppon message of the approach of the enemy, leauing the plaine countrey, he retired himselfe vppon a mountaine called Tumenista, about foure milesTumenista a mountaine 4. miles frō Croy. from Croy, there to take further aduise and counsell for his proceedings, according as the time, and the course of his affaires should perswade and induce him.
The Cauallary of the Turke holding on their march towards Epire, encountred not with any in the way that made head against them, but passing quietly through the Prouince, they did at length make their entry without any impechment into the territorySebalias beginneth the siege of Croy. of Croy. And after they had made diligent search round about the city, what places were most safe and secure to encampe in, and in what quarter they might most cō modiously come to assault the towne, they tooke their lodging at the last in Tiranna, Tyranna. The nature of the soile & the circuit of the territory of Croy. and there pitched their tents and pauilions. The countrey thereabouts is a faire and goodly plaine of sufficient space and largenesse, pleasant to the eie, and very fertile and fruitefull: yet is it more apt for tillage and to beare corne, then for any other fruite or commodity. It extendeth it selfe from Croy, to the towne of the Parthinois. But before I proceed any further, many reasons do induce me here briefly to touch the originallParthinia in Epire her originall. of this towne, and of the ancient estate thereof: and especially that which the auncients haue celebrated touching the same, & which is not vnknowen nor hiddē from the posterity. It may easily be gathered, that this towne was of good reckonning with the rest of the towns of that Prouince before the ciuill wars of Caesar and Pompey. The ruines thereof, with many shewes and particular markes and monumentes which areParthinia ruinated by Iulius Caesar. yet left, may yeeld no obscure representation of the ancient nobility of the place, and of the reputation which it once had. For the report is, that it was ouerthrowen and ruinated by Iulius Caesar, when he besieged Pompey and the Romaine Senate within the towne of Duras. After which time it remained still in the same case & desolation, andDuraz or Dirachin or Epidamum. there is not yet to this day any tract or appearaunce that it was euer restored or repared, saue only that the inhabitants haue in some sort endeuored in continuance of time to renue it, so far forth as it might serue them for their common vse and necessity. As concerning the name thereof, I find not that it had euer any other either at the first by imposition, or since by vsurpation, neither do the ancients make mention of any particular man to be the founder thereof. And therefore we may referre the originall and foundation of it, to the first inhabitors of it: which the very name also doth demonstrate [Page 209] and antiquity testifieth no lesse. And we see that the nation of the Parthinois, was, & is euer accounted amongst the mostrenowmed peoples of Epire. Now at this timeParthinois, or Parthins, or Praese. by another word themselues do call it Praese: and they do not onely comprehend all those within the number of her inhabitants, who dwell within the enclosures of her ruinous wals, but euen them also who inhabit the suburbs, and all other places adioyning with that territory: and the place is in all parts very delectable, & wel stored with all kindes of commodities. The people are a very war like kind of nation and they are at this day numbred amongst the other peoples of Albanie. But at this time the report of the comming of the Barbarians, had made them all to forsake their dwellings, and with their families and housholdes to seeke refuge within the fortresses, leauing the land naked and in a manner desert.
Sebalias hauing encamped his souldiers to the most aduantage, and hauing fitted allThe manner of Sebalias encā ping before Croy. things so conueniently, that he might very well contemne & set at naught all the force which the enemy should attempt against him: he now tooke not any regard to any, but to them only which were within the towne. He had barred and stopped vp all the passages and waies leading to the city, to the intent no succours nor victuals should be brought vnto them. The Turkes had not brought with them any other weapons, wherewith to annoy the besieged, but only their lances & cimitaries. Besides, Sebalias had no desire, either to course ouer the country, or to pil and spoile it, being made wise by the old and late misfortune and mishaps of his companions. And the Sultan also at his departure had expresly commāded him, & straightly forbidden him, except it were vpon an extremity, not to make any attempt vpon the enemy. The same consideration also withheld our men from seeking to fight with the Infidels, and did vrge them to remit the good successe and encounter of this war to the comming of the TurkishScanderbeg taeketh a suruey of the Turkes campe before Croy. Number of Turkes, vauntcurrours vnder Sebalias at the siege of Croy. Emperour. For Scanderbeg being gone with part of his people to take a view of the campe of the Infidels, and hauing learned some thing touching his purpose and counsels, to the intent he might enterprise vpon him as he should see cause and oportunity; hee found their puissance to be so great (for they were 40000. men strong, as they were the yeare before) and their Generall did cary himselfe with such wonderfull prouidence and dexterity both in the seating of his campe, and in ordering of all other his affaires, that he retired himselfe vnto his Fort as secredy as he might, without attempting any thing against them. Besides, he doubted least the Sultan should come sodainly vppon him, and should charge him when he least suspected, and so enclose and shut him vp behinde at his backe. He remained therefore quiet within his trenches, watching and attending the comming of Amurath, that when he should once hane displaied all his forces, and was planted with his whole campe before the walles, then he might haue the more aduantage and cōmodity to inuado their tents dispersed here and there, the multitude being in confusion and disorder, and then hee might weary them with continuall onsets and inuasions, especially when they had begun to assault the towne, and that the best forces of the Ottoman being busied in diuerse actions, their trenches might more fitly and conueniently be enda [...]aged.
During these counselles and deliberations so aduisedly pl [...]ed by the Christians, the royall ensignes of the Ottoman did dayly arriue more and more, and the wholeAmurath arriueth in [...]pire and encampeth before Croy. countrey was filled with armed souldiours. In the end of Aprill, Amurath the great Turke, accompanied with Mahomet his sonne, with the greatest of his nobility, and the chiefest strength of his whole army, ioyning him selfe to those forces which had already encamped before the city, came and pitched his tents also before Croy, where his Tombe was prouided and made ready for him. There was litle lesse then twenty daies betweene the comming of the [...] and the arriuall of Amurath, neither [Page 210] ought it to seeme strange vnto any man. For by reason of the great burthen of the cariages of the army, and the infinite baggage of the souldiers, & partly for the ease and pleasure of their soueraigne, being now very aged and deep stricken in years, they did not march aboue 5. miles a day. Thus you haue Amurath now before Croy, you may imagine that you see his companies lying dispersed all ouer the fieldes, aud the towne enuironed and girt in on all sides, so that there was no space, no not a foote of ground round about the walles but it was couered with lodgings and pauilions; insomuchCroyans their notable and assured courage and resolution. that many of them were quartered more then 6. miles off: neither was it possible that so excessiue a multitude should otherwise be lodged in any sort to their case and commodity. The wonderfull sight of this spectacle was sufficient to haue abashed the corages of the most braue & hardy, not only of the souldiers, but euen of the captains and leaders, and to haue abated the stomacke of euery man not without some reason and cause of feare and terror, by the contemplation of their owne proper perilles, which might haue made them forgetful & vnrespectiue of their religion, of their country, of their faith and fidelity, and of all bonds of duty and common honesty. Neuerthelesse, such was the corage of the besieged far aboue the ordinary vse of men, that they were nothing altered from their first purpose and resolution, neither could the obiect of so pompous and fearefull a shew in any sort terrrifie them, but rather taking thereby an occasion of greater hardines and constancy, for the maintenaunce of their liberty and reputation, which they had before apprehended in their generous aud noble hearts; they did measure the greatnes of their glory, and did imagine that the quality of their future triumph and honor should be recompenced according to the hugenes & extremity of the perill then imminent. Wherfore, you might haue seene the souldiers standing vpon the wals, as gallant and resolute as was possible, euery man with a certaine kind of iealosie enquiring & entermedling with the charge and duty of others, to prepare & make all things ready against the time that the assault should be presented: and in the night time by their fires which they kindled, by their clamors and shouts intermingled with songs and such like signes of mirth and gladnes: they gaue forth euident notice & testimony what litle account and reckoning they made of the enemy. Likewise the other townes and [...]astels of Epire, had now forgotten their wonted feare and astonishment, and they imagined that neither the power nor the name of Ottoman was of so great force and puissance, nor so much to be redoubted as in times past when he came against them. For they were now so hardened and acquainted with the experience of so many euils that the continuaunce and custome of perilles, had brought them to contemne and set at naught all dangers whatsoeuer.
The Infidels spent 4. whole daies in translating and fitting of their lodgings, which being once ordered according to their liking, they came flocking in great troupes to the tents of their Emperor, demanding & requesting that they might be emploid. But for that day their desire was refused, & they commanded with a most seuere charge to keepe themselues still within their campe: the cause hereof was the extraordinary rest of Scanderbeg, which did beyond all measure augment the suspition of the old Sultan, Croy summoned by Amurath. doubting least he which was a maister crafts man in fine polices & stratagems, should set him on worke with some vnhappy taske or other. The next day therfore he sent 2. heralds to Vranocontes to summon him, and to make him these offers: that if he would deliuer and yeelde vp the towne into his handes, it should be lawfull both for him andCondition [...] and offers made by Amurath to Vranocontes. the garrison to depart safe with bag and baggage: and that the Gouernour him selfe should haue ouer and aboue, 200000 aspres, besides honorable entertainement (if he could like thereof) amongst his greatest friends and fauorits. And concerning the citizens of Croy, in case his religion did not like them, he was content to graunt them free [Page 211] liberty of conference, and to enioy all their ancient liberties and franchises, & whatsoeuer fauor wherein he could otherwise pleasure them. With these conditions the Heralds being arriued neare vnto the Port, (for there was but one only by reason that on all the other parts of the city, the mountaine runneth whole continually on without any breach, and is not to be approached) the Gouernor who had word sent him of their comming by them of the court of guard, came riding thither very well accompanied: of whom the Heraulds requested that they might be admitted to speak with him, and to deliuer that which they had in charge, but he wold not permit them to enter within the town, but only to approach so neare as their voice might be well & conueniently heard and discerned: and therupon made a signe vnto them that they should speake their minds. It is a strange thing and very wonderful to see the fidelity & resolution of the Croians. Scarce had the Turks any time or space to make an end of their speach, butMessengers of the Turke reiected by the garrison of Croy. that the souldiers interrupting the answere of the Gouernour, who was beginning liberally and stoutly to speak his mind, did generally exclaime & cry out: ‘that the enemy was to be answered with harguebusse shot and not with words; adding thereunto (as the guise of souldiers is) many scoffes and iniurious tearmes against the messengers.’
This being rehearsed & made knowen to the Sultan, his wrath & indignation wasAmurath prepareth for the assaulting of Croy. Ordinance cast for the batterie of Croy. more & more incensed: & the venim of his malitious hart increased mightely. Wherfore being destitute of this hope, he set himselfe to make preparations for the assaulting of the towne; and first of all causing his massie heapes of copper, brasse, & such rude metall to be vnpacked, he cōmanded that artillery should be cast & founded. This worke was long a doing & endured aboue 15. dayes. Of ten peeces which were made & fully finished, there was some difference in their greatnesse: yet foure of them were of likeThe batterie plāted against Croy. equall bignesse: & each of them did carry a shot of 600. weight, and the other which were lesser bare a shot of 200. weight. Foure of the lesser peeces, & two of the greatest were planted against the wall on that side that lyeth to Tyranna toward the East: the others were placed right against the Port. For on those parts onely had they hope to enter the towne by meanes of some breach made in the wals, because the accesse was more easie in those places, in respect that the wals & fortifications there were raised & builded by handywork of men. And albeit they seemed to be most strong & substantiall, yet did they not doubt but the fury of the canon would at length leuel them with the ground. As for all the other bulwarkes and fortifications, they were euery where assured with such excellent strength, & the naturall site of the mountain did so serue in stead of a rampier, that there needed not any workmanship of man to defend them: for if the most hardy and aduenturous men liuing durst enterprise against thē, they should but lose their labor for any hurt they could do vnto them: in somuch that it is thought that the wall wherewith the towne is enuironned vpon the top of the mountaine, was raised there of old by the founders of the city, not for any defence or strength that it could adde vnto the place, but only to giue a better grace, and to beautifie the towne.
The ordinance being now mounted vpon the cariage, & ready planted, to the intētCroy battered. they might more easily and speedily be remoued as occasion should require, they spent 4. whole daies in battering the wals on those 2. sides, before that the souldiers were led to the assault, & to fight with the besieged. The towne was greatly endammaged both on the one part & the other: the rampiers were beaten down, & almost halfe the wall was ouerthrowen & razed, and the rest so shaken & torne that it seemed ready to fall with the least violence that should be vsed against it. The Turks seeing so faire & wide a breach, were in a singular good hope to carry the towne: and therefore they shewedTurkes make preparations for the assault of Croy. themselues very forward to prouide scaling ladders and other engins ready for the assault. It was a wonder to see how the souldiers bestirred themselues, labouring & striuing to get together from all parts great and mighty beames of timber, & running vp [Page 212] & downe the fields to make prouision of all other sorts of engins and deuises. There was not almost any tent but with a kind of emulation did bring forth some particular stuffe or matter to set forward the assault: and according as euery one of them had a desire to out go ech other, & to beare away the reward that was propoūded for him, that could first free the wall against the enemy. The Bassaes themselues and other the chiefe officers of the grand Seignior did not make any spare of their paines nor did they stādMahomet his industrie at the siege of Croy. idle, so desirous they were to preuent the good grace & fauour of Amurath. Mahomet was noted aboue the rest to vse an vncessable kind of diligence, and with a singular viuacitie of spirit, as if he had bene one of the meanest souldiers, was alwayes about his father, and setting aside all regard of his estate & degree, he spared no trauell & paines but did busie & employ him selfe in all matters with great readinesse & resolution: and running sometimes here, somtimes there, he did enflame and encourage the souldiers, as much by the example of his owne doings as by words and chearefull exhortations. And morethen that, it is reported, that besides the reward publiquely propounded by the Sultan, he promised a 100000. aspres to him that should first get within the town, and should fasten the Turkish colours vpon the wall.
Touching the Croyans as their mindes were altogether different & of another disposition,Croyans their resolution. so were there effects also diuers. The Paynims were growen to that pride & fiercenesse of their harts, only of a greedy desire, & an inordinate appetite of gaine and glory, which caused them rashly to vndertake & hunt after that thing wherof they neuer had any possession. Contrariwise the Christians had their minds fixed vpon this: that all maner of most ample & honorable rewards were assuredly to be expected frō Scanderbeg, & they did consider moreouer that the cōseruation of the realme, the safetie of their countrey, the securitie of their confederats, & in briefe the welfare of all the estate of Albany did consist & depend vpon their valour & vertue. For this cause they were animated & hartned not onely with a kind of obstinate & settled resolution and with a purpose of incredible perseuerance: but they were transported with so violent a passion of wrath and furie, that they seemed as men almost enraged. Whereupon though the wall being throwen downe and ruinated on that side, did giue them cause both of griefe and terrour by the deformitie of that obiect: yet did the greatnesse of their coutages neuerthelesse so preuaile in their resolute and stout harts, that it did easily put away and expell out of their mindes all conceipt of faintnesse, feare or sorow: & they did mutually recomfort & encourage ech other. Aboue all, Vranocontes had a notable good grace in exhorting and animating of the garrison, for as he went vp and downe amongest them: he would oftentimes touch and take them by the handes, he would handle their curats and lay his hands vpon their stomackes, saying.
‘These, these, are the bulwarkes of cities & townes: these are the firme & substantiallSpeech of Vranocontes, encouraging the Croyans vpō the r [...]in [...] of their wals battered by the Turkes. rampiers of wals: these be the stones that are not batterable: this is the strongest & surest kind of lyme & morter. What honour, what prayse, what triumph can we expect or hope for in this place, if being couered & shrowded vnder these wals, our surety shal consist onely in their strength and safety? And if they shalbe the onely meanes to garde & defend vs, & not rather our persons to be the defence of them: the very cowards can do so much & the fearefull sheepe will contemne the houling of the rauenous wolfe, if they be safely enclosed in a sure cote▪ Such honour is proper & due to the wals and not to the generous souldier. Our Prince hath not commanded ys hither to be protected & defended by this towne, but the towne is commended vnto vs, & committed to our custody, & to be [...]fe [...]ded by vs▪ True vertue is alwayes exercised in the greatest dangers, & [...]he is noutished in things that are high & difficult▪ who is not a good pilot vpō the sea in time of calme weather? Things that are firme, can continue stable of them [Page 213] selues, and need not the succor and assistance of men: neither do they require the helpe of any humaine audacity. And braue and couragious men do not esteeme, but rather shunne those aduentures, by the defence whereof, they shall not purchase any more honor, then if they had not defended them at all. When a thing beginneth to decay, and to fall to ruine, that is it which requireth to be supported, and in such cases it is, that vertue striueth to shew it selfe. I may say it againe and againe (my good companions) that there only doth shine the brightnesse of valiant hearts, there do the excellent and couragious spirits discouer themselues. Wherefore these flankers and this curtin thus laied open by the battery, and this breach made by the cannon of the enemy, let it be filled and defended with your persons, and with your armes, let your stout and valiant bodies as of braue & gallāt souldiers be opposed against the infidels in steed of strong walles and fortifications: in so doing you shall giue me the more certaine and assured proofe of your valour and worthy behauiour. Let vs therefore so cary our selues, let vs so labour and endeuor in this our conflict to weaken and diminish the forces of the Barbarians, that the tyraunt may be abashed at the valour of the Croians, and that his courage may be abated and repressed: then will he abandon the towne and raise his siege, when he shall see the first fruites of this warre intertained with the bloud of so many of his subiectes.’
These and many other speeches to that effect did the gouernour vse sometimes in the Albanian language, somtimes in Italian, and sometimes also by interpretours: disposing and preparing the mindes of his souldiours to the assault which they expected the day following, and inuiting euery man both by word and by deede, to do his duty and best deuoire. Wherefore whilest the souldiers in their seuerall charges here and there did diligently apply them selues, and were the more incensed by his presence, to labour chearfully in their seuerall emploiments: the night at length came vpon them, during the which neuerthelesse the vigilancy of Vranocontes did not cease in the continuaunce of all necessary preparations, till it was two houres within night, and that which remained was spent in sleepe, and in taking of their [...]est.
The infidels who had in the day time set all things in a readinesse, did passe all that night in great quietnesse till the breake of day, for the euening before, it was concluded, that the town should be assaulted, and proclamation was made by sound of trumper, commanding all men that before seuen of the clocke in the morning (certaine captains & companies hauing first broken their fast) they should repaire with their armes to the lodging of the Sultan. For this cause the souldiours with great promptnesse and diligence, did not fayle to be there at the time appointed, being well prouided of all things accordingly. Then the most worthy and notable persons of chiefest marke & qualitie being called together, the old Prince began to vse some speeches vnto them inEncouragements of Amurath and Mahomet to the Turkes being to assa [...]l [...] Croy. most vehement and ardent manner, more then the vigour and strength of his aged and weakened spirite would well permit and conueniently suffer. Young Mahomet likewise, being very prompt and forward both in action and in speech, did not long keepe silence, but the oration of his father being scant ended, as one furious and full of venemous rage, he arose from his seate, and did so bitterly inueigh against the Christians in generall (besides the extremitie of his priuate hatred which he bare to the Epirots in particular,) that he there bewrayed him self (as an other Hāniball against the Romans)Mahomet his mortall hatred to the Christians. to be their mortall and sworne enemy, and after him all the other Chiestaines and leaders did encourage each man his own souldiours. By that time that all things were ready and in good order, & that the Turke had dined at his ease, it was neare noone, at which time the squadrons being drawn forth of the trenches, did display thēselues vpō the plaine. It might be iudged an vnfit season to begin such an assault, considering the [Page 214] extreme heat of the summer: neuerthelesse the Ottoman thought it to be the best time, because he mistrusted, that if he should haue drawen them out of the campe either in the night, or late towardes the euening, perhaps it would haue giuen Scanderbeg the more oportunity to rush vpon them and to inuade and molest his trenches, and yet did not this his suspition gaine him any thing, neither was it altogether in vaine.
The allarme being giuen, and the troupes (as we haue sayd) being issued forth, andScanderbeg inuadeth the campe of Amurath before Croy. marching on with a wonderfull noise and sound of trumpets drummes, and clamours of the souldiers, they were now come to the wals: and the foremost of them had scant or but newly begun the fight, when the Turkish campe was sodainely in an vproare, and was filled with a great tumult and horrible feare sprong vp amongest them. The cause thereof was Scanderbeg, who hauing of a long time watched and layd espiall to see what the Sultan would determine to doe: now with a strong troupe of horsemen (the most able and best mounted of all his army) was come to the tents of the enemy, & rushed in vpon them where they lay next and nighest vnto him. The Turks which were placed there in that quarter, did receiue him at the first onset very resolutely: but perceiuing by the losse & slaughter of many of their fellowes, that they could not hold out nor stand against him: they being scattered & dispersed here & there in that feare, had soone forsaken both their court of garde and all things else whatsoeuer, if the others who were next them had not made hast: and running thither from all partes at the noyse of the allarme, & making head against the enemy, had not stayed them from flying farther. The Albanians keeping their ranckes close, and taking the aduantage of this good fortune, did charge those that came last to encounter them more liuely thenNumber of Turkes slaine by Scanderbeg at his first inuasion of their campe before Croy. they had done the former, and hauing layd more then 600 Turkes dead at their feete, and made the Barbarians on that side to betake them selues to flight, they sacked two of their tents carrying away diuerse ensignes, and whatsoeuer else was found within the same. This rumour being brought from hand to hand (as the maner is) to the eares of Amurath, who was then busied in ordering his forces to the assault, although the old man had made prouision before of many things, & did greatly affie himselfe in the sufficiency of those whom he had left within the campe: neuerthelesse dreaming and ‘forethinking himself of the worst that might happen (for he was wont euer to say, thatSaying of Amurath touching Scanderbeg. Seremet sent against Scanderbeg. nothing was sufficient to make resistance against the fiercenesse and fury of this beast,) he sent Seremet one of his captaines with 4000. horse for the repulse of the Christiās.’ Mahomet who did alwayes burne in extreame hatred against this Prince (though his father would haue diswaded him from it) went thither also being accompanied with the ordinary garde of his person, but before that these forces were ready on foot, Scanderbeg perceiuing that he should not be able to make his partie good against so many (as were comming vppon him) had turned bridle and prouided for the suretieScanderbeg in great hazard of his life. of him selfe and his people, yet not without the extreame daunger of his life. For (as the report goeth) the heat of fight had made him so farre to forget him selfe, that he brake in amongest his enemies where they were thickest, and he engaged him selfe so farre, that he was almost oppressed by them, and he was not able (but with extreame payne) to make him selfe way through the multitude that pressed vppon him and sought to stoppe his passage, for both his owne strength, and the forces of his horse began to fayle, in somuch that very hardly and difficultlie did he escape and free him selfe from amongest them. And after he was with much a do gotten from them, yet did they not cease on all parts to pursue him as long as they had any hope to ouertake him, or to staye him. In this manner did the Christian troupes on the one side, and the Generall on the other side by a happie retrait shift them selues out of the fight of the Mahometistes. This tumult being pacified and appeased, the Turkes returned [Page 215] vnto their camp, and the Sultan his son repaired to his father, extreamly grieuingMahomet voweth and sweareth the destruction of Scanderbeg. that after such a brauado & the slaughter of so many of their people, his enemy should be escaped from him. And he there tooke a solemne oth before them all, that he would neuer leaue watching whole moneths, daies, and nights (if need were) but at one time or other by his ambushments and traines, he would get this sauage and wilde beast to fal into his snares which he meant to lay for him: that he wanted neither a good mind nor good meanes to effect it: and he did so far assure himselfe of a good successe, that if the other did hold on stil, and continue in this brauery & temerity, thus to assaile them and to approach to their trenches, he did not doubt but to make him to repent it.
The Prince of Epire hauing freed him selfe from the pursuite of his enemies, tooke an other way, and went after his owne company: who being in a maruellous care andScanderbeg his absence cause of great perplexitie to his souldiours. perplexity for the absence of their master, went here and there wandring vp & down, and sending forth souldiours in quest on all parts to search if they could discouer him, or could heare any newes of him in any place. Many of them also could not forbeare teares lamenting and deploring the estate of Albany, which should remaine as a tender orphan, and the common weale of Epire which should continue desolate (as it were) in widowhood by the death of so diuine a personage so barbarously murthered by the Circumcized miscreāts. But his safe returne (whereof they despaired) did reuiue their harts, & made them ioyfull both in priuate and publike: in so much, that besides diuers songs vttered by the common sort in token of their gladnesse: many of them with great deuotion performed their vowes which they had made for his safety: being in a firme beliefe, that by the same they had obtained of God, both his life and the recouery of his cōpany. His shield was so battered & cut with the swords of his enemies, that the shape therof was scant to be discerned: & yet was not his body in any sort hurt or wounded.
The rarenesse of this accident is so maruellous, that the truth thereof may seeme incredible: notwithstanding for my part I can easily be drawen to beleeue it. For admit that there were not in this Prince any corporall force, or dexterity in armes extraordiry, more then in the common sort of men: yet without all doubt, fortune (or to speake more properly,) the diuine power and puissance can do greater things then this, and farre more straunge without all comparison. But it may be that an other matter may make this more doubtfull, and that is, that Scanderbeg in all his actes, and exploits atchieued in times past, was neuer knowen to haue committed such an ouersight & incongruity, where he had any time or leisure to take any counsell or aduise vppon his actions. But perhaps it is requisit, that we should grant and attribute vnto some men of a hardy and magnanimious spirit, as the Poets do: that sometimes in the wars they are transported, with a certaine fury and martiall impetuosity, so as being once chafed and enflamed, they cannot for a while after, neither moderat nor refraine thēselues at their owne pleasure. For before a man draw his sword and take weapon in hand, he knoweth well what he doth, and he is guided by reason which doth direct him. But when thesword is once drawen, then only doth fury and choller guid him, & he doth as the vehemency of his passion doth lead him. Such was that notable and renowned hardines of Horatius Cocles amongst the Romaines, by which he sustained the force of theHoratius Cocles his strange prowes against Porsena. Leonidas his valour against the armie of Xerxes. whole army of Porsena king of the Thuscans, whilest his company in the meane time did cut down the bridge ouer Tiber at his backe. And amongst the Greeks, that of Leonidas the Lacedemonian, who with 300. men, had the hardines to defend the straights of Thermopilae, and to keepe out the innumerable multitudes of the forces of Xerxes.
But to our purpose, the dammage that our men receaued in this conflict was not great: for there were slaine not aboue ten, and as many wounded, (for the Prince of Albanie hauing left behinde him all his infantery, and those horsemen who were [Page 216] worst mounted) had inuaded the infidels with 5000. horse, all of them chosen men, stout, & valiant: who being prompt & ready either to fly or to fight, might easily shun the force & violence of the enemy. Wherefore hauing wounded their generall, they proceeded ioyfully on their way and so returned to their campe. But neither this fayreScanderbeg pensiue for feare of Croy. victory gotten vpon the enemy, nor any other occasion whatsoeuer of mirth or gladnesse could suffice to cheare the hart of Scanderbeg or to make him mery: his thoughts were mightely troubled and surcharged, with the wonderfull & deep conceipts of infinite mischiefs, & he could not be quiet till he had some newes of the successe of Croy. For notwithstanding that the fidelitie & approued valure both of the gouernour and of the garrison, and the inexpugnable situation, and the good estate of the place did much comfort and ease his minde of care: yet neuerthelesse on the one side, the consequence of the perill, and on the other side the incomprehensible loue of his countrey, did enforce him euen in despight of his hart, to be affrayed: and a carefull kinde of mistrust did present vnto his imagination, many idle and vayne discourses.
Concerning Amurath, albeit the former allarme had not made him altogether to discontinue the assault: yet the chiefest preparations, & the best endeuours of the souldiour were for a while hindered and restrained, till such time as he had perfect notice what was the issue & end of that seruice, which being made knowen vnto him to that effect as we haue deliuered, he caused forth with euen those that were most backward and negligent, & all his engins & instruments for the assault to be bent & employed against the besieged. First of all he caused the archers & other shot to stād round about,Assault to Croy. so as they might annoy them which came vpon the wals to defend them. The lesser peeces also were planted so neare, as they might well play vpon the defendants, whilest in the meane time the rascall sort of the most vile & commō sort of people (who were ordained of purpose to sustain & beare out the first fury of the enemy) should draw & cary the ladders & other engins close vp to the wals. And after thē were to follow certaine braue and lusty troups of the Ianissaries & Asappes: who vpon the raising of theIanissaries. Asappes. ladders were appointed to the scalado, and so to get to the top of the breach: that comming to fight hand to hand with the defendants, they might the sooner terrifie them and gayne the towne more easily. This was the maner of the assault on that part where the wals were weakest, & where the canō had made the battery: as for the other parts there was little or no care to be taken of them: for though the whole circuit of the wall had bene ouerthrowen & razed: yet was it almost impossible, that the souldier could attempt any way on that side to endammage them by reason of the huge height & ragged steepnesse of the mountaine. Yet were there certaine peeces placed there also, and they played with great ordinance vpon that part of the towne, both to giue the more terrour to the Croians and to beat downe certaine priuate houses, which seemed to be subiect to the force of their shot. Whilest the Turkes were making their approches to the town, the defendants discharged certaine volleys of shot vpon them, & did so trouble their rancks with the slaughter of many of their people, that it might haue terrified them from approching any nearer if the leaders of euery squadron (following them close at their backes, & solliciting them sometimes with good wordes & persuasions, & sometimes with menaces & threats entermingled with the bastinado) had not pressed them to go forward with their violent and rough vsage: and more then that, this their obstinacie seemed to be the greater, because the Mahometans with those peeces which they had placed there of purpose, did without intermissiō annoy them that appeared vpon the rampiers, & sought to beat them from their defence: whilest the Alchanzes (a number of slaues charged with ladders & such like preparations) did gayneAlchanzes. the foote of the wall, the which their labour tooke such good successe that at length [Page 217] their ladders were lodged against the wall, notwithstanding all the resistance that the Christians could make against them: and yet was it not effected without great slaughter and bloudshed of the Infidels. Then beganne the defendantes euery man in his place and charge, to settle themselues more roundly to their labour and to vrge the enemie more hotely: they made no spare of their shot both harguebusse and other, and now beganne their hatred more apparantly to be discouered. The clamours of the souldiours, the noyse and clattering of their armour, did resound on all sides, the sound of the drummes and trumpets continually redoubling in the ayre, and rebounding by the eccho and report of the vallyes neere adioyning, did the more animate and encourage the souldiers, taking away all power and possibilitie of hearing from them that were in fight. But as the cause and occasion of their armes was different, so was there as great difference in the conflict: there was little likelihood for them to carrie the place from the beginning, if some other casualtie or mischaunce of warre did not befall the assaylantes. The ladders were often raised against the walles, and the place was forced with manhoode sufficient, but they were assoone cast to the ground, broken and torne in peeces: the men also tumbling headlong that were mounted vppon them. The remainders of that huge multitude of the baser and common sort, were so broken and dismayed, that they could not be made to continue there anie longer, by reason that both their spirites were surprised with an extreame feare, and their limmes (as it were) benummed with a kinde of astonishment. Scarcely should you haue seene any one of them that was forward or willing to haue gone againe to the assault, though it did little auaile them to holde backewarde: for Mahomet standing at their backes, both as the ouerseer of their demeanour, and as a seuere encourager (which perhappes was partly a cause that got him the name and report to be accounted a most cruell Prince by all posteritie) did entreate them very roughly, and would not suffer them neither to recuile backewarde, nor so much as once for to breath them selues. Thus poore wretches, whilest they thought to shunne and auoide the rage and fury of their aduersarie, they were more cruelly plagued by the excessiue rigour of their owne Commaunders.
These miserable and poore people thus handeled by the Infidels, are (for theChristians subiects of the great Turks their miserable estate and piteous condition most part) Christians vnder the subiection of the great Turke: of whome it is an ordinarie vse and custome with him to drawe foorth a wonderfull great trayne and multitude in all his expeditions almost wholly naked and disarmed, because he hath no trust nor affiance in them. With these doth he furnish and supply all the seruices of his campe, both for the prouision of the water and wood, and for the making and casting vppe of their trenches, rampiers, and other fortifications: and when they come to fight (if it be in the fielde or in the maine battell, then are theyA stratageme vsuall with the Turks to weary and consume the strength of the Christians in fight. first exposed and set out to the butcherie, to beare the force and violence of the enemie, that they may diminish and spende their strength and forces vpon these poore and silly wretches. If anie fortresse or place of strength be to be assaulted, these are made as carriage beastes to drawe the artillerie, to carrie the engines and other instruments to the walles: and their bodies are made to serue them but as fitte matter to fill vppe the ditches, and their carkasses are vsed but as bridges for others to passe and trauell on when they goe to the assault. And when so euer they doe happen to march on slowly or vnwillingly, they doe finde more crueltie and inhumanitie at the handes of the Turkes their Lordes and Maisters, then they doe of their proper and professed enemies. Certainely it is the deadly hatred and naturall enmitie which they beare against the name and profession of Christianitie, [Page 218] that doth cause them to vse this most beastly and sauage crueltie, and not anie wantSiege of Scutarie or Scodra by the Turkes. of other meanes that should constraine them thereunto. At the last vnfortunate siege of Scutarie, many of these and such like cruelties were then practised by the Turkish Infidels. The lamentable plaints and cryes of these vnhappie creatures were ‘made and heard to them that stoode in defence of the walles: many times wouldSpeeches of the Christians liuing vnder the subiection of the Turkes, to the Christians their enemies at the siege of Scutarie. they crie vnto the defendants, and vse humble and pitifull prayers and entreaties that they would deale more gently with them: they excused and protested, that they shewed themselues to be their enemies not of their owne motions or ill affections, but by constraint and force, and by the cruell commaund of the tyrant. That though their bodies were compelled to march and to carrie armes against them, yet their hearts and good willes were most deuote and affectionate vnto them, as those that did acknowledge one and the same God, the same faith, the same religion: notwithstanding that they were not vnder the same Princes, that this was to be imputed to the publique fault and negligence of the Christians, and to their owne priuate misfortune and vnhappie destinie.’ Vpon these their complaintes and petitions, the citizens of Scutarie to the vttermost of their power did spare and fauour them, though in very truth, their estate then standing as it did, they could not verie easily take that compassion of them which they gladly would haue done. O most lamentable and extreame griefe, my heart is surcharged with sorrowe, and my soule doth euen faint within me to thinke vpon the miserable and distressed estate of these poore Christians. Giue me leaue a little, I beseech you, in this place to exclaime against the indignitie of their miseries, and pardon me though I wander a while from my discourse.
‘Good God, is it possible that the great Princes and Monarches of ChristendomeAn exclamation of the author vpon the miserable estate of the Christians vnder the Turkes. can so long endure both to heare and to see this extreame miserie? And can not this grieuous and intollerable seruitude of their Christian brethren, their chaines and bondes so hideous and shamefull, their complaintes so dolorous (wherewith for these many ages they haue filled the mountaines, the vallies, and the seas of all Christian countries,) can they not (I say) moue any one to pittie or compassion? And are Christian Princes so hard and stonie hearted, that none of them will commiserat those extremities? The bloud of Christians doth nowe flowe (as it were) in streames throughout all partes of the worlde: and our strength fadeth and decayeth by little and little, and no man the whilest doth or will perceiue it. We are now fallen into those times (such is the diuine pleasure, or rather, such is our ingratitude and infidelitie) that the bloud sanctified by Christian baptisme, is now more vile and base then the bloud of brute beastes: and it will ere long come to passe (if this mischiefe be suffered to encrease, and to gather greater strength) that the circumcised, setting vs to sale, shall scarce be able to make a pennie of thirtie Christians, but they will be bought and solde at a more base and vile price, then were the Iewes of olde time, who (as auncient * Historiographers make mention) at the destruction ofIosephus. Egesippus. Ierusalem, were solde at that rate by the Romaines. But alas! what can happen to vs more fearefull, or what greater extremities and calamities can befall vs, then are alreadie inflicted vppon the faithfull liuing vnder the power and tyrannie of the Turkes? Their miseries are come to the full period of all shame and villanie: neither is it possible, that either they should be able to endure anie greater calamities, neither can the mortall hatred of the Infidels our enemies imagine or deuise anie inuention more horrible and grieuons, then they haue already done, for the plaguing of these miserable and wretched caytifes. But forgetting this matter, let vs remember to proceede with the assault of Croy.’
[Page 219]The most hardy and audatious of the Mahometists being either repulsed or killed,A sally by the Croyans vpon the Turkes. they of the towne caused threescore of their garrison (men of good courage and resolution) suddenly to sallie foorth by a little posterne (which was on another side of the towne) whose vnexpected comming brought so wonderfull a feare to the campe of the Infidels, as was beyond all imagination. They were Launceknights and Epyrots mingled together, who seruing with the harguebusse, had with great difficultie, gotten leaue of the Gouernour to issue forth of the towne, but they went not farre from the wall, where hauing made a reasonable slaughter of the enemie according to the proportion of their small number, they retyred themselues immediatly with a greater desire to returne againe. But for any entreatie or importunitie they could vse, Vranocontes would not condiscende vnto their request: neuerthelesse he did highly commend them for the hardinesse of the fact, and did recompence them with large rewardes. At the first the Paynims did a litle recuile and giue backe, being abashed at their audatious enterprise: but anon suddenly trouping together, partly of shame, and partly of a couragious resolution, they did attend to see, if the enemie pursuing their good fortune, would come againe to visite them. But farre greater was the slaughter on that quarter which was towardes Tyranna, where the breach being more plaine and spatious, did giue more free accesse to the assaylantes. All places there were strawed and filled with dead bodies: and the earth did seeme to mourne with the pitifull noyse of the panting sighes, gaspes, and groanes of those, who yeelded vp their wretched ghoastes. And notwithstanding, they neuer wanted encouragementes to enforce them on in their obstinacie: but the miserable wretches were pressed and vrged in a most desperare manner, by the carelesse contempt of their owne liues, to make a shewe vnto the Christians of more courage then indeede was in them. The rampiers and walles of the towne were so full strewed both with shotte, and also with other store of weapons, that it argued they made no spare of them: and the arrowes did flie so thicke in the ayre, as if it had beene a cloude darkening the brightnesse and clearenesse of the sunne. Thus you see what was the endeuours of those Turkish squadrons, which went first to the assault.
The day was now well spent, and it was aboue two houres after noone, at which time the Sultan seeing his troupes partly lying dead vppon the ground, and partly wearied with their great and long trauell: and on the contrarie side, the Croyans presenting themselues more brauely vppon the walles, he was at the first in some doubt and suspence, whether it were better for him to renew the assault with a supply of fresh forces, or to intermit and put it ouer to another day, considering that both the great labour of his people taken all that day, and the excessiue heate, had so weakened the bodies of his souldiers, that they were scant able to endure to stande for faintnesse and wearinesse. ‘In the ende therefore hee was perswadedSpeeches of the Counsellors of Amurath persuading him to recontinue and renue the assault of Croy. to continue and goe forwarde with the assault by the importunities of his Counsellours and Chiefetaines, who shewed him, that if hee should nowe giue ouer the fight, and should suffer the Christians with so small losse and bloudshed to haue the aduantage of that dayes victorie, it would be an eternall reproach and infamie vnto him. And albeit they should haue little or no hope to carrie the Towne, yet he ought not in respect of his owne honour to suffer so many braue and valiant men their fellowes and companions to die vnreuenged, nor yet to restraine the forwardnesse and willing minds of the others. That all secondarie assaies were more faint and contemptible, and that they were nowe better acquainted with the enemie, and were more hardened to all kinde of daungers and trauels. B sides that, if he should [Page 220] now giue them libertie to take breath, they would haue leasure also to resolue themselues with the more confidence, & to fortifie their town with stronger defences: that it was much better therefore with fresh and new forces to attempt against the place, & to force them to the vttermost whilest they were yet wearied and sore trauelled with their late labour: that when the defendants should see them thus obstinately bent and couragiously resolued, either they would of themselues abandon their defences, or they must needes faint and perish vnder the burden of so vnsupportable a charge.’ Amurath vpon these perswasions followed their aduise, and caused as great forces as before to be lead and conducted against the walles: in so much that the tumult began to be renued in a moment, and it might be that fortune her selfe forsaking the victours, would haue fauoured the new attempt of the Mahometistes, if the defendants had notThe assault renued. with as great diligence and foresight prouided in like case to receiue them in as good sort and readinesse, which was the occasion that fresh men being opposed against fresh men, they did without any great paine hold good both in the possession of the place, and in the maintenance of their honour and reputation. The Barbarians went still onwards at brute and senselesse beasts, especially on that side that leadeth towards the port, and although the way by which they should passe was so streight and narrow, that two horsemen could hardly march in front together: yet notwithstanding they went on all on horse backe euen close to the walles, and with their launces in the rest did runne against the gate, giuing thereby greater occasion rather to laugh at their foolish and sottish carelesnesse and contempt of their liues, then to admire or to commend any hardinesse or courage that appeared in them. Wherefore there lay so many of them slaine on all parts, & there were such heapes of dead carkases, as it might well be said of Vranocontes, that he foreprophesied what would be the end and issue of that assault. The Turkish Monarch being not able to endure this hideous spectacle, caused to sound a retreat, which freed both the walles and the defendantes from further trouble of the enemie: and there was not any one but had forgotten the former passion of his malice and hatred, and had lost that feruencie and desire of fight wherewith he was lately possessed. So greatly did they of all hands desire to leaue fighting, & this stay of the assault was welcome to them all. For their continuall labour and the heat of the day, accompanied with extreame hunger and thirst, had in a manner wholly spent them, by reason that the suddennesse of the assault had preuented many from taking any repast. The residue therefore of the day and the night following, they consumed in refreshing themselues both with sleepe and victuals.
The same night tidings being brought to Scanderbeg of the victory of the Croians, it gaue him good cause of ioy and gladnesse: and he presently imparted these good newes vnto the Princes and peoples his next neighbours. But on the other side, theNumber of Turkes slaine at the first assault of Croy. enemie was in great sorrow and discontentment, and was seene for many dayes to be very sad and pensiue, for the notable losse of that daies worke was very hard to be digested, hauing lost in that seruice more then 8000. good souldiers: but the Croians had verie little losse, and without any great slaughter to speake of. It is reported, that Amurath kept himselfe close shut vp within his tent for two whole dayes together in debating vpon diuerse counsels and opinions with his Captaines, and the Visirs his Counsellers. But aboue all others, young Mahomet shewed himselfe to be notably vexed and discontented: his spirit boiling with fury and choller, and his youthfull yeares being yet vnacquainted with crosse fortunes and aduersities, had turned all his passions of griefe and anguish into meere rage and madnesse. From thenceforth he tooke vpon him to deale in all the affaires of the campe, & with a carefull eye viewing and reuiewing all the seuerall companies, he shewed himselfe so greedie of reuenge, [Page 221] that he spared not to labour himselfe extreamely both night and day, and was verie watchfull at all times to take the aduantage of any fit occasion: but principally he had an eie to that side where the Albanois had lately endammaged their campe. For there he placed a strong and puissant court of garde, and dressed many ambushments, and oftentimes would he watch there him selfe whole nightes in proper person, to the intent if fortune did present him any good opportunitie to oppresse Scanderbeg, he might not escape againe out of his handes. But all these his deuises turned to nothing, and vanished away as the smoake by the prouident and circumspect cariage of that expert Chiefetaine the Prince of Albany, who being from day to day enformed of all thinges, either by such as came to render themselues vnto him, or by espials sent abroad of purpose, he helde himselfe still and quiet in his campe for a season, ordering and prouiding for the safetie of his affaires, and drawing on his enemies with delayes.
Notwithstanding he could not endure to remaine long idle, but being very desirous that his enterprises shold surpasse all others in glory & reputatiō, he aduised him self of a fine stratageme, by which he purposed to surprise thē who were too intentiue to intrap him. One night therefore trussing vp his baggage, very secretly, he remouedMonticlea. his army to a place called Monticlea, from whence he might most cōmodiously trauel & disturbe the enemy. He left Moses & Tanusee at Tume [...]ista, accompanied with 500. horse only: and hauing set downe a certaine and prefixed time & course, and cōmunicated his enterprise with them, he willed them to set vppon the trenches of the enemy a litle after midnight, next ensuing on the same side where he had last inuaded thē:A policie of Scanderbeg in giuing a canuazado to the Turkish campe and that assoone as they had but giuen them a false allarme, and made a shew of forcing the barriers of their campe, they should suddenly and speedily make away without giuing the enemie any meanes to come to handiblowes with them: and that himselfe in the meane time (hauing set all things in good order, and leauing 200. men for the guarde of his campe) would on the other side breake in vpon the tentes of the enemie with the residue of his armie. According to this conclusion there was little distance of time betweene the allarme made by Moses and the comming of Scanderbeg. For assoone as he perceiued the sudden rumour and terrour of the allarme raised by theA canuazado by Scanderbeg to the campe of the Turkes. Dibrian on the other side, he bare in with a full and strong carrer, and charged them on that part where they litle doubted or suspected. In this manner was the campe of the Infidels full of doubt, feare, and confusion: some ranne here, some there, making great haste on all sides, to oppose themselues against the violence of the Christians. One of them wakened another, crying that they were enuironned and rounde beset with the enemie. But as for Moses he did indeede put them in a feare, and that was all he did, by reason that those souldiers which had beene lately placed in that quarter by Mahomet, did easilie repulse them, especially such as were most forward. But the night hindered them frō pursuing after him, for that they suspected some ambushment, which they had good cause to be in doubt of, and especially at that time. But the dammage that Scanderbeg wrought them cannot be recounted. For their campe was on all parts beaten downe, and foully deformed and disordered both by sword & fire, and yet did not this inuasion continue any long time, by reason of the sudden comming and readie arriuall of the Turkes, whose presence in so great multitudes did soone determine and ende the conflict. For the Christians making a retreate, durst not hazarde and oppose themselues against so huge forces as were there vnited, especially in a place that was so plaine and euen: for it was in Tyranna where they gaue this charge vppon the enemie. Neuerthelesse when the Christians beganne to retire, the Infidels had no great desire to follow after: and if they had, it might be they should [Page 222] haue paid well for it: for this warie and circumspect warrior had placed all his infanterie and 8000. horse neere at hand, to the intent they should be as a gard vnto him behind at his backe, and should serue against all such casualties as might befall him. Of these companies was he receiued in his retreate with great ioy and high cries and clamors: and so passing forward, they spent the rest of the night in trauelling to their campe. It is reported that Scanderbeg did neuer doe anie exploite vppon his enemie with lesse losse and bloudshed: for he brought backe all his troupes safe and sounde without the losse of any one man, not leauing vnto the Barbarians aniething saue woundes, teares, and lamentations, as the testimonies of his being with them; in such sort, that this slaughter and foule discomfiture, did make them in a manner quite to forget the calamitie of their late losse which they had had before Croy. No man durst from thencefoorth open his mouth vnto the Sultan, or to aduise him to any enterprise: for this accident hauing succeeded to their so notable infamie, did seeme to reproue all their counsels and deliberations both in times past, and at that present. Wherefore they had recourse in this their generall astonishment, to that wonted policie which they had proued to be very profitable the yeare before at the siege of Sfetygrade: Amurath fortifieth his camp with ordinance against the inuasions of Scanderbeg and that was to fortifie and assure their trenches on all sides with artillerie. They drew downe therefore many small peeces which they had planted against the walles, and they bestowed them in conuenient places round about their campe according as they thought best: but the greatest part they placed in that quarter where they had of late found the greatest danger. For what for the vehemencie of the heate, and what for the encombrance of their infinite baggage, their lodgings were deuided & dispersed here and there in so great distance one from an other, and so farre off, that it was not possible to furnish and to fortifie all of them. All these their endeuors were not long concealed from the Christians, for they wanted not both fugitiues & good espials to giue them aduertisements, but they were certified continually of the doings of the enemie, and especially of this their preparation, which they beleeued to be likely by the example of the like, which they vsed the yeare last past. Wherefore Scanderbeg also was resolued to lie still for a time, and to hold himselfe contented with that aduantage which he had alreadie gained, and to enioy the pleasure thereof, till such time as he might find some new opportunitie for some other happie action. Besides, there was an other matter which withdrew his thoughts, and whereof heScanderbeg remoueth his campe to prouide for victuals. was to haue a care, and that was the scarcitie and dearth of victuals, which now beganne to fall very short: because there was not left in the countrey any liuing creature of whom they could looke for any reliefe▪ Wherefore to the intent he would not be in any wants, and for that he would refresh his armie in the extreame heate of the summer: he determined to remoue his campe, and to leade his forces to a certaine place of singular recreation vpon a riuer which the inhabitants call Isme, which lyingRiuer of Isme. close on the sea, would furnish them of all things plentifully and in abundance. And they of Duraz, likewise (which towne was not farre off) did friendly accord to serueDuraz or Dirrachium. him with as much corne as he would demaund. True it is that the Gouernours and Magistrates of the Venetian territories did succour him also, but it was so couertly and vnder hand, that the Mahometan Prince might not perceiue it for the reasons formerly alleaged.
The Infidels in the meane time did nothing for many daies together but batter the towne, and seeke to breake downe the walles, in those places especially which theBattery renued against Croy. inhabitants had newly repaired, and which rested yet vnbattered. For as yet had no [...] Amurath forgotten all his malice, but he had a desire once againe to aduenture his souldiers to the butchery, and to make a tryall of their last fortune. Besides, to [Page 223] seeke to force the towne by mines vnderground, or by any such deuises he helde it a matter of great labour and long delay, by reason of the steepnes, depth, and roughnes of the place, and the high bearing toppes of the loftie rockes and mountaines. ô howExclamation of the author vpon the wretched estate of the subiects to the Turke. wretched and miserable are you which are subiected to ayoke so cruell and vnmercifull, and whom fortune hath submitted vnder the dominion of such proud and arrogant Princes? when they can finde no other meane to fulfill their inordinate desires: then are you (poore soules) constrained to satisfie with your blood, and with the dismembring of your bodies, the cruell rage, the immoderate and licencious humours of such tirants. Assoone as the wall was beaten downe on that part where the cannon could be brought to play or make any batterie, and that the breach was made faire and large; the same daye did Ottoman commaund and take order, that euery man should make himselfe readie to the assault against the next morning, and to aduenture a new conflict with the enemie: but there was scarce any of them, that either openly or priuately did shew himselfe willing thereunto as they had bene in times past. All of them did set a good face on the matter, but verie sorily and with an ill grace: for eitherTurkes vnwilling to be drawen to a second assault of Croy. to refuse it, or to draw backwards was not the best way or course for them. Amurath perceiuing this backewardnesse in his people, and that they were drawen to this aduenture, as it were maugre their teeth: (as the report goeth) he assembled the chiefe and principall persons of all his troupes, who being come to his presence, with a long discourse, he did thus reproch and obiect vnto them, their faintnes and cowardice.
Is it possible (quoth he) that so small a maner, and the dalliance of fortune but a‘Oration of Amurath to his Chieftaines and Captaines before Croy reproching them with faintnes and cowardice. litle failing you, can so pull downe your mindes and abate your courages, as it should make you for euer to despaire and to abandon all hope of victorie? what if your valure and prowes be not able at the first assault to carrie this place, will you therefore be vtterly discouraged? Answer me I pray you. Is there any towne so weake? is there any fortresse so simple, or so base, as that one onely blow and the first attempt should be able to subdue it? He that will dislodge such fierce beasts as these out of their dens, must of necessitie vse perseuerance, he must stand firme, he must be of an vndaunted heart and a courage vnconquerable. Haue so many puissant armies? haue so many excellent Captaines, euen for some friuolous cause of offence, and for some small priuate quarrell, haue they I say spent their time, and (as it were) waxed olde in the siege of cities and fortresses? and you that haue receiued so many outrages, so many indignities, and so many contumelies of disgrace by the disloialty of the Albanians, will you now to your notable reproch, leaue them vnpunished, and vnreuenged? Who is he euen to this day, that did euer obtaine a memorable victorie, and not in some sorte blouddie? Remember the battell of Varna, the honor and glorie of which victorie doth scarce admit any comparison. It is vnpossible to tame an enemie that is fierce and haughtie without some expence and losse of blood: and all difficult things doe come to a happie issue onely with extreame labours and hard trauell. Vpon Croy onely doth depend the consequence of this whole warre, which being once at your discretion, we shalbe for euer freed of our enemie in this countrie. For this place being gained which is the principall fortresse of all Epire, Scanderbeg will not aduenture to continue here so much as one day: wherfore plucke vp your hearts (my good frends) and away with this feare and faintnes of courage: you must make a triall of fortune: and if you will haue her to follow you, it is needful that you do often importune her. There is no onething in the world, wherein is more varietie and vncertaintie, then in wars and deeds of armes. Hold on your course then: cease not to presse the enemy, and do you euen wearie him with continuall assaults. If at ech time you kill but halfe a score of the enemie, it will be sufficient, and the towne will be soone vndefended.’ [Page 224] And it may be (as it happened of late at Sfetigrade) that if our forces shall not auaile, yet our good fortune may second this our enterprise, and may lay vs downe some inuention and good meane to atchieue it.
This speech did reuiue their spirits and wrought in all of them new stomackes and fresh courages: it caused them to banish and cast away all feare: it made their former hatred to returne before their eyes, and it stirred in them a singular desire to purchase glorie, and in all actions to shewe themselues very forwarde. But aboue all, this did greatly abate the doubt which they had before receiued, for that they saw their tents exempted, and their backes freed from the sudden surprises of Scanderbeg: and by reasonStratageme of Amurath to diuert Scanderbeg from troubling his army during the assault of Croy. they were assured, that during the fight the day following, they should not be annoyed with any enemie, but only those before them. For besides those orders which were alreadie taken for all things, and not yet mentioned: this was one which (as I will shew you) was laide downe for the diuerting of Scanderbeg, to the intent hee should not of all that day molest nor trouble their trenches nor interrupt them from the assaulting of the towne. Sebalias (of whom mention hath bene made before) was sent towards another part of the Prouince, that vnder colour of wasting and spoilingSebalias sent with an armie to draw Scanderbeg from Croy. the countrie, he might delude the Albanois, hoping by that meanes to draw him away with all his forces. In the euening therefore this Chieftaine Turke being dislodged with a strong companie of 16000. horse, and hauing streight instructions from Amurath so to demeane himselfe, that the enemy might haue no occasion nor opportunitie to fight with him: he rode on his way with good aduise and deliberation. By that time that he had marched about some 20. miles, the newes of his dislodge came to the eares of the Christians, which raised a sore murmuring amongst the souldiers according to the varietie of their fantasies which they conceiued and imagined vpon the departure of the Barbarian. Notwithstanding they were all of this opinion, and one mind, that it was best forthwith to mounton horsebacke, and to trauell all the night in great silence and secrecie, that they might gaine all the passages of the mountains and woods where they supposed he should passe. But the sage prouidence of the Christian Generall, who was an enemie to all preposterous temeritie, & durst not affie himselfe vpon the doubtfulnes of the dark: did referre the whole to the next morning: and then at the dawning of the day, he departed wich ensignes displaied, and held the way of the mountaines, the couerts and secret places: alwaies hauing before him his vauntcurrers to discouer and to beate the waies and passages, that he might not fall into the ambushments of the Paynim.
About the same houre that Scanderbeg departed, the Sultan beganne the assault against Croy: for hauing ordained all things (as hath bene said) he thought good toAssault to Croy the second. beginne it betimes in the morning and before that the day should be any thing spent: for feare least the assault being deferred any longer, should fall out in the extreamitie and heate of the daye. Now the absence of Castroit being reported throughout the hoast, did greatly reuiue the courages of the Infidels: and vpon this occasion being growen more forward and furious, they did hasten with their scaling ladders and other instrumentes in great store against the walles. In like manner some there were who forgetting their late losse and slaughter, did aduenture to approach euen to the port, striuing to breake it open, or to force it off the hinges, and to make way for them selues through the same by meanes of their mattocks and barres of iron. Towardes Tyrann [...] they cast great store of wilde fire into the towne: and the artillerie ceased not during all the time of the assault, notwithstanding that it was not able much to endammage the defendants, without the great hurt and losse of the assailants. Neuerthelesse, the Sultan without all respect, did cause it still to shoot off amongst both parties, [Page 225] and did thereby destroy some both on the one side and on the other: for he did not thinke the head of a Christian dearely bought, which cost him twentie of his owne company. The defendants though they were not altogether free from dammage, yet were they in good suertie, neither was there any hazard of the losse of the towne: for (besides their other helpes) such was the naturall strength and situation of the place, that it made all the attemptes of the miscreantes to be in vaine and to no purpose. And yet notwithstanding, if at any time the defence of the place did depend vpon the valure of the defendants & the deuoire of their good diligence, they did euer shew themselues on al hands to be stout and valiant, and they gaue maruellous proofs of their faith and prowesse: and still did they encrease in courage, in strength, and in good successe. Of the Turkes that aduentured themselues to the port, there was scarce any one that returned: on the other parts, those that were most hardie and aduenturous, did remaine dead vpon the place, and an infinite number were sore hurt & maimed: and there was not almost in any one place but verie few or none of their ladders presented against the walls. Neuerthelesse Amuarth still pressed on his people with great furie on all sides: and with a resolution of obstinacie more and more encreasing, did continually send supplies of fresh men, still renuing the assault without any intermission: insomuch as this sight and spectacle did at one and the selfe time,The Turkes repulsed from the assault. both feed his humor, and yet torment him to the hart: till in the end being euen glutted with the pitifull butcherie and murther of his people, he caused to sound a retrait and to cease the assault, rather at the prayers and perswasions of his Bassaes, then vpon any other cause. For they entreated & humbly besought him, that he would not so willfully and desperately destroy and consume his armie, considering that there was no apparance or probabilitie to get the towne in this fashion: and that it were better to reserue his forces to worke by mines into the towne, as the best and onely way to bring it into his possession. But want of victuals, and the extreame famine which did now sore pinch the armie of the Barbarians, did cause this worke to proceede but slowly for a time: wherefore to recouer corne and other prouisions, there were sent Commissaries with certaine men to Lyssa and other places of the venetian territories. For by reason of the peace sworne betwene them, the Sultan did perswade himselfe that he would denie him nothing.Scanderbeg marcheth after Sebalias.
Whilest these things were a doing, Scanderbeg had intelligence by his skoutes, what course Sebalias tooke in his iourney: who hauing dispersed certaine troupes of horsemen all ouer the fieldes, did destroy the vines and other things bearing frute throughout the countrey. He dismarched therefore with as great secrecie as was possible: and being arriued within a three myles off the Barbarian: he chose out foure thousand good and strong horse to charge vpon him in the open and plaine fields. All his foote forces, and the residue of his horsemen, he left with Moses, and placed them on a high hill neare to the high waye, where he was in hope that the enemie should passe: and he willed him that if he saw the Infidels to flie that way our of order & dispersed, he should suddenly fall in vpon them, and charge them most fiercely: but if he did perceiue them to hold good and to stand firme, maintaining the fight with equall fortune and valure and without mouing: that then he should speedily come forward with his companies, and ioyne himselfe to his forces: and he doubted not, in case the enemie durst abide him, either to make him pay for it and to buy his resistance verie deare, or else to driue him to a most shamefull & dishonorable flight. For their flight he was nothing at all deceiued: but for the rest, it fell out otherwise then he expected: for Sebalias being aduertised of the comming of the Christians by the sentinels which he had set to watch of purpose: vpon a signe giuen had made all his forces to gather, [Page 226] together and to keepe neare vnto him: excepting some few scattered a farre off, who became an easie prey to the Albanois. And before that he had any sight of the enemie, he poasted thence by another way, and not by that where he knew Scanderbeg was marching. Thus was there nothing done at that time worthy the speaking: and the rather for that Castriot kept his forces from following after them: in regard that his footemen were not able without excessiue toyle & trauell, to endure so long a iorney in pursuing them. Besides that, the perpetuall care of Croie did greatly restraine his forwardnes and fierecnes: and he held it more wisedome to reserue his armie in good plight for the continuall wants and necessities of the towne. On the one side therfore the Turkish Chieftaine returned to Amurath with great ioy and contentment, for that he had so abused Scanderbeg, and kept him all that day from troubling of their trenches: on the other side the Epirot returned his campe extremely grieued, because he had lost that oportunitie, and through that perplexity of his mind which he tooke for Croy, from whence he was not accustomed so farre to absent himselfe.
The report goeth, that he met with many vpon the way, who gaue him notice of the Turkish Commissaries being abroad for victuals: and of the conuoy which they had prouided for the safe conduct of the same. Whereupon, disguising himselfe out of hand in simple attire (an ordinarie policie which he vsed in the warres) and beingAmbuscado of Scanderbeg whereby he surprizeth the Turke his victuallers. attended with a hundreth souldiers in the same habit, he followed those victuallers by the tract where they had passed: and hauing learned by what way they were to returne, he put himselfe with his companie in an ambuscado. Then sent he two of his souldiers, men of good iudgement and experience, to go to Lyssa: willing them to get notice, and to beare good espiall vpon the troupes of the enemie, and carefully to obserue, whether in their returne they did take any other way, then that by which they had passed thitherwards: and if they did, they should poast away with all speede to giue him intelligence of it. But these victuallers returning the same way they went, fell into the hands of Scanderbeg, who hauing slaine some of them, tooke the others prisoners. The corne, the beasts and carriage horses, he conueyed to his campe, where he distributed the booty amongst his souldiers. This done Moses returning backe to the campe besides Isme, brought thither those other troupes of foote, of which he had the leading.
Whilest Amurath did carefully and with great diligence set forwarde his mines against Croy, so much the more carefull was he, and neuer ceased to molest the besiegedTurkish campe before Croy victualled out of Macedonie. with often and continuall allarmes and skirmishes: to the intent that by keeping them busied in the defence of their walles, they might be the lesse able to discouer the drift of his new deuises and his secret practises: during the which he receiued diuerse messages, the one acquainted him with the discomfiture of his victuallers, the taking of his corne, and how all things else had passed: the other from Alchia brought him newes of certaine corne which was comming out of Macedon. So that as the latter gaue him cause of ioy and contentment, so the former did renue his wonted griefe & discontentments. But the one being partly a recompence for the other, the Turkes were not much moued at the matter, but laying aside the care of all other matters for that instant, the souldiers applyed all their care and studie, that the new supply of prouisions might be brought in safetie to their campe. Wherefore with the consent of their Prince, there were appointed 20000. of the strongest and most able men of their whole armie for a conuoy of those other victuals, to the intent those also should not be made a prey to the Christians, as the other had lately bene for default of a good and strong conuoy to safeconduct them. But Scanderbeg was at that time sufficiently busied in conueying his bootie towards his owne campe, for that he might the better [Page 227] auoide the enemie, and not any way encounter with him in his returne: he fetched a long compasse about by diuerse by wayes, and with great discommoditie and paines, he draue the beasts loaden with the prey, through the roughest and hardest streights that he could chuse within the mountaines, which was an occasion of no small wearines and toile vnto him, and made him to spend long time in his returne: and yet if he had bene freed from that cariage, and though all his forces had bene present with him and in a readines: I do not think that he would for all that haue bene so desirous to pursue and set vpon the enemie, as to hazard himselfe against so mightie and puissant a multitude. All this while was Moses in great incertaintie and perplexitie for the prince of Epire, by reasō he was certified by good espials of the departure of those troupes out of the campe of the Turkes. And he was in doubt least they were prepared for his confusion: wherefore he sent forth some light horsemen, who with all diligence and celeritie, and with great iornies should go seeke out Scanderbeg, and to aduertise him of this particular. But they had no tidings of him till he was returned to his people, charged with the spoiles of his slaine enemies, and the graine which he had taken from them. Likewise the Mahomatistes without any lette or disturbance, made a speedie returne with their corne, victualles, and other prouisions to their campe By meanes whereof, being thus prouided for the necessarie sustenance of their bodies: it made them to take a good heart againe, and to reuiue both in strength and courage.
All this while did they trauell without ceasing in vndermining of the wall: howbeitA myne made by the Turkes against Croy. the excessiue labor of the work did swallow vp many of them within the earth: notwithstanding the pioners had their seuerall times and houres particularly proportioned vnto ech of them: and the like order was also obserued throughout all the squadrons, and amongst the souldiers of euerie tent within the campe. The continuall labour, and the obstinate resolution of the men did easily surmount all difficultie, and daylie did they continue their skirmishes and loose fightes before the walles, of purpose to abuse the Citizens. And albeit there was no daie passed without the death and slaughter of some of them: yet did not they account that for any losse amongest so many thousands of fighting men.
The Infidels did in some sort spend all that time ioyfully and to their contentment,Venetian subiectes succour the Turkes campe before Croy with victuals. by reason that ouer and aboue their store and abundance of victualles lately arriued from Macedony: there was also a great number of marchauntes of the next townes vnder the obeisance of the Venetians, who serued them with plentie of corne, wine, oyle, and all sortes of victualles day by day into their campe: neither was there any want of Mercerie wares, which diuerse brought thither of purpose to traffique with them: who (as the prouerbe is) like flies drawing after honny, did repaire and flocke thither from all quarters, when they once knew of their estate: and that their campe was in great penurie of all prouisions excepting money onely. All this did Scanderbeg see verie well: yet because he would not offend the subiectes of his friendes and confederates, nor hinder their prinate gaine in particular: he tooke all with great patience, willing his people also to dissemble it as well as himselfe, without giuing any offence to any person either in word or in deede. For howsoeuer it were, he was not ignorant, that though he had hindered this traffique betweene them, yet the enemie for all that should not haue wanted it from other places, by reason of the nearenesse of Macedonie, Thrace and Seruia. And therfore he busied his braines with greater matters, and with other affaires of more importance: how he might by force of armes and dint of sword, and not by famine and want of sustenance, expell this outragious enemie out of Epyre. This made him to haue an especiall care and regard of a [Page 228] matter which was deeply to be considered on: and that was to encrease and augmentTanusee and Moses sent by Scanderbeg to leauie a new supply of souldiers. his forces: for of the eight thousand men which he had leauied at the beginning of this warre, there was litle lesse then a thousand of them diminished and decreased: all which were either consumed in the seuerall seruices against the enemie, or by diuerse other accidents and discommodities: besides a good number who were licensed to departe, and were sent a waye to refreshe themselues in their dwellinges: such as he thought had endured sufficient hardnesse, and done their good deuoire in the forepassed dangers. The charge and commission for this matter was committed to Tanusee and to Moses, who trauersing and compassing all the prouince, did scarce leauie two thousand souldiers, whereof fiue hundreth were horsemen, and the residue footemen. It was no easie matter at that time to find any one man in all Epire fit and able to beare armes, but he was alreadie emploied in some place either of charge, or else appointed to some particular seruices: so well and so carefully had Scanderbeg strengthened and assured all things, with wonderfull counsell and aduise: because he would not willingly leaue any angle or corner of his realme exposed to the iniurie and violence of his aduersaries.
During the same time that this leauie was made by Scanderbeg, the Croians being importuned by the daily alarmes of the Infidels could not any longer containe themseluesCroyans sallie out vpon the Turkes. within their walles: but often times sallying out of the towne, they did with great good happe and successe encounter with them. One day aboue the rest, their seruice was most notable, at which time there issued forth about 500 of the garrison, and hauing well beaten the enemie of whom many were cut in peeces and the residue put to flight, they were so earnest and forwarde in the chase, that they pursued them euen within their trenches, which made the Mahometistes (when they sawe the Christians to be so hardie and couragious, and that their temeritie did drawe them on vppon this their good fortune) not to grieue verie much at their companions which lay slaine, because they were in hope soone to be reuenged. But this their hope was made vaine by meanes of Vranocontes, who though he sawe his souldiers to returne with little or no dammage, yet neuerthelesse wisely weighing the danger and hazard of that dayes seruice, with the politique and subtill disposition of the enemie, he would not from thence foorth any more permit them to set their foote without their portes.
But greater was the griefe, and more notable was the slaughter that Scanderbeg brought vpon Amurath and his forces: for his new bandes being vnited and incorporatedA second canuazado by Scanderbeg to the campe of the Turkes before Croy. to the bodie of his whole armie, and the same being deuided into three parts, one to Moses, an other to Tanusee, and the third reserued to himselfe; about the shutting of the euening, he caused his Ensignes to march verie secretly & directly towards the campe of the enemie. But before he was gotten as farre as Monticlea (which was distant about two miles from their trenches) he was discouered by the Turkish Sentinels. Great and suddaine was the tumult when they vnderstoode of his comming, but most of all where the tents lay neerest to the daunger. Wherefore nothing was omitted by the Barbarians, neither did they leaue anie remedie vnattempted, which the vncertainety and darkenesse of the night could aduise them vnto either for repelling him backe, or for debarring him from entring vppon them. There were gathered together in great haste and tumult about some eight thousand men which opposed themselues against him: which made him to pause a little, and with a softer pace and more leasure to march forwarde against them. The Mahometans aduaunced them selues to encounter him, and with a huge crie on all handes were the first that beganne the fight: but the Christians refusing to ioyne [Page 229] with them in fight, by litle and litle recuiled backwardes, to the intent that drawing them farther off from their trenches, their fury might be the more abated and diminished.Moses and Tanuse inuade the Turkish Campe. Hereupon Moses and Tanuse hauing sodainly entred their rampiers and barriers on that part which was appointed them, had filled al the campe with exceeding feare and confusion: and being entred within certaine tents, and the watches slaine, they destroied all with the fury of fire, where force of armes could not any way endammage them. Greater was the losse and dishonor without comparison receiued by them then by Scanderbeg, for that the Infidels bending all their thoughts and endeuours to that part, Moses had the more liberty euen from the beginning, freely to do execution vppon the enemy, by burning, sacking, and killing all at pleasure, and to bring their Campe into feare and disorder, as in all sodaine actions and vnexpected it is commonly vsed. But this victory was of small and short continuance, for within a while after a more strong troupe of the Barbarians hastening vpon them, the Christians thought it not good to attend their comming. In one thing aboue the rest did fortune greatly fauor them, in that the artillery whereof they stood in so great feare, did not at all play vpon them: were it that they could not well tell how to vse it in the darke, or else that for the feare wherwith they were surprized (as it is oftentimes seene) they had forgotten to aide themselues with it. The day began now to appeare, when as the Prince of Albany giuing place vnto the enemy, did withdraw himselfe in the middest & chiefestScanderbeg retireth from the enemy. heat of the fight, and retired about 2. miles off to a certaine hil where it was easie for any to see him, and there did he attend Moses with his squadrons: for that was the place which at their going to the charge, was appointed for their rende vous. Assoone as the Turkes saw him there to make a stand, they went in great hast to the Sultan his pauilion, humbly entreating him to giue them leaue to issue forth, & to set vpon him, shewing him & pointing with their fingers at the small number of the Christians: so muchTurkes desire and obtaine leaue of Amurath to issue out and to set vpon Scanderbeg. preuailed their praiers & importunacy, that the old man ouercome with their requests condiscended thereunto. Immediatly therefore there made out 12000. men strong & lusty 7000. horse, and 5000. foot. Vpon the discouery of this great and mighty troupe, Scanderbeg at the beginning made some doubt, whether he should stay and receiue them, considering the nearnes of the whole army of the Turkes, or whither he should yeeld and giue place vnto the time: but he held best for that time to take and choose the mid way and meane between both, neither to flie altogether, nor yet altogether to abide: wherefore retiring faire and easily by degrees towards the highest and roughest parts of the mountains, he did temporize and dally away the time: relying both vpon the strength of the place, and the aid of his other troupes, whom by the dust arising in the air by reason of their marching, he did now perceiue not to be far off. The Infidels came on, with great fury euen to those hils, but seeing the difficulty of the place, & that it was very dangerous to passe further, for that the very waight of their bodies would sufficiently load & hinder them from getting vp, they began to slacke their pace. Scanderbeg would not stirre, till he certainly knew that his people did approach, yet could not his policy be conueyed so cunningly, but the Barbarians did perceiue it very easily. For turning bridle vpon the hearing of the noise of our men that were comming on, and seeing their vauntcurrours, they were contented not to approach any nearer, but in great hast and feare casting many of their ensignes to the ground, they made awaieThe Turks flie. with all speed possible. Neuerthelesse their great bast did not altogether preserue them from the sword of their enemies, because that Scanderbeg his souldiers had begun the fight with them, and with their shot playing vppon them from aloft, they had layed many of them dead vppon the place. On the other side the Dibrian hasting thitherwardes with great diligence, did take many prisoners of those that were not able to [Page 230] hold way with their fellowes, and the residue had free liberty to saue them selues. The successe hereof being heard and seene by Amurath, but especially the horrible aspect of that nightes slaughter, and the deformity of his Campe, did cause him to conceiue such extreme griefe, that for a time it stopped vp his speach, so as hee was not able to speake a word, which was the occasion that nothing was either attempted or determined all that day against the Christians. The report is, that the next day, Scanderbeg with a small traine attending him according to his wonted vse was seene by the Barbarians to walke vpon the top of the mountaine which hangeth ouer Croy, and thereSpeach of Amurath touching Scanderbeg seeing him vpon a mountaine euer Croy to haue some conference with Vranocontes. And that this being reported, and his person shewed vnto Amurath by some of his men that pointed at him, hee blamed the folly and inconstancy of his people: and with a dogges laughter (as the saying is) he told them, that the best way was to let alone that furious and vntamed Lion: and ‘not from thenceforth to feede that vnhappy beast with the bloud of his men, that so peraduenture he might at length be brought to reason by his owne rage and proper fury, rather then by any force of armes that should be vsed against him.’ But as it was litle or no dishonour for Scanderbeg to heare these wordes vttered from the mouth of his aduersary, so likewise was it to be taken as a marke of singular honour, that he had the power to draw from him this testimony, and that he had enforced his enemy to harbour such a conceipt of him.
But to the matter. Now was the whole army of the Barbarians in great sorrowe and ignominy, and they demeaned them selues rather as men besieged, then as those that besieged others. Besides that, to these their mishappes this also was added which ensueth, being of no lesse importaunce, and which also did greatly encrease their misfortunes. The secret working of the Mine was now come to the knowledge of theThe Mine of the Turkes discouered and ouerthrowen by the Croians. inhabitantes: whereupon one night they issued forth of the towne to see what was done therein, and I know not how they went about it, but it was done with such silence and secresie, and so sodainely, that they ouerthrew and scattered the most part of their worke, and discouered all the doings of the enemy without being seene or perceyued by their skoutes, till such time as hauing marred all their implements and prouisions, they were retired to the towne in safety. I do beleeue well that they made choise of the dead time of the night, when men being in their soundest sleepe, do represent the very image and shape of death. Yet some doe deny that they sallied forth at all at that time, or that they knew by any such meanes the enterprise of the enemy: but they suppose that the Turkes being not well able to conceale their fraudulent inuention and secrete workings, the Christians did by their countenaunce and demeanour, coniecture and grow into suspition of some such intent. Whereupon as soone as they began to grow doubtfull of the matter, they presently deuised how to surprise and preuent them in their deuise. And they say that they did place certaine Basons,A deuise for the discouery of a Mine. and Pannes of Brasse and other mettall full of water, in diuerse places, for that by the beating and sound of the blowes, as they were working vnder ground, the counterstroakes and rebounding noise made with the force of their stroaks, would euidently shew in what place they did Mine vnderneath the earth. And although they did sufficiently discerne the entry of the Mine: neuerthelesse fearing least they should be surprised by the conueyaunce thereof vnder the earth, because it might be digged turning and winding with great vncertainety, whereby the enemy might be brought into the towne on some other side▪ where they least suspected: therefore they had deuised and inuented this remedy for a mischiefe that was so doubtfull and vncertaine. It may be that both the one and the other of these assertions are true, and eyther of them hath some likelihood and probability; howbeit as the latter is more ingenious [Page 231] then the former: so in my iudgement, the trueth thereof is not so likely as the other. But how soeuer it be, this is one thing not doubted of nor denied by any: that though the Croians did litle or nothing feare the endeuours of the enemy, yet did they make prouision with good aduise and exact deliberation for all things within the towne, whereby they might preuent and interrupt all the pretences which the Ottoman might deuise against them. And therefore as soone as Amurath knew that the Mine was discouered, and that the townes men did chearefully fortifie themselues with all kindes of resistaunce: he gaue ouer the conceipt of all these fantasies, and surceased from proceeding any further in this purpose. But had it so fallen out that his deceipt had remained still hidden and concealed from the citizens, yet notwithstanding he would in the end haue discontinued that worke of his owne proper motion: because that in vndermining of the ground, there were so many rockes, and strong banckes of hard stone in euery place, which did euer hinder their worke, by reason of the nearenesse and proximity of the mountaine; In so much that to haue cleft and pierced through them, would haue beene an endlesse labour, and a worke of inestimable difficulty. And yet there were some who would haue had him obstinately to perseuere in the same. This care then being remoued, he resolued to employ his thoughtes, and to proue an other way: the deuise whereof was with as litle profite as the other: and that was to see if he could by any manner of meanes for money and by corruption, bring the Croians to his deuotion. And he held it not amisse to haue recourse to this policy and inuention, seeing neither force nor fraude, nor menaces and threatnings, could preuaile nor profite him any thing at all.
Hee sent therefore to Vranocontes one of his Bassaes, a man of high degree andAn ambassage sent to Vranocontes by Amurath with intent to corrupt him, and to make him betray Croy. great authority about his person, and one that was greatly commended for the dexterity of his witte and iudgement. Who (taking with him but two seruaunts onely with their handes full of precious giftes, most rich presentes, and sumptuous ornamentes, after the Turkishe fashion) had instructions giuen him, that before he made any mention of the yeelding of the towne; he should offer these presents to Vranocontes in the name of Amurath, the better thereby to prepare his minde and disposition to the intended and decided parley. This done, he willed him subtelly to sound andInstructions giuen by Amurath to his ambassadour. search the depth of his thoughts, and to see how he was affected: and so with large promises of gold and siluer, he should practise to induce him to deliuer the place into his hands: and to shew him how easie a thing it was for him, who was the chiefe commaunder and gouernour of the garrison, seeing the number of the citizens was but small and slender: and that they might be drawen either by loue or by constraint, to allow of that which the souldiers should accept and like of: that likewise the souldiers would not contradict any thing which he should thinke meet. And that he should moreouer assure him, besides the offers and presentes sent vnto him, both he and his people should not want any place or degree of honour which they could desire in all his Court. The Ambassadour Turke hauing this charge and these instructions giuen him, did take his way directly towards the towne, and as he approached neare to the Port, he was stayed by the guards, till such time as the Gouernour was aduertised of his comming. Vranocontes being speedily sent for and arriued, the Turke deliuered the summe of his commission, and at the first as he was presenting the giftes from Amurath, and did labour with glorious wordes to insinuate and worke into the fauor and good liking of the Christian, thinking to allure him with his cunning perswasions, and to get credence to his message, to the intent he might cutte him off from spending further time, and from being more tedious: It is enough (sayed the Gouernour) and ‘you haue adorned your goodly presents with as goodly and elegant speaches. Let vs [Page 232] now heare the rest of the message which you bring vs from your maister, so shall weSpeach of Vranocontes to the Ambassadour of Amurath. be the more ready to receiue your giftes, and to accept of your largesse, when I shall once know the summe of your demand. Otherwise you may not thinke that we will any way bind our selues, vnto you by your curtesies, nor that we will be in any sort tied vnto you by this bond of your benefites, tending perhaps to our infamy and reproach, vnlesse we first see to what end you vse this your liberality so exceeding & extraordinary: for then may we either accept safely, or reiect iustly your presents, when your words shall haue made cleare and manifest the intent & meaning of your hearts.’
The Barbarian being nothing at all abashed at the speach of the Gouernor, replied thereunto immediately.
‘Howsoeuer it be (quoth he) for other matters, we haue not brought you these giftsAnswere of the Turkish Ambassador to Vranocontes. vnder pretence to deceiue any man, for that were the way to deale with slaues and children, and not with free and valiaunt persons. And although (ô Vranocontes) all things proceeding from an enemy are suspitious (as thou hast sayed very well and wisely) whereof we our selues also are not ignoraunt, yet durst we not without blushing present our selues before thee (as the saying is) with our handes voide and empty. Neither oughtest thou to condemne the gratitude of our mindes, if thou be the man that thou seemest to be, and as thou art reported to be generally. Receiue therefore and take in good part these presentes which shall not any way wrong thee, nor be any impediment, but that thou maiest freely, and with full liberty dispose of thy affaires, and continue thy former rightes to ordaine of them as thou pleasest. For whether thou doest refuse and reproue our requests, or other things which we haue to say vnto thee: (which perhaps doe as much concerne thy good as ours) or whether thou doe approue and allow of these presents offered thee so franckly and so freely, we will not in any sort obiect it as a reproach vnto thee. For nothing is to be held or esteemed more base, vile and seruile, then so to giue, as to expect a profite and gaine by the gift. We are now come vnto thee (gentle and worthy Captaine) freely and of our owne accord: and (I speake it from the very bottome of my heart) we doe not seeke to surprize thee, neither by wordes nor by giftes, whom we haue so often proued to be inuincible by armes and dint of sword, and who doest repute all things inferiour vnto thee, and to the greatnesse of thy thoughtes. This is the cause that Amurath loueth thee, and doth admire these rare vertues in his enemy: this is the cause he doth desire (if by any meanes he may) to haue thee neare vnto him. No doubt that is the place, and to be neare the presence of so great a Monarke, is far more fit and conuenient for thy merites. And there it is that the excellent magnanimity of thy courage, and the dexterity of thy spirite, shall be able to finde out the way and meanes to mount to the highest and supreame degree of all glory and good fortune: not that I condemne Scanderbeg, whom euen we our selues his enemies doe glorifie for the recouery of his countrey, for the defending of it so often and so valiantly, yet through thy succours and assistance principally: but thou art worthy of another maner of Prince, and of a better and higher aduauncement, and not to spend thy yeares, and to consume thy glorious life in this obscurity, and in this vility and basenesse of estate. Moreouer Scanderbeg his good fortune will vanish away euen in a moment, the Destinies haue opposed against him an enemy, who is too mighty for him to endure continually: wel may his punishment be deferred for a season, but it cannot be auoided: so extreme and incredible an hatred hath the Ottoman Prince conceiued against him. Ouer and aboue the incomparable forces which he hath assembled for his destruction, he hath sworne and protested not to spare any costes or expences, nor trauelles, nor daungers, nor to depart out of Epire, till such time as he haue subdued him, and imposed a most [Page 233] deadly and mortall yoke vpon his head. Now see how the originall of this mischiefe doth begin principally with you of Croy: we heare him euery day sounding into the eares of his counsellours these and the like speaches: that he will rather shamefully abandon and forsake his Imperiall city of Andrinople, and all the dominions of his estate and Empire, before he will quit the possession of this place: before he will leaue this city vnconquered, and before his wrath shall not be fully satisfied with the slaughter and butchery of your dismembred bodies, and there is no doubt but he will doe it, and I doe tremble to foretell it. For though I be one of your enemies (amongst infinite others,) yet am I a man and haue humaine passions: and therefore hardly will my eies be able to endure or suffer so miserable a sight and obiect of your pitifull and lamentable condition. Assure your selues he will not faile to do it, if you do not chaunge your mindes▪ if now (taking the benefit of his long sufferance and patience) you do not accept the safety, the light, the liberty, & the peace which are so freely offered vnto you: but go to, say a Gods name, that this fortresse so vnmatchable, that these walles so inaccessible, that your valour (which is more then all the rest) shall preserue & defend you: but how long I pray you will this be? doe you thinke that the Ottoman will raise his siege and remoue his Campe in the middest and chiefe heate of this war? you shall see it to your cost, you shall feele it to your griefe and losse, that though his forces profite not nor preuaile not, though all his attempts and endeuours doe proue vaine & bootlesse, yet (I say) you shall see still before your eies, and you shall continually behold before your wals these same enemies, these same tents, till such time as the extremity and importunity offamine (which mastereth and ouercommeth all things) doe in the end enforce you to yeeld, and to submit your selues. What other hope then haue you left I pray you? whence is it that this greedy desire of perils and dangers hath seized vppon your obstinat and hardened hearts? Shall Scanderbeg supply your wants with victuals being imprisonned within these wals? who being constrained to keepe close hidden continually in these forrests, or wandring vp and down the tops of the mountains, and being ouerloaden and ouerwhelmed on all sides with cares and trauels, is scarceable to sustaine his miserable body? Will the Venetians send or succour you with prouisions, who do daily bring and furnish vs against you, with all store of sustenance and necessaries for the war, euen in excesse and superfluity? Be wise therefore, you that are so braue and valiant, be you once well aduised and take your wits vnto you: behold it is your enemy that warneth you, you haue persisted long enough in this obstinacy: neither your countrey nor your liberty ought to be so wilfully defended, that you should oppose your selues for them against the wil & pleasure of the diuine maiesty. It behoueth you to yeeld & to giue place to Fortune, and to bend your knees to the most puissant and mighty. But what liberty is this wherof I speake vnto you? the true liberty, the true rewardes, and the perpetuall tranquillity of this life, is in the power of Amurath. Prouide therfore for your selues, whilest your affairs are in sound & good estate, whilest you haue yet time to determine vpon it: whilest that we your enemies do exhort you, do entreat you, and do loue to entertain you, rather as our companions and friends, with your good liking, then as our slaues & prisoners by force and constraint.’
In this maner did the Barbarian deliuer his message, framing and conforming with a singu [...] good grace, both his countenance and his voice: and hauing finished, he did attend to obserue what alteration he could perceiue in the spirits and affections of the cōpany, purposing thereupon to haue taken an occasion to treat a part & in secret with the Gouernour vpon the residue of his ambassade. But knowing that the affections of them all were mightely estranged, from liking the subiect of his discourse, as men that knew how to contemne the swords of their enemies, and not their words onely, and [Page 234] hearing the souldiers begin to mutter, and murmure here & there, as if they had some wrong offred them, rather then be perswaded to yeeld themselues, he praid the gouernour to giue him leaue, to vse a word or two vnto himselfe alone and in secret, which was likewise accorded vnto him, for they did all much rely & trust vpon the sage wisdome & constancy of that personage: being assured, that he would not vndertake any thing, which should not be for the aduantage & maiesty of the Realme of Albany, and for the profit of ech of them particularly. Then began the wily fox to declare the secret which was committed vnto him by the Sultan, couering his detestable and hatefull message, with the most affected and plausible speeches that was possible. Vranocontes Vranocontes reiecteth the Turkish Ambassador and dismisseth him with threats and menaces. foreseeing the venome of his pernitious practises, did cut him off & interrupt him in the middest of his talke, enioyning him presently to get out of his sight. Thus wholly confounded and ashamed did the Ambassador depart, no man accepting of his bribes by the expresse commandement of the Gouernor: otherwise, it is not to be doubted, but the licentiousnes & greedy desire of the souldiers, would not haue needed any intreaty to lighten those varlets of their cariage. At such time as this trim Orator of the Turkishe Prince was retiring himself and ready to depart, Vranocontes in recompence of his painted and fine language did denounce vnto him this sentence: straightly ‘charging and commanding him, that neither he, nor any other from thenceforth, should be so hardy on the part and behalfe of the Ottoman▪ as to repaire againe to the town, or to demaund any parley: protesting that if they did, they should be assured (besides the losse of their handes, their noses, and their eares, to haue their bodies wholly and hideously deformed and tormented.’
The Bassa being returned to the campe, was receiued of the multitude & common sort in great confusion, for that they had long expected him with great deuotion, and they were come forth against him, being desirous to vnderstand the resolution of the besieged. This was in a maner the only hope wherupon they did build for the getting of Croy, and for the finishing of their labors: but when they perceiued that the presents were not receiued, which they saw in the hands of the Bassa his seruants, they knew well that there was nothing done nor concluded. Moreouer after they heard it reported, with what obstinacy the Croians had made answer, in such sort as is already declared, there was not any one of them which conceiued not in his heart, either sorrow or feare, or fury, acording to the naturall inclination of euery one in particular. The agedAmurath and the Turkes agreeued at the repulse of their Ambassador, prouide to assault Croy. Sultan aboue al the rest, being ouercome with impatiency, had recourse again to arms, purposing once more to force the towne by an aslault, which he had earst giuen ouer & surceased: wherin he did rather content his wrath & choller, then any way reuenge his disgrace & dishonor. He commanded therfore to make ready the ladders, & other engins of assault against the next morning, spending almost al the whole night in this idle and vaine labor, and in placing the artillery, not forgetting also to prouide for the security & surety of his campe, knowing how Castriot had his eie alwaies open to deuise some means how to annoy him. For this cause he left 30000. men wel appointed, who held their horses alwaies in a readines and still bridled. The next morning aboutCroy assaulted the th [...]rd time. the day break, was the souldiers conueied & placed neare the wals, and at the very first beginning, the roaring cannon went off both on the one side & the other, & did seeme to contend which should deuoure most bloud, & cause greatest mortality. But the shot of the Christians fell more fortunatly then those of the Infidels, who were as litle respectiue of their own people as of their enemies. And whilest they assaied to driue our men from the defence of their wals, they made many of their owne cōpany to forsake the fight, both by reason of their deadly wounds, and in regard of the euident danger which they feared. When the ordinance had done thundering, they came to the Scalado, [Page 235] wherein by how much the more there did appeare perfect valour, and true courage, so much the more matter did they still find to aduenture the losse of their liues; so that in a moment, the bloud was seene on all sides to runne downe as it were in streames, and the earth was euery where couered with senslesse & breathlesse bodies.
Amurath could not anie longer endure to be cruell against him selfe, notwithstandingTurkes repulsed, from the assalt. that he had enterprized this last attempt of a meere wilfulnesse and obstinacie. Wherfore causing the fight to cease, he retired into his pauillion, as one enraged and mad for griefe and anger: where he passed the residue of that day, his owne hands doing violence and outrage to his aged and white haires▪ & pulling himselfe by the chin, with his eyes lifted vp to the heauens, he powred forth many iniurious and blasphemous speeches, reproching euen God him selfe with his complaints & exclamations. And he did seeme to question with him, why he had reserued his hoarie haires, andAmurath his [...] impatiēcie, who enraged at his ill successe exclaimeth against God. aged yeares to so many misfortunes and ignominies: that both the whole race of his forepassed life, and the name of the Ottomans should be altogether so disgraced and dishonored: and the glorie of his mightie conquests atchieued for many yeares, should now at the last be obscured and darkened, by meanes of one poore and base Castell in Epire, being in a maner but a vile and paultry village? The Bassaes & other his familiars did labour to comfort him with diuerse discourses, recounting vnto him a world of examples, both ancient and moderne, of the sudden fall and misfortune of other great and mightie Princes, and of manie straunge and foraine kings and Emperours: but all was in vaine, and his crased mind would admit no comfort. Notwithstanding the day following, the old man, albeit he were verie weake and ill disposed in his bodie, the vehemencie of his griefe hauing euen almost spent and wasted him to nothing, yet did he fall to counsell with certaine of his Chieftaines & greatest Peeres, who as the report goeth, were foure in number: two Bassaes, the one of Romania, the other of Asia, andAmurath consulteth vpon his proceeding in the siege of Croy. two of those whom they call Vizirs or Counsellers. Long time were they in deliberating vpon the summe and consequence of this war, & they were deuided into three diuers opinions. One was to continue the siege so long, till that the extremity of famine had worn out the besieged. The secōd did aduise him to leaue Croy, & to pursue Scanderbeg with all his forces: and by that means, though he should not haue his wil of him by force of armes, yet he might peraduenture enclose and shutte him vp in some place where by famine he should bemaster him. The last opinion was: that seeing they had sufficiently tried al means, & had aduentured the fortune of al hazards, it was but meer folly to continue there any longer with shame and infamy, or vpon despite and indignation onely to consume and destroy his owne army: but that it were good rather to send some Ambassador to the Albanois, which should deale and perswade with him vpon any tearmes to become tributary to the Ottoman. And in case he did giue eare vnto it, he should demand 10000. crownes for a yearely tribute. This opinion was allowed as the most safe: and Amurath did consider with him selfe, that this would be a good and honorable colour and shew of victory; if before his departure out of Epire, he might prescribe such conditions to his enemy, and impose a yoke of such subiection vpon the Prouince of Albanie. For to continue the siege, they found it very inconuenient for many reasons, and they did foresee a thousand discommodities, which the winter would bring vpon them, and that the besiegers would be sooner wearied then the besieged Moreouer the default and want of victuals, for the maintenance of so many thousands of men for so long a times and (which was a thing of more importance) the daily courses and inuasions, which the enemy was like to make vppon their Campe, were not a litle to be feared. Neither did Amurath like, or take any pleasure to lose any more time in running and wandering vp & downe the mountains of Albany [Page 236] after Scanderbeg: seeing it was a thing also which could not be effected, without singular daunger, and a wonderfull hazard both of himselfe and all his armie.
The matter therefore being thus▪ resolued on▪ this Ambassade was committed toIsup sent Ambassadour from Amurath to Scanderbeg to cōclude a peace with him. the care and wisedome of a Turke, whose name was Isup, a personage of great credite and authoritie with Amurath, who hauing bethought himselfe that it might be, the summe would seeme too great vnto the Epyrote, he warned his Ambassadour, that if he did refuse to condiscend and to submit him selfe to so great a tribute, he should abate the one halfe of it. One thing yet remained which seemed somwhat difficult: and that was the meanes how to meet with Scanderbeg, for to go wandring vp and down the prouince, and to seeke him without knowing in what place certaine, (all the ‘countrey being in armes) seemed a matter very daungerous and of little safetie: notwithstanding that the name of an Ambassadour was euery where sacred and inuiolate:’ ButSentence. they were eased of this care by meanes of certaine Dibrians who were then prisoners in the Turkish Campe. For they did couenaunt and vndertake, if they might haue their libertie, to conduct the Barbarian safe and sounde to the presence of Castriot, which being graunted them and they deliuered, they lead him the way taking their course to the Campe of the Christians. The first place they came to was the mountaine Tumenista, where finding the Prince of Epire, they went on right towards the riuer of Isme vpon the Sea side: but there they missed him also: for the same night hauing remoued with all his carriage, he was retired into an open countrey, which the inhabitants call the Red plaine: whereof the Dibrians hauing notice by certaine thatThe Red plaine dwelled thereabouts, they departed from thence, and within lesse then an houre they came to the same place (for it was not farre from the riuer Isme.) And before they entred all of them into the campe, one of the guides (leauing the Mahometan with the others) went on before to do his duty to Scanderbeg, & to know his pleasure concerning the Ambassador. The Dibrian being knowne by those of his owne squadron, & being entertained and welcomed with many salutations and embracements, entermingled with some teares▪ by reason of the longing desire which they had to see him, was speedily conducted to their Soueraigne: who hauing seene and welcomed the souldier, & hauing heard his message, without any delay he sent Tanusee well accompanied with a good traine both of horsemen and footmen, to go and conduct the Ambassador vnto him: who being conueyed to the presence of the Prince, did not for that day deliuer any thing touching the message which he had in charge from his Maister, because the night began to approch: but being entertained with great curtesie, & feasted most sumptuously, he passed that night within the tents of the Christians. In the meane while Moses with a good number of horsemen being mounted on horsebacke, by the commandemētScanderbeg his great care and prouidence to preuent the sodaine surprises of his enemies. of Scanderbeg, was ridden forth to course vp & down round about, & to discouer on all sides far & neare, both in the vallies and woody places: & the watches also were doubled in all the quarters of the campe, for feare lest vnder this faint shew & colour, the Ottoman should attempt some exploit against them: so that there was nothing else done almost all that night in the campe of the Christians. Assoone as it was day, & that the chiefe and principall of the Armie were called & assembled together, Scanderbeg gaue audience to the Turkish Ambassador: who being formerly prepared of his oratiō artificially framed & deuised, thought to haue perswaded those ingenious & free spirits in some sort to condescend vnto his purpose. He began therefore in this maner.
‘I could wishe, ô Scanderbeg, that God would haue giuen vs the minde and affectionOration of Isup to Scā [...]erbeg. long agoe wherewith we now come vnto thee: though perhappes more late then we ought, being now made wise by our owne harmes. For then neither had we for our partes seene so many goodly armies consumed and destroyed with one [Page 237] and the same destinie, neither shouldest thou dayly behold before thy eyes, thy realme so pitifully dismembred, nor shouldest thou haue heard so many complaints & lamentations on all sides amongest thy subiects. But so hath nature ordained & appointed it, that it is impossible to attaine to a perfect peace, or rightfull equitie, without bloud and the violence of armes. Let vs therefore hold our selues contented, and take in good part that which resteth: let vs preserue these small reliques and remainders to some better fortune. Sufficiently hath the land of Albany bene ouerflowen with the bloud of mankind for these many yeares: sufficient is the deformitie and desolation of this prouince which was sometimes most pleasant and beautifull, and the most flourishing seate of great and famous kings. God hath giuen vnto Amurath mighty forces, and his puissance doth in a maner exceede beyond all humane desire: whereas thy dominions (ô Scanderbeg,) if thou compare them with his, and (if I may speake it freely,) are very small and as nothing. Neuerthelesse the valour of thy people, thy vertue, and (that which exceedeth all) thy great and admirable fortune, haue made them that they are not to be despised: whereof thou hast made a most glorious triall in the whole course of thy warres. And we our selues (though thou be our enemy) haue & do oftentimes both in publique and in priuate greatly wonder and admire it. We doe well remember the proude peoples of Hungary & Greece, that abounded so infinitly in goods and wealth, how easily they were tamed and subdued by our weapons: but this nation of yours only continueth inuincible, & is vtterly impatient of our dominion. I do not flatter thee, for I am thy enemy, & I would to God that the things which I speake were not true. Onely against you and your countrey (for any thing I see) we haue not made any shew, that we are either valiant or fortunat: but reason would that your prosperitie (ô you Albanians) ought to be held somuch the more suspitious: the end wherof (though it may happen to fall out miserable) hath so puffed vp your spirits through ouermuch credulity, as if you had already embraced the perpetuall possession thereof, that in the end it will be your ruine and confusion. And yet if you set before your eies all the particularities of your good fortune, this lingring war hath bereaued you likewise in some sort of your strength & of your reputation. For albeit hitherto you haue held wars with vs without any great losse or diminution of your forces: yet where is Sfetigrade? where is that ample and large territory? what is become of the multitude of mannors, buildings, and rich farmes, so well planted and husbanded? where is the wonted beautifull shew and aspect of all these things? wherefore is this goodly region wasted and spoiled? where are all those large garners and store▪houses of your corne, wherewith both the towns next adioyning, & Italy it selfe was wont to be stored and relieued? and to conclude without touching any other matters, where are the noble and goodly wals of Croy which are now so battered & deformed, that it seemeth, there is scarce left any shew or token of them? and the countenances of the defendants euen breathing for life, do retaine no part of their former estate or of their wonted condition. What is it (ô Scanderbeg) that thou doest expect further? thou seest how all things do hasten to bring vpon thee a million of mischiefs and vexations: of thy towns, some are taken & lost, some are pressed with a strong and mighty siege. Croy the capitall city of thy countrey, is in a maner brought to nothing, and there remaineth nothing but only the obstinacy of the people: who though they hold out for a season, yet in the end will soone be ouercome through pure want. For Amurath hath resolued to augment his forces, and to continue the siege al the winter, yea another summer: and (if need be) many yeares, till such time, as if the sworde cannot maister them, yet famine shall make them to stoope vnder his subiection. But this is no otherwise, then in case thou bee desirous of thy owne misfortune, and doest shewe thy selfe so vnwise as to [Page 238] refuse these conditions of peace with the which I am come vnto thee. Behold how the Ottoman in stead of being thy mortall enemy is content now to accept thee as his friend and for his tributarie. He will raise his campe from before Croy, he will lead away his ensignes out of Epyre, which he brought hither as an enemy, neuer more to returne againe: and he holdeth it more pretious without bloudshed to binde this prouince by being stipendary vnto him, to acknowledge the greatnesse of the benefit, then to seeke to impose vpon you an endlesse and most cruell seruitude. Now for the greatnesse of such a benefite he demaundeth of you but a small charge and an easie burthen: he is content to take but ten thousand crownes for a yearely tribute: as for any other thing which appertaineth either to you as your owne, or to him as his due, he demaundeth none at all. Well may you (ô you Albanois, and thou also ô Scanderbeg,) without any dishonour, without any dammage, consent and accorde in this one point onely, to the iust demaunde of Amurath, in regarde of so many of his Townes in Epyre, and so many of his possessions, and so many goodly things, which thou doest enioy & hold from him, not by any right of inheritance, but onely by vsurpation and meere violence. IsMorea once named Peloponnesus in Greece. Morea any thing lesse noble then Epire? Is theCaramania or Cilicia. Caramanian Prince any way inferiour vnto thee in nobilitie, in puissance, or in richesse? let me speake it vnto thee without reproofe. Besides many other peoples and nations of excellent renowne and antiquitie, all which do willingly & without constraint cause their tributs to be brought dayly euen to Andrynople: much more reason hast thou to yeeld vnto the like, seeing it is not imposed vppon thee by way of bondage and seruitude: but rather as a more certaine bonde, and a more strict obligation of thy fidelitie. Examine well thy owne forces (most prudent and politique Prince,) consider all good and happie fortune, and let not so excellent an occasion slippe away at this time out of thy handes. If thou shouldest now reiect these conditions of alliance which are offered thee, it may be that hereafter thou wilt be desirous to haue them graunted, when it wilbe all too late, at such time as the estate of thy affaires being chaunged, thou shalt finde the countenaunce of the victour more austere, and much more loftie and Imperious, but in labouring thus earnestly and carefully to perswade thee in this matter: I doe more then standeth either with the maiestie of Ottoman, or the grauitie of my Ambassade. Neuerthelesse I will not reuoke any thing which I haue spoken: but rather more then that (if an enemy may any thing preuaile with you) I pray and entreat you, I require and beseech you: that whilest it is yet time, and whilest the old man is in so good a minde, you would haue a regarde and consideration both of ours and of your owne estate ioyntly both in one. For doe not you thinke (if it fall out so vnhappily that this peace be not obtained) that Amurath wilbe more discontented at it, then we shall haue cause to be wearied and greeued with it. For certainly therein are we all in particular interested, we onely are the men that shall smart for it, and vppon whose heades the whole mischiefe is like to fall: because for the fulfilling of his will and pleasure, and to satisfie the furious appetite of his passions, we must vowe our slauish bodies, and prodigally expose and aduenture our liues to all hazardes and accidents, and with our owne bloud, if we can not with yours, we must satiate his wrath and malicious minde. Euery day must we be (as it were) in your bowelles: and we must continue in shedding each of others bloud: till such time as either one of the two be glutted with doing of mischiefe: or that our long perseueraunce, and a certaine kinde of vnhappie fate and destinie doth altogether deuoure and consume both parties.’
The Ambassadour would haue proceeded on forward with his speech, but that the assemblie grewe into a sodaine tumult and commotion: some murmured, others [Page 239] reioyced and triumphed to see, that Amurath their enemy and persecutour, was not now able to do them any more harme, that he was wearied, & euen worne out with the toyles and trauels of these so long continued warres: and that he was as one already vanquished and ouercome by their valour, and they could not forbeare from laughing to heare the conditions which his Ambassadour did seeme to offer, and to propound vnto them with so glorious a shew & ostentation of good words. Some of them frowned and muttered, for that Amurath vnder a shadow and colour of peace and amitie should intend cunningly to worke them to submit themselues to the yoke, in yeelding their persons to be tributaries, whom being his enemies, he was not able to subdue and conquer. And this I dare say, that there was not any one of them, which did like better of this reconciliation that was offered, then that the war should be still continued: nay they did not so much as estimate it meete, that the matter should be debated by most voyces in a full and common councell: so mightely are the mindsSentence. of mortall men puffed vp by the prosperous and happy successe of their affaires. Alas what is become now of the brightnesse and glorious renowme of that nation, of those noble and generous spirites, and of the seede of that inuincible vertue? The Epirots Magnanimity of the Epirots in the dayes of Scanderbeg. did see their estate and Empire most miserably rent and torne. Of their townes, some were taken, others straightly besieged, the landes and patrimony of their auncestours all couered ouer with men at armes, their wiues and their children remoued and exiled (as it were) farre from their sight, and euen languishing and pining away for very griefe, and with continuall feare and lamentation: the bodies of their friends and fellowes dayly slaine and dismembred before their eies, and all things flowing and drowned in bloud and cruelty: and yet did euery one of them take more delight and pleasure to remaine and continue in that meane and low fortune, and to stand vppon the guard and maintenaunce of their liberty, with the great expence and losse of their bloud, though not without hope of good successe, rather then they would in any sort yeeld vnto the Infidell, or to giue vnto their enemies the least shew or confession of faintnesse or cowardize. Wherefore Scanderbeg, (whose minde also was euer vndaunted and vtterly vnacquainted with any passion of feare or timerousnesse, after he had appeased their murmuring and the noise raised amongst them, he turned himselfe to Isup, and because he would not seeme to returne him to his maister the Ottoman (as it were) with disdaine or in suspence, or without any certaine resolution, he made him aunswere in this manner.
That which thou hast propounded vnto vs (Isup) at this time, is no other thingAnswere of Scanderbeg to Isup his Ambassade. ‘(as I now remember,) then was heretofore offered vs by Ayradin: who at our first comming to this Crowne, did by letters, brought vnto vs in the name of the Sultan, demaunde of vs certaine places of Epyre and all Macedonie, touching which point the full answere giuen you at that time was sufficient to haue satisfied you. And I doe not thinke my estate so much empayred nor yours in that manner augmented, that you should with any face or shewe of honestie seeme at this time to offer me these conditions. As for that long discourse recounting the losse of Sfetygrade, the battery and ruine of the walles of Croy, the spoyling and wasting of our fieldes and territories, we doe scarce account that any losse at all, as long as these heades are in safetie, as long as these souldiours are in health and well disposed, and as long as our people is in securitie, it wilbe an easie matter (beleeue me) to recouer whatsoeuer is lost, and to repayre that which is destroyed, God aiding and assisting vs, it is nothing to destroy or to reedifie such things as those, all the while we want not quicke handes and good workemen (such as we haue here) to vndertake them. But aunswere me (I pray thee) seeing thou hast a delight to reckon vppe our misfortunes, how dearely haue you [Page 240] bought and payed for them continually, with what losse and store of bloudshed haue you bought Sfetygrade (albeit it was not your prowesse that carried it, but the superstition of the besieged?) And the siege of Croy, how many of your best souldiours hath it cost you? Goe to then, hold on still a Gods name to be braue in this manner, so might you alwayes proceede and continue in happynesse. For my part I doe not, nor will not enuie it, I can be well content to see your ensignes alwayes to continue within Epire, to suffer my townes to be besieged and assaulted, my fieldes to be pilled and wasted: and whatsoeuer is good in Macedonie to be spoyled and destroyed, so long as you beare such like markes and tokens of your good fortune, and such testimonies as these be of your valure. I protest vnto you, I hold it better and more expedient for vs to entreat you not to depart at all out of Epire, then to buy your departure at so high a price as you set vs. God forbid that any age or time should see, or that any man liuing should euer heare, that this prouince was become tributarie, as long as Scanderbeg is aliue. Assure your selues if Ottoman would restore vnto me the whole & entire possession of Macedonie, and all the patrimonie of my ancestours, nay if Amurath would deuide with me, and make me copartner with him of all his Empire: I would neuer suffer the name of Albanie to be stained and blemished with this blot of disgrace and infamie. In vayne therefore doest thou heape vp these examples of strangers & forreine states: in vayne doest thou represent before our eyes, the subiection of the Peloponnesians, and seruitude of them of Asia: for there is no example nor President whatsoeuer of so great weight and efficacie, which may moue a free and liberall hart to subiect and submit it selfe to so base, villanous andSentence. fowle an indignitie.’
The Turke made no further reply being vnwilling to stand any longer vpon thisAmurath sickneth vppon griefe and melancholy. matter: and therefore held it needelesse also to make any offer of a lesser tribute, or to follow any further the instructions giuen him by the Sultan: for he sawe that the mindes of them all in generall did abhorre to heare of any such submission. The counsell therefore being risen, he was conducted with his trayne to dine with Scanderbeg in his owne lodging: and after great cheare, & honorable entertaynement giuen him: Tanusee and certaine horsemen did conuey him about a myle from the Campe, for feare least vpon this fauour shewed him, the licentiousnesse of the souldiours might in some sortworke some iniurie or outrage vnto him. Scarce was he gotten out of the sight of the Albanois, but Scanderbeg with all his armie, doubting some ambushments of the enemy, if he should not speedely remoue from thence, did march away presently to Tumenista: where he placed gardes and scouts on all sides, with a far greater care then he had vsed at any time before.
The returne of Isup to Amurath, who then lay at Tyranna the lesser: as it did greatly augment his former griefe: so did the conceipt thereof redouble the violence of his disease and sickenesse. The daunger whereof being from day to day aggrauated, and growing more and more suspitious, it made the Bassaes to quit almost all care of armes, & to deuise vpon nothing else then how to cure & succour the old Sultan. But the maladie being vncertaine, and his disease vnknowen vnto them, they saw no better receipt nor remedy to minister vnto him, then to entertaine him with store of good wordes, and pleasant talke and deuises. For his sickenesse being engendred through the impatiency of griefe and discontentment, did require to be lenified and mitigated with things confortatiue, purposely applied to put away melancholy: and the cure was to be wrought with some new and pleasant delights which might cheare vp his drooping thoughts, and reuiue his spirites which were so greeuously perplexed. This was the estate of their affaires for a time, during the which the Turke founde him [Page 241] selfe thus sicke and out of quiet: notwithstanding he could yet for all that in some sort giue audience and speake vnto his people, without much payning of himselfe: and he was able to giue them directions, and to prouide for manie accidents which seemed then requisite and necessarie: till such time as Scanderbeg being aduertised of this indisposition and crazinesse of his person, did altogether draw out of his bodie that litle strength and vigour which remained, and was yet left either in his members, or in his courage, by meanes of two or three inuasions which he made vpon his campe. At the first and second time there was not much harme done, nor scarce any thing executed worth the remembring: for that the promptnesse and vigilancie of the Turkes in defending of their trenches, did hinder and disappoint the purpose of the Epirot: besides that, their mindes were more attentiuely busied rather to the defence of thēselues then to the offending of the enemy. But this did more & more chafe and incense the hardy courage of Scanderbeg, who taking the benefit of the night, as the time most proper & naturall to procure tumult, feare & confusion, marched with all his horsmen towards Tyranna: because the place being more plaine and easie for horse to serue in, by means therof the tents of the Turks wold be the more subiect to the inuasiō of their enemies.
It was now past midnight when the Christians being on foote, their cōming wasA third canuazado by Scanderbeg to the campe of the Turkes before Croy. discouered by the noyse and neighing of their horses. The darknesse was greater then was vsuall or accustomed, and the heauens being couered and obscured with thicke and grosse cloudes, did yeeld forth no light nor clearenes at all, and therefore hardly could any thing be done or ordained against the violence and furie of the Albanois. Neuerthelesse according to the opportunity of the time did they prouide a remedy: & the souldiers were disposed in order according as they could best imagine by the hearing, & not hauing the sight of the enemy. Neither was the quality of that season lesse cōtrary & suspitious to the Christians also. And howbeit that ordinarily, the assailant hath more resolution & assurance, then the party that is surprised, yet did a certen horror seize vpon them, & seemed somewhat to daunt their courages, & not any of them durst set forward or march one before another. In the midst of this doubtfulnesse and staggaring (as it were) both on the one part & the other: Scanderbeg taking to himself about a hundred horse of his vauntcurrors, & seuering himselfe from the bodie of his troups, aduanced forward with great furie euen to the enemies trenches, to prouoke them to issue out: and hauing incensed them with high cries & clamors, and casting of darts in amongst them, he drew forth some of them from their appointed stations: who separated themselues from their companie with purpose to set vpon him, and in hope to haue defeated him: but the greatest mischiefe lighted vpon themselues, part of them being ouerthrowen, & the residue were glad quickly to returne frō whence they came. Scanderbeg continued for a time coursing vp and downe here and there, and as one that deluded & dalyed with them, he sought meanes to haue drawen forth some greater troupe to charge him: but seing the time to passe away in this vaine and friuolous expectation, and that the darknesse of the night by little and little bganne to weare away by the drawing on and approch of the day: he returned to his companie, & without any further fayning or dissembling, he ordered his troupes with very excellent good skill, and deuided them betwene Streeze & Tanusee (for Moses was left with the infanterie at Tumenista) & hauing readily instructed them what they should do, he lead them on against the enemie. The first onset was with shot, wherwith they plaied one vpon another, and the most of the fight was in that order: for the Albanois was in doubt, least if the rankes should ioyne, and be mingled together in the darke of the night, his souldiers should be scarce able to know their felowes frō the Infidels, for which cause he would not suffer them to presse in vpon the enemy: neither had they [Page 242] come at all to handystroakes, if it had not beene long of the Turkes them selues, who presuming vpon their huge multitude, did cause a strong battallion of horse, to make out towardes the left side, and so purposed to haue enclosed the Christians betweene them. But Scanderbeg seeing them a little separated from the rest of their mayne armie, did presently withdrawe him selfe from their trenches into the open fielde, and deuiding his troupes also a sunder, to the intent the fight should be maintayned on both pattes, he made against them speedily, and charged them with great furie both before and behinde. At the first onset the Barbarians receiued him with a braue and hardie resolution, expecting that fresh succours should haue seconded them from their campe: but the long tariance and slackenesse of their supplies, and the decrease of their owne strength, which by litle and litle fayled them, and the furie of the Christians encreasing together with the aduantage they had gotten against them, made them at length to set spurres to their horses, and they neuer thought them to runne fast enough, till they had gotten within their campe. A great number of Turkes and some Christians also left their liues in that conflict before that the Infidels betooke themselues to flight. By this time the day beganne to breake, and the multitude of the Infidels beganne to growe so great and encrease so mightily, that they constrayned Streeze and Tanusee to retyre. The Turkish troupes would gladly haue pursued them in their retreate: but for feare to displease the Sultan, they layde aside all desire of reuenge, and busied themselues in recounting their owne losses and misfortunes. Besides that slaughter onely which was made in the fight, there happened not any disorder within their campe, neither was there aine bootie or pillage gouen, but onely some small spoyles which were founde vppon the dead bodies: for you must note, that the fight was both begunne and ended without and not within the trenches of their campe. The great men and Chiefetaines of the armie, did very aduisedly seeke to conceale this discomfiture from the Sultan, to the intent his melancholique humour might not haue any further matter for to worke vpon. Neuerthelesse they could not by anie meanes keepe it from the knowledge of the olde man, who was verie iealous and full of care, by meanes of the generall and publique murmurings and whisperings, and the priuate plaintes of the common sort, which did easily discouer that which was happened, vnto his mind already enclyning and addicted to suspect the worst. For, as it is commonly seene, that none are either more couragious or greater cowards then the popular sort, in the good or bad successe of their fortune: so did the Turkes goe vp and downe their campe, deuising and debating one with another, and saying: That the enemy would at some one time or other, finde out some good opportunitie to set vpon the very tents and pauilions euen of the Sultan their Lord and Soueraigne.
Now was the Ottoman greatly perplexed vppon the course of his proceedinges,Turks in great perplexitie vpon the sicknesse of Amurath. to breake vppe his campe, to raise his siege, and to leaue the warre which he had vndertaken with so great courage and shewe of magnanimitie: verie shame would not suffer [...]im. Some counselled him notwithstanding to leaue the greatest part of his forces before Croy, and with them to continue the siege: and that himselfe should retire and take his iourney to Andrinople, and so by that meanes prouide for his owne health and safetie: for that if he did absent himselfe for a while from the bloudie sight of his enemies, and from the viewe of those tragicall spectacles and calamities: the force of his desease would by little and little vanish away and be abolished. But his health euerie day empayring and waxing worse and worse, and his breath by little and little beginning to faile him, they then knew that the immutable decree of the heauens was not to be reuoked, neither by chaunge of place, nor by [Page 243] any succours, or humaine counsell or aduise. Wherefore although they neuer ceased by soueraigne medicamentes and other remedies to seeke the recouerie of his health, and to reuiue his decayed bodie (as the mindes of mortall men are neuer destitute of some hope,) yet had they a speciall regard (as a sort of marriners or saylers who haue lost their pylots) euerie man to his power and abilitie, to prouide and procure all thinges requisite, by which their armie might be secured and preserued. Wherefore causing their tents to be drawen closer and neerer together, which before lay dispersed here and there, and were more subiect to the violence of the enemie, they did entrench their campe in a more streight circuit, and within a lesser compasse, garding and defending their rampiers with good and strong forces of armed souldiers. And hauing thus ordered the estate of their affaires, they did attend either the death of the Sultan, and therewithall an end of this warre: or else peraduenture, his health and recouerie which should minister vnto them some new and fresh plots for the strengthening and reenforcing of the siege. Scanderbeg had notice of all these matters, and wanted not daily aduertisementes to bring this newes vnto him. And many there were also amongst the Infidels, who came and rendered themselues vnto him, by whom he learned the counsels and most secret deuises of the enemy. For there was not almost any one day, but there repayred vnto him a great number seeking refuge in his campe or in his townes, especially after that it was once publikely supposed and commonly beleeued, that the Sultan was drawing neere his end. ‘For it is vsually seene, that the vulgar sort doe willingly followe the fortune of thatSentence. partie which is supposed to be most secure and of greatest suertie. Now Scanderbeg thought it not best to continue his ordinarie allarmes and inuasions,’ but rather to referre them ouer, and reserue his chiefest violence till such time as Amurath were deceased. Neuerthelesse he would oftentimes walke abroade both by day and byCrayna a mountaine ouer Croy. night, vpon the toppe of the mountaine named Crayna: and there he would deuise vppon matters with Vranocontes, or else he would be coursing vppe and downe the next hilles and mountaines diuerse times with sundry troups of souldiers, thinking eyther to surprize some of the Turkes, as they should be employed in the seruices of their campe, or else to keepe them by all meanes possible in continuall terror and subiection.
But this intermission of armes, and the sorrowfull expectation of the Turkes didAmurath his last end a mirrour for great persons. not long continue: for within three dayes Amurath departed out of this life, and left behinde him all worldly fortune both good and bad. A most notable and worthie mirrour for the great men of the earth, who in this worlde beeing the mynions of fortune, are too too much puffed vppe with the happie gale of her continuall fauours: and can not abide to strike their sayles, or to vayle the bonnet to one onely storme of sinister and vnhappie fortune. Howe can it be but those men must needes suffer shippewracke in the sea of their delitious pleasures, and in the gulfe of their owne greatnesse? I holde it not impertinent, if I recount vnto you in this discourse the last Acte of his ende and tragedie. The report goeth, that when he perceiued his limitted houre and appointed time to approach, as he lay vppon a little lowe bed or pallet, he caused himselfe somewhat to be raysed vppe, and then framing his speech to his Bassaes and chiefe Princes of his Court, he madeComplaints & lamentations made by Amurath at his death. long and lamentable complaintes, and powred foorth his grieuances exclaiming vpon the Destinies which had so deceiued him, that nowe the end and issue of his ‘last actions should be dishonourable and infamous, whereas the forepassed course of his yeares had beene most glorious: that the heauens should so ordaine it, that he, who had so often repressed the proude and haughtie Hungarians, who had [Page 244] tamed the insolencie of the stately Grecians, and brought their name in a manner to nothing: should be nowe constrayned to yeeld vppe his soule in dishonour and reproch vnder the poore walles of a little Castle, and in the viewe of so contemptible an enemie.’ Then turning himselfe to his sonne, he recommended him verie earnestly to the faith and fidelitie of his seruantes: and he instructed and admonished him touching manie particularities, sometimes a part, and sometimes in the hearing of all the companie. And albeit his bodie euen destitute of all force and strength, and the teares in abundance trickling downe his cheekes to see his childe then standing before him, did euen stoppe vppe and hinder the course of his speech, yet did he often reiterate and repeate these and the like wordes vnto him. LetSpeech and admonitious of Amurath to his sonne Mahomet vpon his death bed. ‘my example (quoth hee) be a warning vnto thee my sonne, neuer to contemne and despise anie enemie be he neuer so weake and feeble. There hath not beene (that I knowe of) any one thing, whereof I haue so much repented me in all my life time: yea euen in the other worlde (if there be at leastwise anie part of vs remayning which hath vnderstanding after the bodie is extinguished) I shall still and euerlastingly repent it, that I was so negligent and inconsiderate, as to be the father and the nourisher of a domesticall enemie: whereby I haue both purchased this calamitie to my selfe, and this perpetuall blot vnto the name and Empire of the Ottomans: giuing vnto the whole worlde, and to all ages in time to come, fit matter to talke and to make a iesting stocke of this my ignominious death, and shamefull ende before the walles of Croie. Euen then shoulde this fugitiue haue beene suppressed, when by that trayterous part which he plaied in Hungarie, he intruded him selfe into the crowne and realme of Epyre. In the first beginning, when hee was but yet newly established, and that the heartes of his people were not yet affected vnto him, the wretch him selfe, and the memorie of his name might haue beene for euer extinguished without the losse in a manner, of anie of our men. Fondly and foolishly was it done to sende against him eyther Haly Bassa, who gaue the first matter and encrease to his audacious fiercenesse and to the beginnings of his good fortune: or anie other of our Chiefetaines, by whose destruction or imprisonment, he hath nowe both grounded and supported his forces, and hath assured him selfe of the faith and fidelitie of his subiectes: and wrought him selfe into the credite and good opinion of those peoples, who were his vassalles. A thing which I (hauing oftentimes thought vppon) could hardly haue beleeued, that I should euer haue seene so great shame and ignominie to haue befallen me, or that my Empyre could haue beene so torne and dismembred by this warre of Epyre, were it not that experience (as a schoolemistresse) hath nowe taught it me, and made me to feele it to my wonderfull great losse and disaduantage. Of eight score thousande fighting men which followed me into Epyre, and did accompanie vs to this place, if you doe nowe conferre vppon the remainders of our armie, and doe take a diligent viewe and muster of those which are left, you shall finde how greatly they are abated and diminished of their first numbers. These fieldes were not sufficient to entertaine all our regiments, and nowe howe manie tentes are voide and emptie? howe manie horses doe wander vppe and downe without their olde maisters? and howe much empayred and lessened in your forces shall you returne home to Andrinople? As for this bodie of mine, I see the Destinies haue vowed it to the territorie of Epyre. But wherefore doe I impute the trauerses and crosse accidentes of fortune to my owne ouersight and follie? Seeing the first seedes and originall of all our misfortunes hath beene deriued from this soyle, and that this countrie of Epyre did euen watch of set purpose [Page 245] to worke vs this mischiefe? For they seeing Hungarie in such confusion of tumultes and rebellions, did incite and stirre vp against vs the armes of Eugenius and other Christians, whereby not onely the soueraigntie and royaltie of the kingdome of Epyre, but euen the entire possession of our Empire, and the crowne of the Ottomans was brought in question, and came to be tryed by battell, as the whole worlde may euidently see by our trauels and labours sustained in those famous iournyes of Varna and Basilia. By meanes of which our troubles, and whilest we had neither time, nor forces sufficient to wade through at once with so many and weightie affaires, the power of this our enemie (as you see) grew to be encreased and enlarged. But nowe from henceforth, how or with what stratagemes you are to mainetaine the warres, you are not to expect any counsell or aduise from me, who haue beene so greatly mistaken, and haue made a wrong account of all things which concerned my owne good, and the estate of my owne affayres. Neuer was fortune so deceiptfull or false vnto me in anie of my counsels or attemptes as in this warre: and it may be that thou Mahomet my sonne, shalt finde more fauour at her handes against this enemie: and for so manie honours and dignities which God hath giuen mee, peraduenture he hath reserued the tryumphe of Epyre for thee. Thou therefore (my sonne) shalt receiue both the Scepter, and the other markes of our Empire: but principally and aboue all, I leaue vnto thee this enemie, charging thee that thou doe not leaue our death vnreuenged: but that thou haue this thing onely and continually before thy eyes, and in thy minde, in acknowledgement of so large and honourable a patrimonie as thou art to receiue and enioy by me. Other sacrifice then this neither my aged trembling handes, nor my grieued departing soule doe not require nor demaund of thee.’
This discourse ended, his speech beganne to faile him, and drawing on neereAmurath his death. towardes his ende, he lay about halfe a day as it were in an agonie or extasie. And then his eyes being couered with endlesse and eternall darkenesse, hee yeelded vppe his soule to the wonderfull ioy and contentment of manie millions of the Christians.
The hearing of these things is a matter of no small import, and it is a worlde to see the great men of the earth, howe they doe holde the estates and kingdomes of this worlde in so high an estimation: and doe prize humaine and momentarie things at so great a rare. And they doe perswade themselues, that it is possible to get such a perpetuitie in the possession of fortune, that it should at no time be contrarieAmurath his manifold exploites and famous actes. or crossing vnto them. What did that age yeelde more great then Amurath? who of all men then lying vpon the face of the earth, (be it spoken without offence) was of more glorious and high renowme then he? who had euer more notable testimonies and tokens of worldly felicitie? who did in his time attaine to more famous tryumphes then Amurath? who by the spoyles of so manie mightie Kinges and Princes, and by the ruine and conquest of so manie proude and loftie Nations, did restore the name of the Ottomans being in a manner cleane defaced, and did enrich the houses of the barbarous Infidels? This Prince was he that hauing suppressed the furie of all domesticall and ciuill warres, did giue the beginning and commencement vnto the greatnesse of his fortune by the bloude and slaughter of his owne naturall brother. He was the first of the Turkish Princes, that did suppresse and diminish the libertie of the madding and franticke Greekes, and establishing his Empire euen in the center of their bowels, did from thence enlarge and augment his forces: wherewith afterwardes he afflicted and tormented the other Nations of Christendome with so many miseries and calamities, that it is almost [Page 246] impossible for the tongue of man to number them. This was he that first brake downe & ouerthrew that wall of the Greekes at the entry of Morea adioyning to the Isthme or Snake of Corinth cōmonly called Hexamile, by meanes wherof he made allHexamile, a wall so called by the Greekes, which did run sixe miles in length enclosing the countrie of Peloponnesus or Morea from the sea of AEgeuum, lying betweene Greece and Asia, euen to the sea of Ionia, or part of the Mediterran sea, lying betweene that and Italy now called the gulf of Venice. Europe subiect to his inuasions. This was he that without any lawfull or iust title, but onely by his valour and by the sword, did get the possession of so many realmes and cities in Asia, that ouerthrew and discomfited many great and mightie armies, that ouercame many puissant Kings and Princes in pitched and set battels, and brought them vnder subiection: who hauing slainc the King of Hungarie, did more then once with his great good hap, giue the chase vnto Hunyades that famous & redoubted warriour: through the conceipt and remembrance of which his glorious and haughtie exploites, and by the successe of all which fauours bestowed vppon him by fortune: his ambitious and proud heart did promise vnto it selfe the superioritie and conquest of all Empires and estates Christian, and the entire dominion of the whole earth. But ô how are his thoughts now changed! ô how farre doe those his last speeches differ from the course of his forepassed life! being now heard to powre forth such vile and base complaints, & to lament so shamefully, euen in the view of an enemie, of whom in time past he made so small reckoning and so little estimate? where were then become the haughtie thoughts of his vndaunted spirit? his arrogant and imperiousAmurath an example of the vanitie and inconstancie of worldly blisse and fortune. voice? which so many braue Chieftaines and Leaders, so many troupes and legions, so many thousands of armed souldiers were wont to heare with feare and trembling? Oh how the case is now altered, the man is now of another manner of visage, of another kind of countenance, of another aspect. Where is that head adorned with so many trophees and goodly tryumphes? where is that royall and princely hande that swayed so many Scepters? where is the puissance, the power, the strength of his maiestie that commaunded ouer so many kingdomes, nations, and peoples? Beholde he now lyeth full low vppon the ground, a deformed, a filthy, and stincking carkasse: with his hands closed, his eyes shut, and his feete stretched out, which earst so gloriously did trample and tread vppon the earth, and did triumph vppon the landes which he had vanquished and subdued. And now of so many, and so infinite riches, of so vnmeasurable wealth, and so huge treasures, of so many honours and vaine glorious praises, which he enioyed in his life time, his fraile bodie retaineth nothing, but hath left all behind him. O the imbecilitie and weake condition of mans nature! ô the vaine glorie of mortall creatures! ô the blinded and peruerted thoughtes of foolish men, why doe we so glorifie our selues? why are wee so puffed vppe and exalted? why doe wee so set our affections on the riches, the authoritie, and the pompous vanities of this life? ô howe admirable is the chaunge of all humaine things? howe fleeting is the glorie and ostentation of mortall Empires? and howe great is the daliance of fortune, deluding and deceiuing foolishe men with such vanities.
His bodie being embalmed with pretious oyntmentes and sweete odours wasPrusa or Bursa, the place of Amurath his sepulcher. Siege of Croy raised. pompously and honourably kept and preserued, to be afterwardes interred at Bursa aunciently named Prusa, in Bithinia in the sepulcher of his auncestors. Mahomet being immediatly saluted as their Lord and Soueraigne, was aduised by the greatest and chiefest persons, that the death of his father should carefully be concealed, to the intent the report thereof might not come to the hearing of the enemie, Afterwards when it was farre in the night, trussing vp their baggage, and all things prouided in arcadines for their discamping, they departed before the dawning of the day. The report is, thatAmurath his age at his death 85. yeares. Amurath deceased about the middest of Autumne fiue monethes after the siege laide before Croy. As touching his age, there is some diuersitie of opinions, yet it is generally [Page 247] agreed, and gainesaied by none: that he had fully attained to fourescore and fiue yeares. Nothing is more certaine then that Mahomet was highly aggrieued and displeased to leaue the siege, and to abandon the warre which had brought them so great dishonor: but necessitie enforced him thereunto, and made him hasten his returne to Andrinople, there to take the inuestiture of his crowne and Empire, according to the ancient custome of their kings, as also to represse and extinguish the tumults which might happen, and are vsuall to be raised vpon the change and alteration of estates. Scanderbeg at his departure did not cease to follow him, sometimes pressing vpon his maine forces, and sometimes gleaning vp those that were hindmost: and so still continued he troubling their armie, till he saw them cleane gone out of the boundes and limits of his countrey: and then triumphing with a double occasion of ioy and gladnesse, both because Amurath was departed this life with shame and infamie, and for that, the reliques of the enemies forces were cleane ridde out of Epire: he returned to his companies, and so tooke his way directly towardes Croie.
By this time was Vranocontes & the Croians issued out of the town in great troups,Scanderbeg returneth to Croy where he is receiued with exceeding ioy. and they went wandering vp and downe the fieldes which were yet moist with the blood of the Turkes. In all places they made some stay, and ouerseeing and visiting all things with an incredible pleasure and delight. Scarcely could they beleeue themselues in that which they had seene and searched with their eies, in such sort were the hearts of this people lately possessed and seized with feare and horror: that their perplexed and doubtfull spirits, could not yet forget their former terror. The king of Albanie was receiued with a maruellous concourse of people: and Vranocontes was the first that entertained him with infinite embracements: who after he had kissed him (as the fashion is) the others according to their degrees and callings, did likewise welcome him. There was not any of the common people, but did testifie their ioy and gladnes of his comming: sometimes prostrating themselues (according to their maner) at the feete of their Prince, and sometimes handling the skirtes of his robes and vestiments, they would embrace and kisse them with great desire & affection. Then began they to expresse and make shew of their exceeding ioy, with all kinds of acclamations, melodies, and instruments of musicke, with ringing of belles, with bonfiers, with feasting and banqueting, and whatsoeuer else which in the comentment of their hearts they could any wayes imagine or bethinke themselues. The Croians were highly commended and extolled with many praises and good commendations bothRewards giuē to the citizens, souldiers and Gouernor of Croy by Scanderbeg. in publique and in priuate, for their deuoire and dutie so faithfully and valiantly performed. The garrison likewise besides their appointed pay, had great and large sums of money giuen them for a recompence with many good and rich garmentes. Touching the gouernour, besides great store of gold and siluer: Scanderbeg gaue him two coate armours of purple, and one other richly wrought in gold, and foure goodly manours for the reward and recompence of his vertue and good seruice: and last of all beyond his expectation, though not vndeseruedly, he honored him with a higher title, and created him Duke of Emathia: giuing him the present inuestiture and possession of that dignitie.
These things thus accomplished, Scanderbeg tooke especiall care to dispatch awayVranocontes created Duke, of Emathia. Christiā, their ioy and triumph vniuersally vpon the death of Amurath. messengers of this victorie on all sides to the Princes and peoples his neighbours and confederates, the rumor and report whereof being dispersed abroad, was the occasion, that infinite numbers of people daily resorted to Croie and many being allured thither onely vpon the report of these newes, of the death of the Turkish Monarch, came thither (as it were) triumphing for some strange victorie, and to see some sight and spectacle not vsuall, nor accustomed. The tidings hereof did soone spread itselfe [Page 248] in a manner ouer the whole world: and there could nothing haue happened more wished and desired, nor more wellcome to all the estates of Christendome. Hungarie began to take breath: Greece came againe to take heart and courage to it selfe, and she seemed to be deliuered (as it were) out of bondage, and her bonds to be broken, and rent assunder. All men had their mindes and spirites lightned and erected with hope vpon the report of this good accident: and they did attend such a chaunge and alteration of the fortune of most kings and Princes, that they did expect the renuing and repairing of their former estate and condition. But out alas: how fallacious and deceitfullChristians had litle or no benefit by the death of Amurath. are the thoughts and cogitations of mortall wightes? yea more miserable are the hopes and refuges of miserable vnhappie men. It pleased God to take away Amurath out of this life, but did he want for all that an Heire to succeed him of lesse crueltie? True it is, that the bounty and diuine clemencie (after long and innumerable mischieues) did harken vnto the complaintes and lamentations of the Christians, and granted them to see the death and end of this tirant. But what? did the comming of Mahomet his sonne vnto the crowne, any thing shorten or diminish the thraldome, bondage, or seruitude of the Christians? or were the miseries of the Orientall nations any thing lessened by that accident? Oh no: behold that great and imperiall city so famous by the name and seate of the great Constantine: (for I will not speake ofConquests atchieued by the Turkes of late ages vpon Christendome. Euboea. Or Lesbos. the bounds of the Ottoman Empire, dilated & enlarged euen to the farthermost parts of Asia and Africke:) see the noble ile of Rhodes: which was of late the nest and harbour of those worthy Knights of the crosse, and the ancient bulwarke of the Christians: behold how * Nigropont,* Mitelene, Cipres, all the Greeke sea, with Hungarie, Croatia, Transiluania, Seruia and Bulgaria: and (to be breife) in a manner the moytie and halfe of all Europe is become Turkish, by the victorious armes and conquestes of this Mahomet or his successours, and posteritie: all which to the great reproach of Christian Kings and Princes, doe testifie, that the fortune of so fearefull and terrible an enemie, is not mortall not permutable, with the head and life of one fraile and mortall man: so mightily ha [...]h he incroched and intruded vpon our libertie, by our owne faintnesse, sloth, and cowardice, which hath enabled them against vs, whilestCauses of the conquests of the Turkes vpon the Christians. that we sit still with our handes (as it were) folded vp in our bosomes, and as the beholders and lookers on of their tragicall sports, which are presented vnto our eyes, vpon this Theater of worldly miseries: and whilest our ambition, our hatreds, our partialities doe set vs together by the eares amongst our selues, how do they giue occasion and opportunity to the Infidels, to aduance the greatnesse, the prerogatiue, and the maiesty of that Empire, and to increase it dayly more and more? Assuredly, if our sinnes do holde on, and continue as they haue begun, I am greatly in doubt that they will swallow vp all of vs one by one: and so, it may be, we shall make an end of our plaints and bitter griefes, when those small reliques and remainders yet left vnto the Christians shall haue an end likewise, and be brought to their finall and last confusion.
But we will leaue, for this time, our complaints and exclamations, and will beare a part with others in this short ioy which God hath giuen them: for now, as it were, by emulation, there came, thicke and three folde, gratulations from all partes vntoLiberalitie of Christian kings & pr [...]s sending presents to Scanderbeg to congratulate his good fortune vpon the death of Amurath. Scanderbeg, euen from nations and kingdomes farre remoued: and the renow me of this Prince was then growen famous aboue all others, in the mouthes of all men. The city of Croy was more notorious by the death of Amurath, then once was Argos through the death of Pirrhus. To these mutuall reioycings, the Princes of Christendome did adde many marks and tokens of their gratitude and liberalitie: for Nicholas then Bishop of Rome, Ladislaus King of Hungarie, and Philip Duke of Burgundie, ech [Page 249] seeming (as it were) ielous, and commendably contending who should exceed other in bountie, did send their Ambassadours into Epyre, with timely and necessarie succours of great summes of money: knowing well that he was exhausted and drawen drie of such like meanes and supplies, by reason of the long expences and discommodities of the warres. Alphonsus king of Arragon was not behind any of them in contributing towards his wants: but (as one that exceeded all others in loue and good will towards Scanderbeg) being not satisfied to shew his largesse and bountie, by the testimonie of those ample treasures which he sent him: he succoured him also with 300000. measures of wheate, and 100000. measures of barley, after he was enformed of the necessitie of the countrey, both by reason of the tillage hindered by the Turkes: and how that litle store of corne which had bene sowed, was wasted and spoiled by the infidels. He aided him also with great store of workemen, whom he paied out of his owne coffers, for the repairing of the walles of Croy, which he knew had bene battered and beaten downe by the enemie.
[...] Scanderbeg hauing proclaimed a solemne triumph of Tilt, Turney and other martiall sports of all sortes: by the beauty of that spectacle he did greatly grace his victoryTriumphes in Epire for the discomfiture and death of Amurath. obtained against the Infidels. The number and the goodly shew of so great an assembly, not onely of them which came to see the triumphs, but of the braue and gallant youthes that came thither, vpon a desire and hope to gaine the prize propounded: did make a shew and resemblance of another faire and goodly armie vnder the walles of Croy. And it seemed no great maruell that Amurath had bene vanquished, and discomfited by the Albanois, to them who sawe so many warlike youthes, and the strength of those forces that were then with Scanderbeg. Then did it appeare that the ancient noblenesse and valour of that nation was returned into Macedonie: and those olde times long since past and gone, of Alexander and Pyrrhus, did seeme to be renued and restored againe.
TO THE READER.
I See now that this volume hath exceeded his iust proportion: and in continuing of it longer, it might be as tedious vnto you as it hath bene wearisome vnto mee. VVe will heere therefore sound a retrait in the middest of our cariere: that breathing our selues a litle, we may be the better disposed to proceede with the other following.
THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
MAhomet is crowned Emperour of the Turkes. His gouernment, manners, and person are described. Scanderbeg at the entreatie of his subiectes is maried. He fortifieth his dominions, and prepareth for the warres. Mahomet entangled with the warres of Persia seeketh to haue peace with Scanderbeg but is reiected. Scanderbeg inuadeth the Turkish territories. Amese one of Mahomet his Chieftaines is sent with an armie against Scanderbeg: by whome being suddenly surprized, in the battell of Modrissa, his armie is discomfited, and the Turkish Generall himselfe is taken prisoner. Mahomet sendeth another armie into Epire vnder the conduct of Debreas one of his Saniackes: who in the battell of Pologue is slaine by Scanderbeg, and his armie likewise defeated. Mahomet practiseth secretly and by rewards to corrupt Moses. Scanderbeg purposing an expedition against the Turkes, requireth and obtaineth succours of Alphonsus king of Naples. Belgrade in Macedonie is besieged by the Albanois. The Belgradians desire truce of Scanderbeg, which is accorded them vpon certaine conditions.
IN the former sixe bookes we haue represented vnto you as vpon a Theater, those two excellent and incomparable warriours Amurath and Scanderbeg, by the successe of whose armes being so variable and diuerse, you may easily contemplate how the course of fortune hath a kind of declining and decaying age, which in processe of time maketh her (as it were) to waxe colde, and to discontinue the largesse and bountie of her wonted fauours. And how soeuer she doth frankely and voluntarily accompanie great minds and high aspiring natures, whilest the heate of youth doth stirre vp their bloud, and enflame their haughtie courages: yet when gray haires doe by little and little approach and bring on colde and vnweldie old age, then doth fortune also seeme to grow olde and waxe faint and heauy, by meanes whereof that goodly lustre and bright beautie of their former glorie doth seeme to be eclipsed and to vanish quite away. Examples thereof are the ruines of those famous Monarchies of Ninus, Cyrus, Alexander and that great Romaine Emperour Augustus: besides many other excellent Princes and Captaines which euen in this our owne age, haue beene made liuely markes of fortunes inconstancie, who in their young yeares, hauing had the sunne beames of prosperitie [Page 251] gloriously shining vpon them, and fortune hauing alwaies followed them in their warres, that they seemed to haue her at commaund: yet in their elder yeares they haue bene forced to proue the inconstancie of her frownes and dissauorable aspect. And truly my opinion is, that God euen of his diuine prouidence, doth vse & enure men to these casualties and accidents, because he would haue the great men of this world to know and acknowledge, that it is he onely and no other, that dispenseth and disposeth of prosperitie and aduersitie: to the intent also that humaine and earthly things should not seeme vnto foolish mortall men to haue any durable continuance or eternitie: considering that there is nothing solide, stable, or permanent here below, nor any thing vnder the sunne, wherein may be found perfect happines. And if any one thing haue any shew and appearance of felicitie, it is so brittle, fraile and vnconstant, that euen then when men thinke to haue most ioy of it, and to enioy the pleasures and profits of the same, suddenly and immediately they see it gone and decaied: suddenly and immediately they perceiue it wasted and consumed.
Such was the ende and death of Amurath, which being heard and beleeued at Andrinople, did stirre vp diuerse motions both in the affaires and mindes of men. The great men and Nobles of the citie (as those which had neuer misliked neither of the felicity nor gouernment of this Prince) were very sorrowfull, and did for a long timeAmurath best beloued by his subiects and most vpright to his enemies of all the Ottoman Princes. bewaile and lament the olde man, partly for the common losse (for the report is, that of all the Ottoman race, there was neuer any one of them better beloued of his people, nor more iust & vpright to his enemies) partly also for that they were not ignorant, that the chaunge of the crowne and dignitie roiall, could not happen without infinite dammages, and the ruine of many in particular. But the stirring heades and such as were desirous of a chaunge and new alterations, did litle grieue at this chance: but rather on the contrarie were the more in heart, and did conceiue great hopes in their imaginations: because they had of a long time wished, that Mahomet whom they knew to be a young Prince fierce and ambitious, might come to the crowne, and get the possession of the imperiall scepter. The popular and common sort (who of themselues are naturally desirous of nouelties and alterations) did entertaine these tidings ‘Sentence. with great ioy and contentment. But aboue all, the Ianissaries (which are called, the Prince his Enfants, reioyced exceedingly: and running vp and downe the streetes armed, did fall to sacking and spoiling freely and without controlment,’ of the goodsCustome of the Ianissaries to sacke the houses of the Iewes and Christians at the death of their Prince, and houses of many persons, especially the Christians and the Iewes: who are naturally abhorred and hated of the Turkes. For such is the license and libertie, or rather the damnable custome of that people, that at the decease & death of their soueraigne, this is vsually and ordinarily permitted and granted vnto them.
It was a wonderfull thing to see the concourse and great resort of people of all sorts and degrees, that flocked daily to the imperiall citie of Andrinople to see the new king, and the triumphes of his coronation, which was the cause that an incredible multitude went to meete Mahomet as he returned with his armie. The IanissariesMahomet crowned Emperour of the Tur [...]s. were the first that went to salute him: who hauing no sooner demaunded then obtained pardon for the rapine and spoile committed within the citie, did receiue and conuey him to the pallace roiall with infinite ioy and gladnesse, and with the publike applause of all the communaltie: who with a generall voice and common consent, hauing declared and proclaimed him Emperour, he was afterwardes crowned with great solemnitie: and being furnished with the diademe, scepter and other habits and imperiall ornaments, he was placed in his fathers throne, with many prayers and solemne vowes of euerie man. And at the same time were the publique treasures deliuered vnto him: and the Bassaes and other officers of the crowne did sweare vnto [Page 252] him fealtie and obedience. These things thus accomplished, the people had a great largesse both of golde and siluer in all the streetes of the citie: besides the liberall rewardes giuen to the souldiers. Thus was the auncient fashion and ceremonie of this Nation in the creating of their kings partly obserued, and partly not, in this comming of Mahomet to the crowne. For the first thing that the Turkish kings do vse and accustom is, to absent their children: and to keepe them out of Europe in thoseEmperours of the Turkes the maner of their succeeding to the crowne. Prouinces of Asia which are most remote and farthest off: euen assoone as they are gotten out of their infancie. And the cause thereof as I take it is this, for that they shall not practise and conspire against their fathers through a cursed humour of ambition, and desire of raigne and Empyre, from the which, there is scarce any age or person exempted, but hath some instinct and naturall motion thereunto. Afterwards ‘when it happeneth that the Emperour is deceased, or that it is thought that his deathSentence. is not farre off: the Bassaes and others, (who are of greatest power and authoritie both with the people,’ and in the gouernment of the estate) doe send away speedie poastes and letters to the one and other of the sonnes of the Prince last deceased, according as eche man is particularlie affected: and they doe from point to point aduertise him of all things: willing him to hasten his comming, that he may get the possession of the crowne, and seate himselfe in the succession of the Empyre, then readie to fall voide and emptie. It is a sport to see with what contention these great men doe studie to surprize the packettes and curriers of each other: whilest that euerie one of them laboureth to get the scepter to that partie, to whom he is most affected and euerie one doth his best and worst to beguile his companion. Nowe when these young Princes are thus sollicited: with what vehemencie, with what fancies and affection▪ they do come poasting from all partes to beare away the prize thus in question; I leaue it to your imagination. Certaine it is; that he amongst them all that can first get to the streights of Gallipolie or Hellespont: he commonly is the man that obtaineth the soueraignitie of the Empire, for that the Ianissaries comming to meete and to salute him, doe afterwardes all at leasure, easily and quietly put him in possession of the kingdome. The other brethren are forthwith eyther banished or exiled out of all the territories and limits of their dominions: or else are cruelly and vnnaturally slaine and murthered, for feare least there should remaine ‘so me cause of ciuill tumults and sedition. Hence is deriued that prouerbe vsed byProuerbe of Princes children. the auncients, That more fortunately are children borne to priuate persons, then to Princes.’ But now of all this, nothing could happen in this manner vnto Mahomet, for neither had he any brethren of sufficient age, eyther fit to gouerne the Realme, or able to attempt or to obtaine the kingdome: neither did he returne as a priuate person out of Asia, but with a most strong and mightie armie which he brought backe out of the enemies countrie, where he had bene before saluted and proclaymed King and Emperor by the vniuersall consent of all the souldiers in generall. For this cause he came peaceably and quietly to the Empire, without any commotion, without any danger or difficultie, and with the exceeding ioy and incomparable gladnesse of the whole Communaltie. Now had they forgotten the losse of their late deceased Prince, and all griefe and sorrowe for his death was vanished together with his memorie. The calamities and slaughters lately receiued in Epyre, and the obsequies and funeralles of their companions, were nowe cleane worne out of minde, and there was scarce any one by reason of this newe pompe and tryumphe which did apperceiue or obserue the poore reliques of their miserable defourmed armie, or that did remember (by reason they were so drowned in ioy) what goodly forces, and what strong squadrons they had sent into Epyre, in respect of those which were [Page 253] thence returned, and were brought home againe.
The new Monarke, whose delight was in bloudshed and cruelty, as much as anyMahomet his cruelty & impiety. that euer raigned, thought it good to looke to his affaires, and to prouide for the security of his estate, and he had an intention to settle some of them in good assurance, and of others to make a change and innouation. The first deede that he did was to make diligent inquisition, if he could finde any other aliue besides himselfe, that was descended from the loines of Amurath, vpon whom after the maner of his predecessors he might poure out the venome of his hatefull ambition. There were found two infants, the one called Tursines of the age of eighteene moneths, the other was calledTursines, brother to Mahomet drowned. Calepin. The former was cast into the water and drowned by the expresse commaundement of Mahomet, who gaue it in charge to Moses one of his Bassaes to see it executed, and he without any difficulty or relenting, did easily yeeld to assist so execrable a spectacle. The mother of the infant detesting the deede, and exclaiming vppon the brutishnes of the fact, with howlings and horrible cries intermingled with continuall tears and lamentations, did poure out a thousand curses against the author of the murther being there in presence. The tyrant to appease his mother in law, did deliuer into her hands in expiation of his Parricide, him that was the executioner: and shee full ofMoses Bassa, the murderer of Tursines, murdered by the mother of the infant. rage and extreame fury, with a knife stabbed him to the heart euen in the presence of Mahomet, and then ripping vp his body, shee diued & searched into his bowels for his heart, which hauing found, shee pulled it forth & cast it the dogs. A most worthy and notable lesson for men of a corrupt mind, who can be content to staine their consciences, and to prostitute them selues and their affections, to serue the furious passions of great men and princes. As concerning the other child named Calepin, the common reportCalepin brother to Mahomet. Caly Bassa. is, that Caly Bassa to get the good wil of Mahomet (such is the inconstancy of mortall men who do gladly follow the fortune of the most puissant) did present the infant vnto him being then but of the age of six moneths: and the only ioy and delight of his mother the widow of Amurath, who in his second mariage with this woman theSponderbeg Prince of Penderacia. daughter of one Sponderbeg, the noble Prince of Penderacia, had begottē this yong infant, & had committed him to the custody of this Bassa, and recōmended him to his especial care, at such time as he drew neare his end. Mahomet being enformed by womē of good knowledge, that he was of the linage of his father, caused him speedily to be strangled, and then with great magnificence celebrated his obsequies at Bursa, by thisCalepin or one in his stead strangled by Mahomet. means consecrating the first fruits and beginnings of his cruel Empire with the bloud of his owne brethren. How beit others write, that Caly Bassa did prefer another childe in stead of Calepin, who was still nourished and brought vp in Constantinople, amongst the Greekes, and that afterwards in the shipwracke and ruines of that noble city, he with some others being left aliue was conueied thence, and that in the end, during the Papacy of Calixtus the third, he was entertained at Rome in the Vatican, where being instructed in the true religiō, & regenerat in holy baptisme, he wēt after that to the court of the Emperour Fredericke in Almaine: of whom being receiued according to the honor due vnto so great a Prince, he spent the rest of his daies in Austriche. You see what diuersity there is between writers in this behalfe: notwithstanding in my iudgement it hath no great likelihood or probability, that Amurath should be able to beget children, when he was past foure score yeare of age, vnlesse perhaps this age of ours also haue receiued that rare gift and bounty of nature, which the auncients haue obserued in Masinissa and Cato the eldest. Howsoeuer it be, it is not much materiall, onely I could wishe that trueth might haue place: for in writing of an History, I would not willingly set downe any vntrueth, nor yet reprehend others ouer rashly. For such is the law and rule of Histories, that many fables doe fall out oftentimes to be entermingled [Page 254] with true reports, which must straightly be sifted and examined, that in proceedingHistories how to be written. with the matter, truth and vntruth may be discerned, no otherwise then as they which are to drinke of a brooke, will purge and clarifie the water from all mud and filthinesse. But to the purpose.
Mahomet pursuing his blouddy beginnings, as one that would not omit any thing of his former furious proceedings, did daily deuise & suborne new slanders and accusationsMahomet his tyranny and mischieuous manners. against the greatest persons of his Court, and his fathers seruants: and vnder colour of calling them to an account, some of them he caused to be put to death, and of others he would procure the goods & offices to be confiscated, in such sort, that within a very small time (according as before his comming to the Crowne he had secretly plotted and purposed in his conceipts) he became terrible and more to be redoubted, then is fitting for a king, and he grew odious and hatefull almost to all his subiects. He altered and changed in a manner all the statutes and ordinances of his auncesters, and all the lawes and constitutions both ciuill and military: sometimes reforming and correcting them, sometimes adding of new vnto them, he surcharged and burthened his people with new imposts and subsidies: and he bental his endeuours more then any other of his predecessors to amplify and augment the numbers of the Ianissaries, and of his men at armes, and to enrich and encrease his treasures. For amongst many of his other wicked conditions, the humor of auarice and couetousnes had that command ouer him, that the meane and simple order both of his diet and apparell, was reproachfullyMahomet his notable vices and vertues. obiected vnto him as a vice: and it was supposed that his excessiue sparinesse and abstinency, proceeded only of a miserable and couetous humor. All men doe attribute vnto him a certaine liuelinesse and viuacity of spirit, euen more then humaine, a heart couetous and greedily thirsting after glory, and not vnlike to that of the great Alexander. And it is most certaine, (as we haue partly before touched) he did excell all men liuing in cruelty, vsing (as the saying is) a rod of iron, both against his subiectes, and against strangers, and he shewed himselfe to haue as litle care of the bloud and life of his owne people, as of his foes and most mortall enemies: in such sort, that vppon euery sleight and trifling occasion, he would put to death euen those litle boies and laddes,Seraill, a place where the Turk vseth to keepe his concubines. whom he loued voluptuously, and which he kept within his * Serayl for the fulfilling of his beastly pleasure. On the contrary, he was a most francke and liberall rewarder of those men, who were of a quicke and ready spirite, and such as were of valour and great courage, and of them which did serue him faithfully and loyally. For periury there was neuer any man more notorious, for he neuer kept faith nor promise with any persons whatsoeuer. Moreouer many haue bene of the opinion, that he did not beleeue in the law of Mahomet their owne Prophet, no more then in the Gospell of Christ. For albeit he was born, bred, & instructed by his mother, who was the daughter of George Despot of Seruia, and professed the Christian religion, and taught him the Pater noster, Creede, and Aue Maria, yet when he came to ripe yeares, and that he betookeMahomet a notable Atheist worshippeth good Fortune only as God. himselfe to the embracing of the Mahometan profession, he did so litle cleaue either to the one or to the other, that he liued a meere Atheist, and acknowledged, serued, nor adored any other Deity, but that alone which he called good Fortune. Hee did maruellously honor and esteeme those, which were skilfull in any Art or mystery whatsoeuer, and he tooke great care that his victories and conquestes might be written by learned men, and those that were of iudgement: he delighted infinitely in readingIohn Maria of Vicentia slaue to Mustapha eldest sonne of Mahomet. of the Histories of the auncients, he was very skilfull and learned in the Greeke, Persian, and Arabian tongues, he made great shewes of loue and kindnesse vnto Iohn Maria of Vicentia, the slaue of his eldest sonne Mustapha, because hee would haue had him to write in the Turkey and Itatian tongs, the famous victory which he obtained [Page 255] against Vsuntassan king of the Persians. He gaue great rewardes vnto Gentill Gentill Belin a Painter of Venice. Belin a Painter of Venice, whom he caused purposely to come from thence to Constantinople, because he would haue his picture drawen as liuely and naturally as hee could by his art possibly: and because he should paint out the habites and fashions of the Occidentall nations. Moreouer he was a curious obseruer of the Starres and Planets, according to the course and motion of the which, he ruled and directed all his actions. Besides, he had in his mind euen with his cruelty, some impression and shew of iustice and seuerity, in so much that during his raigne, all the passages and high waies were free, open, and safe for trauellers, and the name of theeues and robbers was wholly extinguished and abolished. A great warriour he was, strong and valiaunt of his person, hardened and enured to endure watchings and trauels with notable patience: happy and fortunate in most of his actions: and (to speake in a word) he was euen a king of Fortune, which made him worthy of the Empire of Constantinople. As touching the forme and feature of his visage, and the making of his body, he was of aDescription of Mahomet. meane, or rather of a short stature, which notwithstanding did containe within a great heart, and full of magnanimity. He was pale of face and of a sallow complexion correspondent vnto his courage: his looke and aspect was frowning, fierce, and terrible, his eye browes hollow, and his nose so high and crooked, that the point thereof seemed to touch his lippes. His shoulders were large and square, and all the members and lineamentes of his body, were strong set and very well made, and with such strength, and vigour in his armes, that (at such time as Scanderbeg liued with Amurath his father, amongst all the youths of the Court, he would yeeld and giue place to none but to him only in drawing the bow or in wrastling.
It may be that I haue busied my selfe about Mahomet more then needed, considering that my purpose was not to describe his life nor his maners, but the life of Scanderbeg onely. Neuerthelesse I thought it not amisse herein to seeke the pleasing and contentment of all men. For as my desire is that these memorialles such as they are, should not be vnpleasing to the posterity: so doe I suppose also, that the readers of the same at this present will not be wearied, by seeing (as it were) in a table the outward and inward habite of so accomplished and perfect a warriour▪ who (though he were an enemy) yet was a most puissaunt, a most fortunate, and a most renowmed Prince. Besides also that a good part of the praise and commendation of our Epirot, doth consist in the comparing and resembling of these two together. For by how much more we doe sometimes iustly condemne, and sometimes iustly extoll the former, by so much doth the valour and felicity of the other shine forth and appeare more glorious.
Whilest the spirites of the Turkes were attentiuely contemplating vpon their newCroy repaired & n [...]w fortified by Scanderbeg. Monarch, and that hee was busily occupied in the care of his priuate and domesticall affaires, the King of Epire the meane while did employ both his time and diligence in repairing the ruines of Croy. He did altogether renue the old fortifications which were partly ruinous with antiquity and length of time, and partly razed and beaten downe by force of the Cannon: and he added others vnto them of a better forme and proportion, and of more surety and security, then those which were vsed by the ancient simplicity when this thundering of Ordinaunce was not in vse, and this diuelishe inuention of the Cannon did not yet amaze and terrifie strong and defencedA digression and exclamation of the author against the inuentio [...] of Ordinance. townes: but that all exploites and deedes of armes did onely and ordinarily consist in the stout stomackes and strength of hardy souldiours, and in the armes, valour, and prowesse of valiaunt men. O that it had pleased God, that the inuentor and first author of this Art so famous and notorious had neuer beene knowen, and that our age [Page 256] had neuer brought forth such an inuention. It may be we should haue seene many more Hectors, more Epaminondaes, more Scipioes, more Rolandes. The yeelding of townes and holdes would not haue bene so ready, and the courages of people would not so soone haue bene forced or withdrawen from fidelity and loyalty, to the breach of their faith, and to periury. If the auncient ages and forepassed times had beene acquainted with such artificiall sleightes and inuentions, we should not at this day haue had the name nor memoriall continued, either of their Captaines so highly renowmed, or of their souldiers so greatly commended. Achilles had not borne away the honour of the death of Hector, nor AEneas of Turnus, nor Cossus of Volumnius, but some base Groome, and some abiect and vile companion. The tenne yeares siege of Troy would neither haue drawen against that city the armes and the eies of the whole world: neither would it haue ministred fit and worthy matter for so many excellent wits from age to age, to historize vpon the actes & accidents of that war. We should not haue admired that lōg obstinacy of the Tarentines. We shold haue madelesse reckoning of the constancy both of the Saguntines, & the Numantines. Antiquity would not haue talked of Petilia in Calabria: and the obscure towne of Cassilin, would not so often haue scorned and contemned the fury of Hanniball, that braue Chiefetaine of the Carthaginians. Wherefore, as the noble wittes and quicke conceipted spirites of our time, haue on the one side giuen vs good matter to write of, by reason of this and such like rare and ingenious inuentions: so on the other side by meanes of this inuention, much more beyond all comparison haue they depriued the Historiographer of all good occasion, to employ his penne any more in writing. For now from henceforth will not true valour be able to shew it selfe: to no purpose is it for souldiours to vse the Art of fighting, and to practise the skill of weapons: and in vaine is it to learne to handle the sword, the buckler, and such like, or to practise any other kind of fight hand to hand. And what then? forsooth they vse now to fight aloofe, and to make warres a farre off, and field seruices consist most in loose and light skirmishes. But returne we from whence we haue digressed. Amongest other fortifications newly made in the towne of Croy, at the gate of the towne Scanderbeg caused a great and strong towre to be builded: the walles whereof, from the bottome vpward, went not straight and euen vpright, but were raised a slope and bending in manner of a counterscarfe, to the intent the Cannon should be the lesse able to play vppon it. The other partes and quarters also of the towne, both within and without were repaired and fortified without any intermission, by the aduisement and directions of good and skillfull Enginers.
In the meane time, whilest these were in doing: the Princes and nobles his nearest1451. Perswasions vsed by the nobles of Epire to draw Scanderbeg to mariage. kinsmen, did importune Scanderbeg without ceasing, and did shew the vehement desire which each man had to see him maried, and to haue children descended of him. Especially now at this time, when all things (as they sayed) were exempted from feare and mistrust: and now that all daungers were ouer gone and past, and that the enemies were withdrawen from all care of Armes, both by reason of their late misfortune, and by the motions and tumults which doe vsually accompany the change of a new King at his first comming to the Crowne: that he ought not to frustrate the hearty wishes and desires of so many peoples his subiects and confederates of this ioy and comfort, especially in such a season (for it was in the moneth of May, when all things did seeme to reioyce and flourish) and which did inuite him thereunto, with promise of nothing but ioy, mirth, and gladnesse. That therefore he should suffer him selfe once to be entreated and perswaded by his people, who would take more pleasure and contentment in this onely, then in all his victories obtayned against Amurath. [Page 257] Albeit the Prince of Albany were vnwilling to enter into this band, yet weighing all matters and circumstances with iudgement and sound aduise, it seemed vnto him more expedient and for his honour to consent thereunto, then to hold off and to vary from his former promise which he had made vnto them the yeare last past, at the instant and earnest request of all his subiectes. For this cause he condescended vnto their desire, and committed the care of the whole matter to the iudgement and wisedome of Musache Thopie, his sisters sonne, and some two or three others, to whom he imparted his minde in that behalfe. At that time Ariamnites Ariamnites Comminat. Comminat (of whom hath beene before spoken) did excell all the Princes and Lords of Epire, both in puissaunce and largenesse of dominions, as also in noblesse and antiquity of bloud, he had one daughter named Doniqua, worthy (no doubt of suchDoniqua the wife of Scanderbeg. afather,) and the true Idea and Image of all perfection of beauty, (which is one not of the least excellencesse, and a thing not meanely respected in women.) Wherefore Scanderbeg tooke no care for any other match, nor Ariamnit for any other husband for his daughter. The conditions and couenaunts of the mariage were as soone and easily agreed on and dispatched, as they were thought vppon and deuised: Scanderbeg referring it to the discretion of the father, to determine of his daughters dowry, and as it liked him to ordaine and nominate it, so was it freely and voluntarily accepted. Neuerthelesse it was correspondent and aunswerable to dignity, both of him which gaue it, and of the person also which receiued it. The espousals were presently celebrated and solemnized, and without any delay at all. Great were the triumphes and publique reioycings of all the Prouince at this mariage, and theMariage of Scanderbeg. Bride was as speedily brought home with a Princely traine, and most royally accompanied, by all the neighbour Princes, and almost all the nobility of the countrey, who did honour the feast with great pompe and incomparable magnificence. Such as could not be present did honour them with their Ambassadours, and most sumptuous presents. All in generall did reioyce at this straight knot of affinity, betweene these two the most puissaunt Princes of Albany, which gaue them some appearance and probability of hope, that in time to come their forces being vnited would preserue and defend the prouince against all inuasions and perils of the warre whatsoeuer. The Seigniours of the estate of Venice did testifie both by an ambassade, as also by rich presents sent him out of their common treasure, the great good liking and contentment, which that Senate receiued by this mariage. And in like manner, all other Princes and Potentates, did largely expresse the like affection, and the singular good will which they bare him in this publique cause of ioy and gladnesse, as they had done before in the times of his greatest troubles and daungers: for (as the common saying is) those are the two seasons wherein true amity and friendshippe doth ‘make shew and triall of itselfe. That which was sent from the king of Arragon wasSentence. in all and euery part so singular and magnificall, that Scanderbeg (as the report goeth) would not haue accepted it,’ if his nearest and most familiar friends, and the instant prayers and intreaties of the Spanish Ambassadours, had not vehemently importuned him thereunto. In lieu and recompence whereof, after hee had accepted them, he sent backe vnto the King other presentes of no lesse value and estimation, as horses, slaues, and other riches and treasures which he had taken as the spoiles of his enemies the Barbarians. In this manner was this great feast solemnized with no lesse pompe and magnificence then reputation and renowme. For besides that already spoken of, the tourneys, iustes, triumphes, and other spectacles of diuerse sorts hauing prizes and rewards of excellent value appointed for those that should best deserue them, did stir vp the courages of the young gallants on all parts, who shewing themselues [Page 258] couetous of glory, and flocking thither to those triumphs, did by their presence greatly augment the beauty of that assembly.
Mahomet was not ignoraunt of any of these things, nor of the fortifications of Croy, and it is thought, that he would willingly haue troubled the ioy of our Albanois, but being partly retayned with his domesticall occasions (as newe kingdomes commonly doe engender new infirmities and new disorders) and partly also being intentiue to the heaping of great summes of money, and to the enriching of his treasures, he was constrained for a season to forbeare from any such enterprise. Notwithstanding in the middest of his threats and menaces (as he was very talkatiue and free of his speeches) he called his mariage the vnhappy and short ioy of that vnfortunatSaying of Mahomet touching the mariage of Scanderbeg. couple, saying: that it should not be long ere he would sauce their new contentments with deadly teares and lamentations.
One thing there was which Scanderbeg had not yet done, and which of a longThe progresse of Scanderbeg with his Queen to visite all his kingdome. time he had no leysure to put in execution, by reason of his continuall lets and hinderaunces of the warres: and that was to visite all the frontiers, townes, and passages of his Realme, which at this time he accomplished: hauing with him in company his new spouse and a good troupe of horsemen: and he spent many daies in that recreation. In all places where he passed, the people by great flockes in a certaine kinde of emulation, did enforce them selues euery man according to his degree, to receiue him into their townes with magnificall and royall entertainment: and with a thousand sortes of goodly shewes and spectacles, and or rich presentes, according to the vttermost of their power and abilities, they did gratifie both him and his princesse. There was not any one, but was most gratiously accepted, without any shew of dislike, or any token of disdaine: all of them were receiued with a chearfull countenaunce and like courtesie, not onely those which came full handed, but euen they also, who wanting meanes to shew and testifie their good willes, did present him with their good heartes, and the prodigall bounty of their affections. The King holding on his course in this progresse, did visite euery particular place, euen to the entry of Macedony, and to the very farthest limits and borders of his countrey. When he came into the lower Dibria, he obserued one place aboue the rest, by which the Barbarians had euer vsed and accustomed to make their inuasions vppon Albanie, and by sodaine roades and foragings to wast and destroy at their pleasures, the goods of the inhabitaunts, and to surprize and oppresse them at vnawares. For albeit there were many other waies and passages into the Prouince, yet this same onely was (as it were) the most commodious, and on that side more then any other, did the Christians also vse to inuade and harrie the fieldes and territories of the enemies. In this place therefore he determined (during that litle time of rest which he enioyed, and whilest the troubles of armes ceased) to depriue the Turkes of this opportunity of annoying of his people, and to prouide for the preseruation and safetie of his subiectes.
This was a mountaine which they of the countrey call Modrissa, very ragged,Mountaine of Modrissa. and of a great height: from the which the frontiers of the Infidels may be very well discouered a great waie off. On the toppe of this mountaine, he resolued to build a fortresse, and to fortifie it with good store of souldiours, such as being prompt and vigilant, should (by shooting off their artillery) aduertise the inhabitants at all times of the comming and arriuall of the Turkes: and to the intent also that the neare neighbourhood of that Fort should serue for a place of refuge vnto his people, whensoeuer they should be driuen vppon any necessity to flie from the enemy: a thing which he had long before conceiued in his thoughts, and many times assayed to put [Page 259] in execution, but was alwaies compelled to leaue vndone, by reason of the daily and continuall troubles of the warres. For this cause without making any long delay,Fortresse at Modrissabuilded by Scanderbeg. and for that him selfe would not long dwell in delightes, nor would not haue the harts of his soldiers to be corrupted & effeminated, neither to continue drowned in idlenesse, ease, and dissolution, he returned speedily towards Croy, the reparations whereof were by this time brought to good perfection. There did he take vp a good number of Masons, Carpenters, and most part of the workemen and labourers of the city, and about a foure thousand souldiers, to the intent, that if the enemy should go about to disturbe them, they should finde sufficient forces to repulse them▪ and should not be able to annoy or hinder them in their worke. With that company he went to Modrissa, where setting them in hand with this fort, he followed it so diligently, that it was begun and ended without any let or disturbaunce of the Mahometans. For albeit the Turkish Monarch were impatient of reuenge, and did at that time labour very diligently to leauy a great and puissant army against Scanderbeg, yet being mindful of the foule discomfitures and ouerthrowes formerly receiued by the Albanois, and being partly terrified with the rumour of a most daungerous warre, intended against him by the Persians, setting aside all other matters, and neglecting (as it were) all other occasion, he bent his whole thoughtes on that side to see, what would be the end and issue of those tumults. For this time therefore did these troubles and disturbances diuert the Turkish armes from the Epirots, and they enioyed yet a while longer the benefite of the death of Amurath.
Notwithstanding the happie successe and good fortune of Scanderbeg, and the dayly grieuances of the subiectes of Mahomet, who complained vnto him that they were continually ouer-runne, harried and pilled by the ordinarie roades and incursions of the Epirotes, did not a little trouble and perplexe the Sultan: yet at the first he did but somewhat ease his stomacke (though in vaine) with many menaces and outragious speeches against Scanderbeg being absent: afterwardes hauing recourse to flatteries and faire speeches, he assayed to treate with him for some accord to be had of pacification and peace betweene them. To this ende he sent ouer an Ambassade vntoAmbassadours sent with conditions of peace by Mahomet to Scanderbeg. Croy, offering him to make peace with him, so that he would yeeld him selfe tributarie, according to the conditions which Amurath had before propounded vnto him. Of all this matter, and of the cunning dissimulation of the Ottoman, and of the warre raysed by the Persians, the Prince of Albanie was duely enformed, by the secrete intelligence of certaine great and noble men his friendes about Mahomet. By meanes whereof, the Ambassours being arriued, they were soone refused, and their demaundes vtterly reiected, returning with this aunswer for a full resolution. ‘That hardly could hee be content to accept anie conditions of peace of the tyraunt,Answer of Scanderbeg to the Ambassadors of Mahomet. were they neuer so honest and tollerable: much lesse these, which were so intollerable and iniurious. That he was entred into Epire onely to this ende, to shake off his yoake from that Prouince, and to abolish, as much as in him lay, the hatefull name of bondage and seruitude: and not to impose newe griefes vppon them. That this was the onely fruite and benefite which he did reape of his trauelles and hazards sustayned, to see his countrey one day freed and deliuered from Turkish tyrannie and subiection. That if hee had had anie desire or deuotion to haue amitie and friendshippe with him, hee would then haue yeelded to submit him selfe to those termes of slauerie and thraldome, when the power and puissaunce in a manner of all Europe and of Asia, was euen in the verie heart and bowelles of his kingdome: when the bloudie Amurath did beard him to his face, and was in armes against [Page 260] him; and was desirous to haue had him yeeld to these conditions. That it should suffise them to thinke what they had suffered in times past, euen to that daye: the remembraunce whereof should giue him iust cause of griefe and sorrow at all times. That it was not nowe with the Epirotes as in times past, but that matters were quite chaunged, and the men cleane altered from that they were wont to be: and they had little reason to hope to bring them to this point. Well they might do it by constraint offorce and open violence: but to thinke by good wordes and entising speeches to perswade and inuite them to so infamous and base an act, they were fouly mistaken and deceiued.’
This Ambassadour being dismissed with this aunswer, and his offers being vtterlyThe fortresse of Modrissa finished and furnished. reiected: Castriot did altogether apply him selfe to his worke lately begunne, leauing his enemies for a while to take their rest. By this time was the fortresse of Modrissa in a good forwardnesse, by reason that the lyme, stones and other stuffe was prepared and made readie for the building long before hand. In lesse then sixe moneths was it enclosed and compassed with walles, and fitted with other edifices and particular houses and lodgings for the souldiers: the ouerplus that remained was followed and enlarged afterwardes from time to time. The place being sure and strong by nature, needed not anie ditches or rampiers to strengthen it: and therefore prouision was made onely of men, armes, munition, and other prouisions. There were brought thither also from Croy, certaine peeces of great ordinance: which being deliuered to them of the Fort, they were admonished how to vse them, and to what end: as hath bene before declared.
These thinges thus done: Scanderbeg led the Albanians into the enemies countrey,Territories and Dominions of the Turkes inuaded & spoiled by Scanderbeg. where finding the places voyde of defence, they made a hand of all that they found, harrying and spoyling all things, and not sparing to afflict the Turkish dominions with what soeuer mischiefes and discommodities the furie and rage of the warres could possibly imagine. From thence some of them retired with their Chiefetaine towardes Croy loden with prey and bootie: but the better parte was left vppon the frontiers (as had bene euer vsed) in garrison. For, albeit the raising of the fortresse of Modrissa did greatly assure and safegard the plaine countrey: yet were not the ordinarie forces retired from the frontiers, because the place where they were appointed was distant about foureteene miles or more from Modrissa. Besides that the souldiers of the garrison were not left for that ende, and to the same effect as those of the newe Fortresse: but principally for the repulse of the violence of the Turkes, and to gard the Prouince against the incursions and pillages of the Painims. And if it did happen that the Turkes did come vpon them with such force and puissance, as they were not able to make head against them, then were they to retire and saue them selues, either in the toppes and safe passages of the mountaines, or else in the inner partes of the countrey. Scanderbeg after he was arriued at Croy, being desirous to take the benefite of the time, whilest the Sultan was busied in other affaires, and by some notable act to amplifie the boundes of his Realme, he called together his Nobles, and the principall persons of the citie of Croy, with the most part of his troupes and companies: and hauing a long time deuised with them vpon the proceedings of the warres, and what course was best to be taken: at the last, because he would soundOratiō of Scanderbeg to his subiects, perswading thē to proceed with their conquests vpon the Turkes. the intents and meaning of their thoughts, and proue how they were affected, he began thus to speake vnto them.
Worthie Peeres and braue Epirotes, now that we haue sufficiently filled and gorged our selues with feasting and banquetting, and with all kinde of licentious ease [Page 261] and libertie: we haue no reason anie longer to leaue our armes, and to let our ‘wonted vertue lye (as it were) a sleepe and forgotten: we haue kept holy day long enough: we haue feasted and triumphed sufficiently for the victorie had against Amurath: we haue spent a whole yeare, partly in recreation, partly in repairing of our townes, or building of newe places, and we haue not so much as once visited the enemie. It is nowe high time to awake, and to giue some newe proofe of your wonted valour, euen now whilest Mahomet hath his hands full with the Persians, and that God hath giuen you the meanes and oportunitie, without anie effusion of bloud to reestablish the auncient honour and reputation of Albanie, and to reuiue those ancient times so greatly desired: whilest that the enemie his power is nowe somewhat weakened and repressed, and whilest he is otherwise occupied and entangled in diuerse wearisome and tedious troubles,’ not knowing what to doe, nor what course to take: for these two, are the onely and principall seasons for the good and happie dispatch of‘Two onely times to dispatch great exploites against an enemy: when he is weakened, or other where employed and occupied. great exploites. This therefore is the time, this is the houre, that inuiteth you to seeke out the enemie, and not alwayes to lye still and idle, and to expect when he will come to assaile you. Behold howe Sfetigrade looketh after you, and calleth for your ayde. Doth the ill successe of the last yeares siege terrifie you? I assure you I would be loth to leade you, where I should thinke the mischiefe to be so great, or the perill so euident: but no we the great number of your victories, the death of Amurath, the present occupation of our aduersarie, hath greatly diminished these difficulties: besides that you shall not want store of artillerie, and such like engines and instruments of assault. The opportunitie of the time, and the countenaunce of the enemie, shall instruct vs what is further to be done. For my part, I can promise you nothing without expence and losse of bloud: without vehement and earnest labour: of which notwithstanding, the valiant man, the couragious souldier hath scarce anie feeling or perseueraunce: euen then when he is most painefully occupied, and in the action: much lesse will he be afrayed or in doubt of it, before he commeth to proue the difficulty of it. Yet if Sfetigrade be so odious and displeasing vnto you, there are other places and fortresses of the enemy not farre off, which may recompence your losses sustained at Sfetigrade, and may content and satisfie your desires. There is Belgrade as neare or nearer then Sfetigrade, and not vnworthy neither of our trauelles, nor of our bloud, if we haue any desire either of honour, or of recompence. I haue reason (my good companions) to be ashamed more then any, that I should spend one yeare during my raigne amongest you idlely and doing nothing, and yet to see and suffer the houses of our auncesters, the townes of our confederates, the noble markes of the estate and Empire of the Albanians, so shamefully to be subiected and enthralled vnder the Infidelles. Wherefore that this time of ley sure and opportunity which is left vs, doe not slippe out of our handes, let vs follow and imitate the Persians: let vs embrace the good fortune which God seemeth to haue offered vs. In so doing, we shall enlarge our dominions: we shall augment our franchises and liberties: We shall reuenge our losses, our grieues, and iniuries: and (which aboue all is to be preferred) we shall keepe the youth of our Realme from sloath and idlenesse. Neither hath the Bishop of Rome, nor our good friend the king Alphonsus, nor so many deuout and Catholique Princes, aided and succoured vs with their treasures and other supplies, to the intent we should keepe vs stil idle within dores: that we should dwel in pleasures and delights, & grow corrupted and effeminate: but rather that we should betake our selues to armes, and make proofe and triall of our valour in the middest of all perils and daungers, and that euen in despite of death it selfe wee should performe the duety and deuoyre [Page 262] of men valiant and couragious, and of most braue and resolute souldiers.’
This encouragement of the king of Epire seemed not greatly to like the auditors: for they did not applaude it with a sudden and vniuersall crie and consent (as they were wont:) but with a kinde of muttering noise, interrupted (as it were) by times, and by stoppes, they did signifie sufficiently, that the mindes of the souldiers were not conformable, but rather different from his desire. Notwithstanding though there were fewe or none which did commend or allowe of his aduise: yet being ashamed openly to contradict it, they stood still one looking vpon another: and none of them durst open his mouth to reply vnto him, for feare of being noted for a greater coward or more dastardly minded then the rest of his cōpanions. Then Vranocontes seeing all of them so stil and silent, arising out of his seate, & addressing his speech to Scanderbeg: ‘It is not (quoth he) most prouident and prudent Prince, either timerousnesse or wantAnswer of Vranocontes to the oratiō of Scāderbeg: in the name of all the Epirots. of courage, or the experience of our late successe at Sfetigrade which causeth vs at this time with blushing cheekes to disallow and dislikethy counsell: but (giue me leaue to be the first who may freely confesse vnto thee the cause of this our backwardnesse): it is the time and season of the yeare, wherein ordinarily consisteth the best part of militarie seruices: it is I say, the time onely which doth aduise & admonish vs not to hearken vnto thee. Thou seest that the Autumne is now well neare spent, scarcely shall we be able to leuie any forces, scarcely shall we put in order other things requisite for the siege, and we shall hardly make our approches to the walles, but that the vnseasonablenesseWinter wars most discommodious and hurtfull. of the winter will assault vs with infinit inconueniences & discommodities, both the heauens and the earth wil make warre against vs, the showers & raine continually falling, the frosts, Ice and snow, will both hinder, offend, and encomber our souldiers, and will defend and protect the enemie. For as this season is of it selfe vnfit & discommodious for all occasions: so is it most contrary, and to the singular disaduantage of those that come to be encamped, and lye at the siege of townes. And there is great ods and inequalitie betweene the dammages and inconueniences which it bringeth to the besiegers, in regard of those annoyances which it layeth vpon the besieged. For these being retired within their walles, and vnder the succour and couert of their bastils and defences, will be able with pleasure to affront vs, and hauing abundance of all necessaries, they may (as it were) with the one hand hold their weapons and armes readie to defend them sclues, whilest with the other they do repaire and renue their forces & their rampiets. And what shall we do the whilest? Onely we haue the aduantage of our corages prodigall & carelesse of our owne safeties, and obstinately addicted to assaile & force the enemy. For to speake of any artillery, it is not vnknown vnto vs, both at the siege of Sfetigrade, and at other places, how litle good it doth and will do, especially in this vnseasonable time of winter, and against places so defencible & strong by nature, seated vpon rocks & mountaines which are vnbatterable & impregnable. I cō clude therfore, that it behoueth vs with all our power and endeuors to shun & auoyd these vaine attempts, and this wilful losse and destruction of our souldiers: and it behouethSentence. Time and seasen to be attended by men of valor & wisdome. men of valor and wisedome to attend a conuenient time and season, as good and skilful sailers vse to do, when they are to make their voyage. Neither will this delay any thing diminish or abate our courages, nor will it adde any stomach to our enemies. Touching the warre of the Persians (if I may speake what I thinke of it) for my part I do repose little or no trust therein at this time: for either wil the report of all those skirmishes and commotions vanish away to smoke and come to nothing: or else it is like that the Persians will deferre and put off their armes till some other time of better oportunitie. All this notwithstanding (most valiaunt Prince the mirrour of magnanimitie) we will not hinder thy determinations; but if thou doest thinke, [Page 263] that thine owne opinion and conceipt in this point, be more for the benefite and aduantage of the Estate, and for the publike and common reputation, we will march on with a good will, and will cheerefully follow thy ensignes, wheresoeuer it shall please thee to leade vs: we will frame and fit our tongues and our speeches, our handes and our actions, yea the very times and seasons to serue onely at thy good will and pleasure, and as it shall seeme good vnto thee. In thy company the snow shall be pleasant, the showers shall seeme sweete, the winter shall be thought milde, and all things shall be gracious, acceptable and pleasing vnto vs: no trauels, no difficulties, no hazardes, nor any kinde of dangers shall grieue or discontent vs, so long as thou art our leader and commaunder: so long as we may enioy the happie presence of thy vertues, and may follow the greatnesse of thy fortunes.’
Scanderbeg perceiuing how his subiects were affected, and the rather for that they spake nothing but what was true and certaine, he suffered himselfe soone and easily to be perswaded by them, according to that curtesie & bountie of his good nature, wherewith he did euer draw the affections of the cōmunalty to loue & honor him. Wherefore the Counsell being broken vp, the assembly dismissed, & the souldiers licensed toDonique the wife of Scanderbeg passeth the Sommer at Petralba. depart, he permitted euery man to retire to his owne home. At the beginning of the sommer he had left the Queene at Petralba, as afterwards also in the same season of the yere he vsed alwayes during his life to do the like: to thintent that during the extreme heate of sommer, & till the end of Autumne, she might remaine there for her more solace and recreation: & the rest of the yere she vsually spent at Croy, except it were at such times as the Turks came into Epire, or that the country was troubled with any immoderate forces, & extraordinary puissance of the enemy. For then when it stood vpō theColchina a citie of the Venetiās vpon the sea or gulfe of Venice in Dalmatia. hazard of his whole estate, he transported her with all her houshold, & the most precious things of all her furniture and moueables vnto Colchina a sea towne of the Venetians, or to some other such like place farre remoued and out of the way. Now that he hadde dismissed his army, he him selfe with Amese, and very small traine, went to the Queene to Petralba. Vnder this castell was a plaine of singuler beauty and veryDescription of the conntrey about Petralba. pleasaunt, both for the admirable recreation which the very nature of the place did affoorde, as also by reason of the notable diligence of the inhabitants, who had bene very curious and industrious in trimming and husbanding of the soile. For it wanted not any fruites, vines, plants, or trees, nor any thing in the world which might seeme either to adorne and beautifie the countrey, or to make it blessed and happy. In this place during that quarter of the yeare did the Queene make her abode, accompanied with her Ladies, maides, and officers. On all sides was the plaine enuironned with wood and thickets, and with many narrow straights and vallies in a manner vnaccessible: amongst the which Scanderbeg held continuall watch and ward, keeping a great number of souldiers to guard and defend the place: which was also singularly well prouided and furnished, with armes, men, victuals, & other munitions for all occurrences and accidents of Fortune whatsoeuer Hauing made but small stay at Petralba, he remoued with his Queene backe againe to Croy, where also he had no long rest. For (as Vranocontes most sagely and wisely had prognosticated) newes came within a while, and the report encreased daily: that the Persian was retired, the tumults of that war appeased, and all sturs and commotions pacified: and that the Turkish Monarch being freed from this feare, did minde to bend his forces against the Albanians.
Scanderbeg was greatly troubled with these tidings, neuerthelesse he told his subiectesMahomet prepareth an army against Scanderbeg. Sentence. openly, that in this case it was requisite to vse armes and good counsell, and not choller and indignation. ‘Howbeit he was in good hope, that the enemy would not march in a season so contrary & discommodious. Yet did he presently moūt on horse [Page 264] backe,’ and taking with him not aboue fiftie horse, he left Croy his chiefe citie, and drewe towardes the frontiers where Moses lay in garrison: there to take some more certaine counsell and aduise for the maner of his proceedings. When he came thither, he found that to be true in effect which had bene reported vnto him at Croy. For thisScanderbeg leuieth an armie to withstand the Turkes. cause hauing leuied and mustered in great hast about 5000. men, he retired with them into the lower Dibria, where he was wont to encampe and to winter his armie, aduertising Moses and others not to stirre nor attempt any thing, till they saw him approch with his troups. Scarce did there passe ten dayes betweene these preparations and the comming of the Turkes: the which being discouered by them of the garrison in the newe fortresse at Modrissa, and being mindfull of the instructions giuen them by their Soueraigne, they signified the same accordingly by the shot of the Canon. This signall was receiued first by the paizants and inhabitants of the countrey, and afterwardes by Scanderbeg, in so good time, that trussing vp baggage in the night, with as much silence as was possible, he made towardes the enemie. Moses was not then present at that seruice: for by reason that the infidels did take their way farre off from the place where he lay, he would not leaue those passages vngarded which were committed to his charge, for feare lest the Painim, being either victorious or vanquished, should finde that passage vnfurnished and without resistance. The selfe same night did the Barbarian vse incredible celeritie & diligence in his iourney: they were about twelueAn armie of twelue thousand Turkes inuadeth Epire thousand fighting men and no more, all on horsebacke, chosen and well appointed, both to giue a charge brauely, and to beare a shocke as resolutely: and Mahomet thought it not good to vse anie greater troupes in this expedition. Our Christian forces were in a maner equally parted, their numbers both of horsemen and footemen being neere alike. The night was now almost spent, and the day readie to breake, whenAm [...]sa generall of the Turkish armie against Scanderbeg. as Scanderbeg being enformed by his discouerers of the way that Amesa tooke (for so was the Generall Turke named) and being fauoured by the silence of the night, he seized vpon a part of the mountaine of Modrissa, hauing a purpose to surprise the enemie: who being ignorant of this stratageme, had nowe passed the mountaine of Mocrea, and being entred the valley that lay betweene that and the mount Modrissa, Mount Mocrea. were euen readie to get vp the hill, to the intent that (passing from thence farther into the heart of the Prouince, he might the better ouer-reach Scanderbeg, and destroy the plaine countrey. Part of his people were nowe gotten to the place, and being entangled amongest the craggie rockes, and the steepe descents of the mountaine, their horses were euen out of breath with mounting to the toppe. Others likewise followed close after them: and many of them were as yet scarce passed the valley, whenAmesa & the Turkes armie surprized at Modrissa, by Scanderbeg. as the Generall of the Christians (giuing the signall of the fight) with a great crie and a terrible noyse, no otherwise then as a mightie streame, did fall suddenly vpon them from aboue, ouerthrowing and beating them downe, being alreadie wearied and well neare tyred, both them and their horses. The first that made head against them were the footemen, whom Scanderbeg employed in the beginning of the seruice, by reason of the situation and qualitie of the place: doubting lest if his horsemen should haue charged, the fall of the hill, with the force of their owne violence, might haue borne them on with more extremitie then he was willing, and so being caried headlong downe the mountaine, they might haue wrought their owne ruine and destruction. The principall praise therefore, and the chiefe commendation of this victorie appertained to the footemen. The Turkes which were gotten vp to the top, casting away their launces, defended them selues with their cimitaries; but by reason that their horses could not get anie good and sure footing, their blowes were vncertaine, and their force was to little purpose. The Christians couering themselues [Page 265] with their Targets, did first kill and ouerthrow their horses, and then all at pleasure had their willes of the riders: manie of whom perceiuing this strange and vnaccustomed kinde of daunger, dismounted from their horses, and eyther fought on foote, or sought to saue themselues by retyring into the valley towardes their companions, and to reserue themselues to a more sure exploit, and to a safer kinde of seruice. Amese the Christian, being accompanied with a strong and mightie troupe of horse was sent by his Vncle to the other side of the mountaine, where the descent was more facile and easie: and there beganne an other fight in the streightes and most narrowe passages of the valley. In this meane while was it faire day light, by which time the surplus and rest of the horsemen (who were of Scanderbeg his battallion) hauing first repulsed the enemie, beganne to make into the plaine. Of the footemen some pursued the enemie, others kept at the foote of the mountaine, from whence with their bowes and arrowes, they spent good store of shot vppon them whom they sawe broken and out of order. On the one side where the way seemed more free and open for the enemie, Castroit did fiercely presse vppon them close at their backes: on the other side Amese the Christian had shut in, and (as it were) besieged Amese the Turkish Generall, who (seeing not anie likelihoodeAmese Generall of the Turkes, taken prisoner by Amese the Nephew of Scanderbeg. nor apparance either of victorie or of safetie) was oftentimes importuned and vrged by the Albanois to render himselfe: which at length to his great griefe, he was contented to yeeld vnto: and laying aside his armes, he gaue him his faith to be true prisoner. In like manner, infinite others yeelding to their ill fortune, did by their captiuitie, giue an ende to their woundes, and determined the conflict. The victorieVictorie of Scanderbeg against Amese at Modrissa. being assured, the souldiers fell to make bootie of their baggage. All their Ensignes and Standards were gayned, and seuen thousand men were counted dead vpon the place. The most part of their horses were either slaine or maymed: and yet did this victorie cost the Christians litle bloud or none at all: for they lost not in the fightNumber both of Turkes and Christians slaine in the fight at Modrissa. aboue 30▪ persons at the most. Amese the Turkish Generall (according to the right of the law of armes) was graunted to Amese the Christian by his Vncle, who willed him to leade him amongst other prisoners to Croy, with some part of the spoiles gotten vpon the enemy, especially the standards: the residue were liberally graunted and deuided amongst the souldiers.
The King of Epyre hauing continued certaine daies in that place, to ouerrunne the frontiers of the Infidels, to dismisse his souldiers, to visit, order & dispose of all things, returned to Croy against the feast of Christmas. At his arriuall, all the multitude both old and young pell mell, in great and huge troupes flocked together to receiue him, and they met him without the gate with many acclamations and popular applauses, much more great, and farre exceeding beyond all comparison, all that had beene vsed and accustomed. For it was a common speech and talke amongst them, that God had now giuen them a manifest signe & pledge of their good fortune, and that they shold preuaile as well against the new Monarch, as against his predecessour: also that they were assured vnder the conduct of their Prince, to haue like fortune & good happe against the sonne, as they had of late against the father. So fond and vaine are the ‘imaginationsSentence. and iudgements of the ignorant & rude communaltie, that by one only accident (be it neuer so meane) and according as the successe of the first beginnings doth more or lesse please them, so do they measure & interpret the second, the middle, & the last euents of worldly actions: especially if their owne desires and affections, and the promises of fortune doe concurre, and do seeme to ioyne and agree in one.’ The Turkes prisoners feasted by Scanderbeg.
During the solemnitie of this publique triumph and feasting, both in respect of the time which was festiuall, and of their affaires, which had succeeded so fortunate, Scanderbeg [Page 266] commaunded the prisoners to be enlarged, and that Amese should be brought vnto him: whom after he had welcommed and receiued with great humanitie, he honored & feasted most magnificently, to the intent he should be pertaker of their ioy and triumph for that victorie, whereof himselfe had partly bene the giuer and the occasion. But first of all, the Mahometan did request him, that he would vouchsafe to license some one of the captiues to go to Andrinople, and to aduertise his friends of his estate and condition, and to bring his ransome. For it may be (said he) that they which are escaped from the slaughter, doe know nothing of my misfortune and aduenture: but may thinke me to be slaine amongst the rest. This being accorded as he demanded, and the price of all their ransomes being concluded and agreed vpon at 13000. crownes: two of them were presently dispatched and sent away to deale for the deliuerie of their companions, and they were accompanied with one of the Christians, till such time as he had conducted them safe out of the countrie. Thus you see what passed this yeare in Epyre, and what were the chiefest tumults of that time.
Whilest that matters stood vppon these tearmes, the newes of this discomfiture1452. was come to the eares of Mahomet, who seeing the reliques of his army without a Generall, without ensignes, & without armes, I leaue it to you to be imagined, whether the sight therof did not procure griefe and sorrow both in publique & in priuate. The Sultan did enquire particularly of the encounter, & he was desirous to heare the discourse of the whole manner and order of the fight: which being told him, though he were euen enraged for pure despite and anger, yet he fell from the conceipt and remembrance of that misfortune, to feasting, reuelling and banquetting, striuing & enforcing himselfe to the vttermost of his power, to obscure the praise and deserts of the Albanois, and to colour, excuse, & hide his own misfortune. But if the calamity of hisMahomet insensed against Amese, in vnwilling to pay his ransome. army vpon the view & hearing of their mischance, did in any sort trouble this couetous & miserable minded Prince, you may be sure that the message sent by Amese did much more moue him & eagerly incense him. By meanes whereof, sometimes imputing vnto him the disgrace of that ouerthrow, in that he had so foolishly lost his people, by trayning them in the night time rashly and inconsideratly into those streights & steepe mountaines: and somtimes accusing him of cowardice, treason & disloialty, ‘he wold willingly haue refused to disburse any thing towards their ransome, (so subtill & ingenious is the humor of auarice, to keepe together the riches which it hathSentence. gathered:) if that the principall persons of the court,’ and the kinsmen and friends of the prisoners had not perswaded him to the contrarie. For what with their goodPerswasions vsed by Amese his friend [...] and the Turkes cour [...]i [...]rs, to Mahomet in his behalfe. and sufficient reasons, and what with their humble prayers and entreaties, they appeased the Sultan, shewing him, that Amese in the whole course of his life before past, ‘could not iustly be blamed nor suspected of the like error or default. Moreouer that he alone was not fallen into this misfortune, but many braue and valiant souldiers besides him: and that therefore the case of their companions ought not to be neglected and vnregarded.’ Many other reasons did they alleage, in so much, that the money being soone procured and deliuered vnto the messengers, together with manie pretious gifts and presents, which they sent priuately to Scanderbeg: it was quickely brought and paied in Epyre. The most part of that summe Scanderbeg willed to be deliuered to his Nephew, the residue was partly deuided and shared amongest the souldiers, and partly sent vnto Moses to be distributed amongst them of his garrison.Liberalitie of Amuse the Nephew of Scanderbeg. The Nephew of Scanderbeg shewed himselfe no lesse liberall then his Vncle. For reseruing to himselfe very little or nothing of that which was giuen him, he gaue it in common, and parted it both amongest friendes and welwillers, and to those that were partners with him in his perils. Their ransomes being thus paied, the Turkes [Page 267] were licensed to depart at their pleasures. Amese was very sorie to leaue the King of Albanie, and (the saying is) that before his departure, he did a long while, in secretAmese and the other Turkes prisoners ransommed. deuise with Scanderbeg vpon the nature and disposition of Mahomet, and of the manner of maintayning the warre against him. At their going thence there were manie presents bestowed vpon them, and victuals prouided to serue them for manie dayes, besides a good conuoy, which did bring them safe and sound into their owne limits and confines.
Before such time as Amese arriued at Andrinople, there was begunne to be madeDebreas appointed with a new armie against Scanderbeg. a newe leauie of other forces, and the old companies were supplyed with fresh men in the place of those which were lost. He that had the leading of them was named Debreas, a man of notable courage, and one that by his experience and long practise in armes, had attained to the degree & dignitie of a Saniacke. But he had laboured too ambitiously with the Ottoman to grant him this commission, enforcing himself withDebreas his ambition and glorious ostentation. manie glorious promises to animate the Sultan more & more, and to put him in a full hope and perswasion of an assured victorie. For he referred all things to the conceipt of his owne wit, and to the sufficiencie of his owne wisedome, attributing little or nothing vnto fortune, notwithstanding that she doth beare a great stroke in all humaine actions, and especially in deedes of armes. Neuerthelesse he promised the Sultan not to hazard all his forces at one blow, nor to commit them to the aduenture of one entire battell, but that he would by some good entry and beginning make himselfe way to an assured victorie. Besides, he tooke no great care nor was desirous of any greater forces, then such as Amese his predecessor had lately had before him: induced thereunto through a kind of emulation & desire of glory: to the intent it might be said, that he had reestablished the good fortune of the Turkish Empire with the like numbers, & (as it were) with the same souldiers. As it is cōmonly seene, that the man which is‘Sentence. hardie and resolute thinketh nothing impossible whereunto his mind is affectioned.’
Now was not Debreas the onely man that had thus desired to be employed by the Sultan, but there were many others, who of themselues and their owne motion, did sue to haue the honour of that difficult and hard seruice: for by how much the moreAmbition and enuie of the Turkes against Scanderbeg. the name of Scanderbeg did growe glorious amongst the Barbarians, and the greater report and renowme that ranne of his inuincible fortune: so much the greater was the resort and concourse of all such as thought any thing well of their owne valure and worthinesse: eche of them greedily desiring to haue the credite of that iourney, as men that did affect and aspire to the greatest offices and highest dignities. Besides, the ambition of these men was much augmented and pricked forward by the liberalitie of the Turkish Monarche published and spread abroad, who had lately proclaymed and decreed a wonderfull great rewarde and recompence to him that could vanquish the Albanois. But after that Amese vppon his returne was seene and heard toAmese cōmending the vertue of Scanderbeg discourageth the Turkes. vtter his opinion and conceit of Scanderbeg and his fortune, those their haughtie desires were much chaunged and abated. For by a continuall, yet true commendation, he did so extoll the vertue of the Christian Prince and his companies, as it little wanted, but that Debreas had chaunged his opinion, and that the Sultan had not broken the voyage. Neuerthelesse because he would not derogate from the maiestie of his Empire, he thought it better to encrease and strenthen his armie, then either to mistrust the diligence and deuoire of his Saniacke, before he had made proofe and tryall of him: or to leaue the discomfiture of Amese, and the late iniuries of his people vnreuenged. Wherefore there was added to the troupes before leauied a new supply of 3000. horse. Thus whilest that Amese discharging the dutie of a friend, and gratifying his late hoast, did exalt the honour of Scanderbeg, and did publish his rare vertues, [Page 268] he was in a manner iniurious vnto him, or rather he was the author and occasioner of his greater praise and of his more honorable victorie.
All things being in a readinesse, and the companies readie to march, there fell such great store of raine, continuing for many dayes together, that it did for a while hinderDebreas marcheth into Epyre with an armie of 15000. men. the forwardnesse of the souldiers. Put the foule weather being ceased, and the season of the yeare being likewise growen more milde and pleasant, by the comming on of the spring, they tooke their iourney with all speede and celeritie: the same reason and consideration drew Scanderbeg likewise into his campe, there to deliberate with his Chieftaines, and to prouide for the ordering of his affaires, which the roughnesse of the winter had caused him to deferre and put off, till the time fell out more fit and gratious to his purpose. This was the occasion, that at the same time when both the preparations, and the comming of the enemy were noysed in the countrie, he wasScanderbeg leauteth an armie of 7000. men against Debreas. with Moses amongst the Dibrians, wherefore he assembled speedily, and in a small time to the number of 7000. men or somewhat more.
It ought not to seeme strange, neither should any man maruell, that the Christians were so suddenly and readily armed and prouided, nor that they gathered an armieThe order taken by Scanderbeg for the sudden arming of his subiects and speedie raising of an armie. with such incredible speede and celeritie. For the King of Epyre of his owne meere and proper motion, without the desert or merit of any mans seruice, had giuen the better part of his ordinarie reuenues, especially of his demaines, to certaine of the greatest and chiefest men of the countrie, vppon condition, that whensoeuer there happened any necessitie of warre, they should presently find him a certaine number of men at their costes and charges, according to ech mans state and qualitie: with whom, themselues also in person should make their speedie repayre vnto him, and so to receiue such directions, and to be employed in such seruices, as it should please him to commaund and appoint. These men therefore were alwaies readie in armes, and well appointed, expecting nothing but the will and pleasure of their Chiefetaine. Besides there was a certaine number of the inhabitants, and especially of the husbandmen, who by a certaine vsage and custome of the countrie, were bound to accompanie them wheresoeuer they marched without anie consideration of pay or wages: and commonly, the onely desire of prey and pillage did furnish him with more men then he him selfe would haue demaunded. Hereof it appeareth, howe Scanderbeg could continually repayre so manie and so often armies, considering that his rents and customes were not so great, nor were not sufficient for anie long time to entertaine his souldiers. Adde herewithall, that if neither the custome of the countrie, nor their greedie desire of prey, had not been such as it was, yet the regarde of the common perill, the consideration of their Prince his dexteritie and good fortune, might easily haue allured and perswaded them, and was sufficient to haue drawen them into armes. As for the stipendarie succours and mercenarie souldiers which he hyred for his money, the chiefe burthen and importance of that charge, was borne for the most part by the Bishoppes of Rome, the King of Naples, and other Catholique Christian Princes, who fayled not from time to time to furnish him with money and treasure, which (as the saying is) are the synewes of the warres.
Debreas hauing passed ouer the greatest part of Bulgarie, or the countrie of the Tryballians, was gotten as farre as Pologue, which is a place and part of Bulgarie, Pologue. vnder the obeysance of the great Turke, and not farre from the confines of Epyre. Hereof Castriot being certainely informed at full, commaunded speedily to mount onScanderbeg marcheth with 6000. men against Debreas horse backe, choosing out of all the companie sixe thousand horse: for the matter requiring so great haste, he could not conueniently vse the ayde of his footemen. [Page 269] The residue he sent away with the olde garrison of Moses, hauing first taken order for such thinges as seemed necessarie: but before hee beganne to march with his troupes he had sent the Dybrian with tenne horsemen to take notice, and to discouer the comming and purpose of the enemie. The rest of the squadrons followed after fayre and easily. The Generall of the Turkes was encamped in theThe description of the countrie about Pologue. Scopia a chiefe towne in Macedonie. fieldes of Pologue, tarrying for the breaking of the day. The plaine was bounded on the one side with the mountaine of Mocrea, on the other side with the towne of Scopia (which was belonging to the Turkes) and it was enclosed likewise with two other mountaines of a notable height called by a generall name, the mountaines of Pologue. Moses had good leasure to suruey all things (for the Moone being at full, did shine verie bright) and he brought backe certaine and perfect notice of euerie thing to the generall of the Christians, who taking the aduantage of this singular benefite of the night, commaunded his companies to hasten their pace. They were no sooner departed from Mocrea, and scarce entred within the plaine, but the heauens were suddenly chaunged euen in an instant: and at the first there fell a sweete shower, which did but gently wet the battallions, but theArmy of Scanderbeg striken with feare by the terror of a sudden tempest raine encreasing by litle and litle, there followed a great tempest of thunder and lightning with a mightie storme and violent windes. Hereupon did the Ensignes make a stande, and a certaine horror and feare beganne to possesse the companies: in such sort, that they stoode gazing one vppon another verie sad and pensiue, as if some sinister token and presage of ill fortune had befallen them. Scanderbeg making but a iest of this their timerousnesse and vaine feare, went to the head of the battell and pushed forward the Standard-bearer with his hand, telling him, that he was but an ill prognosticator vnto himselfe: and he saide with a loud voice: that it behoued them ‘vponSpeech of Scanderbeg to his souldiers encouraging them not to be amazed at the tempest. such an opportunitie to take the aduantage of the time, and to charge the enemie: that this was no other but the casualtie and inconstancie of the spring time, and new season of the yeare, namely of the moneth of March: and that before they should be able to come to handie-stroakes with the enemie, they should see the ayre would waxe cleare, and as calme and pleasant as before. Whereupon the souldiers being recomforted,’ and interpreting it to be a signe of their owne good fortune, they did both mutually encourage one another, and they put their leaders likewise in a better hope and comfort. By this time the weather being cleared (as Scanderbeg had foretolde) the brightnesse of the moone-light encreasing with her course, and the neerenesse of their troupes did now discouer the approach of the Albanois, which hastened on eche mans fortune eyther good or bad. The enemie at the first being astonished and vnresolued, stoode a while in suspence, whether they should fight, or flie: or whether it were best to temporize. The darkenesse of the night did much augment their terrour, and the audacitie of the Christians whom they sawe to be aduaunced so farre without their confines and from their owne dwellings. On the contrarie, this seemed to encourage them, and to encrease their hardinesse, in that they knewe they were to fight not in the enemies countrie where they might be in feare of ambushments and surprises. But the principall point that made them to cast awaie all feare, was the multitude and valure of their troupes, which was enough euen to make the veriest cowards to be ashamed to thinke of flight. Wherefore in the ende Debreas giuing a signe to beginne the fight, willed them to goe to the charge, and calling to minde his owne great and large promises made to the Ottoman, and the instructions giuen him, he animated his souldiers, and coursing vppe and downe nowe here now there, thus did he incense and egge them on more fiercely against the enemie.
[Page 270] ‘On, on, braue souldiers (quoth he) now is the time come that you shall be fullyOration of Debreas encouraging his souldiers to the battell. reuenged of your wrongs, and repaire the honour which heretofore we haue lost: now may you auenge you of your imprisonment, of the losse of your fellowes, and your owne bloud. See how these Champions of the night doe hasten against you: see how they come bringing (as it were) bondes and fetters to manacle your handes. They thinke they shall encounter here with their courteous hoast Amese: they are perswaded that they shall be fauoured by the vallies of Mocrea, and the thickets of Modrissa, and these dens & starting holes which are the ordinary refuges of theeues and robbers. Behold with what securitie and suertie the battell is offered vnto you, euen in a manner at home, and at your owne doores. If your selues will, they cannot stand against you, neither for valure nor for number: and you can not desire a place more fit and conuenient to fight on horsebacke. For my part either will I loose my life together with you, and here will I rest, if not fortunate, yet free amongst the dead bodies of my deerest companions, or else by your prowes and vertue I will so carrie and demeane my selfe, as the seuere iudgement of our Prince shall haue no cause to reproue vs. Goe to then my good friends, let euery man be of good courage, none did desire this voyage so earnestly as we, none did accept the iourney with more ioy and gladnesse. If we be conquerors, none can expect greater glorie nor greater rewardes then are prepared for vs: if we be vanquished, as great will be the frownes, the scornes and the reproofe which will be laid vpon vs.’
Thus saying he sent forth a certaine number of souldiers in manner of forlorne hope, to skirmish with the Christians, and to keepe them play, that whilest they did stoppe and hinder their furie and violence, himselfe in the meane time might take some sure course vpon the hazard of his whole forces in the maine fight: and then afterwards by little and little he came to trie the fortune of the field. Scanderbeg on the other side thus spake vnto his men.
‘How now my souldiers? what a shame is this? Haue they that were of late yourOration of Scanderbeg encouraging his souldiers to the battell against Debreas. prisoners taken armes now againe? Haue they the courage to oppose themselues against you that were their maisters? See these infamous reliques of the campe of Amese, they complaine and they cry out against you, that you were but bad banquetters. For it is the fashion at great banquets, and it is the dutie of right banquetters to leaue nothing behind them: behold here I see other store also of fresh and new forces with their new Generall: what other thing is it, then a newe matter and obiect of greater glorie? downe with them, ouerthrowe them as you were wont, you braue Albanois. Let not our faintnesse and slothfulnesse cast vs out of the possession of ou [...] wonted good fortune: let not our aduersaries haue any occasion to say by our present misfortune, that it was Modrissa, and the vallies of Mocrea, and not we that did of late vanquish them: let the plaine and open fieldes, giue plaine and apparant proofe of your valiant hearts and vndaunted valure.’
In this manner admonishing and encouraging his companies, he tooke especiall care that his souldiers should keepe themselues firme in good [...]rray and order of battell, to the intent the ranckes might not be confounded and intermingled, but mightThe battell of Pologue. be discerned and distinguished from the enemie. And he had this reason especially, for that the smaller number being once disordered, might easily be forced and ouerthrowen by the greater. And because he durst not relie too much vpon the strength of those loose troupes which he had made out to encounter and to beginne the fight with the Barbarians: he caused Moses and Amese with a strong squadron of chosen men, to make head against the enemie which was comming to giue the onset vpon him: doubting least if at the beginning of the battell they in the forefront should happen [Page 271] to be repulsed, both his owne people might be the more troubled and terrified, and the enemie the better hartened and encouraged. As for the rest of his squadrons, he kept them close and excellently well ordered in great silence. In like case, the Infidell either doubting the obscuritie of the night, or conforming his counsels to the renour and demeanour of the Christians, stirred not at all: but with his battell close arraunged and in good array, he held himselfe quiet as a beholder of the fight. Thus the conflict betweene the vauntcurrours on the one side and the other did seeme to represent (as it were) a pleasant combat: and the two armies on both partes did carefully attend in great doubt the euent and hazard of the battell, which it behoued them shortly to vndertake. But the Dibrian did soone cut off this spectacle and their expectation: for like a violent storme rushing in vpon the middest of them that fought, withMoses putteth to flight the Turkes that began the flight. the destruction and slaughter of a great many, he did easily put the rest to flight, and with the exceeding vehemencie of his furie, hauing forgotten himselfe, he had without all doubt pursued them euen into the middest of their maine battallion, if that Amese calling backe his souldiers had not refrayned his furie, and with good words as well as deedes had not caused him to retire their ensignes.
Certaine it is and not to be denied: that Moses was a braue man, hardie and valiantMoses his immoderate fury in the heat of fight. of his person, and a most excellent Captaine fit to haue the commaund of any forces: yet when he was once embrued with the blood of his enemies, and that (as the saying is) his blood was once hot: his impatiencie did so master him, that he was not able‘Speech of Scanderbeg to Moses reprehending his ouermuch hardines. any longer to rule and moderate himselfe. Wherefore it is reported that Scanderbeg did sharply reprehend him: admonishing him to temper his hardinesse and audacitie with more moderation and modestie, and to vse his victorie more aduisedly: that well it might be tolerable in a priuate souldier to be so audacious and hardie: but in a leader which hath the charge and commaund of men, it is a fault no lesse pernitious then reproueable, and a very bad president and ill ensample.’
But the rare qualities and excellent deserts of this worthie personage do inuite me, by the way to touch a word or two concerning his originall. This Moses (who wasMoses his originall & descent or pedegree. called the Dibrian) by reason that he dwelt, and did possesse a goodly and large territorie and inheritance amongest the Dibrians, by another surname was called Goleme Ariamnites by nation an Epirot: descended and borne in the citie of Valmes in Epire: Valmes a citie in Epire. Musache being his father and Roislaua his mother. This Musache had two bretheren to wit Ariamnites Goleme or Comniat father in lawe to Scanderbeg (of whom hath bene before entreated.) And Vladienne Goleme de Ariamnites, who begot Musache, surnamed Goleme de Ariamnit: otherwise Musache de Angeline, so called by reason of his mother the sister of Scanderbeg: and thus much brieflie for the discent of Moses. But to our purpose.
The rest of the troupes Albanois stood a while at a stay, and without mouing eitheir forward or backward, admiring the extreme hardines of the Chieftaine. But on the contrary, the enemies were striken with an exceeding feare, and began thereupon to conceiue a certaine and generall resolution to fly away, and to leaue fighting: notwithstanding thinking that the Christians by reason of the darknesse of the night would not stirre any farther, nor enterprize any thing, but deferre the maine fight till the break of the day, they stirred not at all, but held good & stood firme for a while, & the rather for that besides the shame and ignominie, they iudged that their flight in the vncertaintie of the darke would be farre more perilous and full of hazard. Likewise the Albanois was not a little perplexed in his thoughts, but had diuerse imaginations in his minde: being in doubt whether he should attend the day-light or else should presse forward this his good fortune, which to men of warre, is very light and [Page 272] inconstant. For herein he found him selfe deceiued of his hope, in that he thought to haue surprized them at vnwares, and found them out of order, as he had of late ouertaken the Amezans: & yet for all that, seeing he had ouerthrown and beaten backe their first troupes, he was in hope that they would not abide him but be gone, and so pursuing them at their backes, he might obtaine the victorie without any losse or bloodshed of his owne men. Now therefore when he perceiued them to set a good countenance on the matter, and yet neuerthelesse to be (as it were) in a mammering, and readie to turne their backs: without any more delay, he sounded a charge & gaue the onset vpon them most furiously both before and behind: saying vnto his souldiers.Speech of Scanderbeg encouraging his souldiers to giue the charge vpon Debreas.
‘Come on (my friends) let vs vse the victorie whilest these fellowes are thus amazed, and whilest their wounds are yet fresh and bleeding: let vs preuent the enemie of their flight, which they are now deuising and debating, how to take their most aduantage, and how to get away free and safe out of our sight.’
Debreas his troups endured the shocke at the first verie coldly: which made him to repaire to their fore ranckes, where he animated & exhorted them to behaue them selues manfully and to stand firme both with good words, and by the example of his owne vertue and valour: insomuch that now they began to receiue the Christians to the encounter with a good resolution, & made them to hold bridle, & stopped them in their pace. But whilest they were thus combatting together, and that ech of the armies were in doubt to be confounded and entangled one within another, the fight as yet was not verie mortall, till such time as one of the Musaches was sent with part of the horsemen from the left wing to charge the enemie vpon that side, where first of all their rankes beganne to breake and be disordered. Scanderbeg pressing continually vpon them in the forefront, did beate vp and downe the presse hauing a vehement desire to encounter with the Generall of the Turkes, and he had enioyned some ofPolicie of Scanderbeg in battell to ayme at the destruction of the Generall of his enemies. Saying of Scanderbeg touching the cutting off of the Generall of the enemies. his people with promises of good rewardes to carie a good eye vpon Debreas. The report is, that it was a propertie peculiar and vsuall with him in all battels & encounters, to lay the first and principall plot of his victory against his enemies by giuing the onset vpon their Generall, and by his death and destruction: for he was wont ‘commonly to say, That the head was first to be cut off, and then that the rest of the bodie would tumble after it all alone: that he knew not any kind of creature in the whole world, which could suruiue after the head thereof was once taken away.’
But the braue and sudden charge giuen by Musache, did somewhat hinder the purpose of Scanderbeg, for that Debreas leauing the head of the battell where he as then kept, did suddenly make towardes that side: that repulsing the enemie and redressing the rankes againe in good order which Musache had disordered, he might cause them to temporize yet a while, and to beare off the violence of their enemies, till such time as it grew to be day. The souldiers in the vauntgard no sooner perceiued their Generall to be absent, but they beganne presently to waxe more faint and flacke in fighting, suffering themselues with little violence to be beaten backe euen into the middest of their other battallions. Moses, to the intent he might winne honour by so glorious an action, brake in verie furiously amongst the thickest of them,A hardie act of Moses. and snatching an Ensigne out of the handes of one of the Barbarians, he throwe it to his cōpanions that followed him. This accident made them to redouble their fiercenesse against the enemie, and did with a kinde of iealouzie so incense and set spurres to their courages, that they came trouping thither on all sides as men that brauely despised all daunger, and feare of death. Then beganne the slaughter and chiefest feare amongst the Infidels: then might you haue seene many a Moses: then might you haue seene how the Turkes by heapes and companies forsooke and lost their Standardes: [Page 273] There was no more question or contention who should keepe the fielde: but euerie man thought it best to shift for himselfe by running away. The misfortune that followed Debreas made him forgetfull of all good discipline and martiall order, and depriued him of all good counsell. For without all delay (as a man distracted with furie and feare) he came poasting thitherwards: where, as he was carefully busied in rallying of his squadrons, and seeking to renue the battell: Scanderbeg who had euer caried an eye towardes him, came vpon him, and with his launce in the rest charged him, and with the point thereof ran him cleane through a litle aboue the brest euenDebreas slaine by Scanderbeg. vnder the chinne: and he endeuoring to auoide the blowe by bending aside his head, receiued the staffe wholly into his bodie: and he made an end both of his life and of this battell. Being fallen from his horse his people couered him with their bodies, as long as they thought him to be liuing, still looking that he should remount againe to horsebacke: but perceiuing his bodie lie dead without a soule, and that there was not now any man left which could vpbraid them for flying away: they turned bridle immediately, and abandoned speedily both their standardes, their cariages, theirVictorie of Scanderbeg against the armie of Debreas. companions and their enemies: and they held him to be most accursed, that in flying was the hindermost. Those souldiours that serued vnder Amese in the last iorney at Modrissa, hauing still in mind that aduenture, as they fought verie warily and carefull of their liues: so were they the foremost and most fortunate in their flight: the which being made more certaine by reason of the day-light, so was it the more cruell and caused the greater bloodshed and slaughter. For Musache on the one side, and Moses on the other pursuing and pressing close vpon them at their heeles, did kill and cut off more of them in the chase, then were slaine in the field during the fight: and some of them also were taken aliue. Much more large and ample no doubt had this victorie bene, at least in respect of them which were wounded, if the Christians had bene seconded with any Archers or Harguebuzziers: but more then their launces, targets, and courtlaxes they had no other weapons to vse vpon the enemie. At the length when they were gotten a good way within the Turkish confines, and that the chase now seemed to be more dangerous to them that followed, then to those whichSentence. fled, Scanderbeg left pursuing of them, and gathered together his troupes, who were maruellously glad and ioyfull: and so he retired with his prisoners without any losseNumber of Turkes staine in the battell of Pologue Victory not bought but giuen to the Christians. or dammage, hauing not any one of his men either slaine or wounded. Thus you see by the strange successe of this battell, how fortune disposeth of the purposes of men, and doth sometimes fauour them beyond all reason and consideration. The Turkes lost 4120 men: and therefore the Christians might well say (as they might vsually) that this victorie was not bought but giuen.
The bootie by order of the Prince, being brought forth in the common and open sight of them all was equally deuided amongest the souldiers: to the intent that they which had continued the furie of the fight, by following the chase vpon the enemie,Debreas his horse and armour giuen to Moses by Scanderbeg in honour of his valure & vertue. without any care of sacking their campe, or spoiling of the dead, might not sustaine any losse or disaduantage. To Moses he gaue with his owne hand the horse and armour of Debreas, with an honourable testimonie likewise of his great desertes and commendations. As for the rest, euerie one had a share, and fared the better for this iorney, and some of them had prisoners giuen vnto them. Amongst others, Musache his fortune was, to haue a yong Turke to his prisoner, whose physiognomy and good countenance shewed him to be both of nobilitie and of courage. But betweene the master and the prisoner, there arose forthwith a pleasant controuersie, which gaue occasion of laughter to all the standers by, and I will impart the same vnto you. The young man hauing some speech with Musache concerning his ransome, demaunded [Page 274] of him, what summe would content him: in the end they agreed vpon 200. crownes,A pleasaunt question betweene Musache and a Turke his prisoner. which the Turke presently taking out of a litle bagge payed, and told out vnto him: and afterwardes desiring leaue to depart, the Epirot began to smile: telling him, that he must seeke elsewhere for some other money to make vp his ransome: that it was no reason he should thinke to pay him with his owne money: that all that coine, and what else soeuer was taken with him, did of right belong vnto him, and was in one and the same case and condition with his bodie, and that a prisoner taken in the war, could not reserue nor chalenge any thing as his owne. The Turke sometimes with reasons, and sometimes with entreatie desired him to let him goe. But (to make short) the matter was brought before Scanderbeg, who purposely commanded both the one and the other of them to alledge what they could in defence of their right: and afterwards turning him to his people, he vsed these wordes.
Truely (said he) here is a pretie controuersie, both of these plead for that whichSpeech of Scanderbeg deciding a controuersie betweene Musache & the Turke his prisoner ‘is mine: the money Musache which we knew not of, we did not bestow vpon thee: nor you (sir youth) ought not to abuse vs with this wile, who doe well know, that euen the life wherewith thou breathest, is but borrowed, and dependeth on our mercie: so farre is it that thou canst pretend any right to be reserued to thy selfe in anie thing. Notwithstanding there is no reason that I should be iudge in mine owne cause: but who will not iudge rightly in a matter of libertie?’ and who will not set aside all rigour and rightes of warre in fauor of a prisoner? To thee therefore Musache, we giue of our owne free motion all that this prisoner hath about him: and do thou as franckly and freely giue him his libertie: or rather, the dutie of nature, on this condition, that if euer hereafter he fall againe into thy hand, thou shalt dispose of him fully and freely at thine owne pleasure and discretion.
Thus this young Turke being verie glad and exceeding ioyfull, that he had gotten his libertie: and hauing also both his horse and his armes franckly giuen him by Scanderbeg, departed, highly commending without ceasing, this his bountie and liberalitie, praying vnto God hartily to prosper both the King and the estate of Albanie. The Christians trussing vp their baggage, towardes the euening did retire thence ‘into Dibria, where during the time of their aboad, (as it is commonly seene that when any enterprise succeedeth happily vnto men, it lifteth vp their minds to affectSentence. greater matters,)’ the Albanois beganne to make a motion in a generall councell touching their proceeding in the warres, and for the assaulting and winning of some townes from the enemie. But in the end it was concluded for the best and most expedient, that they should stay a while to see what the Turkish Monarch would do after this discomfiture of his forces, least they should happen incontinently to vndertake an action, either with too much hastinesse & temeritie, or more dangerous then would easily be effected. Two monethes therefore were limitted for the discouering of that matter, and there were espials dispersed throughout all partes: notwithstanding that there was no want of fugitiues both from Andrinople and other places, which came daily to yeelde themselues to the Albanois. These things thus passed, Moses retyred himselfe to his garrison vpon the frontiers: and Scanderbeg with Amese and the rest of his Princes and Nobles, tooke his iourney towards Croy.
In this meane time, the army of the Barbarians which had bene broken and ouerthrowen,Mahomet and his Nobles greatly troubled and vexed at the discomfiture of Debreas. was returned and come to the presence of Mahomet, who though he saw them in a most miserable plight, and distressed in all respects, yet tooke no pittie nor compassion of their estate. For first of all, both the Sultan and all the great persons of his Court, were greatly troubled and agreeued at the flight of so many sufficient and able men, saying openly and aloud, that they were people enough to haue restored [Page 275] the fortune of any battell, had it bene neuer so desperate and out of hope. Afterwards, when as the great Turke came to enquire of the particulars, where and in what place the battell had bene fought, and against what troupes and numbers of the enemie: then was he much more enflamed with rage and choller then before, commaunding them out of his sight, reproaching and blaming them vncessantly, and exclaming against and detesting their faintnesse, sloth, and cowardice. Moreouer, the misfortune and mishappe of Debreas caused those of his condition and calling, rather to be glad then to grieue thereat: were it either because they did enuie the reputation of his valour and vertue: or that they did hate his audacious presumption. Mahomet himselfe was exceedingly abashed at the successe of this miracle, and was not altogether free and exempted from feare. He could not be perswaded that Scanderbeg with so small a companie, durst enterprize to enter so farre vpon his frontiers, and euen in the open plaines of Pologue to encounter with Debreas. Notwithstanding finding that their testimonies did agree in all parts, and that there was no difference nor disagreement in their tales; he durst not call in question the truth of their reportes. Touching the principall point, which was, how to be reuenged: he wanted not flatterers of all sorts,Sentence. ‘(an ordinarie plague attending great Princes, and which doeth puffe them vp with vanitie) who by a certaine reprochfull and artificiall interpretation,’ did obscure andSpetches and perswasions of Mahomet his flatterers animating▪ him against Scanderbeg ‘detract from the honor and deserts of the Christians, offering both their persons and their liues to serue against them, and vndertaking and promising, that they would ouerreach and goe beyond the Epirot, were he neuer so cunning and well practised in sleights & policies: that euerie place was not as Modrissa: that the starres would not fauour him in all places: that he should not find euerie one to be an Amese, nor a Debreas, especially when that Scanderbeg should see himselfe beset and assailed with such a troublesome Hydra hauing so many heades: and that of eche one which was cut off and ouercome, there should still arise another monster who would neuer cease to seeke to deuoure him. And were it that he were (as a man may say) euen in the armes of his Iesus: yet should he not be alwaies in safetie and securitie.’
Mahomet did gladly giue care to the good affection of his people, and he wouldMahomet deuiseth to corrupt some of Scanderbeg his subiects. not openly gainesay nor contradict any one of them, that offered themselues so willingly to these daungers: but the craftie Foxe had another matter hammering in his head: his braines were beating and deuising vpon another kinde of reuenge, which might be wrought with lesse bloodshed & losse of his people: namely, how he might oppresse and confound this his aduersarie by some ciuill and domesticall warre, and by stirring vp against him the armes and ambushments of some of his owne subiects. For he knew, that where force of armes would not preuaile, there policie and otherSentence. ‘sleights of warre ought to supply their defects. A course which he himselfe had oftentimes put in practise with happie and good successe against many others,’ by following the tract which his father Amurath had troden before him, at such time as he impatronized himselfe vpon the empire of Greece. And (such are the ticklings and enticementes of mens desires, especially when they seeke for Empires and dominions) he easily promised vnto himselfe and was perswaded, that he should find some of the most inward and familiar friends of Scanderbeg, who would be wrought and allured to be the authors and executioners of his wicked practise: wherein he was not altogether deceiued.
At that time there were many about Scanderbeg who were of great account and authority with him, both in the administration of the estate, as also in the warres. But as Moses did excell them all in the practise and experience of armes, so was he in the highest degree of fauour and reputation with his Prince: and Scanderbeg loued [Page 276] and esteemed him aboue all the rest. This made the Ottoman to haue a desire to practiseMahomet seeketh to vndermine the faith of Moses. and worke with this personage, and by the greatnesse of his faire and large promises, to make a conquest of the fortresse of his constancie, faith and loialtie. One thing there was which he did hope would greatly further the conuciance of this matter: and that was, because it was told him, that the lands and possessions of Moses did bound and butte vpon his confines, especially towards Sfetigrade: supposing that this neare neighbourhood would giue him the more easie and readie accesse to haue some speech and conference with him: and that the whole matter might be handled the more conueniently and the more secretly. Wherefore touching any further prouisions to be made for the wars, and to those vaine offers & vaunts made by his Courtiers: he faigned that vpon some good considerations he would deferre the reuenge of his wrongs and outrages in Epire, till another time and season, and then hauing communicated this secret with one or two of his most priuate and faithfull Councellours, he wrote vnto the Gouernour of Sfetigrade in a most cunning and subtile manner, and the saying is, that he did the like to the Gouernour of Alchria. But it is not much materiall whether he writ to them both or not: yet I beleeue, that this web was weaued and this practise was begunne, continued and ended in one of those places onely: neither was it wrought for all that without great daunger and difficultie: and the reason which maketh me to thinke so, is the qualitie of the case, and also for that the letters sent to Alchria (if there were any) did neuer sort to any purpose and effect.
The Gouernour of Sfetigrade hauing receiued the letters which were sent vnto him, did peruse them verie secretly, and he had a great desire to execute the commandement of his soueraigne as effectually as he might: for that by the accomplishing of his will and pleasure, he was sure to become great, and to be highly rewarded. The substance of the letters in regard of Moses was to this effect: That he should dealeLetters of Mahomet to the gouernor of Sfetigrade willing him to practise with Moses to reuolt from Scanderbeg. with him in the name of Mahomet, and to put it to his choise, whether he would accept of money, or else haue preferment and aduancement of estate and liuings, eyther with the Turkes in the court of the Emperour, or (if he had rather) in the realme of Albanie, vpon this condition: That he should make away Scanderbeg, or by some meanes cause him to be made away: or at the least by leauing of his seruice to follow the armes and partie of Ottoman. Many other good speeches were added in the letters fit to perswade and induce him thereunto, by which it was easie to be discerned what was further to be done in the matter: albeit there was not any mention at all made of Moses. And it was referred to the power and discretion of the gouernour to deale as the time and the place should giue him opportunitie, and as he should iudge to be most for the profit and dignitie of his maiestie. The Barbarian forgot nothing of that was enioyned him, but vsed singular dexteritie, diligence, and discretion in inuiting Moses to conferre with him. And the better to attaine thereunto, he imparted this matter to a Christian one of his owne houshold seruants, and by Nation an Albanois: putting him in hope, that it should be the meane to enrich both him and his house for euer, if he could bring the Dibrian to this point to haue some speech and conference with him. This fellow therefore did the gouernour send towards Moses. The night seemed to be the fittest time for the effecting of this matter, during theA messenger sent to Moses from the Gouernour of Sfetigrade to practise with him for his reuolt. which, this Epyrot taking his iorney, and being skilfull of all the places and passages of the countrie, he neuer lost his way, but came directly to the place where he found Moses with his garrison in the frontiers of the Prouince. The Dibrian presently vpon the comming of this messenger from the enemie, gaue him conuenient opportunitie to speake vnto him, and withdrew him apart from all other companie; who [Page 277] before that he came to breake with him any thing touching his message or the cause of his comming, at the very first entreated him to take the paines to come to Sfetygrade. Whereupon seeing him to refuse so to doe, and that he did in a manner laugh at the impudency of the Infidels, he changed his course, and falling to flattering, and faire speeches, he made him attentiue to his talke: then entring into the matter, he discouered to him in some sort the intention and minde of the Sultan. Moses gladly gaue eare vnto him, and with a wonderfull liking (such is the variety of men especially of them that follow armes) he swallowed vp the cunning the close bait of his own praises: namely, when the messenger told him, that the great Turke did so highly honor and esteeme of him, that he thought him only of all the flower of Epire, worthy to be sollicited both by letters and by speeches. Reason would he should rather haue blushed for shame, to see him selfe only amongst so many others (as a man forlorne & of a desperate hope) to be chosen and selected as a fit instrument and occasion of so detestable and felonious an act, and of a crime so hatefull, vile & trecherous. But such is our ‘corrupt desire of earthly honors, and so ambitious are our thoughts, aspiring to glory andSentence. Empire, that it maketh vs altogether to forget our selues and our dueties. Neuerthelesse for that time did Moses shew him selfe both by his speaches,’ and by his countenance to be such a one, that the subtill messenger could not tell what to make of him, or whether he did approue or reproue that which had beene propounded vnto him. Yet did this minister of Sathan sufficiently coniecture of the meaning and thoughtes of the man, and therefore not detayning him with any further discourse, but promising to returne vnto him againe shortly, he tooke his leaue and returned to the Gouernour. It is commonly reported, that when Moses was demanded by some of his souldiers, what communication had passed betweene them, he answered, that it was a spy of the partes neare about Sfetigrade, which came to giue him certain aduertisements, and that he was in good hope by his aide and assistance to doe the king good seruice and greatly to further his attempts & purposes. The souldiers did easily beleeue what he saied, as not mistrusting any thing. Besides that, the habit and attire, and the speach of the messenger being a Christian did seeme to perswade and import no lesse. And what reason had they but to credit Moses, whose faith and fidelity had bene so notably knowen and testified, and into whose handes the whole estate of his Prince had bene so often put and committed? especially in the warre of Dayna, when that Mustapha on the one side, and the Venetians on the other side, did seeke to haue gotten the estate of Epire from him? Notwithstanding the Dibrian was noted euer afterwardes to be very sad and pensiue, more then he was wont or vsually accustomed: which proceeded (as I suppose) of the remorse of conscience that seemed to touch him with a deepe consideration of the fact, being so weighty, difficult, and important. He was mightely distracted and perplexed in his mind, somtimes his heart was touched with the thoughts and remembrance of the curtesie and humanity of his prince, who deserued no such vnkinde and wicked part, and with the greatnesse of the authority & preheminence which he had about Scanderbeg, wherwith any other besides him would haue held him selfe highly contented, sometimes againe he considered the excessiue greatnesse and rewardes offered him by Mahomet, especially the crowne and scepter presented vnto him, a thing so much desired and affected of miserable mortal men, and ‘so sweete a thing doethe thinke it to sit aloft, and to be preferred aboue other men. ButSentence. in the middest of these [...] meditations, and in this variety of his thoughtes and cogitations, he did with great deuotion attend the returne of his espiall:’ a manifest argument that his heart was corrupted. O most impious and wicked ears, that could so easily be drawen and allured to hearken so long vnto so mischieuous a message! O most [Page 278] ingrate and vnthankfull Moses, whose inconstancy could cause thee to violat thy faith and loyalty, and to conspire against thy country, against thy Prince, against thy frends and companions, against thy religion, against thy owne dignity and honor, & against the security of thy own estate, vpon a vaine hope of some idle conceited good hap, and of a thing meerely doubtfull and vncertaine?
Whilest the Dibrian did remaine thus perplexed & turmoiled with the vncertainty of his owne thoughts, behold our gentle messenger is againe returned, plentifully furnished and prouided, not onely with words farre more sweete and plausible, but withMoses peruerted and corrupted to become a traitour to Scanderbeg. rich giftes and sumptuous presents: yet I doe not finde that Moses did accept of any of them, but that onely his mind was now throughly possessed with a disposition enclining to infidelity and treason. Notwithstanding the aunswere which he made to the ‘messenger, did sufficiently discouer the malady of his minde: for he willed him toSpeeche of Moses to the Turkish messenger. come no more into his presence, that he did most humbly thanke the Sultan for his great fauour, and good will, and promised him so to cary and demeane himselfe, that from thenceforward he should not find him to be his enemy.’ Thus whilest that Scanderbeg being ignoraunt of the counsels of Mahomet, doth send abroad espials on all sides, to sound and search out his determinations, the Infidelles are plotting and deuising how to worke him a greater mischiefe, and to ouerwhelme him with a daunger farre more pernicious.
It hath bene before touched, how that both Scanderbeg and his subiects, did delayScanderbeg determineth to haue the aide of Italians in the warres. and put off the warre, and the besieging of townes for a season, to a time then prefixed and appointed: which being now expired, and no newes of any motions or tumults heard of from Andrinople, but that all things were in good rest and quietnesse; the king of Albany bethought and deuised with him selfe what expedition were best to be vndertaken, and what things were requisite to haue it well and orderly executed. To this end he was resolued (if he might) to aide him selfe with the succours of the Italians, considering, that though his subiects were excellent in fighting of maine battels, and in combatting hand to hand in the plaine field: yet did he not thinke them to be fitte or sufficient for the assaulting of holdes, and the forcing of townes, and such like seruices. Alphonsus King of Sicily and Naples (of whom mention hath beene often made) did keepe his Court continually at Naples, which was not farre distant from thence. And for as much as not onely Scanderbeg, but in a manner all Christendome, did vse this Prince with a kind of familiarity, he tooke care to vse the helpe of no other, but of him onely; assuring him selfe, that of all the Princes and Potentates Christian, he should not finde any more willing nor more ready to aide and assist him. For this cause before hee would proclaime any leauy or muster of men within his Prouince, he caused two good and strong shippes to be rigged, trimmed, and made ready: which being richly furnished and fraughted with many excellent and sumptuous presentes, he sent with two of the greatest and noblest persons of his kingdome vnto Alphonsus with letters written in most familiar and pleasaunt manner. Some afffrme, that because hee would finde him the more ready to send him succours, he did require Alphonsus by this Ambassade, to receiue him into his safegard and protection: but the Epistle ensuing speaketh not a word of any such matter, neither doe I dare to auerre it for trueth. The tenour of those letters were as followeth.
Our souldiours (most Catholique King) know how to fight with men onely in [Page 279] the field: but for the assaulting of walles and holdes, they are vtterly ignorant. YouLetters of Scanderbeg to Alphonsus king of Naples &c. Italians (as I heare) are very skillfull in that kinde of seruice, and you loue it well: this is the cause that wee at this time haue neede of your good aide, which we desire you to impart vnto vs. The Infidelles are possessed of certaine of our townes in Epire: and I haue for a long time had a singular desire to plucke this thorne (if God be so pleased) out of my foote, but the continuall impedimentes and hinderaunces of the warres, hauing euer withheld me, I haue not bene able to this day to bring it to any good passe. Wherefore to the intent I might accomplish my desire, I haue made choise of this oportunity: being most fit both in regard of the season now present, as also of the ley sure and rest which Mahomet hath permitted vs, whose fury we haue now repressed in two seuerall combattes and battelles. You may gesse by few wordes what it is that we haue neede of, all other things are in a readinesse, onely we stay for succours and aide from you, which (if it shall please your Maiesty) you may send vnto vs: namely Harguebushiers and Crossebowes, such as are skilfull to fight aloofe, and to trouble the enemy a farre off: for of other souldiours, our dominions are sufficiently well furnished. But ô how happy may I account Naples and Sicily which are gouerned by such a king as my Alphonsus, from whence as out of a treasury, a man may haue choise of all presidentes and examples of vertue. If we haue neede of your people either in peace or in war: both our estate hath bene furthered by your lawes, and our warres haue bene maintained by your armes. For my part, I doe so highly esteeme of your loue and good will, and the memory of your exceeding great benefits doth remaine so sacred & inuiolable in my mind, that many times I wish (though perhaps therein I ouershoot my selfe) that your fortune and estate were such, as you might haue occasion to try and proue, rather then to purchase and tie your friends vnto you. For so should I be able by some certaine and euident proofe to testifie my deuotion and ready seruice, and the entire affections of my vnfained loue towards you.
The Ambassadors hauing had their dispatch with these letters, Scanderbeg made aScanderbeg visiteth his garrison with Moses iourney into Dibria, where the garrison then lay, and had in his company Amese his nephew, Musache his brother in law, and some other of his Lordes and nobles, with whom he purposed there to consult vpon the estate of his affaires, and to take some order for the leauying of an army. Being arriued there, he demanded of Moses, whether he had learned any newes that concerned the estate, being so neare and continuall a ‘neighbour to the enemy? His aunswer was: That he heard of none, but (quoth he) ISpeeches and dissimulation of Moses to Scanderbeg. haue had conference of late with a man of Sfetigrade, to see if there could be found any way or meane to get that place from the enemy, but he hath protested and sworne vnto me with great oaths, that it is so carefully guarded, and so circumspectly gouerned with watch and ward day and night, and it is so aboundantly furnished and prouided of al necessaries, that it is not possible by any means to obtaine it. For the Dibrian was in great feare and doubt,’ least that Scanderbeg should enterprise the recouery of Sfetigrade, and by that meanes he should not be able to keepe his promise made to the Sultan, wherefore his chiefest care was so to perswade with Scanderbeg, that he might turne his minde wholly to the siege of Belgrade.
Mahomet hauing heard what had passed betweene Moses & the man of Sfetigrade, was much troubled in his minde, considering he had no assuraunce by any pledge or gage of the faith of Moses. Notwithstāding being then pressed with other cares more vrgent concerning Greece, which at that time called him to armes, he surceased for a time the expedition of Epire, because he could not conueniently goe thither him selfe in person, nor yet send any great forces sufficient to atchieue and compasse a matter of that importance. On the other side to prouoke the enemy or rather to feede him still [Page 280] with light inuasions and running Camps, he held it to be a course neither correspondentMahomet wileth the gouernour of Sfetigrade to hold on his practise with Moses. to his greatnesse, nor yet for his aduantage or profite. Wherefore without any more adoe sending other letters vnto the Gouernour, he willed him to haue in mind what he had giuen him in charge, and both commending his diligence, and spurring him on in his good deuoire, he encouraged him to perseuere as he had begun, and to entertaine the Christian with his wonted perswasions, not troubling him selfe with any thing else for that time touching the warre of Albany.
Whilest matters stood thus in rest and quietnesse, Alphonsus receiued both the AmbassadeSuccours sent by Alphonsus king of Naples to Scanderbeg. and the letters of Scanderbeg very honourably, and with all speed caused men to be leauied according as the hast of the time would permit. There were mustered to the number of 1000. footmen, 500. harguebussiers, & the rest crossebowes. The king would willingly haue encreased the number, but that the Ambassadours shewed him that those would suffice, because the places which were to be besieged were but of a smal circuit and cōpasse: besides that the Prouince of Epire was well stored with good and expert archers. Neuerthelesse in stead of greater forces, they desired him to furnish them with certaine engines of assault, as artillery and barres of iron, all which were granted vnto them, and he appointed them also certaine Cannoniers for the seruice of the ordinance. The king Alphonsus also not contented with these offices of amity, did adde thereunto a great quantity of corne, and a huge summe of money, to defray the charge of the war, prouiding also two other vessels richly furnished and appointed: In the which the souldiers being embarked vpon the Adriaticke sea, or the gulf of Venice, Gilbert Ortafan a knight of Naples, sent by Alphonsus to the aide of Scanderbeg. (where the passage was not aboue 60. miles ouer) he recommended them to God and to the windes. Within a while after, he sent a new supply by Gilbert Ortafan a knight of great valour and experience, by whom also he sent letters vnto Scanderbeg: wherein first he rendred him thanks for the excellent gifts and presents which had bene sent him. Then highly praising and commending him for the confidence & good opinionAnswer of Alphonsus king of Naples to the leeters of Scanderbeg. which he had of his affaires, hee exhorted him to vse him as his owne, and with officious tearmes of great amity, he endeuored to encrease that opinion in him. And withall most bountifully and liberally did he proffer & promise him, that all his best means ‘should be euer ready to do him pleasure. As for the souldiers sent vnto him, merely he made him this aunswere: That the Italians were expert and very skilfull not onely in combatting with men vpon the wals of strong holdes and defenced townes, but with Ladies and Gentlewomen in their priuat chambers: That the Albanois ought therefore to be carefull and to looke well vnto it, least that they whom they had inuited to fight with their enemies a farre off, should be found to enter combat neare home, and at hand within their owne houses.’
Our Italians being caried with a good and prosperous gale of wind which blew at South, had a pleasaunt passage, and in few daies arriued in Epire. The souldiers being set on shoare with their baggage, armes, and furniture, went presently to Croy, whilest the Prince of Albany was yet in Dibria about the mustering of his souldiers, (which was well neare finished) and watching carefully to heare, if there were newes of any new motions or stirrings from the partes of Turkie. All things being ready prouided and nothing left vndone that was necessary, he returned with his army towards Croy, there to ioyne with the Italian forces, of whose comming he was well assured, and to make prouision of some other necessaries requisite for the seruice that was intended. Moses was left at Dibria with the garrison which consisted of 1000. horse, and as many footemen, though Scanderbeg were very vnwilling thereunto, and would gladly haue had his company in that voiage, hauing many times inuited him to go with him to that seruice, and offering to appoint some other in his place for the keeping of the [Page 281] borders: were i [...] that he doubted of some future mischiefe, as oftentimes the dexterityMoses seeketh by excuses to exempt himself from going to the siege of Belgrade. of our spirites doth cause vs (though we know not why nor wherefore) to foresee things to come. Many others also entreated and perswaded with him, to go with them to the siege of Belgrade, but he being too precise and scrupulous in his faith and promise vnlawfully giuen to an Infidell, did by shiftes and excuses cunningly exempt himselfe from that seruice, telling them that it was not conuenient, that that quarter of the countrey should be left to the mercy of the Barbarian: for Belgrade being situated on the other side of the countrey, was distant from Dibria more then one hundred and forty miles,) and that no man could more faithfully and carefully guard his lands and possessions then him selfe. That if they had gone to besiege Sfetigrade which was neare hand, he would haue borne them company: that it was not more discontenting to any then to him selfe, that he could not be at the siege, where he knew both himselfe might purchase honour, and his souldiers might finde great profite and benefit: that he was of the opinion, that he should haue enough to doe, and that Mahomet would not lie idle, but as soone as he should heare that Belgrade were besieged, he would perhaps inuade that part of the countrey, and renue the warre vpon the Albanois, purposely to withdraw and diuert their campe from before Belgrade. There was none but did allow of these his reasons: and his trecherous counsell was generally approued of those who were ignorant of the secret thoughtes of his heart. In so much as he had authority giuen him to encrease the garrison, according to the exigence of the affaires and the necessity of the time.
The king of Epire returning towards Croy, the Italian bands sent vnto him by Alphonsus Neapolitan Ambassade & succours entertained and feasted at Croy by Scanderbeg. went to meet him on the way, and receiuing him with great ioy & triumph, they conueyd him into the city, the residue of the army being willed to encamp without the walles. The Ambassadours hauing deliuered the effect of their charge, did consigne the money which they had brought into his hands, together with the kings letters: which being openly read in the publique assembly, gaue occasion of laughter vnto all the audience. Castriot with a long Oration magnified the liberality of the King of Naples, and his singular amity and friendshippe towardes the people of Albanie: and afterwardes gaue order that the straunge companies should be entertained each according to the estate of his degree and calling, and that they should be welcommed and feasted with publique banquets and triumphs, whilest that the commanders and chiefe officers of the army did take order for the mounting of the artillery and for the prouiding of cariages and other necessary instruments. All things being in a readinesse, Scanderbeg issued forth into the fielde, the whole multitude conueying him to his Campe, where first of all hauing taken a generall view and muster of his army, and publique prayers and processions being solemnly perfourmed before their departure, for a prosperous and happy returne, and for the victory: so as the souldiers being now ready to march, onely attending the stroake of the drumme and the sound of the trumpet, Scanderbeg spake vnto them in this manner.
This is now the eleuenth yeare of our continuall trauelles (my good souldiours)‘Oration of Scanderbeg to his army being to march to the siege of Belgrade. which we haue sustayned for the recouery and possession of our countrey of Epire, and for the feare and dwellings of our auncesters which were lost vnto the Barbarians, rather by a certaine kinde of fatall necessity, then by any default or want of courage either in them or vs. The time is now come that we must employ our whole power and endeuours to di [...]nest these Infidels, and to expell them wholly out of our countrey, and with no lesse glory to impose the yoke vpon the necks of our enemies, then we haue already by the diuine clemency and your vnspeakable prowesse, shaken it off from our owne shoulders. If the life and the death of Amurath haue heretofore [Page 282] giuen you a large and ample subiect of glory: you haue now a fitter occasion & a more noble matter to purchase honour. And it may be that his sonne is reserued for your greater glory. You haue had euen of late some pledge & experience of your good fortune, and the tyrant gaue you some proofe and triall thereof, whilest that with the one hand (as it were) holding the funerals of his father, with the other he demanded peace of you, yet vnder a certaine colour and honest shew of tribute. The which we hauing denied him, he would with a strong hand haue enforced and exacted of vs, sending hither certaine of his captaines and souldiers as Collectors of that his tribute, throughout all this Prouince. But the vallies of Mocrea, and the fields of Pologue, can testifie that they had but ill paiment, and that they made but a bad audit. The consideration hereof ought to spur vs on to follow and pursue that which remaineth yet vndone. Amongst the rest the town of Belgrade doth seeme to promise vs no lesse good successe: in the siege whereof, we will continue as long as your selues shall thinke conuenient: in such sort that if either the fortune of the warre, or the obstinacy of the defendants, doe protract & draw it out at length, we are not determined to continue there longer then till the end of Autumne. Howbeit I am in good hope, that we shall not be enforced to stay there to the end of that season, considering both your accustomed valour, the flower of so many goodly troupes, such great store of engines, and peeces for battery, wherewith the King of Sicily hath most bountifully furnished vs. Besides you know that Belgrade is a towne of Christians, peopled with our owne kinsmen and friends, and that Amurath after the death of Theodore Corona the last Lord of thatTheodore Corona, Lord of Belgrade in Bulgary. city, did traiterously seize and possesse him selfe of the same. This place is yet full of her ancient citizens, who do onely attend to be freed and deliuered out of the seruitude of those Infidels. I am much deceiued if they do not greatly further and fauor our attēpts, whereby the enemy shall be assailed both within & without. Go to therfore (my good friends and companions in armes) march on a Gods name resolutely and couragiously, succour them that attend in expectation of your vertue: at leastwise spare not to enforce both them and the residue, if you find them peruerse and obstinate.’
With the end of this Oration, there began a great cry and clamor of all the army with exceeding ioy and gladnesse: then began the companies to set forward, but Scanderbeg Tanusee sent to begin the siege of Belgrade. commanded them to stand, and that euery man should keepe him selfe still in his quarter: for neither had he as yet sent forth any vauntcurrours (as he was accustomed) to discouer the countrey: nor the Marshalles were not yet departed to choose a place for their campe to lodge in. Tanusee had commission to this effect, who being accompanied with three thousand good horse departed immediatly without any further delay, endeuoring by his diligence to preuent the enemy. Then Scanderbeg sending his baggage and cariages before, did follow after with his maine army. The fame and report of this enterprise was already gotten to Belgrade, and the citizens were throughly enformed of euery thing in particular, which was the cause that the Christians, were depriued of all meanes to do them any dammage, either by secret ambushmēts, or by open force & violence: for the peisants were retired into the strong holds with the chiefest of their corne and other prouisions, and hauing left nothing in the fields (for it was in the hart of sommer) they had layd vp all in garners within the wals, insomuch that the souldiers (naturally addicted to couetousnes & desire of pillage, and not finding any matter fit to prey vpon, or to make boot of) would not haue abstained from ouerrunning all the country, and from destroying & burning al with sword and fire, if Tanusee had not hindered and withheld them: telling them, that he had no such charge nor commission giuen him by the general. Wherfore keeping good watch & ward on all sides, he lodged his troupes quietly and without any disturbance vnder the wals, without doing any outrage or iniury to the inhabitants, either in word or deed. [Page 283] Neither did they in like manner in any sort hinder or contradict their approach, butBelgrade besieged. held themselues still and quiet within the towne, without any stur or motion made against them: yet did they in the meane time carefully prouide for all things within the city, disposing their courts of gard and sentinels, and appointing ech man to his place.
The garrison of Turkes within Belgrade was very strong, consisting of a thousandNumber of Turkes in the garrison of Belgrade. men at the least: the common people being Christians were more in number by a third part, yet altogether vnfit and vnapt to beare armes. For as touching the weaker sexe of women and children, they tooke no great care to suffer them to remaine and abide within the towne: but concerning the citizens, there was great difference and disagreement of opinions amongst the souldiers, whether they should permit them to continue there still, or to put them foorth. Some suspition they had of their faith and fidelitie, by reason that their ceremonies and religion was different from the TurkishTurkes within Belgrade are doubtfull of the faith of the Citizens. profession. Notwithstanding this greatly diminished that suspition, in that they had bene suffered so long within the citie, and had bene friendly and courteously vsed by the Ottoman, and none of them had bene euer touched or suspected with any shewe or token of treason. Besides that, they sawe in their owne handes (as it were) certaine and assured pledges of their faith: euen their wiues, their children, their parents, and all their fortunes and possessions. The consideration of these contrarie respectes, did make them in a doubt what to doe and to determine of them. The Gouernour being willing to retaine them within the towne, & yet to haue some more assured gage of their faith, who were but as straungers vnto them: that he might make all sure: and that fighting with the enemie, he neede not to doubt any ciuill or domesticall rebellion,Con [...]etence betweene the Gouernor and Citizens of Belgrade vpon the suspition cōceiued of their [...] faith by thē of the garrison. caused certaine of the chiefest and most auncient of the Christians to come vnto him, with whom, after he had taken them aside, he reasoned and discoursed a long time in close and couert termes, touching this warre and siege begun by the Albanois: and in the end discouering vnto them the deliberation of the souldiers, he aduertized them, that the matter could not be passed ouer without some sedition, if the minds of ‘the garrison were not satisfied with some sure bond of their faith and fidelitie. That he for his part did neuer make any doubt of their truth and good deuoire, nor at that present had any mistrust therof, nor had lesse hope in their armes, then in himself & those of the garrison. That neuerthelesse it was his duty to admit and hearken to the plaints of the others, and to do them reason in their demands, whom it especially concerned, and to whom it principally appertained to bethinke them selues how they might be assured to haue but one only enemy. The Belgradians began to complaine and to find themselues agreeued, that this wrong should be done them, who had neuer committedAnswer of the citizens of Belgrade to the speeches of the Gouernour. any act, whereby the Turkes should either seeke to bring them into further seruitude, or should take occasion to conceiue that euill opinion of them: that they knew no reason whence this their mistrust should proceede, but onely because they were Christians, and of the race of the Albanois: But therein they did them apparaunt and great wrong, to thinke that they did esteeme of their safety more vnder others: considering that they could not possibly hope f [...] more liberty, nor a more franke and free permission of their ceremonies and religion, then Mahomet euen to that day had graciously graunted vnto them. That all other pretences were but vaine and friuolous, by which they were charged to loue and to esteeme better of Scanderbeg, for that the towne of Belgrade was neuer any part of his dominion nor vnder his subiection. And that the Belgradians did disdaine the rule and gouernment of the Castriots: insomuch that they would endure any other indignity, rather then to be brought vnder his command and authority: that they had then had some appearance & likelihood of truth to be afraid of their faith, if there had bene left aliue any of the issue of Theodore, [Page 284] who might haue presented himself to the communalty, which commonly is desirous of their auncient estate and condition: but nowe that he was dead and gone, all the alliance and societie of the Albanois was together with him dead and extinguished: and that euer since his death they had constantly and with singular good affection, accepted and endured the Empire of the Ottomans: to whom they had vowed and consecrated their countrey, their libertie, their wiues and children, with their bodies, goods, and liuings. Other gages or better assurances they had not to giue them, or to bind their faith more strictly and assuredly to them of the garrison,’ then that which they had already giuen vnto Amurath. Citizens of Belgrade giue hostages to the Turkes for assurance of their faith.
The Barbarian being more intentiue to obserue their countenances, then the outward shewe of their wordes, did receiue their protestation with great ioy and contentment. Neuerthelesse he caried him selfe, and framed his speeches with such cunning and dexteritie, that before they departed from his companie, they promised him a good number of hostages: which being deliuered, were put in sure and safe keeping, within the castell or fortresse where the Turks only commanded. Willingly he wold haue transported them to Andrinople, the better to be assured of them, but he was not able so to do, by reason that the siege layd about the towne, did hinder him from the same. Matters being thus settled and pacified within Belgrade, and all suspition being now extinguished, the companies, the watches, the portes being reuisited, and euerie part and place of the towne being surueyed, and a strong Court of gard being appointed vppon the market place to serue against all necessities and sudden occurrences whatsoeuer, the Gouernour was desirous to encourage and hearten both the citizens and the souldiers: and to the intent hee might quicken, and stirre vp their minds to behaue themelsues faithfully and valiantly, he vsed these or the like speeches.
‘If there be anie thing at this present, which a Captaine ought to speake vnto hisOration of the Gouernor of Belgrade to his people being besieged. souldiers: or if by my speeches (ô Belgradians) you were to haue your courages confirmed and stregthened: the enemie nowe planted before your eyes, hath preuented me of all such speeches and perswasions. For there is no exhortation more effectuall, no spurres are more sharpe, euen to the greatest cowardes, then the daunger it selfe which is threatened by the enemie: neither is it their guise to inuite or allure, to perswade and exhort, to encourage and confirme the mindes of men, as Captaines vse to doe vnto their souldiers, and as I doe vnto you. But they doe presse and constraine you to armes, they holde their naked swordes to your throates, they bring cordes and irons to binde and mannacle you, if you shewe your selues faynt hearted and negligent. Me thinkes I see nowe insolent and proude Scanderbeg, cruell and bloudie Scanderbeg: me thinkes I heare him summoning you to bondage and thraldome. Stop your eares, I coniure you in the name of God, stop your eares: hearken not vnto his speeches, which tende to nothing but your shame and infamie. Valiant men vse not to aunswer with their mouthes and with their lippes, but with their weapons, and with their handes readie armed. We haue not put on armes to be forced with wordes, we haue not shu [...]nd rammed vp our gates, to open them againe as men amazed or astonished. Let our enemies then make way for themselues, if their fortune so serue them. For our partes, wee are not to feare it, no more then that the heauens are like presently to fall vppon vs. Was it possible, that Sfetigrade (being seated euen in the verie middest of our enemies, and being furnished with lesser numbers) was able to deride the Brauadoes of the Albanois, and to maintaine the immortall name of the Ottomans in Epire? Nay (let the vertue euen of our enemies, serue you for an example) was it possible that Croy should bee able so cheerefullie, and so audaciously, to hold out and make resistance against [Page 285] the puissance of all Asia and Europe? Could shee (her walles being ouerthrowen, her fortifications being raised) onely by her notable perseueraunce and constancy merite the perpetuall and euerlasting title of glory? and shall we in the aboundance of all things, and hauing so neare an hope of aide and succours from Andrinople: shall wee (I say) be afraied at the sight of a handfull of base companions? Shall not we dare to looke vppon them without terrour of astonishment, who are no other then an infamous troupe of theeues and freebooters?’
This short Oration did so chafe the harts of the souldiers, that besides infinit vaunts and brauadoes (as is vsuall in such cases) some of them flocked together about the Gouernour, and with great instance besought him to grant them leaue to sally forth, & to set vpon the enemy: but he refused to yeeld vnto their demaund, by reason hee was aduertised that Scanderbeg did approach, betweene whose arriuall and these accidentes,Scanderbeg before Belgrade. there was litle or no great space. It was about the tenth houre, that the troupes of the Albanois did appeare before the towne, and did encampe them selues close together in a large plaine vnd [...]r the walles. First they tooke their repast all at their ease, and then afterwardes they parted their companies, each hauing their seuerall quarter appointedNumber of Scanderbeg his armie before Belgrade. them. The numbers of Scanderbeg his army, was 15000. men, 8000. horse, 7000. foote. They were placed round about ouer the plaine, and vpon the mountaine, the which being not very high nor steepe, did serue as well for the horsemen to encampe in, as the footmen. And for this cause was the artillery planted there also in diuers places fit and conuenient, to make a battery against the wals. By that time that all things were ordained in a readinesse, the night ouertooke them, the audacity and fiercenesse of the besieged was much abated, by the terrible shewe and aspect of our people, and especially by the view of those peeces and engines prepared for the battering and assaulting of the towne.
Immediatly vpon the breake of day, the ordinaunce began to thunder most furiously, and the Curtin in some places began to be dismanteled, and the Flankers toBelgrade battered. be razed: whereupon the defendants both falling to consultation, and yet labouring the whilest to repaire the breaches, were for a time deuided into contrary opinions, being in doubt whether it were best to demaund a Parley or not, before that the enemie should come to the scaling of the walles, and that the furie of the assault should bebegunne. For they were sore affrayed, lest they should not be able to maintaine the place: and if in the middle and heate of the fight they should intend it, that then the souldiours being caried away with the hope of victorie, would not be perswaded to yeeld vnto it. But the Gouernour would not in any case consent thereunto: telling them, That the perill as yet was not so great, and that they should at all times finde oportunitie enough to take that course so vile and ignominious: whereupon they were satisfied, and surceased that motion. The next day likewise passed in the same manner, for that the breache was not yet assaultable, nor sufficient to receiue the souldiours, and Scanderbeg caused the batterie to continue still with great furie. And after two dayes were spent in that sort, and that the ditches were nowe filled vp with the ruines of the wall: he withdrewe his ordinaunce from that side where the towne was made least defensible, and for that it was nowe time to vse the furie of his souldiours, he appointed the next day to giue an assault, and to make a triall of their valour, commaunding them to be ready by the breake of the next morning: which was done accordingly. As the ensignes were readie displayed, and that the souldiours with great cries and clamours began to march in good order and resolution, certaineBelgradians demand a truce of the towne came foorth suddenly and met them: who being conducted to the presence of the Prince, required to haue truce; which was soone and easily graunted [Page 286] them. Afterwardes demaunding what their composition should be, if they did yeeld ‘them selues: Such (quoth Scanderbeg) as is due to men that doe yeeld: to wit, their liues saued,’ and free libertie to depart with their armour, bagge and baggage: as for the rest, it did belong to the victours. The two messengers being returned, and their aunswer openly reported, the defendants were generally sadde and sorrowfull, that so hard conditions should be imposed vpon them, all things being as yet sound and in good estate: whereas if their case had bene desperate, and the towne forced to the vttermost, euen they that were in a manner vanquished, might easily obtaine such an agreement. The garrison were pensiue and sore grieued: feare and despite made them to haue manie motions and conceipts in their minds. The Christians sayd neuer a word, notwithstanding that by the articles propounded for their composition, they sawe they should be depriued both of their goods and their houses. True it is, that they were in a good hope, that if the place came into the handes of the Christians, they should obtaine of the King of Albanie what soeuer they would demaund. And therefore they made no shewe howe they were affected, either on the one side or the other, nor what they thought of the conditions, for feare lest they should renewe and reuiue the suspition that had bene before conceiued of them. Being demaunded of the Gouernour what their opinion was, they refused to shew their mindes, giuing himGouernour of Belgrade consulteth with the citizens vpō the conditions offred by Scanderbeg. Answer of the citizens of Belgrade to the Gouernour. onely this answer: That they did expect from him not interrogatories, but commaundements: that whatsoeuer he should iudge to be for the honour and profit of all in generall, that would they maintaine and ratifie, both armed and disarmed. A great part of that day was spent in consultations: at last it was concluded, that they should demaund a truce and abstinence from armes for one whole moneth, during which time if there came no succours, that then they would submit them selues to the conditions and offers which were propounded. They were in hope that Mahomet would not endure this shame and infamie, but would either be there himself in person, or else would send some succours with all speed. For before the comming of Tanusee, they had aduertized him of the preparations made against them. Thus by this pollicie and deuice they did hope to preserue their libertie & their towne without any bloudshed or losse at all. And if the Christian did deny to condescend to this agreement, that then each man should be resolute, and prepare him selfe with a good courage to the defence of their walles, and to vse their vttermost obstinacie against so obstinate an enemy. The messengers being sent backe with these capitulations to the campe of the Christians, Scanderbeg made no other accompt of these demaundes, but reputed them worthie to be laughed at, willing them either to be better aduised, and that with speede, or else to prepare them selues to the extremitie of a generall assault. In the end when he sawe that they were so fully and firmely determined, as they would not abate so much as fiue dayes of the delaye and respite which they demaunded, he grewe into greater choller: but the night comming vppon them, did put off the conclusion thereof for that instant. Scanderbeg calling a Counsell to consult and deliberate vpon ‘the matter, some of his chiefe Lordes and eldest Captaines were of opinion: ThatSpeeches of some of the Nobles and Captaines of Scanderbeg: perswading him to accept the offers of the Belgradians. he should not altogether reiect these demaundes, but that he should sound the besieged euen to the last point, whether they would abridge anie part of that time. They alledged the difficulties that would impeach them from carrying of the place: for that the toppe of the mountaine (whereon the citie was seated) did not for the most part admit and giue anie easie accesse vnto those that should labour to clime the same: and that the great stonie rocks naturally arising in many places round about the town, and being wrought by arte into the circuite of the walles,’ and so seruing for a fortification to the towne in many places, would easily scorne all the force and violence [Page 287] of their ordinaunce, and make them of no power nor vertue: in regard whereof it ‘might be an occasion that the siege might be of long continuaunce. They alleaged moreouer, that how soeuer it fell out, and whether the truce were either graunted or denied to the defendaunts, yet they beleeued that the Sultan would not faile, to ayde and to send them succours: that the daunger would be much greater and more to be feared, if hee should come and finde them wearied and sore laboured, whereas if he came not at all, or that he did foreslow his comming, they might then obtaine the towne without any bloudshed, and without any losse or hazard of their people: or in case he did come in good time to their rescue, yet they might then take their choise both of the time and the occasion, according as it should offer it selfe: that all things would fall out conueniently and to his aduauntage in the fight, and would be to the furtherance of his victory, and to the greatnesse of his glorie. That he had with as small forces as those then present, giuen a memorable ouerthrow to Haly Bassa. Moreouer, that Mahomet in regard of his couetous desire and vnsatiable ambition to the Empire of Constantinople, had cleane forgotten the warre of Epire. And they supposed that the Belgradians did demand this time of truce, for the deliuery of their towne, to no other end and purpose, but onely because the king of Turkes should not blame them for yeelding it vp so hastily and shamefully, and to the intent, when they should be cast out of their dwellings, and spoyled of all their substaunce, they might be thought worthy both of pardon and compassion. Scanderbeg smiling at these their allegations, replied vnto them in this manner.’
I see (quoth he) that the Albanians are glutted with so many victories, that they are Answer of Scanderbeg to the perswasiōs of his Chiefetaines, touching the graunting of truce to the Belgradians ‘nowe become delicate and effeminate: and that as the frosts and cold of the last winter were vnpleasing vnto them, so the heate of the Sommer doth nowe annoy them. They haue neede to be visited with some misaduenture (God graunt that it happen not vnto them) to chastise them for their sloth and negligence. Besides, who will not condemne vs of ouer much credulitie? If we remember, the like fraude was practised against vs heretofore by them of Sfetigrade, and they deluded vs in the same maner. What thinke you is then to be done, when the prefixed time of the truce being expired, you shall finde either their deceipt secretly hidden to be discouered: or that their minds shall be altered and chaunged? We shall then abide hard penance for our light credulitie, and in vaine shall we repent the losse of the time past: and we shall be constrained in the meane time to depend wholy vpon the pleasure and faith of our enemies. And how soeuer there be many things alledged touching the difficulty of the siege, and the occupations of the Sultan, yet ought not wee for all that to deferre that which the vrgency of our affaires doeth require to be done. And if it happen that whilest we are busied in forcing of the towne, there do appeare any likelihood ofstirs from Andrinople, we haue forces sufficient both to defend our selues, and to secure vs from their attempts. Besides that, Dibria also is sufficiently assured with the garrison which Moses hath in a readinesse vpon those frontiers.’
After the matter had bene long debated and discussed to and fro, notwithstandingTruce for sixteene dayes granted to thē of Belgrade. anie thing that had bene sayd to the contrarie, Scanderbeg was content in the ende to subscribe to the opinion of the greatest number. As touching the time, there was some difference betweene them and the infidels, many matters being argued and disputed on both partes: but in the ende they agreed vpon a truce for sixteene dayes. The capitulation being thus accorded and concluded, Scanderbeg tooke not more care of anie thing, then to set good watch and ward on all sides. And therefore ouer and aboue the ordinary scoutes disposed and ordained by Tanusee, he chose out fiue and twentie watchfull and diligent souldiers, whom he appointed to keepe vpon the top of a certaine [Page 288] mountaine not farre from the campe, for the more suretie of his troupes▪ to the intent, that the enemie being discouered by them a farre off, and notice thereof giuen to the campe, by fires and lights held vp aloft in the aire, themselues also should immediatly giue the allarme, retiring speedily into the campe. By meanes whereof the souldier being certified, and hauing warning of the comming of the enemie, should haue some time to arme them selues, and to put them selues in a readinesse to fight. Furthermore, because his companies should encampe more at their ease, and by lying at large might recreat them selues from the parching and vehement heate of the sunne: he him selfe with Amese and certaine of his Nobles, lodged vpon the mountaine next the towne, retaining for his regiment three thousand horse and a thousand foote: and he disposed all things with singular prouidence and discretion, planting certaine peeces of ordinance right opposite ouer against Belgrade, which were alwayes kept in a readinesse, for feare lest they of the towne should make any sallie and inuade him on a sodaine. Musache and Tanusee with the rest of the armie were commanded to encampe in the plaine vnderneath him, for their greater [...]ase and commoditie. The souldiers also were willed to abstaine from armes, and to rest them selues from all actions of hostilitie, till such time as the daies of truce limited to the inhabitants, were fully ended and expired.
THE EIGHT BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
Mahomet hauing vndertaken the conquest of Constantinople, and marching against it with a mightie armie, vpon the newes of the siege of Belgrade stayeth his iourney, and sendeth Sebalias to relieue Belgrade: who surprizeth the armie of the Christians, and raiseth the siege. Scanderbeg maketh head against him. The battell of Belgrade betweene Scanderbeg and Sebalias. The particular combat of Scanderbeg with Acmath and Barach two Turkes, who hauing vowed his destruction to Mahomet, are both slaine by Scanderbeg. Sebalias and the Turkes are put to the retyre. Scanderbeg withdraweth his army into the confines of Epyre. Moses reuolteth from Scanderbeg to Mahomet. Sebalias returneth to Andrinople. Tanusee sent by Scanderbeg to bury the Christians slaine at Belgrade, spoileth and destroieth all the countrey. Scanderbeg is visited with Ambassadors from diuers Princes to comfort him vpon his misfortunes. Moses is sent by Mahomet with an army against Scanderbeg. Constantinople is besieged by Mahomet. The description of the city and maner of the siege. The negligence and couetousnesse of the Greekes and the simplicitie of Constantine the Emperour, causeth their owne ruine and destruction. Mahomet hauing diuersely forced the citie all in vaine, at length by the strange cowardize of Iohn Iustinian Lieutenant Generall to the Emperour, and the faintnesse of the Greekes winneth it by an assault. The Emperour is smothered and troden to death. The horrible excesse and crueltie of the Turkes in the sacke of Constantinople, and the barbarous crueltie of Mahomet against the Christian prisoners. The towne of Pera neere Constantinople yeeldeth voluntarilie to Mahomet, who with singular periurie, vseth them with all kindes of crueltie.
IT is vsually seene, that when there happeneth any newes of great importance, the fame thereof, like a running, Poast flieth all about more swift then the winde: so was the siege of Belgrade euery where noysed and blowen abroad, and the tydings thereof came to the eares of Mahomet, at such time as he was not farre from Romania, marching with ensignes displayed to the conquest of the Grecian Empire, andMahomet going to the conquest of Constantinople is staied vpon the nowes of Belgrade. to seeke the ruine of the Emperour of Greece, and the destruction and desolation of the people of God. The haughtie and generous courage of this young Prince, did aspire to the dominion of the whole worlde: the boundes of his ambition did exceede farre beyonde the succession of his fathers Empire, and he sought to surmount the glorie of all his auncestors. For [Page 290] casting his thoughts to higher enterprises, he was resolued to reduce within the number of his conquests, the proude and triumphant citie of Constantinople: and he helde it to be a great blot and staine to his honour to entitle himselfe Emperour of Greece, and not to haue the possession of the Imperiall seate and capitall city of that Empire. Besides, he considered this with himselfe, that by enterprising an exploite of so high regard, he should make his memorie immortall ouer the whole earth, and that all the Nations and peoples of the world, would be striken with the terror of his wonderfull actes, in that he being but in the prime and entrance of his youth, should be able to make a conquest of a towne so puissant, and to purchase to himselfe a name so glorious and renowned. And he was the more enflamed in this his desire and affection, because his predecessors hauing oftentimes attempted the winning of that towne, had alwayes bene repulsed with some disgrace and losse of honor and reputation.
Assoone therefore as the newes of Belgrade was come vnto his eares, he was extreamely grieued and perplexed, and he complained with infinite plaints and lamentations, that fortune should so crosse and disturbe his attempts, as to take out of his hands the ioy, benefit, and aduantage of a glorie so excellent and incomparable. The very conceipt and griefe wherof dryuing him into rage and choller, made him to exclaimeSpeech and exclamation of Mahomet vpō the news of the siege of Belgrade. ‘and to burst out into these speeches. Vnhappie and vnfortunate Epyre, which doest alwaies bring some sinister and vnluckie misfortune to the hinderance of our affaires and proceedings.’ Whereupon surceasing for that time to proceede any further against the Greekes, he bent all his care and imagination only to the reliefe of Belgrade. Howbeit that some of his Bassaes perswaded him in any case not to interrupt or break off so goodly and honorable a iourney, nor to leaue off all those royall & princely preparations for the hazard and danger of one only baggage and paultry towne of Epire. ‘But Mahomet replyed and told them, saying: That his auncestors neuer taught himSpeech of Mahomet to his Bassaes perswading him not to leaue his voyage of Constantinople for Belgrade. that lesson, to abandon and forsake the defence of his owne against the iniuries of his enemies, whilest of an ambitious mind he sought that which belonged to other men. That for his part he reputed all conquests and ech victorie vile and dishonorable, and that glory to be base, & of no moment nor estimat, which should be defiled or stained with the least touch of ignominie. Can it be good or commendable (quoth he) for a Prince to amplifie & enlarge his Empire with the one hand, and to diminish & lessen it with the other? how shall I beleeue, that any of my people can fight with quiet and setled mindes in Romania, as long as their fancies and imaginations are caried away with thinking, that a vile & lewd fugitiue is triumphing the whilest ouer Macedony, and is tearing, rending, and spoiling the bodies of their fellows & companions? True it may be, that vpon the Greekes we may purchase vs great honor, and greater spoiles and bootie: but the losse of Belgrade will be more to our detriment and disaduantage then we can reap profit by the conquest of the whole Leuant. It behoueth Monarches & great conquerors to be carefull of their fame and reputation, and (as good & excellent tutors & protectors) to preserue it vnspotted & vnblameable, both towards them which are aliue present, and to the posteritie that are to succeede hereafter. Moreouer Constantinople cannot fly from vs, but Belgrade being once gotten out of the power & alleagance of the Ottomans, will not without great difficulty be recouered. It standeth vs vpon first to quench this fire within our own dores, for feare least being neglected, it grow more strong & violent, and spread farther abroad: and the fury of a people so proud & insolent, is not to be left vnpunished and vnsubdued. The citie of Croie may serue for a sufficient testimonie to teach vs, the which continueth and remaineth as yet in good estate and condition, lifting vp her head aboue all the cities of Epyre: and gloriously vaunting and boasting of the woundes and calamities which she gaue vs,’ [Page 291] and which we haue suffered to rest vnreuenged, to the great reproch of the name of the Ottomans.
But his Bassaes shewing him that Belgrade was strongly and excellently well fortified, that it was abundantly prouided of all necessaries for defence: and that for the more securitie, he might sende thither such fresh succours, as it should be impossible for the enemie to winne it, and that the voyage of Romania needed not in the meane while to be interrupted: All this would not anie whit perswade him, nor turne his obstinate minde from the warre of Epyre. For the siege of Belgrade and the onely shame thereof had swallowed vppe all his thoughtes and imaginations,Turkes their wonderfull care to preserue their conquests and his head was alwayes deuising vppon the same. And to speake the trueth, I dare assure you, that there is not anie Nation nor kinde of men vnder the heauens more diligent and carefull in preseruing of their conquestes, and in keeping the countries which they haue gotten from their enemies, then are the Turkes. For they holde it a most notable iniurie, and eternall shame and infamie, that their enemies should take from them one foote of ground, whereof they are the owners: or should innouate, alter, or chaunge any thing vppon their possessions. It shall not be impertinent in this place to recount an accident which is as yet fresh in memorie, during the raigne of the last Baiazeth. The Hungarians had erected neere to the riuerAn act of Baiazeth the second vpon the riuer of Danowe or Danubius in Hungarie. of Danowe a tower of wood seruing to diuerse vses and priuate commodities, rather then to any purpose of seruice for the warres: a worke in trueth that was not worth the speaking of. Baiazeth being aduertised thereof, could not moderate his passions, but to his extreame charges and expences, he assembled forthwith a mighty armie, onely and of purpose to ouerthrow and beate downe this edifice. And he held it not sufficient to commit the execution thereof to his Lieutenants, but he would needes be there in proper person, wasting and destroying the whole countrie adioyning. The Hungarians thought it not best to oppose themselues against his furie, but gaue place vnto him, and made a mocke of so foolish and outragious a part: and so litle did they grieue at the dammage offered them, that they wished him many such victories. Now whether this diligence in the Turkes be either to be commended or discommended, this is most certaine, that the euent of things doth apparantly make shew of it. But we for our partes doe imagine that there is no cause of feare vntill such ‘Note. The delaies and securitie of Christians time as the fire be gotten into our owne houses, and that the flame haue embraced euen our bed-chambers. Hence it proceedeth, that whilest we prepare water against tomorrow for the quenching of the fire, we are preuented in the instant: being burnt vp presently and consumed out of hand.’
The great Turke taking that course which the importance of those affayres didSebalias sent against Scanderbeg with an army of 40000 horse. require, amongest all his seruants made choise of Sebalias, a Captaine more politique and subtill, then aduenturous and hardie: and who more then once had tryed himselfe against Scanderbeg. In regard whereof he made him Generall of this iourney into Epyre, and gaue him the commaund of 40000. horse, all chosen men and well appointed: so that they made a goodly armie, very strong both for their number and for their valure. Mahomet calling Sebalias vnto him before his departure, helde him with a long discourse, vsing not onely exhortations and perswasions, but with many praiers expressed in most vrgent and earnest tearmes, he entreated him, that he would employ all his diligence, industrie, courage, & vigilancie, & the best & most sufficient meanes he was possibly able in that seruice, to bring that warre to a good end, and to rescue his subiects, promising him great riches, honors, and aduancement euen in theMahomet conspireth the death of Scanderbeg. highest degree that he could bestow vpon him, and as farre as himselfe would wish and desire: especially if he could bring him either the head of Scanderbeg cut from his [Page 292] shoulders, or his person aliue into his presence. I doe finde also that this matter should be plotted in another fashion, and that two souldiers, the strongest and most aduenturous of the whole armie, named Acmath and Barach, should of their owne properAcmath and Barach promise Mahomet to kill Scanderbeg. motion present themselues to Mahomet, and should bargaine with him for a huge summe of money: and that he did condescend to giue them a farre greater reward then they demaunded, so that they would (accordingly as they offered) contriue ‘the death and destruction of Scanderbeg. Behold how pretious and excellent was his life and person to be esteemed, which was so highly prised and valued euen by one so miserably and couetously addicted.’
Sebalias being readie furnished and prouided, as one that was more forwarde withSebalias mercheth towards Epyre. his hand then with his tongue, to put in execution the commaundement and charge giuen him by his soueraigne: and supposing it needefull to make haste, if he would bring his matters to any good passe: he caused his souldiers with all speede possible to mount on horse backe, and when they demaunded whither he would leade them, he tolde them into Epyre. For the Sultan himselfe was not more tormented in his mind, then Sebalias was perplexed and troubled with thinking vpon Belgrade: day & night, sleeping and waking, vncessantly and in all places, was that towne before his eies. And because he was in great feare and doubt, least they within the towne should not hold out till his comming: hauing a desire to put them in good courage & hope, by the expectation of speedie ayde and succours: he had no sooner gotten his dispatch from the Sultan, but he determined to sende away speedily a Poast with letters to them that were besieged. But the chiefest care and difficultie was howe to get a man fit and able to vndertake the enterprise, and that durst expose himselfe to the hazardA Poast sent by Sebalias to carrie newes of succours to the Belgradians. of so great and manifest a perill. And yet the large promises which he made were sufficient not onely to haue inuited and allured, but in a manner to haue enforced the heart of any man to aduenture it. In the ende, they found one a very quicke and light fellow, who being presently mounted vpon the swiftest horse in all the armie, spurred away with all speede, sparing neither by day nor by night, no trauaile nor paynes, nor for anie extreamitie of the heate, so as in three dayes or little more he came to a towne vnder the obeisance of the Turkes, named Gyrocastra, being aboutGyrocastra. some sixe score and fiue miles from Belgrade. The Turkes haue no ordinarie and set Poastes in Turkie, but in stead of them, and because vppon such occurrences, their Curriers (whom they call Vlach) shall not be vnprouided of horses, the Sultans Vlach Poasts of Turkie. haue established and laide downe this order: that in running on their iourney, they may dismount as manie men as they meete with on the way without anie exception: and so by often chaunging of their horse, they make way with incredible speede and diligence. This messenger being arriued at Gyrocastra, and hauing communicated his businesse to the Magistrates of that place, by their counsell and aduise staied there that day till it grew to night: then leauing there his horse, and chaunging his attire (the better to deceiue the scoutes of the Christians) in the darke of the night, he tooke his iourney on foote, and at the length, he got neere the towne on that side where Scanderbeg himselfe lay encamped. For the tentes of the two Thopies, and the rest which lay in the open plaine, stoode farther off, so as they could not perceiue him. Both the one and the other of them were easily deceiued, for that the messenger (hauing verie aduisedly shunned the tentes of the Christians, and taken the other side of the mountaine, where the way was more couert, and the passage more harde and difficult, had so secretly and closely conueyed himselfe euen to the foote of the towne wall, that he was scarcely discerned by the Sentinelles of the towne. Vnto whom, after that he had by whisteling and calling [Page 293] vnto them, made himselfe knowen by his speech, he was suddenly drawen vp with a corde let downe from the wall, and so conueyed into the towne. As he went on toBelgradians aduertised of succours comming to relieue them. seeke out the Gouernor, the common people in a great confusion came running about him on all sides, and in great doubt and suspence began to enquire of him, & to learne what good newes he had brought: for the end of the truce was now neere at hand, and the time approched wherein they were to auoide the towne. The Gouernor hauing caused the common people to depart, and calling the messenger vnto him, he questioned with him in secret, very few being present: after he had receiued and perused the letter, he gaue credit to that which the messenger reported: by meanes wherof the Captaines of the garrison consulting together, did conclude and determine if neede were, to stand resolutely in defence of the place, till the comming of Sebalias to relieue them: and when the day-light should appeare, they appointed that these tydings should be published and made knowen to them of the town, and it was accordingly imparted vnto all of them, not with a loude voice or open proclamation, but by the mouth of the Gouernor himselfe, first in the market place, and after from one to another, with an expresse charge and commaundement to keepe it secret, that they without might not be aduertised of it. For they had a great desire both to deceiue and delude them by the meanes of this truce taken for the rendring of the towne, as also to see them suddenly surprised and oppressed [...]re they were aware: and yet whilest they studied by their close and cunning silence to deceiue the Christians, they bewrayed the matter by another occasion.
The inhabitantes and garrison of Belgrade were in some doubt, least that theirBelgradians repaire their breach contrarie to their agreement. succours would not come timely enough and before the truce were expyred: by meanes whereof eyther they should be driuen to defende them selues, or else to forgoe and forsake the towne. For this cause they beganne to repaire their walles and bastilles, where they had beene battered and beaten with the artillerie. The Generall of the Christians perceiuing this, and misdoubting some fraude, entred into great choller, and was in a minde to haue assaulted them: neuerthelesse for that the time of the truce was to expire within a three dayes, he pacified himselfe, and was contentMessage of Scanderbeg to the Belgradians willing thē to desist from repairing of their town [...]. to send one vnto them to reproue them, and to let them knowe, that they did violate and infringe the agreement and couenants passed betweene them, by innouating and altering thinges from their former estate: an euident signe of some treason secretly intended and imagined. That they should surcease therefore from their worke, or otherwise if they came afterwardes to endure the rigour and extreamitie of their enemies, they shoulde impute it, not to anie breach of faith in them, but to their owne default and deserts. The inhabitants in outwarde shewe and appearance seemed to obey it, and did forbeare from doing any thing, that their enemies could either see or perceiue: notwithstanding they continued night and day by all other meanes, as to carrie earth, to strengthen the walles, to lay together great heapes of stones, and other prouisions fit to throwe vppon their enemies: all which they did close behinde their rampiers. O of what power, force, and efficacie is hope, so toSentence. alter and chaunge the mindes of mortall men, and to make them so variable and ‘inconstant? O howe little and small a thing can make them chaunge their thoughts and cogitations? Of late this people when their estate was whole and sound, were most cowardly discouraged and amazed,’ being striken with feare and terror at the onely viewe of the enemie: and now their walles being battered, razed, and beaten downe, their bulwarkes being ouerthrowen, and their defences laid open and discouered, they doe prepare to make resistance against an enemie, whom they are like to find more fiercely & cruelly incensed, and readie by the sword most iustly to reuenge [Page 294] and to demaund reason for their faith and promise violated. Neuerthelesse still did they continue running vp and downe the walles, getting to the toppes of their houses and into all the towers and highest places of the towne to see, if they could discouer the aide and succours which they expected and desired so earnestly: or if they could perceiue any dust of their horses, or heare any noise of their comming by the people of the countrie. Their eyes were clearer sighted then ordinarie, whatsoeuer sound they heard, whatsoeuer obiect presented it selfe to their senses, they thought it to be ‘Sebalias, and that it had beene their gods comming to their succours: so easie a matterSentence. is it for a man to perswade himselfe of that, whereof he hath any hope that it is like to come to passe.’
That which gaue cause of hope to them of Belgrade, was an occasion of feare and suspition to the Christians: they regarded no lesse carefully then the others, the toppes and highest places of the mountaines where their scoutes were placed, to see if they could discerne any aduertisement by boughes and branches of trees, or by fires or any other signe giuen them to arme themselues, and to prepare to horsebacke, it being a thing not possible to keepe them continually sadled, nor themselues alwaies in armes, by reason of the violent and extreame heate, which did make their bodies very faintChristians before Belgrade surprised by the Turkes. and feeble. But the Ensignes of the enemie were in sight, and their cries and clamors were heard amongest them before that they had any notice or warning giuen them by ther scoutes of their approch and comming. Not much vnlike vnto a companie of seafaring men and saylers, who being embarked & becalmed vpon the maine seas, whilest the Master and Pilots do looke vp to the flagge or streames to see what windAn excellent comparison. doth blow, to the intent they may fit their tackling, and make readie their sayles: suddenly in the meane time being ouertaken with an outragious and horrible tempest, (whereof there appeareth not any precedent signes either by darke cloudes, or the roaring of the seas, nor any other such celestiall threates and tokens) by reason wherof they are suddenly oppressed, not fearing any such matter: their sayles are rent and torne, their mastes blowen ouerborde, their gables and anchors are lost, and they (not able to worke, whilest they are busied on all sides to attend their charges and seuerall duties) are constrained in the end with the violence of the tempest, to giue ouer and to leaue all to the mercie of the winde and weather, and of fortune, and to haue a care onely of their owne safetie: so did it now fall out with the Christians lying before Belgrade. For they hauing their eyes alwayes regarding the toppes of the mountaines to see some signe giuen them from their Sentinels, had the sword of the enemie ouer their heads, before they discerned or perceiued any such matter. It is a wonderfullComming of Sebalias why concealed from Scanderbeg. thing to imagine how so great preparations, and the sudden approch of the Infidels could be so concealed, that euen the very stones and riuers (as a man may say) did not reueale it. In all the warres that Scanderbeg had made, he was neuer without spyes, fugitiues, letters, or some such secret aduertisements of his friendes, saue onely at this instant, when he had most neede of them. But it may be, that the preparations for the warre of Greece being begunne, and continuing so long, was the cause he was so deceiued: by reason that Mahomet hauing his great armie in a readines for another iorney, did on a sudden employ part of those forces, and that with singular diligence, secrecy, & celerity, so as no report nor espials could easily preuent their cōming; as they might haue done, if an armie had bene leauied and raised purposely for this iourney. Besides, letters and messengers haue not alwayes free libertie of passage. And as for the watches and scoutes which were placed vpon the mountaines purposely for the discouering of the approach of the enemie: and vppon whom principally did depende the safetie of the Christian armie before Belgrade: they neuer gaue them any signe [Page 295] nor token of their comming, nor it was neuer knowen what became of them.Scouts of the Albanois surprized by the enemie. There is great varietie and diuersitie of opinions concerning those scoutes: some say they were corrupted by the Turke: others affirme, that they were surprized, and put to the sword by the vauntcurrers of the Barbarians, who found them verie negligently walking vp and downe, about the fresh and most delectable places of the mountaines, taking their pleasure and recreation: by meanes whereof they could not giue any signe to the campe, as it was concluded. For my part I know not well what to thinke of it. Touching their infidelitie, I suppose it was not a thing so easie to be compassed: for albeit it were a matter which amongst a few might soone haue bene contriued; yet amongest so many it was verie difficult, and in a manner incredible: in like case, that they should be slaine it is as vnlikely: for neither were their dead bodies euer seene or heard of after that: nor any reliques, markes, or apparance of them: and therefore some doe affirme, and it is most likely, that they were taken aliue by the enemie. Howsoeuer it was, the other watches which were appointed to watch else where, could not discouer the enemie till they were come verie neare them: and yet assoone as they coulde, they gaue them some warning. By meanes whereof, they had a verie litle and short time to make readie their companies, and to put themselues in order for to fight with the enemie. Neither was it possible that Scanderbeg should send any scoutes farther off, to beat the wayes, and to discouer the passages, or to prouide better for the safetie of his campe (as he was wont) because all the whole countrey round about being for the enemie, they might easily haue bene entrapped by some secret ambushments, or openly distressed by the force of the inhabitants. And it may be, that his misfortune and destinie, did not permit him to deuise & inuent any better remedie against that mischiefe which hanged ouer his head. For we see it is a common and vsuall course with fortune to oppose herselfe as a ‘stepdameSentence. against the enterprises of great personages: and being not able to suffer the continuance of their good happe, nor willing that it should be perdurable: she doth often interrupt the course of their best and most glorious actions.’ But let vs proceed with the scope of our historie.
These fiue and twentie men which were ordained to watch vpon the mountaine, either by treason or by negligence (as hath bene [...]aied) caused great mischiefe to the whole armie. For Musache (who lay encamped next to that side where the enemie did approach and was to sustaine the first brunt and onset that should be giuen) would hardly be perswaded that the Turkes were at hand: notwithstanding that theMusache de Thopie brother in law to Scanderbeg, surprized in his quarter by the Turkes. watch did continue the allarme, and did in a manner shew him the dust raised by the trampling of their horses. Some say that he was found sleeping in his tent: others say that he was playing at dice with one of the Gentlemen of the Kings priuie chamber, and that the Turkes comming vpon him vnprouided, did bereaue him of all meanes of hope to mount on horsebacke, and enforced him on foote to seeke to saue himselfe by flying towardes the mountaine. But the most common opinion is: that he had some time and Ieisure (though verie litle) to put on his armour, and to mount on horsebacke: and that he lost his life fighting valiantly euen in the formost ranckes of his companie: and that vpon his death the residue beganne to flie. For assoone as the standards of the Infidels and their vauntcurrers began to appeare in sight, Musache hauing ordered his troups, as well as the shortnesse of the time would giue him leaue, was at the first in some doubt, whether he should stand and abide the charge, or betake himselfe to flight towards the maine strength and bodie of the armie. But because the enemie was nowe so neare, that he thought his flight would cause the greater slaughter of his companie: besides, for that he tooke not the enemie to be so strong as [Page 296] he afterwardes founde them: and being vnwilling also to loose his life with dishonor by any default in himselfe, or to abandon and forsake his Prince, and the others who were lodged on the mountaine: he setled himselfe to receiue the enemie; and therefore couragiously he endured the charge, and stoutly opposed himselfe against their furie and violence. For a time he held good, neither his courage failing him, nor his forces: and he was resolute, not to loose his life without a braue reuenge of himselfe and his companie. In the ende perceiuing by the slaughter of his companions, that his flanckes lay open to the enemie, and that his vertue and perseuerance was in vaine and vnprofitable, he did assay many times by trauersing and coursing vppe and downe the fielde, to saue himselfe and the rest of his men by making towardes the mountaine, for other place of refuge there was none thereabouts, where he might if not auoid, yet at least wise delay the extreamitie of the daunger. But the enemie hauing shut vp all the wayes by which he might safely make a retrait, and he being inclosed on all sides as in a parke, with the inestimable multitude of his enemies: and seeing that both his life and honor did now hang in the ballance of chaunce and casualtie: with a desperate resolution, turning his valour and prowesse into rage and furie, he terrified the enemie with the wonderfull astonishment of his hardines and audacitie,Musache his death and glorious end. and euen in the middest of them fighting valiantly, he left his life worthy of eternall praise and commendation, for the many worthie seruices done to his Prince and countrey. Tanusee Thopie on the other side, albeit he werein no lesse distresse, yet hauing a compassion at the mishap of his vncle, he seemed to forget all other occasions; and as a man transported with outrage and furie, did enforce himselfe many times, by charging valiantly vpon the enemie, to open him a free way and passage. But in the end knowing all his endeuors to be in vaine, and that there now remained no other point of charitie to be shewed towardes him, vnlesse he would beare him companie in the like vnhappie end; he thought it best to forbeare fighting: to the intent he might saue the rest which were left, and hauing gathered them neere about him, he perswaded them to secure thēselues by flying. The like did Tanusee Gynache, and the residue, howbeit that their flight did abate little or nothing of their daunger, nor of the slaughter. For the Turkes being dispersed here and there, and deuided into seuerall bandes and squadrons, some of them did continue enuironing of Musache and his companie, as long as there remained any of them liuing: and others pursuing after those that fled, did neuer giue ouer the aduantage which they had gotten, but followed it to the singular and extreame dammage of the Christians. He that should haue seene this disorder would haue thought, that that good fortune which had euer heretofore seconded the Albanois, had now left and forsaken them, to follow the part of the Infidels. Scanderbeg (whose tents were somewhat further remoued from this bickering) was oftentimes about to haue descended into the plaine, with a full determination to doe his best and last endeuours for the ayding and succouring of his people, or by his owne death to make the victorie of Sebalias much more noble and glorious. But being earnestly and instantly entreated by his Nobles, not to enterprise any thing but vpon aduantage, nor to expose himselfe vnaduisedly to a death ineuitable: he g [...]ashed with his teeth, and with his mouth all bloudie, he was cleane out of patience: and stirring vp and downe on all sides, he tormented and vexed himselfe with extreame griefe and discontentment. For this one thing which is reported of him, is not to be omitted, that whensoeuer he was vpon the point readie to charge the enemie, & likewise in the heate and furie of the fight: besides other strange signesA strange qualitie in Scanderbeg. of chaunge and alteration in his countenance, his neather lippe would commonly cleaue a sunder, and yeeld forth great abundance of bloud: a thing oftentimes marked [Page 297] and obserued in him, not onely in his martiall actions and exploites, but euen in his ciuill affayres, whensoeuer his choller did abound, and that his anger did exceede more then ordinarie.
The Generall of the Painims (hauing cut in peeces the bands of Musache together with their Captaine) followed the chase after Tanusee, and the rest which discamped with him: of whom he ouerthrew a great number that neuer recouered: and he left behinde him his rereward, the same being but weakely and simply guarded,Sebalias his i [...] discretion and ouersight. wherby you may coniecture, that he made but small account of our troups that were encamped vpon the mountaine. Peraduenture he did it because he saw them enclosed: and he thought, after the victorie of the plaine field was once fully assured, that he should be able with ease to intercept and cutte them off: or it may be, for that the heate and furie of the fight, and the hast which he made to follow the chase, did make him to forget them. But it was the occasion that he lost the oportunitie of seeing the finall ende of his aduersarie, and of obtayning a full and absolute triumph for that daies iourney.
When the King of Albanie saw that there was litle or no daunger behind fromScanderbeg descendeth downe the hill into the plaine against Sebalias. the rereward of the enemies armie, he drew forth his squadrons with singular good aduise and iudgement: and descended downe into the plaine, according as the present trouble and confusion would giue him leaue, placing his infanterie in the middest, and enuironning them with his horsemen. All this while did not they of the towne make any sally forth vpon the Christians, neither whilest they fought, nor at their departure: which is a thing much to be wondered at, considering that the besieged did plainly see what a notable aduantage their fellowes had gotten against their enemies, and that all things were safe and sure on their part. It seemed they stood in feare (as it is often seene) of those who were no lesse affraied of them. Notwithstanding at such time as Scanderbeg did depart, the gates were speedily set open, and the multitude ranne foorth to sacke the campe of the Christians, before that the souldiersBelgradians sacke the camp of the Christians. (who had purchased the victorie) could come to ioyne with them in the same. They tooke away at their pleasure, whatsoeuer they thought good, but especially the Artillerie, which they caried into the towne, with a notable crie and clamour testifying their exceeding great ioy.
Scanderbeg without any care taken for the bodie of Musache, at this time especially,Scanderbeg chargeth vpon the Turkes who are in chase of the Christians. wherein he had more need of reuenge then of succours, put himselfe with great furie in the tayle of those who had the Christians in chase, both beating and hewing them at their backes, and crying instantly to those that fled, that they should turne and make head against their enemies, & take the benefit of the new succours which he brought them: without the which it is most sure and certaine they had bene but in bad taking. Herewithall, those Cornets of Turks which were left behinde for the rereward, and they also which had bene at the killing of Musache and his troups, letting alone their companions: and our men which were together fighting, did scatter themselues all ouer the fielde in diuerse quarters; wholly applying themselues, to gather the spoiles and prey of the dead bodies, which was an occasion that Scanderbeg was greatly eased and recomforted, hauing the fitter oportunitie both to terrifie the Infidels, and to stop the flight of his owne people. For assoone as Sebalias perceiued that Scanderbeg did presse vppon his backe, and did hinder the course and honour of his victorie, he caused his Cornets to turne, and to wheele about, and went speedily and roundly to encounter him, not without some losse both giuen and taken on both parties. After a while he withdrewe himselfe aside, causing his armie to retire and to recuile a litle, till he had renued the ranckes of his battell, and that he had [Page 298] gathered together his souldiours that were dispersed and disordered. In like manner, Scanderbeg was not verie importunate vpon him whilest he thus temporized and delayed the fight: but he emploied his thoughts likewise in the reallying of his forces, and reuniting them together in one. But the Barbarian could not long endure to suffer him, for though his owne battallions were sore trauelled and wearied, and were not as yet fully reordered and redressed: yet did he beginne to presse vpon him, and he gaue a freshe charge and onset vppon our men: and (as it were) in disdaine and ‘mockerie, he threatned and vpbraided them: telling them, that now was the endeSpeech of Sebalias deriding and reproching the Chr [...]stians. come of the insolencie and pride of the Albanian: and that he should now receiue the condigne punishment of his rebellion: and he often repeated these and the like speches, saying:’ that he would vtterly confound and destroy this handfull of Christians both men and horses. And in verie deede their numbers was much decreased: for besides those which were slaine vnder the conduct of Tanusee, and in the chase as they fled before the enemie,, there were more then three thousand slaine with Musache, of which two thousand were footmen and the rest horsemen. Neuerthelesse Scanderbeg (not vnlike a good and hardie pylot, who hauing gathered together the remnants of his shipwarcke, and hauing scarcely repaired the bottome of his vessell, doth yet cheerefully prepare himselfe with more courage then hope, to abide the extremitie of a new tempest): doth animate and encourage his souldiers to trie the fortune of a fresh combat: calling and crying vnto them with a furious terrible voice.
‘Follow me (my friends) follow me your companion in armes, not to the conflict,Speeches of Scanderbeg encouraging his souldiers against Sebalias. but to the slaughter of these cursed dogges and miscreants: and then sharply blaming and reprouing them, he called ech of them after other by their names, saying: what cowardize is this that possesseth you? what strange feare hath seized vpon you? shall we leaue the noble bodies of so many of our brethren, friends and kinsemen, here lying without reuenge? will all of you yeelde vp your ghoasts vnreuenged? you haue not here any other then your wonted and old enemie, euen that enemie I say, whom you were wont to make the ordinarie subiect of your honour and reputation.’
In the middest of these and the like speeches, (pressed forward with constraint andThe battell of Belgrade betwene Sebalias & Scanderbeg. necessitie, which did inuite him to leaue and commit all to the pleasure of fortune) he cast himselfe as a man forlorne and desperate into the middest and thickest of the enemies squadrons, confirming by an assured proofe, & beyond all humaine reason, that ‘saying of Homer: That amongst all other vertues, magnanimitie of courage, is oftenSentence of Homer. accompanied with a kinde of furie and supernaturall violence.’ Thus did Scanderbeg fill all places wheresoeuer he came with bloud and terror, sometimes beating downe those that fled from him, and sometimes those which did withstande him: as a warriour, that was inuincible and most fortunate. But if euer his valure did shew it selfe, it was at this time, when he farre passed and excelled all his former deedes and haughtie exploits. The rest of his troupes likewise taking example by his valure, and being transported with rage and dispaire, did breake in vpon the enemie, and rushed vppon their weapons, as men blinded and hardened against all perils, and followed their Generall through all hazards and daungers.
But the sudden accident and mishappe of George Thopie, brother to Tanusee, didGeorge Thopie his misfortune. put the residue in a great feare and astonishment: for he being throwen to the ground and almost ouerwhelmed with the shot of the enemie, our men had much a doe to free him out of their handes, and to set him on horse backe. The infanterie of the Albanois could better saue themselues from the violence of their enemies then from their horses: for in many places they made way ouer their bellies, as they lay ouerthrowen vpon the ground, and so did put them to great scath and mischiefe. By meanes wherof [Page 299] (as there is nothing that doth more awaken the spirites of a man, or that doth make‘Sentence. him more apt to deuise and subtillize a thousand fine inuentions then doth necessitie) they did aduise themselues of this policie: to seize vpon all the horses of those which were slaine,’ and which they coulde possiblie come by, both of their fellowes and of the Paynims: and speedily they mounted vpon them with singular agilitie. This was the cause that very many of them were preserued, and it did greatly strengthen the rest of the armie, for that their forces were by this meanes in a manner redoubled.
By this time had Scanderbeg broken and disordered a strong troupe of the enemies horse, and had pressed in euen to the standard & corps du gard of the Turkish General: endeuoring (according to his wonted custome in most battels) to haue made the beginning of his victorie by their Chieftains death, & so to haue enforced them to yeeld him the honor of that iourney. But euen then at that instant those two souldiers who (as we haue saied) had sworne his death to the Sultan, did aduance themselues in that front of the fight, and with their swords readie drawen did receiue him to the combat. At that verie time, and in the same place, Musache de Angeline desiring to succourMusache de Angeline wounded. and aide his Vncle, receiued a sore wound vpon his right shoulder: and the rest of the Epirots likewise being but fewe against many, were so plyed and kept doing on all handes, both in front and in flancke, and at their backes, and that so fiercely and so roundly, that they had no leisure to looke after their chiefe commaunder, who by meanes thereof being now left alone against two (as it were) by a fatall kind of chance and destinie, did cause eche man to turne and bend their eyes to himwardes. For the two Mahometans both with their hands and with their voice putting backe and making their companions to retire, would needes by themselues alone carrie away theCombat of Acmath and Barach with Scanderbeg. honour of the death of the Prince of Albanie: and they thought to reserue to themselues onely the prize propounded and promised them by the Ottoman. But it is a‘common saying: That, the foole is greatly deceiued of that he thinketh. These twoA prouer be. Infidels did continue a while coasting and coursing vp and downe round about him now here, now there,’ on euerie side, to take him at some aduantage. In the end eche of them setting spurres to their horses, and with a carelesse contempt of their owne death and daunger, they came vpon him brauely and with a full cariere charged this fierce enemie whom they hated most deadly and odiously. The notorious valour and notable prowes of Scanderbeg, so often tried and approued, did greatly comfort the carefull harts of the Albanois, as one whom they had often receiued victorious and triumphant, not of two onely, but of more enemies all at once. ‘Notwithstanding,Sentence. as feare maketh men to cast many doubts; so the brauerie of the enemies, and their audacious defie giuen to the Prince of Epire, did make many of them to suspect the issue of the combat.’ Wherefore immediately they aduanced forward with their squadrons, and whilest matters stood yet in good case and entire, they enforced themselues to their vttermost power to second their King against his enemies. But he in the meane time bearing vp close to both of them, did reach a full blow to the head ofBarach slaine by Scanderbeg. Barach, and lighting vpon his face did cut him ouer the eyes, and cleft his head almost in twaine. The other after many blowes past betweene them, and no bloud drawen on neither partie, let his sworde fall out of his hand, and immediately the Turke being verie actiue, pressed close to him with his horse, and clasping both his armes about his necke, and forsaking his stirruppes and his horse, with the whole weight of his bodie, he hanged vpon the shoulder of Scanderbeg, thinking to haue forced him, and to haue pulled him to the ground together with himselfe, The Infidels desirous to aide their companion gaue in presently, and enuironned the Epirot Prince on all sides. But their labour was in vaine: for Scanderbeg hauing cut off the [Page 300] heade from his bodie as it did hang vppon him, freed himselfe from the burthenAcmath slaine by Scanderbeg. of his enemie. You may be sure, that this acte did notably encrease the courage of the Christians, and made them to follow desperately after their Generall, beating downe great numbers of the Barbarians: who now began to shrinke, committing a great and mightie slaughter amongest them. These beginnings and first-fruites of victorie, did minister occasion of much sorrow vnto the Infidels and vnto the Christians of great ioy and comfort: and it was taken as a good signe and happie token of the returne of their good fortune. But the strength of their bodies, and the daylight also fayling both the one and the other all alike, they were enforced for that time, to giue place vnto the night. Sebalias was the first that made shew either of his feare that he durst not, or of his wearinesse that he could not endure the fightSebalias with his armie retireth first from the battell. anie longer. Whereupon all his companies, by the commaundement of their Captaines, made close vp to their colours, and so retyred themselues to the mountaine, before that the darkenesse of the night should ouertake them in the field. The Prince of Epyre being farre spent with labour and trauell, and full of griefe and sorrowe insupportable, did the like also with his armie, seizing vpon an other mountaine distant about two miles from the enemie. There did he stay till it was two houres within night: at which time he dislodged verie secretly, neither him selfe nor hisRetrait of Scanderbeg souldiers hauing had any refreshing at all, either of sleepe or victuals. For (poore soules) neither had they any thing to eate, neither had they any desire thereunto, by reason of the extreame griefe and anguish of their hearts, which tooke from them all care both of meate and drinke.
The Bassa for that night did not enter into the towne, but hauing store of victualles brought him by the Burgesses of Belgrade: he lodged his armie, partly in the mountaines, and partly in the suburbes. And placing good and strong courts of gard and Sentinelles on all sides, he celebrated his victorie with great ioy and triumph. For he was perswaded that the Christians would haue stayed there the rest of the night: and that the next morning fresh and fasting, as men that were not vsed to be beaten, and that would seeke to repaire their honour lost: they would haue aduentured themselues to a second battell. Wherefore hauing set all things in a readinesse and in good order: by the breake of day he descended into the playne, sending foorth many companies to skirmish with the Christians, and to drawe them foorth to the fight: for although about two houres in the night he had heard a noyse, and did discerne some signes, that might signifie their departure, yet he did beleeue, that they were remoued onely to some other place, where they might eyther rest more securely, or more commodiously dresse some ambuscado to entrappe him and his armie. And this also was the cause that he durst not sende foorth his forces to ouerrunne and spoile the countrie, doubting least he might thereby disgrace the honour of this victorie, it being a thing verie vnusuall with the Turkes to haue such a hand of the Epyrots: and besides the inconstancie of fortune being an ordinarie chaunce in the warres more then in any other thing whatsoeuer. He was not therefore much discontented either with the flight of the Christians, or because he had lost the opportunitie of fight with them againe: belike he was induced thereunto by an exceeding iealouzie of this aduantage so vnaccustomed, and of the good fortune which had befallen him, being desirous not to loose it after he had once gotten it. And theSebalias his want of courage in not pursuing the victory against the Albanois. former daies iourney did seeme to testifie no lesse, because that he being the first that sounded the retrait, did therein bewray, that either he confessed himselfe to be wearied and faint harted, as hauing the worst: or else that he was vnwilling to renue the fight: and that he had no great desire to meddle any more with the enemie. For I [Page 301] make no doubt if Sebalias had the corage to haue pressed hard and roundly vpon the [...], he might that day haue ended the warre of Epire: by reason that there was [...] or [...] disaduauntage to the one more then to the other: either in respect of then extreame [...]nesse, or of the discommodity of the time: but rather if any were, the [...] had the aduantage by the great ods of their numbers, which being all h [...] exceeded and surpassed the power of the Epirots, who if they could haue found any benefite or hope of safety by flying, there is no doubt but they would haue fled away roundly at the first. But because the Infantery of the Albanois found that by fighting [...]antly, they had most certainety and hope to escape, and they were loath to acknowledge o [...] makeshew in what extremity and mischiefe they were, especially to such an enemy whom they knew to be most insolent, and would be puffed vp with prosperity▪ therefore their corages began to be reuiued and encreased, and the Turkes contra [...]wise grew to be abated, till at length the benefite and oportunity of the night did stay the course of their proceedings; and did helpe forward the preseruation and estate of their affaires, which was [...]ar [...] in a case so vnfortunate and desperate. And it may be that the goodnesse of God had prouided and ordained that matters should so fall out in that manner: to the intent the honor and reputation of so many faire exploits should not be obscured, nor the subiect of their future glory should not be cutte off nor preuented, nor that the S [...]p [...] of Epire should come to decay and confusion, before such time (in a manner) as it were fully raised and established.
The Barbarians finding their enemies to be departed, & that all places round aboutTurkes their barbarous cruelty vpon the dead bodies of the Christians. were cleare and free from them, and that the countrey remained at their disposition, who were now maisters of the field, most insolently they laied hands vppon the dead bodies of the Christians, and conuerted the residue of their choller and despite against their s [...]sl [...]sse members, which they were not able to execute vpon them during their liues. Many were found yet breathing and gasping for life, especially those who being troden vnder foote by the horses, and hauing their legs and lims bruised and broken, did lie vpon the ground in pitifull plight, not able to helpe themselues either by flying or fighting▪ of whom some of them, hauing their handes cut off were left languishing most miserably. The report is, that many of them being grieuously wounded, torne, and mangled, and hauing bin beaten downe with the maces of the Turkes, and left for dead, did afterwards in the night secretly conuey them selues out of the field into other places neare adioyning of more surety: frō whence after that the danger was past, they came sate to Croy. There were slaine in that fight of the Christians, about 5000. men,Number of Christians slain at the battell of Belgrade. 3000. foot, and the rest horsemen: of the Neapolitan succors, there were few or none that escaped: for the greatest part of thē being with Musache, incurred the same fortune and aduenture that he had, only some few squadrons of them had Scanderbeg kept and reserued with himself in the mountain, whose harguebusses & other weapons in that [...]odainnesse of the charge were to small purpose, and did in a maner litle or no seruice: and some also of the Albanois which were found di [...]armed or sadling of their horses, were oppressed by the Infidels: of prisoners they had about fourescore. But the mostNumber of Christians taken prisoners as Belgrade. hideous & horrible sight of al the rest, was to see these bruit beasts the Barbarians who had nothing in them appertaining to men but the shape only; vpon a desire which they had to reserue some marke of their pr [...]uat vertue and valour, they went vp and downe amongst the dead bodies yet panting [...] breathing, and after they had despoiled them,Turkes cut off the heads of the slaine Christians to cary with them in triumph [...]. & left them starke naked, they cut off their heads according to their accustomed guise and fashion. And in as much as the length of their iourney, & the intemperatnes of the heat, did make them to putrifie and st [...]ke, when they found the cariage of them to be loathsome, they did flea them, and re [...]uing the skins onely, which retained the shew [Page 302] and forme of their vis [...]ge, they [...] them with straw and so caried them. This barbarous [...]elty was ex [...]ed vpon many of them especially those whose cou [...] & aspect, or their names hauing made thē better known the [...] did cause them to be held worthy of this outrage and [...]ious vsage [...] and not onely was the head of [...]s [...]che appointed to [...]y and dishonor, but his body also being dismembred and cut in quarters▪ was dispersed in diuerse places ouer the countrey, as if they had bene the quarters of some notable th [...]es or infamous traitors. The trunks likewise of the resi [...]ue were drawen aside into the vallies [...]rid places adioyning, being left for a prey to beasts and birds to the intent their stench should not infect the inhabi [...]. To make short, they might do what they listed and without contradiction of any person, for that Castriot was farre enough from them.
Standerbeg being more perplexed and efflicted with the griefe of this misfortune,Scanderbeg re [...]eth his army with new supplies. the destitute of hope to be reuenged, had filled vp the reliques of his army with a new supply of fresh souldiers, and had shut vp and fortified certaine passages in the woods and thicken of the mountaines, for feare least the Turke, pursuing the victory, should enter farther into the country. He was often in the mind, & gladly would he haue vndertaken some new and desperat aduenture to haue auenged himselfe vpon the enemy ‘and to make further proofe of his fortune, which cōmonly doth smile & fawne againe vpon them, whom the hath cast downe headlong from the [...] of her wheele, & hathSentence. made to taste the extremity of her wrath and anger▪ so forward are we somtimes to hasten our owne daunger:’ but partly the vnmeasurable force [...] and fiercenesse of the enemy, and the confidence of his late victory, and partly the length of the iourney, and the woundes of his souldiours yet grieuing them, did detaine him from attempting any such action. The bruite of this discomfiture did speedily fill all the countrey neareDiuers reports and rumors of the battell of Belgrade. adioyning, and all Epire with the fame thereof: and proceeding on more and more, it caused great griefe and infinit plaints in all places. For some reported that all the army was dicomfited, & the king himselfe slaine▪ whether it were that they so coniectured, ‘or that the common sort did of themselues so report, as it is the nature of the popular and vulgar sort, willingly to oary newes of some notable leasings, though it be neuer so dolorous: others building belike vpon the same reason,’ did giue out, that the whole army was defeated, but that Scanderbeg himselfe alone, after long and wonderfull fight, was escaped safe by the fauor & swiftnes of his horse. The most likely report, and that which came nighest to the truth was that a great number of the Epirots were slaine, & that Scanderbeg had shewed such incredible proofe of a rare and diuine body, and of an invincible valour, that by the vertue of his owne prowesse onely, he had broken the forces of the enemies, and abated their corages, and had wholly berest them of the honor of the battell, and that he was retired safe and sound neare to Croy with the remainder of his army. Notwithstanding in all places was to be heard nothing but lamentations, cries, and exclamations: the ancient mat [...]ones and all their families continuing in teares and extreame sorrow: and albeit they had not as yet any certainety, why they should be discomforted or dismaied, yet did they in griefe and mourning, attend and expect their funerals, as if they had seene them euen then before their eies.
Hitherto and till this present, the happy and continuall good successe of the affaires of Scanderbeg, had held in suspence the infidelity of Moses, and the rebellion earst conceiued and concealed in his mind: but now upon this misfortune of the battell of Belgrade, and asso [...]e as the calamity of the Christians was knowen and published, his disloialty became also to be disclosed▪ for then taking hold on that occasion so long &Moses his re [...]lt from Scanderbeg. so greatly desired, most impio [...]sly he conu [...]ed his armes against his natiue country, friends and kindred: beginning euen then to breake in peeces, and to scatter the remnants [Page 303] of the shipwracke, to the repairing whereof, himselfe before time had put to his helping hand, and which many times he had defended & preserued. And because the fact being odious in it selfe would seeme much the more dishouest, if he should rebell alone without any cōpanions, he thought he would procure some to ioine with him, as his complices and copartners, perswading himselfe, that the more there were found guilty & partakers of his treason, the more should he both lessen his own disgrace and infamy, & it would be a mean also that he should present him self to the Ottoman with the greater countenance, credit and authority, who perhaps would disdaine him, and not make any great account of him, if he should come alone as a meane fugitiue and ill accompanied. For this cause he plotted with him self how to seduce some of his most inward and nearest friends and familiars, such as he thought fittest for that purpose. To thē he began with a good countenance first to deplore the estate of Scanderbeg and the desolation of Epire, then cunningly did he insinuat and make known vnto them how the Turkish monark did beare him great good loue & liking, what offers he had made him to draw him to reuolt: and with great store of good words did he entise them to take his part, & to embarke themselues in this conspiracy. He layd open vnto them by‘Speeches of Moses to some of his friends perswading thē to consort with him in his reuolt frō Scanderbeg. the discourse of diuers matters, that the fortune of Epire being now altered and changed, they should be constrained, if they did reiect the benefit of the time present, to submit themselues ere long to all miseries and indignities. And what reason haue we (ꝙ he) to continue and liue euer vnder the fortune of Scanderbeg? to what purpose should we employ our labor and spend our liues to amplifie and enlarge the glory of another? seeing the great Monarke of the Ottoman Empire, will elsewhere bestow vppon vs great honor, and will giue vs good assurance to make vs great, and to aduaunce vs to high authority.’ In the end with many false and slaunderous accusations inueighing against Scanderbeg, he alienated them from their allegeance, and allured them to beare a part with him in his rebellion. It may be that he would haue sollicited many more to reuolt with him, and that he would haue drawen the common people also to the deuotion of the Sultan: but the name of Castriot, and the gracious manner of the gouernment was so deeply fixed in the hearts and mindes of all men, that it would haue bene more easie for him (as the saying is) to separat the shadow frō the body, then to abolish or to extirpat the loue and good liking of Scanderbeg, which was so rooted in the affections of the communalty: for he well knew that their faith was not subiect to any change or variation of fortune, and that their loyalty would neuer faile nor perish, but with the losse & end of their bodies & liues. And therfore the Dibrian being in doubt that he should not onely lose his labour, but he might also endanger his owne life and safety, he durst not attempt any such matter: but holding himself contented with those conspirators which he had already gained: after he had prouided all things in a readinesse,Moses his departure to the enemy. & appointed the houre for their departure, in the dead of the night he lead them to Sfetigrade there to take letters and a safe conduct from the gouernor, to the intent he might passe free throughout the dominions of the Paynims, and so trauell forwards to the Court of the Ottoman. The Gouernor receiued him louingly, granting him whatsoeuer he asked, both letters and armed souldiers to conuey him safely on his iourney.
Sebalias remained a few daies at Belgrade, till such time as he had repaired certaineBelgrade repaired and revictualled by Sebalias. bulwarkes, and had fortified the wals with earth and fagots, in such places as the enemies ordinance had battered them. The shortnes of the time would not permit him to fortifie with stone and such solid matter, because he had not leisure enough to prouide them, yet did he take order for it before his departure, and amongst other prouisions, he procured the place to be furnished with great store and quantity of graine, victuals and other prouisions, for that he had added to the old garrison more then 700. men all [Page 304] approued and expert souldiers. The artillery that was won from the Christians was left to the towne, except certaine litle peeces, as harguebusses and crossebowes, which he reserued with the other spoiles of the dead bodies to beautifie the pompe of his triumph, and to present them to the king. Belgrade being abundantly prouided & defended, the Christian hostages redeliuered to the citizens, and they also highly praised & commended: he tooke his leaue of them (who were both fearefull & sorrowfull for his departure) and with great ioy & contentment he tooke his iorney to Andrinople: yet had he also iust occasion of griefe & sorrow to moderat & abate his exceeding ioy (albeit to men who were not accustomed to be victorious, nothing seemed so excellent and glorious as this victorie.) For on his part also there fell litle lesse then 3000.Number of Turkes slaine at the battell of Belgrade. at the battell before Belgrade: and those two gallants, whose bloud made some amends for the funerals of Musache, might be well reckoned for a good recompence of their ioy conceiued by so bloudie a victorie. Before their departure the Turkes caused diuerse pits to be digged (as is the manner amongst souldiers) wherein all those that had bene slaine of their side were interred: for feare least the Christians (returning to take the number of those which they had lost, and to burie them which were slaine) should seeke in some sort to be reuenged, by tearing and deforming the dead carcasses of their enemies. But now I come againe to our fugitiue.
The morning after the departure of the Dibrian, assoone as he was found lacking, you may easily coniecture, what tumult, stirre and astonishment did arise amongst theGarrison of Dibria troubled at the departure of Moses. companies of the garrison: and how greatly they were grieued, especially those that were his nearest and most familiar friends. They sought him vp and downe here and there in great care and perplexitie. Some thought that he was seeretly gone to espy & discouer vpon the enemie, and that he was either dead or taken: or if not so, that then he would returne speedily. But many being of a deepe conceit and iudgement, and giuing a coniecture by the former consultations & secret assemblies of the day last past, wherein he and others had drawen themselues aside in counsell, they did mistrust that which was indeed: and their opinion was reputed the more likely and probable, because they which were suspected with him, were not to be seene at all. This was the occasion that the Dibrians, but aboue all the souldiours of the garrison were in great feare and astonishment, because they saw the enemies to be victorious and yet remaining in Epire, and themselues destitute of a head and commander. And their griefe was exceeding great, to see that their Prince should be deceiued by them, whom he would least of all haue mistrusted. Neuerthelesse, according to the time, by publique consent, and most voyces of the souldiours, they prouided themselues of a Chiefetaine, and of all things else that seemed requisite for the time present.
Amongst the most noble and chiefest young men of the countrey, there were twoDemetrius and Nicholas bretheren of the family of the Berissians. bretheren Demetrius and Nicholas, highly commended and honored for the greatnes of their ancient house and family of the Berissians, and they had bene much and often noted to haue done the king of Epire good and faithfull seruice, by many valiant deeds of armes, and in diuerse notable aduentures. These two vnderstanding the misfortune of their army, and the hard issue of the siege of Belgrade, and hauing notice likewise of the reuolt of Moses, made with all speede towardes the garrison in the frontiers of the kingdom, doubting least that either the feare of that sodaine accident, or the licentiousnesse of the souldiers, should cause them to disband themselues: and so the passages of the Prouince might be left naked without any defence or custody, especially for that the report went: that Sebalias Mahomet his lieutenaunt was yet abiding in the countrey. First of all therefore with good aduise and ready debiberation, and with no lesse diligence, they made a leauy of some new forces, and strengthened the garrison, [Page 308] heartening and animating them both by words and by deeds, willing them to be of a good courage, and to testifie their good affections towardes Scanderbeg, by shewing themselues his good friends, and their willing deuotion to doe him seruice, and with a singular compassion of their Prince his misfortune, they detested and abhorred the infidelity of Moses, telling them, that they doubted greatly, and it was likely he had conueied himselfe from thence to helpe to bring in the Infidell, and that it would not be long [...]re he would come thither. All this was easily beleeued, & therefore the souldiers were retired into a place of more strength, and all things were settled well and in good order, as if they had expected the enemy presently. These matters being thus established, Demetrius leauing his brother with the garrison, & being accompanied with certaine Gentlemen Dibrians, tooke his way towards Scanderbeg, making very long and painefull iourneis to aduertise him of the estate of the Dibrians.
In the meane time, certaine spies (which had bene purposely sent abroad, and dispersed ouer the plaine countrey) did bring certaine newes, that Sebalias was departed from Belgrade, and gone away quite out of Epire: Howbeit for all that, the Prince of Epire either for shame or for griefe of his late calamity, being vnwilling to behold so vnpleasing a spectacle, had no minde at all to visite that place so odious vnto him, by meanes of that vnfortunate battell, and where he should come but to the fresh view of his misfortunes, and to the renuing of his griefe and sorrow: neither had he any care or desire to see those who were now dead, whom he could not preserue and saue when‘they were aliue. Yet because his souldiers, and the kinsmen of those which were slaine,Speech of the souldiers of Scanderbeg desiring that their fellowes slain at Belgrade may be buried. Sentence. did murmure and exclaime, saying: That there was no reason their bodies being so lately slaine, should be defrauded of their sepulture, nor be left to the sauage and bruit beasts to prey and tire vppon: and for that he would not seeme to giue them any iust cause of offence or discontentment, he condiscended vnto their demand, telling them: that it was a vaine and friuolous kind of honour (though very gratefull and acceptable) to stand so precisely vpon the buriall and funerals of the dead. So notably doth the exceeding vehemency of mens passions make them many times to forget themselues, and to decline frō al reason and vnderstanding. Neuertheles because that those which should be sent to performe that duty of Christian charity vnto others, might not draw on a farther mischiefe and dammage vpon themselues,’ and by their owne destruction encrease rather then solemnize their obsequies, if they should go thither either weake in number or in confusion, and without order: he made choise therefore of 7000. theTanusee sent with an army to bury the Christians slain at Belgrade. best & most able men of all his bands, that they might be the better able to assure them selues in their voyage against all the enterprises of the miscreants, and to oppose them selues against any sallies of the Belgradians. Tanusee made great suite and entreaty to haue the conduct and charge of this company, which being granted him accordingly, he tooke great care for all things that concerned this iourney, and especially for the body of his good friend Musache. Wherefore with great speed he tooke his leaue of the king, and without any colours, standards, or other warlike ornamentes, he made hast away towardes Belgrade.
Scanderbeg being now returned towardes Croy, the multitude came forth to meete him without the gate: and albeit they had many times before, and by diuerse messengers hard the newes of the misfortune of Belgrade: especially by those souldiers whom (being wounded in the fight) Scanderbeg had sent away presently vpon the losse of the battell: yet neuerthelesse it was some comfort vnto these poore and vnhappy soules, to enquire more fully & at large of all things in particular, by such as were last returned from the Campe: and the rather for that many false tales and contrary reports had bin giuen out (as is vsuall): or they had an imagination belike, that the presence of their [Page 306] Prince should haue reuiued, and redeliuered vnto them those which were dead and gone. The wiues, the men, the old and young all alike would pull the Captaines and the souldiours, without any respect of persons, some by the hand, others by the cassocks: and with a pitifull complaining voice would redemaund of them their bretheren, their husbands, and their children: whom they accounted and held as their most precious and dearest pledges. Others would in a maner constraine and compell them, euen against their wils, to tell them that which in the end caused their griefe, and their greater sorrow and discontentment. Some there were also who hauing heard comfortable newes which they neither hoped nor looked for: yet fearing least they should offend the troubled minds of others with their new ioy, they concealed their contentment, and conformed them selues in outward shew to do as others did, deploring the common and particular misfortune of euery one both in publique & in priuate. And there was not any of them (excepting such as saw their friendes there present and in [...]ight, that had any full and hearty contentment: by reason that this second iourney to Belgrade made for the buriall of the dead, did keepe them in continuall feare, yeelding new cause of care and griefe.
Demetrius with the rest of the Gentlemen of Dibria his companions, hauing ouertaken Scanderbeg vpon the way in his retrait from Belgrade, and euen as he was vpon entring into Croy, at their comming to his presence, did first begin (as it were) ‘condolingSpeeches of Demetrius and others to Scanderbeg comforting him vpon his misfortune. his misfortune, to complaine vppon the vnchangeablenesse and vncertainety of worldly matters, and the variation of Fortune: which (sayd they) is so variable and inconstant, that shee will not suffer the prosperous and happy estate, especially of great men, to be perpetuall or of any long continuance, but that ordinarily shee doth interrupt the course of their best and noblest enterprises which they think to put in execution: and though by the law of her instability, shee doth subiect euen the greatest Monarchs and conquerors to the trial & experience of her crosses and trauerses, especially in deeds of armes, and in the wars: yet he for his part was greatly bounden to praise the diuine clemency, that he was so well quit and discharged ofso dangerous a mischiefe:Fortune is nothing but a fancy. and that he ought to take this alteration valiauntly and couragiously, not as sent vnto him by fortune (which in trueth is nothing but a meere fancy) but from God himselfe for the good and wellfare of Epire, as being needefull and necessary to arme and harden the Epirots against the daunger, or rather insolency of their continuall prosperity. The which for the most part doth make the noble and generous spirites to grow inSentence. contempt of their enemies, to neglect all care of discipline of armes, and in the end bringeth them to ruine & destruction.’ In this maner did they frame and hold on their discourse, their speeches being somtimes intermingled with teares, and so fitted to sorrow & mourning, that it seemed they alone did beare the griefe of his misfortune. AfterDeparture of Moses made knowen vnto Scanderbeg. all this they fell to comforting of him, and carying their countenance with a singular assurance, they came at length to the fact of Moses, and concluding their talke with that matter, they did principally insist vpno this point, that it was to be feared least he were gone to Sebalias, to certify him of the estate of the realm, & to draw him to Epire.
At the first Scanderbeg stood as one astonished, and was in a maner beside himselfe, remaining a good while without sence or perseueraunce. After a while as one that did more desire to enquire further of matters, then to beleeue any thing that was told him, he spent some time in questioning with them. How mightely this good Prince was afflicted, and how deepely he found himselfe offended by this iniury, they ‘may easily imagine who haue receiued an vnkindnes of their friend, from whom any wrong is more intollerable and more hard to be endured, then from one of whom aSentence. man expecteth not any gracious nor good vsage:’ & so did Scanderbeg conceiue more [Page 307] griefe at this fault and trecherie of his friend, then at the discomfiture and calamitie sustained at Belgrade. Notwithstanding with a princely voyce (as he was accustomed) ‘he said openly and aloud, so as he might easily be heard: That he did pardon Moses Speech of Scanderbeg of the reuolt of Moses. with all his heart, because such was the misfortune which had alienated him frō him, as might haue made the most constant man liuing, to haue varied in his faith, and to haue fallen away from him.’ In so much also, that when the messengers and other the standers by did accuse him, that he had long since forethought and conceiued this rebellion in his mind, saying and alledging, that that onely was the reason why he disswaded the iourney of Sfetigrade, and did absent him selfe from the siege of Belgrade, ‘the better to put his mischieuous practise in execution (so prone are men to iudge &Sentence. interpret all things by their euents.) Scanderbeg (as growing in choler) commanded them to leaue those speeches: and speaking out aloud,’ he vsed these words; O that it were the good will and pleasure of God, that all treason & sinister fortune were gone with Moses out of Epire. As for that suspition which was conceiued with some likelihood, that he should bring in the Turkes into the countrey, that point did not much trouble him, because he was credibly informed, that he was departed out of all the frontiers of Albany, & was posting on with all speed towards Andrinople Neuertheles because the matter was of importance, & it behoued him to take away this terror outScanderbeg [...]isiteth the garrison of Dibria. of the timerous minds of his subiects: & it was needful to cōfirmethe prouince which stood in some doubt by reason of this vnaccustomed accident & vnusuall calamity: he wold scarce tary at Croy that night, but the next morning by the breake of day, he took his iourny into Dibria, being accompanied with Amese & a good troup of horsemen.
By this time was Tanusee come to Belgrade, where being discouered by the citizēs, they begā to be in as great a feare as before, & they ran speedily to the wals, euery man hasting to his charge, & to his place that was appointed him: for many thought that heTanusee before Belgrade. was come to begin a new siege, & they did not imagin the true occasion of his comming: but the smalnesse of his numbers, & the confused maner of his marching being more nearly discouered and perceiued, they were soone freed from that sudden feare. The Epirots coming to the place where the bodies of the Christians their companiōs lay so mangled and deformed, they could not refraine from many grieuous and bitter teares, at the sight ofso horrible and piteous a spectacle. And that (which more augmented their griefe and sorow) was by reason of certaine women, who dwelling not far off, followed thither after Tanusee (as the report goeth) to search for some of their friends. But it was almost impossible or very difficult for them to bestow their teares vpon the right bodies, or to honor the corpses ofthose which they intended. For they were a companie of disguised trunks and carkasses, all naked, many without heads, others disfigured, and their faces so corrupted, that they had not only lost their peculiar shape and figure, and were impossible to be knowne: but they retained in a maner no shew nor resemblance of humane creatures. Besides that many of them had their flesh gnawen to the bones by the wilde beastes and rauens. Yet poore soules, did they bemoane euerie bodie which they found, taking them for their friends, and neither could the stench, nor the corruption separat these people from the bodies which they so ardently desired. But to make short: their eyes hauing had their fill of looking, and their griefe being somewhat eased and satisfied by the abundance of their teares,Christians slain at Belgrade buried by Tanusee and the Epirots. they were enforced by Tanusee to digge vp manie little pits, and therein to butie them, the earth whereof being againe cast vppon them, did make a shewe ofso manie little hilles, or mountainets. Wherefore the earth being put to earth, and the funerals fully ended, their sorow and lamentation likewise ceased and had an ende. Scanderbeg could not haue made choise of a fitter man to see this office executed, then [Page 305] Tanusee Thopie: for when he had performed the obsequies with as great affection as was possible, and had discharged the deuoire of his amitie & friendship to his friends and companions: because he would not haue it thought, that he was come thither to that onely intent, and so should returne mocked and scorned by the enemie, he sought out some fit matter whereupon to display his rage and choler, and to leaue them some subiect and occasion likewise of griefe and lamentation. For this cause he sent abrode his soldiers ouer all the fields lying within view and sight of Belgrade, who made notableTanusee spoyleth [...] burneth all the countrey about Belgrade hauocke of all things with sword and fire: not sparing either trees, vines, or any thing else: and giuing the citizens a most lamentable spectacle through the spoile and desolation of all the countrey round about them. And not content therewithall, he proceeded yet further: for passing on euen close to the wals (which he might well do without any great danger) he omitted not to do them any dammage, mischiefe, and displeasure, which his wrath and furie could inflict vpon them. Some haue affirmed, and many do confirme no lesse, that the garrison issued out, & made a braue sally forthSally made by the Belgradiās vpon Tanusee & the Epirots, who repulsed them. vpon them: and partly with their ordinance, and partly with the aduenture of their persons, did seeke to beate them from the walles, hauing first set fire on their suburbs, and that after a long, sharpe, and bloudie skirmish (wherein the Christians had the better) they were beaten backe within their gates. Whereupon because Tanusee stood in doubt lest the next garrisons of the Turkish frontiers might come vpon him, and suddenly oppresse him, he would not giue anie further attempt against them: but with a million of curses and execrations, he left and abandoned those vnfortunat places, which were so infamous by the ruine and slaughter of the Christians.
Scanderbeg at his being in Dibria held many counsels & great assemblies, wherein he consulted with the most graue and auncient persons of that countrey: endeuoring aboue all things to sift and search out if there were any other conspirators or consorts of Moses yet remaining in the prouince, or any secret sparks or tract of his treason left behind him. And besides all priuie and secret meanes vsed to enquire of it, there was publike proclamation made with sound of trumpet, promising a great summe of money to those that could and should detect any such conspirators. But there was not found so much as any shew of suspition of any such matter. And therfore the Dibrians were highly commended for their loyaltie, and the assured constancie of their faith. Besides that, he bestowed great & bountiful rewards amongst them, to continue them in their good deuoire and dutie. Moses his goods, and such pensions & offices wherewithMoses his goods and liuings seized and confiscated. Scanderbeg had before honored and aduanced him, were confiscated and seized to the kings coffers, and resumed into his hands: many of which he bestowed vpon particular persons. The Gouernorship of the countrey and garrison of Dibria was retained still in the kings hands, and bestowed vpon no man, but was kept voyd for a season by the good liking and consent of all▪men, especially of the souldiers. The affaires of the Dibrians being thus ordered and put in good assurance with a good and strong garrison, he returned thence to Croy, where Tanusee was also then ariued with his armie, the which he hauing resigned into the hands of the Prince, he retired himselfe in extreme griefe and sorow to his owne house, where at his returne, the lamentations, sighes, and sorowes began afresh to berenewed amongst the friends and kinsmen of Musache, euery body grieuing and mourning for his mischance. And Mamisa Mamiza the wife of Musache celebrateth the obsequies of her husband. the widow of the deceased, hauing called together (according to the custome of that natiō) many Ladies, Gentle womē & graue matrons, did celebrate the obsequies of her husband: longtime mourning & bewailing his death, & neuer ceasing day nor night with abūdance of tears, to lamēt the losse of him which she held most deare vnto her.
Scanderbeg hauing dismissed his owne army, did determine also to send away those [Page 309] Neapolitans which were left aliue after the battel of Belgrade: and together with themAmbassade sent to Alphonsus king of Naples▪ and the Italian succours returned home. an Ambassade to the king Alphonsus, to certifie him of the truth of his misfortune, and to excuse himselfe. Accordingly assoone as they were in case to trauell, he courteously thanked them of their paines and companie, and so embarked them for Italie: which done, he tooke his iourney into the countrey appertaining to Musache, towards his sister, both to mitigate their publicke and priuate sorrowe, and in this time of affliction and discouragement, to aduise vpon the affaires of his estate. Tanusee was appointed to be Tutour and Gardian of the person and goods of his nephewes: who did continually carrie him selfe with such loue, sinceritie, care, and diligence, that greater could not haue bene found in a kind and naturall father. The honour, title, and dignitie, with the Signiorie of the countrey, did remaine in the mother, whoMamisa her praises & perfections. mannaged that Estate▪ and gouerned the people with such moderation and dexteritie of spirite, that there was neuer seene greater concord and vnitie among the inhabitants of the Prouince; then was during the time of her gouernement: which is a thing seldome seene, by reason that the common sort ordinarily being mutinous ‘and disobedient, are hardly restrained within the limits of their duety and allegeance.Sentence. But herein especially was the soueraigne prudence and singular iudgement of this Lady to be admired:’ that (as it is generally confessed) Scanderbeg did oftentimes vse her as a most faithfull consort, and associat in the manadging of the affaires of the estate, and was much and vsually aduised and counselled by her. Shee would neuer yeeld to any second mariage, but euen to the last gaspe of her life, shee honoured the memory of her beloued spouse, not without a singular commendation of her continency and chastity: wherein shee continued and perseuered most deuoutly, induced thereunto (it may be) not onely in regard of her owne naturall grauity and modesty, but because shee being a woman of an excellent and noble minde, did esteeme the losse of her husband to be irreparable. For (not to speake any thing of his other vertues▪ which areMusache his praises and vertues. most ordinary and proper to men, and whereof he gaue sufficient testimony by his glorious end) he was euen by nature so louely and amiable, of so fine and pleasing a behauiour, and of so sweete a conuersation, that no creature liuing knew better, no [...] with greater facility then he, how to insinuat himselfe into the affections of men, and to purchase their good loue and liking. Besides the beauty and comelinesse of his person wherewith he was notably graced, and which is the proper obiect that women doe affect, and the elegancy of his goodly and tall stature, did fit singularly well to the perfections of his minde. But whilest we haue our eyes thus fastened, and our minds too too carefully busied in contemplation of our Christians, and doe tediously pursue the plaintes and griefes of them in particular: we doe not listen to the sound of Sebalias his trumpets, which doe summon vs to hearken vnto him, and who is now complaining that we haue ouer long delayd to giue him the merite of his due and deserued triumph.
The newes of his good successe in Epire was gotten before him to Andrinople, and the manifold reports which ran of his victory did in some sort draw the Turkish monarke to beleeue I know not what. For this vnexpected good fortune, till then vnusuall & vnaccustomed, did withhold him from beleeuing the full truth of that which was reported. The comming of Moses was the first obiect of the others triumph, & anMoses cometh to Andrinople. accident that made them all breake forth into an exceeding ioy: for he arriued at the Sultans Court certaine dayes before the other, for that the way frō Belgrade was more difficult to him that drew an armie after him, and who was enforced to march more leasurely and easily. The Sultan learned by him the estate of all things more fully and certainly, giuing credit to his speeches, and taking more pleasure and contentment in [Page 310] his presence, & to see him alienated from his Prince, then by the report of any victory that could be brought vnto him. He did not remember nor consider, that as the aduersity and mishap of Epire had drawne him thither: so the same being ceased, & the fortune of Albanie restored, might in like maner carie him away againe. Sebalias at his returne was receiued with the singular ioy and publicke acclamations of all the people: who shewed thēselues more ioyous of this iourney, then of all the noble conquestsSebalias his triumph and returne to Andrinople. erst obtained by their soueraigne. The captiues with their hands bound behind them, and the ensignes of the Christians were first presented vnto the Ottoman. After that the rest of the spoiles, with the other warlike instruments were brought in sight, together with the heads of those that were slain: the which being sold with the straw within thē for their weight in gold, were throwne vp and downe the streets, the children playing with them as at footbal. The poore Italians which were prisoners, were set to sale, and many of them sold to such as would giue most. Some few of them, whoChristians prisoners to the Turkes put to extreme torments. were very old & aged, together with all the Epirots, were either fastened vpon sharpe piles or posts, & so gored to death, or else were lifted vp aloft into the aire with hooks of iron, and so in the midst of their torments, had this only comfort left them, that they died Martyrs for the name of him that died for vs, praising and commending the glorious end of their companions slaine at Belgrade, and detesting (but all too late) their owne base cowardice and infamous desire of life, that could endure to see themselues reserued to be thus tormented and scorned by such miscreants. But the cruelty & hatefull villany which they shewed vpon the Albanians, did farre exceed that which was vsed to the others: and there was scarce any one of them saued from the barbarous handling of the enemy. And they did it, either in respect of the hatred & despite which they bare to that nation, or else for that the Turks do seldome or neuer vse to sell any Epirots for slaues. For they are of opinion, that there is no nation, nor any slaues ofTurkes their opinion of the Epirots. what qualitie soeuer, so vnfit to be sold as the Epirots and the Hungarians, for that they are held to be men vnmeete for seruice, as being proud, loftie and imperious, and such as will neuer come to be good Turkes or Musulmans in the Arabian tong signifieth, faithfull towards God. Speech and censure of Mahomet touching the battell of Belgrade. Scanderbeg his body reputed inuiolable. Musulmans.
When Mahomet heard the report of the chiualry and haughty exploits of Scanderbeg, shewed in the battell of Belgrade, he was striken with so incredible an ‘admiration and extreme grief, that he went away, saying, that his host was vanquished, and that the Epirots were the vanquishers: and that the reputation & name of Scanderbeg wold be more augmēted and renowmed by this only battell, then by any other thing done all his life time. For in very truth all men did attribute vnto him a kind of supernaturall excellencie, saying: that his bodie was euen by a fatall kind of destiny inuiolable, and not subiect to the sword, nor to any other humane force or violence.’
Notwithstanding the vertue of Sebalias had his due & deserued honor. And being largely rewarded, he was for a long time the onely man, that was talked of amongst the common people: as being the first that had made it knowne that Scanderbeg was not inuincible. Moses also was not left behind, but was much made of, & highly commended,Moses honorably entertained by the Turke. and a great and honorable pension was assigned him for his entertainment. True it is, that when he demanded certaine forces of the Sultan to inuade Scanderbeg, Mahomet would not condescend vnto it, but excused him selfe vpon the nearenesse of winter then approching. And that might very well be the cause of his refusall: but I beleeue he did it also vpon a conceipt, as wise Iudges vse to do amongst the Christians, who will not willingly beleeue a Iewe that is newly baptized: and therefore neither would he enterprise any thing vnder the conduct of Moses, nor yet would he employ any other man, but was resolued for a time to set aside all care, and wholly to abstaine from the warre of Epire.
[Page 311]The Ambassadours Albanois returning from Naples loden with rich giftes afterAmbassadours sent to Scanderbeg from the king of Naples and others to comfort him for his losse before Belgrade. the accustomed maner, were accompanied with other Ambassadours from the king Alphonsus: who being admitted to the presence of Scanderbeg, with a long and eloquent oration, did endeuor to mitigate the bitternesse of his griefe and passion, couering his losse vnder the common casualty and chance of warre, & with the ebbing and flowing of worldly affaires: saying, that the continuall traine of armes did oftē bring ‘with it such like accidents. And in conclusion, they offered him in the name of theirSentence. Prince, full and ample succours and supplies of whatsoeuer he should need. The king of Epire hauing rewarded them with great presents, as one that did euen contend to surmount the magnificence of the Spaniard,’ did honorably send them away with this answer▪ That he neuer had any doubt of his good loue and singular affection, bothAnswer of Scanderbeg to the Neapolitan Ambassadours. in regard of the publicke cause of religion, as also for his owne particular [...] ▪ the same hauing bene testified by infinit acts of his bountie and magnificence worthie of perpetuall remembrance▪ for the which he did giue most harty thanks, with protestation to vse his aide and succours as his owne, when soeuer and as often as occasion should require. The like messages came vnto him also from other Princes and States of Italie, and from diuerse great Seigniors and peoples his next neighbours, with theSpeech of other Ambassadours to Scanderbeg, touching his losse at Belgrade. ‘like offers and demonstrations of loue & friendship▪ and they perswaded him, that his late losse ought not any way to abate his courage, nor cause him to exceed in sorow & discontentment: and they assured him, that most of the Princes & States of Christendome would not make spare of any labour and trauell, of any costs and expences, nor of any dangers or hazards whatsoeuer for his safety, and for the maintenance of his crowne and dignity. It was a strange matter to Scanderbeg to see the newes of his discomfiture so published and spred abroad,’ and then did he begin to haue a more cleare and perfect knowledge of his disgrace, and the blemish of his reputation, then he had before, whilest the wounds of his souldiours and the losse of his men, were yet greene and fresh in remembrance. Wherefore with an vndanted corage, he did openly makeAnswer of Scanderbeg to the other Ambassadors▪ ‘knowen vnto them, that they should not thinke the estate of Epire to be such as they imagined, or that they wanted sufficient forces to recouer their good fortune: but rather that they were able to surmount their former exploites, and to purchase themselues now greater honour vpon the enemy then euer: and with this answer they departed, highly contented and well satisfied.’
The winter following he spent partly at Groy, and partly in Dibria and other places of the prouince: the garrison of Dibria he diminished, & reduced to the ancient nūbers of 2000. horse, and 1000▪ foot: setting good and strong watches, and ordaining many spies purposely dispersed abroad to discouer the attempts of the Infidels, who al this dead time of the yeare were not any way molested with the roades or inuasions of the Christians. For all the countrey for a good way round about had bene harried and wasted, so that to giue in any further vppon the enemies countrey, neither the quality of the time and dicommodity of the cold weather would permit: nor was Scanderbeg willing to suffer them: for his mind deuised vpon greater matters and of more importance, and he reserued the mortall hatred of his minde to some more notable kinde of vengeaunce: by meanes whereof the coldnesse of that season did passe away in great tranquillity and quietnesse.
Now was the newe Spring come on, and both the earth began to be embellished1453. and beautified with the greene grasse, and all things growing fresh and gay, and theMoses vrgeth Mahomet to employ him against Scanderbeg. sweetnesse of the aire made euery thing pleasant and delightfull. Then Moses▪ as a continuall spurre in the eyes and eares of the Turkish Emperour, did importune and egge him on without ceasing, and was instant and vrgent vpon him to begin the warre, and [Page 312] to bend his forces against his owne nation. Mahomet who had his chiefe hope and expectation vpon him, and the time also seruing him very well, did not in any thing gainsay his desire: for his mind did long before tend to the same end. And you must imagine, that all th [...] dead line of the winter season (which was about sixe moneths) whilest Moses remained with him in Court, he did most carefully sound and examine euery particular of his actions and behauiour: in such sort, that he had noted in him great signes and euident demonstrations of constancie and fidelitie, and of a minde wholly alienated from Scanderbeg. Besides, the better to put himself in the good grace and liking of the Sultan, he had by many euident testimonies and tokens, giuen him proofe of his sufficiencie and vertue, as much as was possible in that time of peace and intermission of armes, and he made great shew of his strength, valour, and resolution: inso much (as it is reported, and as afterwards Moses affirmed it openly) that Mahomet ‘demanded of him, whether Scanderbeg had many such men about him as himself: andSpeeches betweene Mahomet and Moses. he answered most modestly, that he had infinite such: And thereupon the Sultan highly commended the modestie of his speech. Then Moses (as it is commonly seene, that when shame keepeth vs from praising our selues openly, we do secretly and indirectlySentence. as it were, by circumstance attribute to our selues that which we detract from the reputation and honor of another)’ descending by litle and litle & by degrees from talking of others to Scanderbeg, did seeke to diminishe his reputation, and to lessen the opinion of his deserts: and after a long discourse, he made a promise vnto Mahomet, that if it pleased him to repose that trust in him onely, he would proue him selfe in that warre bodie to bodie against Scanderbeg, and would aduenture the hazard of a particular combat: and that he would not desire any greater numbers to worke his ouerthrow and confusion, then an armie of fifteene thousand horsemen onely; so that himselfe might haue the chusing, the ordering and disposing of them.
The Ottoman as he was soone and easily intreated to graunt him the charge andMoses sent with an armie of 15. thousand horse against Scanderbeg. commaund of this armie: so did he referre the whole care thereof to his iudgement and discretion, and gaue him the reines to do as he thought best. The souldiers which were prest to go in that voyage for Albanie, did infinitely misdoubt the weakenesse and feeble strength of so small a companie: neuerthelesse the wonderfull confidence and braue resolution of their new Generall did enforce them to hope well, and to conceiue some good opinion touching the happie successe of that iourney. Besides the great credit and authoritie of Moses with his owne nation, and his strong alliance within the countrey, was a matter worthie to be thought vpon, and did greatly encorage all of them, and did put them in hope, that they should find great ayde by them of the countrey, which the Dibrian also had assured to the Sultan. And it may be, that he himselfe was perswaded no lesse: for he gaue out, that he had had conference with some of the most auncient and principall persons of the prouince, and that many of his confederates and intelligencers did keepe themselues close and in secret, and did rest at his deuotion: and that suddenly, assoone as they should see his troupes within the countrey, they would be readie to come and ioyne with him: and bringing a good number of lustie and able youths, they would take armes and bend their force against Scanderbeg. Thus all things being throughly prepared, and he in a readinesse to take his iourney, about the three and twentieth of Februarie, in the yeare 1453. he departed from Andrinople, displaying his vnhappie ensignes in the sight, and within the proper bowels of his owne natiue countrey.
We will leaue the ingrate and vnkind Moses bending his traiterous armes against Epire, and in the meane time altering our discourse, to yeeld you the more contentment by this history, let me intreate you to giue me leaue to dwell a while with that [Page 313] fierce and haughty minded Prince young Mahomet, who calleth vpon me to accompanieMahomet his voia [...]e against Constantinople him in his iourney to Constantinople, which he hauing for a long time delayed and deferred, yet meant not to breake off nor to giue ouer for altogether. You haue read (if you remember it) in the beginning of this booke with what egernesse and vehemencie his aspyring and his ambitious heart, did affect to see the Imperiall Diademe of Greece set vpon his owne head: neuerthelesse, the iealousie which he had to defende and rescue one litle place in Epyre, had made a stay of his goodly progresse and glorious enterprise. But now vppon the notable victorie of Sebalias, thinking that his mortall enemie was so ouerthrowen as he should neuer be able to rise againe, he grewe into such a confidence of his prosperitie, that he doubted not to proceede with his former voyage, and with full sayles to followe his good fortune, which now seemed to fawne on him with a merrie and pleasant gale of winde: as we see it is an ordinarie thing, that if some one of our actions be seconded with‘Sentence. good happe, it hardeneth and encourageth vs to vndertake other matters farre more difficult.’
The Turkish Monarche, hauing commaunded a generall and speedie leauie ofMahomet marcheth to the siege of Constantinople. souldiers both horse and foote throughout all his Dominions, and that in more extraordinarie and excessiue numbers then had beene heard of in many ages, vsed an extreame kinde of diligence, and all possible celeritie in the raising of that armie, pretending that those preparations were for an other warre, because the Princes of Christendome should not haue him in anie mistrust or suspition. Moreouer hauing prepared an infinite number of vessels and shippes both for fight and for carriage of necessarie prouisions (for this man of all the Ottomans was the first that vsed shipping or men of warre at sea) he departed from Andrinople neere about the same time that Moses tooke his iourney for Epyre: and with long and continuall iourneyes both day and night he tooke the way of Romania both by sea and by lande, with an incredible traine of artillerie, engines, and other prouisions of assault.Mahomet violateth the peace with the Emperor of Greece and inuadeth his Empire without preclamation or denouncing of warres. He made but a iest at those auncient ceremonies and solemne obseruations vsed by his predecessors and other Princes to denounce and proclaime warres before they made anie inuasion vpon their neighbors. For violating the faith and promise which he had formerly sworne, and breaking the oath and peace which he had vowed most religiously to obserue, with the Emperour of Constantinople: he suddenly ouerranne and inuaded all the plaine countrie, and vpon the nineteenth day of Aprill, he planted his campe before that noble and famous citie, hauing in lesse then three dayes streightly girt it in, and besieged it rounde on all sides. His armie exceeded foure hundreth thousand men, most part of which were collected and gathered out of theConstantinople besieged with an armie of 400000 men. Nations neere adioyning, such as yet retayned and helde the name and profession of Christians: namely, from Greece, Sclauony and Valachia, and from amongst the Dardanians or Rascians: the Triballians or Seruians, and the Misians or Bulgarians. Diuersitie of Nations both Christians and others seruing vnder the Turke at the siege of Constantinople. There were verie fewe of them naturall Turkes, but with those former Nations out of Europe were mingled other troupes out of Asia, both from Bithinia called Natolia, and from Gallatia, Lidia, or Briquia, and Cilicia which is the countrie of the King of Caramania. In this manner did these Miscreants, Infidels, and Barbarians serue themselues with our owne forces, and the peoples of our owne profession and alliance: augmenting and encreasing their estate with the aide and helpe of them onely who were the most warrelike and stoutest Nations of all their campe, and by whom they did principally worke the ruine of that Empire, and the destruction of the Christians.
Concerning the citie it selfe, and the meanes of their defence: the whole forces [Page 314] of the garrison (setting aside the multitude which ordinarily is more hurtfull thenNumbers of the garrison in Constantinople against the Turkes. fit or apt to beare armes) did not amount to aboue 9000. souldiers, of which 6000. were Greekes of all sorts both good and bad. And the other 3000. were partly Venetians and partly Genowayes. True it is, that for the better strength and suertie of the citie (if the maiestie and reuerence of the sacred Imperiall name, could haue done any thing to the furtherance thereof) the Emperour himselfe Constantine Paleologus Constantine Paleologus Emperour of Constantinople was there in person. But ouer and aboue this outward glorie, and externall shewe of his presence, I doe not finde (and the subiect of this discourse will declare it) that his being there did anie great good, to the preseruation of the place. The great searcitie and want of munition, powder, armes, corne, treasure to pay the souldiers,Negligence of the Emperor of Constantinople and such like prouisions did sufficiently testifie, and make proofe of no lesse then I speake. For he did of a long time before discerne and knowe of the great preparations of the Turke, and he foresawe the terrour of this tempest that menaced the state of Greece, yet did he proceede but very coldly in making his prouisions. Onely he had recourse by Ambassadours to Pope Nicholas the fifth, to the EmperourEmperour of Constantinople craueth aide of Christian Princes but in vaine. Fredericke the third, to Charles the seuenth King of France, and to other Kings and Potentates of Christendome, to induce and perswade with them to sende him succours, and to shew them the imminent perill and approching decay and ruine of so noble and aunclent an Empire, the losse whereof could not but redound to the perpetuall shame and infamie of the whole name of the Christians: and finally he acquainted them with the extreame miserie which they were like to encurre, falling into the cruell and vnmercifull handes of a Nation most fierce and Barbarous, and more thirsting after the bloud of humaine creatures and Christians, then after wine or any other liquor whatsoeuer: and in conclusion with aboundance of teares and lamentations did his Ambassadours labour to moue them to some compassion and commiseration of their pitifull estate. But all their trauels were in vaine, and (which I abhorre to speake) they found the eares of all those Princes to be soCarelesnesse of Christian Princes of the danger and losse of Constantinople deafe, and their eyes so blinded, nay rather their minds so senselesse, as they could not foresee, that if the Empire of Greece came once to decay and confusion, it would cause all the residue of Europe in time to come to be buried and ouer whelmed in the like ruine and destruction, to the manifest and ineuitable abolishing of the Christian religion. But shall we thinke that they were ignorant hereof? nay rather I am of the opinion that they knew it sufficiently: but being occupied and distracted with their priuate hatreds and quarrels, and with the care of their owne particular commodities, their hearts were obdurate and hardened, and they did neglect the vniuersall good and publique welfare of all in generall. For behold and marke what was the occasion that withheld them. Italie was drawen drie of money and treasure, by meanes of the Schisme in the Papacie, and by the factions of the two famelies of the Vrsins and the Colonnezes: Almaine was vexed and rent with ciuill warres, and the greatest part of France was in the subiection and welneere wholly possessed by the English: and in briefe, all Europe (according to their accustomed manner) was deuided into sects and partialities.
But that you may the better perceiue both with what diligence and industrie the Turkes laboured to carrie and conquer this goodly Citie, and to reduce it vnder the Dominion of the Ottoman Empire: and howe the defendants also did diuersly demeane themselues, who laboured and endeuoured still to retaine it in the power and deuotion of the Christians, I hold it expedient here to deliuer and represent vnto you the true description and situation of the place.The description & situation of Constantinople
Constantinople (which the auncients called Byzance) is situated vpon the mouth [Page 315] or entrie of the streight of Gallipoly, on that part where Asia is adioyning to Europe, eche of them being separated from other by a very streight arme of the sea of Hellespont, which (extending it selfe into a gulfe opening with two pointes or hornes) lyethGulfe of Hellespont described full East and West, and so maketh a goodly hauen of two leagues and a halfe in length, and about a mile in breadth, where it is largest, and not aboue halfe so brode where it is narrowest. On the sides thereof it is full of nookes, secret turnings, and by places, in regarde whereof it is called the horne: for that the seuen hilles which doe aduance themselues within the towne, doe make the gulfe to runne with manie braunches, as it were the head of a Hart. Betweene this gulfe and the sea of Propontide, The sea of Propontide. there runneth out into the sea a mountaine not very high, like vnto a Cherronesse or halfe Isle, the length whereof lying East and West is litle lesse then two short leagues. The ridge of this mountaine holdeth still on bending towards, and opposite against the mouth of the sea Propontide: but to the North it hath seuen other small mountaines or litle hilles adioyning, of which foure of them doe strike into this gulf, and the greatest of the foure is washed with the waues of the sea of Bosphore, Sea of Bosphore or of Thrace. and representeth the base of a triangle. For the towne and the demie Isle are in forme and fashion triangular. The two points or promontories of this mountaine (the one of them towards the Occident regarding the sea of Propontide, & called Hebdomi: theHebdomi. Chrisoceras. other called Chrisoceras bending to the Northwards) do gard the entry and mouth of the harbor from the violence of the windes. From the which entry, if you draw a direct line to the seuenth mountainet lying more hidden & not so open as the others, & which doth likewise couer the Port against the Westerne windes, you shall include the moorish playne of Pera within the bosome (as it were) of that winding circuiteThe moorish plaine of Pera. which maketh that continuall ridge or backe of the demy Isle afore mentioned. The length of the hauen (as we haue sayed) is about two leagues and a halfe, within the most inward recuyle whereof the riuers of Cidrus and Barbisa do discharge thēselues.Riuers of Cydrus and Barbisa. The entry of the hauen is very streight & narrow, for that on the side of Barbisa (where is seated the towne of Pera, somtimes founded by the Genowayes, & now by the TurksPera or Galata. Promontory of Metopique & Cyglobia. Promontory of Damalique. Thrace. named Galata) there is a promontorie called Metopique & Cyglobia, lying against the South, & another promontorie also towards Asia, which ietteth out euen to the midst of the mouth of the streight of Gallipolis, and is named Damalique. On the Occident where the demy Isle or Cherronesse doth ioyne to the firme land of Thrace, there it doth deuide & separate the hauen from the sea of Propontide by meanes of a litle cut of land, which is some 50. pace in breadth, till it come to touch with the seuenth hill: which being the inmost angle of the towne towards the maine lande (as it goeth still on) waxeth greater and greater, and encreaseth more and more in largenesse & widenesse. Vpon this demy Isle or Cherronesse, is seated the noble and famous city of Constantine, Constantinople seated vpon the demy Isle or point of land lying betwene the gulfe and the sea of Prepontide. Phare a tower or lanterne at the entrie of the hauen. Circuit of Constantinople 4. leagues and a halfe which is 13. miles and a halfe. and right against it vpon the otherside of the banke of the gulfe is the towne of Galatha or Pera: the length whereof also butteth vppon foure points of the lande within the turnings and windings of the hauen. The closest and narrowest part of the Port is closed with a great, strong, and massye chaine of yron running from a high tower on the promontorie of Chrisocer as called Phare, to the promontorie of Metopique, where is likewise an other tower. Towards the firme land the citie is enuironed with a great and strong wall, and with a vawmure, whereunto is adioyned a very wide and deepe ditch. All the rest of the towne being washed with the saltwater, hath but one onely wall, yet verie strong, and flanked with infinite towers against all assaults and forces, that may be addressed against them by sea-wards. The middle part of the citie is a little mountaynous and hilly, the circuit of it (accounting three miles to a French league) containeth about foure leagues and a halfe. In this forme [Page 316] and largenesse it was in times past builded and reedified by the great Constantine Emperor of the Romaine Monarchie, of whom also it had the name of Constantinople.
Now that I haue laide downe and giuen you a view of the situation of the citie, whose sinnes and offences (as it is to be thought) made a separation betwene God and it: It followeth that I now discouer vnto you, what order the Turke obserued in the siege thereof both by sea and land: how he disposed his bandes and companies about it: in what manner he planted his Ordinance and placed his batterie, and how he ordered his Nauie and sea forces.
After the place had beene well viewed, the Turkes did soone make their approchesThe manner of the siege of Constantinople. to the walles, by reason the defendants, made but meane resistance, and the assailants being couered with baskets of Osier, with long plankes and boordes, with targets, pauizes, and such like did march in safetie against the rampiers with so good order and discretion, that they would haue made euen the most resolute and expert souldiers to be abashed and appalled. The Ordinance and such like engines of batterie being planted in three seuerall places, did beginne to batter the wals as furiously as was possible: especially towards Calegarie, where was placed a Cannon of such vnmeasurableCalegarie. greatnesse, that for the remouing thereof from place to place scant 50. yoke of Oxen did suffice: and the bullet thereof did containe eleuen handbreathes in compasse. Through the violence & diuelish force of this horrible engine, the wall (thoughConstantinople battered. it were very large and strongly builded) yet was not able to make resistance: but it fell out that this peece brake, and Mahomet commaunded that another should be cast greater then the former. But it was not so soone ended by meanes of the fauour and policie of Calybassa, who was a great friende to a Nobleman a ChristianCalybassa a friend to the Christians. Baron within the citie, and one of the Counsellors to the Emperour. Neuerthelesse the batterie was continued with great store of other artillerie, and they ceased not to wearie the defendantes day and night: and dayly did they kill some, either more or lesse with harguebusses, arrowes, slings, and diuerse other kindes of shot. For the Infidels did imagine, that the defendants were but fewe in number, and that they could not long continue and holde out, nor be able to endure the labour and trauell of the siege. And the better to presse them to extremitie, and to haue his will of them by force of armes, he laboured with all diligence to digge and cast vp trenches, to the intent the souldiers might with lesse paines and daunger safegarde themselues from the enemie, and haue the freer accesse to the foote of the wall. Moreouer because he would by the aduantage of the higher place or ground, more easily present the ladders to the walles, and be able to carrie the towne, he caused a long and high banke of earth, equall to the towne wall to be cast vp round about that part of the citie: and this was not all, for he caused also many towers of wood to be raised vp neere to the rampiers, from the which (hauing caused them to be couered with cowhides) he filled the ditch with earth and other stuffe, thinking to leauell and make plaine the way, and to haue the more easie accesse into the towne. And besides he had an innumerable companie of logges of wood, of ladders mounted vpon wheeles, and chariots raised in forme of castels, and such like engines as the Romaines themselues could scarce haue found and made the like against the Carthaginians: and because that monstrous peece of Ordinance which was newly cast, could do litle or no hurt at all against Calegarie, by reason of the notable and strong fortification of the place, it was planted neere the port S. Roman against the tower Battatinea, which being beatenThe Port S. Roman. The tower Battatinea. downe to the ground, did with his ruines fill vp the ditch, and made it euen with the height of the plaine ground, insomuch that the breach was plaine & euen for the Infidels to haue entred it, but that there was speedie order taken for repairing the same, & [Page 317] it was made stronger then before. Whereat the great Turke greatly maruelling, said: That it was not the worke nor inuention of the Greekes but of the Latines, who were better practised, and more expert and industrious in pointes of fortification then the Greekes. Thus you see what was done towards the firme land.
Towardes the Sea on that side which regardeth Pera, the Sultan besieged it with a fleete of 250. sayle, whereof the greatest part were Foistes, and some part gallyes, of which some were with two, some with three oares on a banke. Besides there were a great number of Frigats loaden with men and shot, rather for a shew and terrour vnto them then otherwise. These lay at ancker in the maine a good way off, on one side of the hauen towards the sea of Propontide: for they durst not come neere for feare of the Christians, but lying dispersed, and sometimes say ling vp and downe the sea, they did still furnish their campe at land with wood, stones, & such like necessaries. The port (as I haue told you) was shut vp with a great chaine: and besides it was garded with 7. great ships or carracks of the Genowayes, and three of Creete or Candia, all of them strongly bound & well chained together the one close to the other, so as the TurkishA stratageme or wonderfull enterprise of the Turkes at Constantinople (by the counsel of a Christian traitour Renegado) to get into the hauen. Nauie could not possibly enter into the harbor. But what did the Sultan (thinke you) to get into the hauen? by the counsell & aduise of a trayterous wretch a Christian Renegado, he cōmanded that a certaine number of his gallies should be drawen vp out of the sea to the mountaine, and then let downe againe on the other side into the hauen. The Pyoners and other labourers of the campe being set about the worke, and hauing farre and wide on all sides made plaine the descent of the mountaine, both on the one side & the other of the promontory of Metopique, with strength & force of hands they drew vp the gallies, conueying thē vpon rollers more thē 8. miles in length, & hauing brought them to the top of the mountaine, by litle & litle they let them slide faire andTurkes get into the hauen of Constantinople easily downe into the hauen. Now imagine you whether this new & strange spectacle, did not astonish and amaze the Christians. They sought by all meanes possible to sinke them with force of great stones, or to set them on fire, but in vaine did they attempt it, and those vessels were the occasion of great care and trouble vnto them: for that they being enforced by that meanes to quit the defence of the port, necessitie did constraine them to looke to the defence of the wals towards the sea side, and to diminish their gardes on the other side towards the land. For the town was daily assaulted on that side to the seaward with a power of 70000. men, by the helpe also of another deuise which the Turkes inuented as ingeniously & with no lesse hardines, the same more terrifying the Christians then the former: the maner wherof you shal heare also.
He builded a bridge more then 3. miles in length, from the banke or shore besidesStratageme of the Turkes in building a miraculous bridg ouer the sea of Pera at Constantinople. Pera right against the towne, the which trauersing or running ouer the sea was supported with hogsheads, pypes, and other wine vessels being fastened & held together vnderneath with great beames and posts of timber chained together, to the intent his army might march freely, and approch neere to the wall. I mitating therein the greatnesse of Xerxes who passed his armie in like manner ouer the sea of Bosphore out of Asia into Thrace. He raised vp also innumerable towers surmounting the height of the walles, from the tops of the which, being well furnished with all kinds of armes and prouisions for assault, the citie was incessantly trauelled and sore wearied.
I haue figured foorth vnto you the terrible apprests and preparations of the Turkish Monarch, by which he sought the ruine and destruction of this imperiall citie. It now resteth that I shew you the order and prouision of them within the towne, for the defence of the place against the assaylants.
The Christians growing daily more prouident & expert, did helpe thēselues withConstantinople ill furnished with prouisions such peeces of artillerie as they had, hauing but small store allowed them, neither had [Page 318] they any great prouision of pouder and saltpeeter: as litle also was their store of armes and weapons, and much lesse were they prouided of victuals. That a [...]de which they had was with muskets and such like small shot, with which they could not much greeue nor annoy the enemie, by reason of the discommoditie of the place, the same being couered with trenches, and litle walles drie made, and cast vp of purpose. Of their great Ordinance (as the report goeth) they could haue little or no vse at all, for feare of shaking downe their owne walles; yet sometimes now and then, they did discharge some of them vpon the enemie, and did beate downe both men, tents, & pauilions, together with their Pauisados, Gabions, and other muniments and defences. The braue and furious sallyes of the youth of the citie, did cause the Turks often both to feare and to admire them: and euer the assailants had the worst and sustained greatCourage and valure of the garrison within Constantinople. losse in all encounters. For the walles being kept well, garded and assured with valiant and resolute souldiers: euerie one striued to doe his best, and to giue some notable proofe and testimonie of his valure and prowes.
It happened about that time, that a certaine Genoway named Iohn Iustinian, one of the chiefe of Genoway, both for his nobilitie and great account, as also for his wealth and riches, did scoure the seas, and did roaue vp and downe seeking his fortune vponIohn Iustinian a Genoway made Lieutenant Generall for the Emperour within Constantinople. that coast with two good and strong shippes of warre, and about 400. fighting men. This man (as it fell out) lying at an anchor in the port of Constantinople, when the towne was vpon the point to be besieged, and considering with himselfe (as became a man of courage) that he was in one and the same estate with the meanest of the inhabitants: and that the preseruation of the citie did import him no lesse, then the residue of the citizens: he vndertooke together with them the defence thereof with singular courage and magnanimitie, with so notable and euident a proofe and shew of his sufficiencie & valure, both in repulsing of the enemie, and for his notable promptnesse and expedition in repayring the breaches and ruines made by the Canon, that he caried away without any contradiction the honour and praise for a while, of the safetie and preseruation of the Grecian Empire. In regard whereof he had this prerogatiue, to be chosen and allowed for the chiefe commaunder within the towne, and he had the title and name of Lieutenant Generall vnder the Emperour. Assoone as he had this authority committed vnto him, he caused the souldiers to be disposed andThe order and forces of the Christians in the defence of Cōstantinople. Port S. Roman defended by Iustinian. Maurice Catanee at the Port Fountain The golden gate. Paulus Troilus and Antony de Bouchardes. Miliandre. to be distributed here & there in diuerse places according to the seuerall occurrences of the time, and as the attempts of the Barbarians did require. He was assisted by the Emperour himselfe followed with a traine of 300. Genowayes, and a great number of Greeke souldiers purposely chosen to defend that part of the wals and rampiers which lay neere S. Roman, where the perill and danger was most likely and apparant. Maurice Catanee a Genoway also, being a braue and valiant Chieftaine, was placed betwene the Port of the fountaine and the golden gate, with 200. crosbowes Italians, & some Greekes intermixt with them: who with great furie did maintaine the fight against a castle made of wood, which being couered ouer with Oxe hides, the Turkes had raised against that side of the towne. Paulus Troilus, and Antonie his brother surnamed Bouchardes, did sustaine the assault on the side of Miliandre, where the towne began first of all to wauer. In that place did they continue in armes day and night, and making no spare of their bloud, they shewed themselues hardie and courageous, sometimes with pykes, one while with fire workes, and another while with their crosbowes, demaning themselues with such stoutnesse, strength, and brauery, that their very enemies did admire them. With no lesse valure did Theodore Caristin behaueTheodore Caristin. Theophilus Paleologus. himselfe, who being a Greeke borne, and growen verie aged, was a notable good archer. Likewise Theophilus Paleologus an honourable Gentleman of Greece, [Page 319] excellently well seene both in letters and in armes, and a neare kinseman vnto the Emperour: and with them Iohn le Grand or the great, a Germaine borne, (ofIohn le Grand. whom more shalbe sayed hereafter:) these three did defend and reenforce the breach of Calegarie, after it had bene battered and beaten downe by the Turkish artillerie. Contaren a noble and famous gentleman descended of the Contarens, one of the mostBreach of Calegarie. Contaren. noble families amongst the Venetians, was lodged betweene the golden gate and the towers, neare adioyning euen as farre as to the sea: and did with singular resolution, endure and sustaine the force of the infidels on that side. The other Greeks in like maner which were placed here and there on other parts of the towne walles, did brauely aduenture and hazard their liues, to the intent they might shew some worthie tokenThe pallace imperiall. Hierome Mynot. The tower of Hippodrome. The sea port. Chirluc. Hierome the Italian. Leonard Longa [...]ke. Chsiliport. The towers Aueniades. Gabriell Treuisan Gouernour of the venetian foistes. and testimonie, that they were nothing inferiour to the Latines. The care and custodie of the imperiall pallace was committed vnto Ierome Minot, Baily of the Venetians. The tower seated before the Hippodrome towardes the East, was giuen in charge to the Consull of the Catalans. Chirluc had the defence of the port towards the sea and of al the sea coast. Ierome the Italian, Leonard Langask a Genoway, and many others had the keeping of the Chsiliport, and of the towers which they call Aueniades. The Priests, Muncks, and other religious persons, being likewise distributed throughout the walles, did make shew by their hardie and setled lookes that they could doe something else besides praying vpon their beades, and singing and saying of masse. Gabriell Treuisan Gouernour of the Venetian foistes being accompanied with Some say 400 The tower of Farrafin. The port imperiall. Anthonie Diede Generall of the Gallies. Demetrius. Nicolus Gullelle. 40. other Venetians did manfully defend the tower of Farrafin by the port Imperiall. Anthonie Diede Generall of the gallies seeming to be faint harted and but badly resolued, did shew himselfe more carefull to keepe aboord, and to saue his vessels, then to defend the hauen which he had in charge.
Demetrius the father in lawe of N. Paleologus, and Nicolas the sonne in law of Gullelle had the charge of a conduct and great squadron of armed men being alwaies in a readinesse for the succours and reliefe of them vpon the walles, vppon any accident or occasion that should be requisite. To make short, all of them did shewe themselues so cheerefull and couragious, as though they would first haue bene torne in peeces rather then they would haue fallen into the hands of the circumcized Infidels. And forasmuch as neither the breach, nor the ruines of the walles, nor the thundering noise nor violence of the ordinance, nor the strength, force, nor huge puissance of the enemie could nowe terrifie nor astonish them: it seemed that they were fully resolued to abide all extreamities, as if this had bene the day and time, wherein they should purchase vnto themselues eternall renowme and immortall fame. But what‘Sentence. Courage bootlesse without good meanes of defence. auaileth it for men that are besieged to be couragious and resolute, if they want good order and prouision for victuals, money and munition? Neuerthelesse, because all colour of excuse should be taken from the inhabitants, by which they might pretend the neglect of their duties: & least they should be discomforted more by feare of famin in time to come,’ then by the terrour of the present danger: there was commaundement giuen, that the bread and other victuals should be distributed, and shared by equall proportion amongst the seuerall housholdes and families. But there were some of the inhabitants so greedily addicted to the infamous desire of gaine, or rather of the blood of their Christian brethren, that they concealed their corne: and others againeCouetousnesse of the Greekes in Constantinople. raised the prises of their graine. This villanous and wretched humor of auarice, was the occasion not only of many great mischiefes, but also of the confusion of the whole estate and policie. The Emperour shewed himselfe too remisse and gentle, and did not with sufficient seueritie chastise and punish their disobedience: by meanes wherof, euerie man did as he listed: and (as the prouerbe is) they were like a company of [Page 320] rattes in the corne-stacke. If the Emperour were at any time angred and discontented, he was soone appeased with the flattering words and smooth speeches of his Courtiers, who did not sticke in a manner to mocke and scorne him to his face, whilst himselfe in the meane time made semblance, as if he did not see it.
A litle before this time it happened that fortune presented vnto the besieged some ‘shew and apparance, that she would supply them with reliefe and succours. For suchSentence. is her vnconstant and dissembling nature, that she faigneth sometimes to fauour them whom she purposeth to ruinate and cast downe headlong into extreame miserie.’ So fell it out with the inhabitants of Constantinople: Three great shippes of Genoway loaden with armour, souldiers and corne, were come from*Chios in the company of oneChios an Iland in the mediterranean sea. other ship which belonged to the Emperour, and was loaden with wheat of Sicilia. These being discouered to be neare the citie by the armie of the Infidels which kept watch towardes the sea: and the allarme being giuen with sound of trumpets and other instruments, they were presently assayled by the Turkes, especially the vessellA fight at sea betwene the Turkes and the Christians. imperiall, as being more notable then the others: both the townes-men from the citie on the one side, and the Monarch of the Turkes from the toppe of the mountaine of Galatha on the other side beholding the fight and combat betwene them. The gallies bearing vp close vnto them did first set vpon that shippe which belonged to the Emperour, insomuch as there grew a hot and cruell fight both on the one side and the other. Maurice Catanee (before named) was generall Commaunder of those vesselles, who in that battell shewed his excellent skil and experience in sea seruice, and did giue euident testimonie of his singular valour and prowes. He was seconded by Dominick Dominicke de Nouara. Baptista Fellizan. of Nouara, and Baptista Fellizan a Genoway also: both of which shewed themselues no lesse expert pilots then well practised in deeds of armes. On the other side the infidelles hauing in hope and conceit alreadie deuoured this notable prey and booty, and accounting it sure their owne, did enforce themselues to carrie away the victorie, beating still and furiously with their Ordinance and with great store of small shot, vpon the imperiall vessell, which defended her selfe very brauely by the courageous deuoire of Flectanella her patron. The oares of the Gallies flew in shiuers, and it wasFlectanella. a horrour to heare the ratling of the hatches, and other great peeces of the shipbordes which flew about, besides the wofull cries and howlings of the Turkes as they gaue vp the ghost. Their Soueraigne perceiuing from the mountaine, how his armie was ill bestead, was in such rage and passion as if he would haue runne madde for anger: he cursed and blasphemed, hee rent his clothes and tore his garmentes, the Pagans they lamented, and all his hoast was in amazement and confusion. What should we say more? The broyle was renued, and the fight grew more fierce and terrible, still the Infidels had the worst, and such was the successe of the fight, that a great number of Turkes being slaine and drowned, they were scant able for want of men to recouer the shore with their shipping. The besieged did learne by some of thoseVictorie of the Christians in a sea fight against the Turks before Constantinople which fled whom they tooke prisoners, and by their owne espials, that the Turkes had receiued a griuous ouerthrow and discomfiture, and that they had lost more then 10000. of their men. The fleete wherewith they assayled the Christian vessels was very neere of 200▪ sayles, part of them being of two, & part of three oares on a banke. The Turkish king was greatly confounded, and his forces were reputed of litle or small puissance: for that so many gallies vnited and consorted together, were not able to take nor ouercome onely three vessels of the Christians. Thus the next night following, did the shippes enter into the harbour without any hurt or dammage, hauing not so much as one man slaine, but only some of them hurt and wounded.
Mahomet being highly displeased, and grieuously incensed against Baltogle his [Page 321] Admirall, did depose him from his charge and office, confiscated all his goods, andBaltogle Admirall to Mahomet in disgrace for losse of the battell at sea. would scarce haue pardoned him his life, had not his Bassaes and chiefe Siegniours vehemently entreated for him. In this his choller and rage he determined with cannon shot from the top of the mountaine of Pera towards the East, to sinke those vessels that lay in the roade or mouth of the harbour: or at leastwise to make them leaue and forgoe the chaine. Wherefore hauing caused his artillerie to be bracht, he did endeuor to breake and to batter them in peeces, being aided thereunto by a CannonierCouetousnesse and treachery of a Christian Cannonier. a Christian, who for that he had bene denied a certaine pension which he demanded, was of late reuolted to the Turks. It chaunced (I know not with what destiny) that at the verie first shotte he sunke the shippe wherein the Captaine himselfe was, which was an occasion that the others for feare of the like misfortune did retire them selues vnder the couert of the walles of Pera. Besides those vessels there lying▪ in the port, there were also three galleyasses of Venice and two galliots for their securitie: which the Emperour by earnest entreatie, and for a great summe of money, had causedDiscord betwene the Genowayes and the Venetians at Constantinople. to stay for the defence of Constantinople during the space of sixe monethes. Within a while after, there fell some debate and difference betweene the Genowaies and the Venetians: the one reproaching the other, that they had made default at this last seruice and expedition: but the Venetians hauing libertie granted them to depart, was a cause that this discord was soone appeased.
The extremities and difficulties of the Greekes daily encreasing, and the Paynims growing more and more audacious and obstinate: the defendants tooke counsell, and determined vpon some course, to fire those Turkish foistes which had bene conueyedIeames Cocqu [...] a venetian & other Christians drowned. into the hauen. Order being giuen by Iustinian how the matter should be put in execution: Ieames Cocqu [...] a Venetian being too couetous of glorie, did rashly goe in hand with the action, & preuented the time wherein the matter was to be wrought: by meanes whereof, the Barbarians perceiuing their intent, did anticipate the enterprize, sinking with their ordinaunce certaine vesselles of the Greekes, and drowning many of the Christians: some of them also being taken prisoners, as they thought to saue themselues by swimming to the shore, were the next daye beheaded by thePrisoners Christians beheaded by Mahomet. Sentence. Turkes in the sight of the Citizens. The defendants being mightely incensed, and waxing more cruell with this Turkish inhumanitie, did giue them drinke (as the saying is) of the same cuppe. ‘For, causing certaine Turkes their prisoners to be brought foorth, they put them to death openly vpon the rampiers of the citie: and so the desire of vengeaunce pricked on with wrath and crueltie, did exasperate the heartes of both parties.’
But this mortall enemie of the Crosse of Christ, to the intent he might not leaue any martiall deuise vnattempted that might make him Maister of the towne, did now bend all his endeuours to winne it secretly by stealth and subtiltie, and by mines conueyed closely vnder the ground, continuing neuerthelesse daily and hourely the vnpleasantMynes made by the Turkes against Constantinople, & disappointed by the countermynes of the defendants. Iohn le Grand harmonie and roaring noise of his cannons and bombards. By this time had they vndermined with great silence and secrecie the rampier of the vawmure, and now began to make their preparations for blowing vp of the mine. But Iohn le Grand an Almaine souldier, well practised and experienced in that arte (whom Iustinian had made Captaine of a companie, and who did him great seruice, aide and comfort during the siege) by his singular industrie and prouident foresight, did discouer the danger: whereupon suddenly was there made a strong and braue sally out of the towne, purposely to make proofe and tryall of the matter: which being found to be most sure and certaine, did greatly trouble them within, till such time as they saw themselues exempted and freed from this feare, by the remedie of counter-mines which [Page 322] they made to disappoint the purpose of the enemie.
The Sultan perceiuing that the vertue and forwardnesse of the Christians did causeDissimulation of Mahomet purposing to deceiue the Christians vnder colour of a peace. all his attempts to turne to smoke, beganne now to fall to his wonted byas of cunning and dissembling. He feigned him to repent that he had vndertaken this enterprise, falsely giuing out, that he had done it by the perswasion of the Hungarians: he sent therefore an Herauld of armes to the Emperor to treat with him vpon some appointment of peace. But his fraude was soone perceiued, in that he would not condiscend, that a fortresse which he had raised towards the sea of Propontide, should be razed and throwen downe, nor that they should quietly repaire the ruines and breaches of their walles, and of the towers and bulwarkes about the citie. But that which most troubled the defendants was, that they could not haue any trust nor affiance in the worde nor faith of the Sultan, who was neuer knowen at any time to haue obserued his faithPeriurie and singular infidelitie of Mahomet. or othe with any creature liuing; much lesse was it likely, that he would holde it to his enemie. The worst of all, was the small number of the defendants which gaue them cause of extreame griefe and sorrow, for they were in all about a 9000. men or litle aboue, as I haue tolde you. But what is one in comparison of a 1000. For when the defendants were disposed and ordered in their places vpon the walles eche beside other, they did scant suffice to furnish the walles where the enemie had enuironned them both by sea and by land. The poore Emperour in great confusion and perplexitie, with the teares standing in his eyes, did goe from doore to doore, and from house to house, imploring and entreating the citizens with his hands ioyned together, that they would aide him with their treasure and wealth, onely for the waging of more souldiers, and for the hyring of strange and forreigne succours. But (ô monstrous impietie, ô wretched auarice of the Greeke Nation!) they protested and swore with most execrable othes, that they had not wherewithall to hire any, that they were drawen dry of money by reason of the scarcetie and miserie of the time: and yet aftewardesAuarice and impietie of the Greekes incredible and cause of their owne ruine. there was found such abundance of treasure within the citie, that it seemed they reserued it to enrich their enemies, who were euen glutted with the exceeding riches which they found hidden there by the citizens. Howbeit some few of them of their voluntarie motion did contribute somewhat vnto him: but these were verie few, and it did him litle pleasure: yea more then this what did the Greeke Emperour? He had recourse from the citizens, to his Barons, the great Seigniours and chiefest nobles of the Empire: but they gaue him counsell in any case not to molest any man in this publicke extreamitie and combustion: but rather to take the reliques and other sacred things and iewelles of the churches, and to serue his neede with them. Whereupon he commaunded that the vessels and vtensiles of gold and siluer which had bene consecrated to the vse of the holy temples, should be coyned into currant and ready money, to be deuided among the souldiers, pyoners, and other persons appointed for the repairing of the fortifications of the towne. For the also being wholly attentiue to their priuate profit and commoditie, and not to the good and welfare of the estate publike, would not labour nor do any seruice, except they were satisfied & contented of their pay.Constantinople newly battered and three breaches made.
Mahomet seeing that his offers of peace were refused, and being without hope of carying the place, by any other meanes then by the blood and slaughter of his people: reenforced the siege and fight on all sides, causing the batterie to be recontinued with more furie then before, till such time as he had made three faire and large breaches,An assault proclaimed by Mahomet to Constantinople by which he might with ease enter with his troupes, and free the walles of the defendants. Then he caused it to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet throughout his campe, that euery man should be in a readines with his armes the next morning very [Page 323] early, to giue a generall assault: and he abandoned the towne to the pillage and discretion of the souldiers for three dayes together, vpon condition that they did within that terme enter it, and make themselues Maisters of the place. It was the sixe andCowardize of the Greekes of Constantinople twentieth day of Aprill when this crie was published, the feare whereof caused many of the Greeks to withdraw and conuey themselues away: faigning that either they had some necessarie buisinesse to be done in the fieldes, or some other occasion to absent themselues. Some pretended that they were vnable and vnfit to serue, others alleadged their pouertie, saying: that it stood them vpon to goe get some bread to relieue themselues, and whē some more zelous then others, did reproue them for their cowardize, and did shew them that now not onely their priuate estate was endangered, but that the estate of all Christendome, and the common defence of all the Christians in Europe did depend vpon their valour, manhood and resolution, they made this answer: What haue we to do (sayed they) with the warres whilest our famelies‘are readie to starue and to die with pure hunger and famine? so that it was a very hard matter to get them to the walles,’ or to make them to abide there in defence of the place. This was the occasion that the assailants taking heart and courage when they sawe the small resistaunce that was made in some places, durst aduenture to approachCourage and audacitie of the Turkes preparing thē selues to the assault of Constantinople. neare the walles, and with crookes to pull downe the hogsheades, pipes, and other vessels which the defendants had prouided there in a readinesse to make them barricadoes for the more suretie of their walles: but by howe much the more the townes-men were discomforted by that proclamation, so much the greater was the ioy and triumph made by these miscreants throughout all the quarters of their camp. Euery man made prouision of necessaries to furnish himselfe against the next dayes seruice, which they desired and expected with such greedinesse and deuotion, that he was not held for a good man, who did not by his verie countenaunce, and by his gesture, bewray the heate and forwardnesse of a braue mind and courageous. Of their whole armie, there was not a man who of all that day would either eate or drinke.‘Such is the nature and disposition of men, that when matters do fall out to their desireSentence. and contentment, their bodies are fully satisfied, and their appetite or stomach is quite taken from them. But some say,’ that this their abstinence was enioyned them by the ceremonie of their religion. The day being spent, and the night come on, assoone as it was starre-light, they fell to feasting one another with great cheere and notable banquets: drinking and carousing together for the most part of the night. This done they retired themselues euery man to his quarter to take their rest, with many louing embracements, kisses and mutuall fare-welles giuen to ech other, as if they should neuer haue met againe. You see now how the aduersaries prepared themselues to the ruine and desolation of the most noble and proud citie of the Orient.
In the meane while, they within the towne hauing heard of this publique cry andCitizens of Constantinople their discomfortable and miserable estate. proclamation of the great Turke, and considering the great preparations that were made for the assault, ordained a publique and solemne procession: the Priestes and religious persons with all reuerence and deuotion had recourse vnto their reliques, to the image of the crucifixe and of the blessed virgin, with deuout prayers, himnes, and songs: their eyes sheading abundance of teares: their hearts sighing and groaningCatholique deuotion of the Constantinopolitanes. for the miseries and mischiefes both present and imminent vpon them. The common people both rich and poore, men and women; young and olde, followed after the Clergie, imploring the fauour and protection of the diuine maiestie. Thus did they goe about the towne, enuironning it on all quarters, visiting all the holy places, and afflicting their bodies with fasting, discipline and continuall orizons: and when night was come they retired euery man to their seuerall places assigned for their defence.
[Page 324]During these passions of publique sorrow and lamentation, the Gouernour of the towne Iohn Iustinian (hauing a watchfull eye and good care to all matters as one that did diligently obserue all fortunes) tooke order for the speedy repairing of the breaches and other places of least assurance, and for the furnishing of them with artillerie: demaunding of Chirluc (who was of chiefest authoritie amongst the citizens) that he should deliuer him out of the common store of the citie certaine ordinance to be emploied against the Infidelles, which Chirluc hauing refused and denied him, Iustinian Grudge & hatred betwene Iustinian and Chirluc: and the Greeks and Latines. enflamed with extreme wrath & anger vsed these words vnto him. Traitor that thou art: what should hinder me that I run thee not through with my sword? From that time forward Chirluc disdaining, that he should be so outraged and reproached by a Latine, did beare himselfe verie coldly in the discharge of his dutie. And the Greekes in generall had secretly conceiued a great disdaine and enuie, that the Italians should haue the chiefe commaund of them, and should haue the chiefe honour of the preseruationAmbition of the Greekes. of the citie. Neuerthelesse the Generall by the aduise and counsell of Maurice Catanee, Iohn de Carret, Paul de Bouchardes, Iohn de Fornares, Thomas des Sauuages, Ladisse Gattalusse, Iohn Illyric, and many other Greekes (who shewed themselues true seruitours to God & their countrie, did take order for the strengthening of the companies, and the fortifying of the rampiers: in such sort, that the Sultan himselfe‘greatly commending his prouidence and diligence, vsed these words of him. O that I hadSpeech of Mahomet in commendation of Iohn Iustinian. that Captaine neare about me, that I might honor him according to his worthines & sufficiency: and he did by many meanes & deuises assay to allure him vnto his seruice. But that loyall and generous heart of his, would neuer be corrupted nor drawen to yeeld vnto his enticements.’
The walls of Constantinople were of as wonderfull great height and thicknes, as ofNegligence of the Greeks in furnishing, fortifying and defending the walles of Constantinople. any towne whatsoeuer: but partly by the antiquitie of the time which had in a manner wasted, them being old and ruinous, and partly by the negligence of the Greekes which made no great account and reckoning of it, they were for the most part empaired and disfurnished of their battlements, bulwarks & other defences. As touching the vawmure, it was verie strong and in good estate as might be, and it was well fortified with all things requisite for the guarding and keeping of it: and accordingly the Greeks founding all the suertie of their fortresse vpon the strength thereof, had lodged all their fighting men betwene the chiefe wall and the vawmure. It was a worke and enterprize of no small importance to couer and furnish the vawmure with men sufficient: and therefore many wise and expert men of good and sound iudgement, finding fault and blaming them, did tell them, that they ought not to quit and abandon the chiefe and maine wall which was high & strong made: for that by the fauor & benefit of the same being duely regarded and furnished, they might very well haue maintained and defended the other wall, and so haue drawen out the siege at length. But if the Emperour for his part did make any default by reason of his negligence and pusillanimitie which I will not speake of: much more were they to be blamed, who had the chiefe managing and gouernment of the estate, namely, Emanuell Gregare (who was a litle before but a very begger and base fellow,) and one Neophit a MonkeEmanuell Gregare, Neophit a monke, two pillers and pollers of the state of Constantinople. of Rhodes: two most notable pillers and not pillours of the common wealth. These two being ordained as tutors or protectours of the estate, and hauing receiued huge summes of money, either of such as died intestate, and whose goods were to come to the publique treasurie, or by the testaments of diuerse particular persons (who bequeathed great summes of mony to be employed to the reparations & maintenance of the walles and fortifications: they did defraud the common wealth of the same and conuerted it to their priuate profite and commodity. Leauing within a while after [Page 325] to the Infidels and Barbarians, the inheritance and possession of all their infamous and ill gotten treasure, which amounted to more then 70000. crownes. By the mischieuousConstantinople lost by the couetousnes of theeues and traitors her owne citizens. and wicked couetousnesse therefore of these theeues and sacrilegious traitours, did that noble city come to ruine and destruction. Seeing then that all the actions and deedes of the Greekes, were continually foolish and blameworthy, it is no maruell if so worthy a monument and famous a bulwarke of the estate of Christendome, founded by so many good Emperours, did now fall to be the prey and reward of theeues and robbers. Faine would they haue remedied this mischiefe afterwardes, but then it was all too late: for they wanted two of the most necessary and principall things to effect it: to wit, time and money, both which they might haue remedied with great ease and facility, if they had intended it either with oportunity or any importunity at such time as they saw the burthen of the warres euen readie to fall and light vpon their shoulders. But the malice or the negligence of that people, did put off and deferre all things from time to time, and from day to day, till it came to ruine and destruction. Now by reason that the Greekes did put their whole trust and confidence in their vtter ditches and the vawmure: when those were once lost, and that they were forced to retire within the maine wall, which before they neglected, they were not able in the end neither to man it nor to defend it. Much more wisely and prouidently did the Iewes, who did not employ nor aduenture their whole strength and forces vpon the vtter walles of Ierusalem when it was besieged by Titus and Vespasian: but they made the one wall still to mainetaine the other, and the first being lost they retired to the second, and from the second to the third: and so by meanes of their fortifications,Two yeares by Iosephus. they prolonged the siege foure yeares against the Romaines.
But returne we to our History. Whilest the Turkes were preparing them selues so busily to a generall assault, there sprang a rumor in their Campe, vppon the report of some espials, that there was on the one side an army and fleete of the Christians at sea comming to the aide and reliefe of Constantinople: and that on the other side, that tempest of warre Iohn Huniades was marching downe towardes the riuer of * Danowe to giue battell vnto the Sultan, or to make him raise his siege. This rumourOr Danubius. troubled and terrified the Mahometists, causing them to murmure against their chiefeTurks murmur against Mahomet for continuing so long at the siege of Constantinople. and soueraigne: saying, that it was but rashly and vainely done to continue and make any longer abode vnder those inuincible and impregnable wals (for it was now two and fifty dayes since the siege began) and they were in great distrust of their owne forces, albeit they were inestimable, and they dispaired vtterly of all good fortune and of victory. Vppon these difficulties, Caly Bassa the most auncient and sagest councellour of the Sultan, a man of notable experience in the warres, and one that greatlyCaly Bassa counselleth Mahomet to raise the siege from Constantinople. fauoured the Christians (though in secrete) and had continually disswaded the Ottoman from persisting in this enterprise: in a solemne assembly which was now called purposely to consult vppon this point, he told the Sultan: That it could not but be very perillous and daungerous for him to vrge the city of Constantinople any longer, the same being of notable strength and aboundantly prouided of all things for the warre, and furnished with good store of souldiers hardy and resolute either by death or life to defend their liberty: That his auncesters in times past had often, but in vaine assaied to conquer it, and were euer repulsed: And which was most worthye to be considered, that he was not to make any doubt, but that all the Princes and Potentates of Europe, especially the Venetians and the Genowayes his next neighbours, being aduertised of the necessity and extremity of the towne, would presently come with a braue and strong power to succour it: That he ought to beware how he did incense them and make those his enemies, who were able in other places eyther [Page 326] greatly to endammage them, or greatly to profit and pleasure them. Thy puissaunce (most redoubted Prince ꝙ he) is incomparable, and thou shalt better augment and ‘enlarge it by the peace then by the warre, whereof the euents and successe are alwaiesSentence. doubtfull and vncertaine, and full of inconstancie and mutabilitie. Calybassa had scarce ended his perswasions, but Zagan second Councellour of the Turke:’ a man that was both younger in yeares, of a more hotte and fierie courage, and one that was emulous of Calybassa, and the mortall enemie of the Christians, interrupting his speeches, thus alleadged to the contrary.
‘The Ottoman forces (quoth he) are so mighty, and are so seconded with good fortune,The Oration of Zagan coū selling Mahomet to continue the siege and to assault Constantinople. and they are generally in so good estimate and reputation, that all the worlde standeth in awe and is afraied of their power and greatnesse: so that to doubt of any impediments from Europe, or to hope for any other then a fortunate and glorious issue, were in a manner a crime of manifest treason against the maiesty of the Ottoman Empire. Why then should the Sultan leaue this siege vppon any vncertaine newes and reports? or vppon fained tales and surmizes of vaine possibilities? who knoweth not that the Latines are farre vnable to furnishe them with any succours? The Genowayes are in discord and ciuill garboiles: the Venetians haue enough to doe to defend them selues against the Duke of Milan: as for other Princes farther off, it is well knowen they are all by the eares amongst them selues, each consuming other with their ciuill warres.’
The Eunuch, who was the third vizir to the Sultan confirmed the speeches vsed by Zagan: and Thuraca the Saniacke of Romania durst not take part with Caly Bassa, Thuraca Saniacke of Romania. but encouraged Mahomet more and more to continue the siege, whereunto of himselfe he was vehemently enclined: in so much that the inferiour Chiefetaines and ‘leaders did all with one consent and voice exclaime, saying: It behoueth the MonarchSpeeche of the Turkes captaines calling for warre. and soueraigne of the Turkes both to purpose and to put in execution things high, hard, and difficult: for by such actions onely doe men purchase honour and immortall glory.’ Mahomet being greatly animated and egged on by their perswasions, answered thus vnto them: Well then my friends (quoth he) you will that we shall trieAnswer of Mahomet to his counsellors and captains perswading him to hold on his siege. ‘our fortune, and it liketh me exceedingly wel. For what was the puissance of the great Alexander? was it incomparable? nay was it not farre inferiour to our forces? was that army of his (wherewith he conquered the whole world) more to be feared and redoubted then this of ours here before Constantinople? Which of our predecessors, either father, grand-father, or great-grandfather, did euer besiege this place so well accompanied with armed forces, so well prouided with warlike weapons, engines, or other preparations, as we now are? Go to then Zagan, make ready our companies, let our troups be set in order for the assaulting of the towne, and to the intent that they of Pera may not (during the assault) either hinder vs behind at our backes, or giue them of Constantinople any succours,’ let their towne be enclosed and beset on all sides.
Caly the chiefe Bassa to the Sultan seeing this conclusion, did secretely aduertise theCaly Bassa aduertiseth the Greeke Emperour of the purpose of the Turkes. Greeke Emperour of the same, perswading him neuerthelesse not to be dismaied nor discomforted by the temerity and folly of this young Prince so insolent and so furious: that he should not feare their menaces, who were themselues fearefull and timerous, howsoeuer they made shew and semblance to the contrary. Only he wished them to keepe good and carefull watch, & to behaue themselues stoutly and constantly in sustaining the assault. The Emperour, whilest the Turkes were preparing against the morrow to assaile the town, did on his part also call an assembly of the Senate and principall Barons, and chiefe citizens, with all the Captaines and commaunders of the generall companies both Denizens and straungers, to whom being all together, he [Page 327] began to vse these or such like speeches.
Most noble Lords, most worthy captains, and most christian souldiers, you see the‘Oration of the Emperor of Constantinople to his nobles, captaines, and souldiers before the assault to encorage them. houre now approching, wherein the city is to be assaulted by our enemies: you know the dangers that do alwaies accompany an assault. Of all military actions and martiall seruices, either in field or fortresse, there is none more terrible, none more fearefull, bloudy or cruell, then to maintaine a breach against resolute and hardy assailantes, it being an ordinary thing in that case, for men to stand and fight vppe to the knees in bloud, death and wounds attending them on all sides: yet must you not recule, nor be discouraged, when you shall see your Captaines, your kinsmen or your friends, dying and yeelding vp their ghosts at your feet: but persisting resolutely & with vndaunted hearts, you must hold out against the enemy as long as any one of you is left aliue. If any of you haue that mistrust of your selues, that you cannot finde in your hearts to abide the sight of the slaughter, withdraw your selues a Gods name to some other part of the walles, that you may be there emploied about some other needefull occasions, wherein also your seruice shall be very acceptable: for all men cannot be equally and alike resolute. You haue had sufficient triall of the fury and forces of your aduersaries for these 52. daies wherein you haue bene besieged, and you haue no reason now at this present to be more terrified or astonished, then you haue bin heretofore, for they are the same men stil that you haue found them in the former fights. You are not now to fight for a petty village: for some small castell of litle price or reckoning, and wherein you haue litle or nothing to loose: but you fight for the church of God & his holy religion: for the honor & safety of the sacred Empire: for your own natiue towne and countrey, the chiefe, principall, and Imperiall city of the world: wherein your wiues, your children, your parents, your friends, and all your chiefest and dearest treasures, do come running vnder the shelter of your armes both behind and before you, and on all sides, imploring your vertue, your valour, and extreamest resolution for their defence and safety, which without your deuoire will be vtterly lost and destroied, and euen in a moment come to ruine & confusion. What a desolation should we se if these barbarous miscreants, so couetous and thirsty of the bloud of Christians, who haue sworne to put all to the sword, should come and strew your faire▪streets, and fill vp your sumptuous houses with dead bodies and carkasses? how lamentable a spectacle would it be to see so many wiues, maidens, and yong infants violated? the beautifull temples builded by the piety and deuotion of the Christians our fore-fathers now to be polluted, burned, and destroied? The only way to auoide these mischifes is to goe against these hell hounds resolutely: to oppose our selues against them manfully, and to set aside all feare of danger, and all care and respect of death, which though we could shun for the time present, yet in the end will it be sure to make an end of vs all without exception.’
Immediatly vpon this exhortation, the whole assembly with a setled & fierce countenance,Assault to Constantinople by the Turkes. did vow & promise that they would all die before they would do otherwise: and so encoraging ech other, they followed their Generall to the seuerall places where it pleased him to appoint them: and there with good deliberation did they attend the time of the assault. It was not long ere they heard the Infidels preparing their artillery and other engins, & drawing of their chariots with their castels or turrets vpon them with their ladders vpon wheeles, their towres of wood, and such like instruments for the assault: and in an instant the Turkish army to the seaward did enuiron the Port & the wals on that side: for you must note that presently after midnight, the Turks vpon a hope & greedines of the prey, being vnpatient to stay and attend the breaking of the day, did present them selues in armes before the walles, and began the fight whilest it was yet darke, continuing the same euen till it was day: But they were so plied with [Page 328] stones & shot from aloft, that they were not able in the obscurity of the night, to keepe themselues out of the danger of the defendants, so that fighting still with great disaduantage, they caried away nothing but shame and infamy, with the losse of infinite of their brauest and fiercest souldiers. The light of the day hauing chased away the starlight: Mahomet himselfe came forth with the strength of his army, and after he had giuen the signall to begin the assault, he commanded that Constantinople and Pera should be attempted both together and at one instant, because the Greekes should not succour ech other: himself also appointed euery Colonell with his regiment to a certaine space and quantity of the wall, to the intent that euery one of them being to fight seuerally, and in the place particularly assigned vnto him, both the valour and prowesse of them that deserued and did best, should be more apparant and manifest, and by the emulation of praise and glory they might the more animate each other in the conflict. With the like counsell and aduise were the companies of the sea army distributed in order, with an expresse charge & commandement, that euery one should make his approch in the quarter appointed vnto him at one and the same time. In this maner the souldiers being disposed and marshalled both on the one side and the other, the aire resounding with the noise of trumpets, drums, and cornets, to incense them that fought, the fury of the assault began to encrease, and to be renued still more and more, continuing with great aboundance of bloud and cruelty. The Pagans bending their bodies, and shrinking in their heads, did couer them selues with their targets and pauishes, and so marching on roundly presented their ladders to the walles, and with an exceeding audacity striued to get vp, and to mount vpon the rampiers which had bene newly mended & repaired. The defendants receiued them as coragiously, bestowing vpon them great heapes and plenty of stones, pots, bals, and launces of wilde fire, scalding oile, seething water, and such like: powring downe also vpon them a whole shower of shotte, darts, and arrowes, and neuer ceasing to ouerturne the ladders, and to tumble thē from the top downe to the bottome. In the meane time they which presented themselues to the breach with the pikes in their hands, were likewise valiauntly resisted by others, who pressing brauely forward & rushing vpon them, did not strike in vaine: but beating downe innumerable Infidels, some slaine, some maimed, they scattered that battalion: hauing giuen them such entertainment, that many being left dead vpon the placeTurks repulsed from the assault. were made sure for euer aduenturing themselues againe in the like hazard: and the residue of the Turkes (as men that could do no good, and whose former heate was well cooled) did now seeme to desire to be dispensed withall, that they might not for that day returne any more to so bad a banquet, and they began to retire themselues the same way they came. Then Mahomet enraged with ire and madnes went to meete and to encourage them, and he called sometimes to one, somtimes to another by their names, especially such as were men of marke and chiefest estimate. Some he constrained by menaces, others he perswaded by promises, and did so much preuaile, that he madeAssault renued at Constantinople by perswasions of Mahomet to the Turkes. them to take part againe, and thereuppon they reenforced the assault: then might you haue seene some climing vpon their fellowes backes, other creeping vp like cats, and making themselues way vp to the wals: against the pikes of their enemies, many also marching close together and in troups vnder the couerture of their targets, & bearing downe their heads, hauing gained the foote of the wall, did mount to the tops of their ladders: & then with the one hand they labored to lay hold vpō the enemies weapons, & with the other grasping close by the battlements, they striued to get aloft vpon the wals, & there to haue raised the Turkish ensignes. But the promptnes, vigor, & hardines of the defendants, did far exceed the attēpts of the assailants, stil beating them down and ouerthrowing them in infinite numbers with pikes, stones, and other weapons, [Page 329] and with casting of boyling pitch vppon them. It was a braue sight to see how Iohn Industry and vertue of Iohn Iustinian. Iustinian with his sword in his hand, & accompanied with a squadron of armed men, now here, now there, did with might and maine beare in vpon the enemy, where as he saw them thickest, still ouerthrowing and dispersing them where soeuer he came. One while would he redresse and confirme the rancks where he saw them to faile or to moue: another while with a watchfull eie and speedy pace, would he giue and send succours where they needed, and both with the valour of his hand, aswell as with the eloquence of his speech, he encouraged them on all parts both to do well and to hope well. The presence of the Turkish Monarch did no lesse further the obstinacy & resolution of his people, both by often exhortations and continuall supplies of newe and fresh troups who succeded chearfully in the places of those which were either slaine or repulsed, not suffering the defendants to haue any leisure to rest or to breath thēselues, although they performed their deuoire & duty beyond all reason & humaine power: yet by reason that their nūbers were so small, it could not be but they should at length be driuen to the last point and exigent of all extremity. Neuerthelesse they still shewed them selues in countenance and outward appearance resolute and deliberate, and that they feared no perill whatsoeuer. In this estate did they mainetaine themselues continually stout and vnuanquished, not suffering the assailantes to glory or to boast themselues of any aduantage against the towne, vntill such time as their Chieftaine and gouernour Iustinian (by the permission of the cruell destinies which nowe beganne to contrary this miserable and wretched city) in the heate and fury of the fight, & where the wall was most endangered, whilest he opposed him selfe most stoutly against the enemy, with a company of braue and gallant men, prodigall & carelesse of their liues, most vnhappily receiued a wound behinde vnder the arme hole, being shotte with an arrow by one of the defendants standing within vpon the walles.
Behold now a strange case and a wonderful: He which of late by the only terror ofIohn Iustinian wounded and fainteth, forsaking his charge his name did appall his enemies, and did adde a corage and confidence vnto the Christians: he which shewed himselfe as a second Mars, and with his arme all bloudy euen to the elbow, did flie like a tempest amongst the Turkish squadrons, preparing the victory for the Greekes, now alas onely 3. or 4. drops of bloud distilling from his owne body, did put him quite out of heart, and as one vtterly forlorne he fainted and gaue ouer, forgetting al his former glory, the remembrance of his duty, and the safety both of himselfe & his countrey. For perceiuing his wound to bleed much, he withdrew him selfe secretly out of the presse, & remoued frō the place without speaking euer a word, going into the towne to haue his wound drest, being vnwilling (as himself afterwards confessed) to haue a surgeon called thither: for feare least his souldiers, who were then fighting with great fury in that place, should be partakers of his feare, & so be discoraged by his mishap. Thus whilest he thought to auoide one inconuenience he tumbled into a greater mischiefe. The Emperour hearing of his departure, and supposing that his absence would be the losse of the towne, as his presence had bene the preseruationEmperour of Greece his ouersight. of the same, did commit a second disorder worse then the former: for without leauing any man of marke or reckoning to supply his office, or to commaund in his place, he went himselfe in person and followed after him to cal him backe againe, endeuouring to cause him to returne. But Iustinian more deafe then a Haddocke, and obstinate beyond all reason, or rather transported with extreame feare, coulde not be entreated by any prayers or perswasions to tarry and abide: but causing the gate of the city to be opened for him, he promised that as soone as his wound was dressed he woulde returne incontinent. All the gates and portes of the city by which men should passe through from the vawmure into the towne, were closed and barred vppe, because [Page 330] all waies, and hope of retrait being taken from the souldiours, euery man should determine either to vanquish the enemy or to die with honour. But what followed vpponThe Christians discomforted and out of hart vpon the departure of their Generall. this accident? The Christians which were at the breach, as soone as they had lost the sight of their Generall, began to loose courage likewise and to be out of heart. Then might you haue seene some of them make hast to retire, and to withdrawe them selues out of the presse: others began to fight more slowly and lasily, and at last all in generall beginning to faint and to despaire, betooke them selues to a ‘shamefull and ignominious flight. Whither do you flie you poore and senslesse wretches? doth your safety now consist in your heeles? what, doth your resolution depend only vppon one man so fraile and mortall? If your walles be lost haue you any other by which you may be couered and protected? or will you returne againe into the wombes of your mothers there to hide you from your enemies? Are you ignorant, or haue you forgotten it, that these barbarous miscreants are so mercilesse and cruell, that they haue no respect of sexe nor age: and that their fashion is to deuour and swallow vp all sortes and degrees of persons in one and the same gulfe of vnspeakeable mischiefe without all pity and compassion.’
The Colonels and Captaines of the Turkes seeing the countenance of the Christians; as soone as they perceiued them to faint and wauer, they encouraged their souldiours, and with high clamours animated them on to scale the walles, which were in a manner quite forsaken and abandonned. Then the Infidelles (who had already deuoured in hope the rich promises of the Sultan, and were greedy of reuenge for the losse of their bretheren, friendes and fellowes, that lay slaine before their eiesConstantinople taken by the Turkes. in the ditches of the towne:) they began to presse forward in good and close array, and with greater feruency and violence then at any time before. Some of them forced through the breaches, others by their scaling ladders got speedily to the toppe of the rampiers, and in a moment made them selues maisters both of the second or vttermost wall, and of the rampiers and bulwarkes thereof, chasing thence the Greeke souldiours: who being now quite discomfited sought to saue them selues by flying into the towne, through that gate which was lately opened to Iustinian.
In this disarray and foule confusion, the Emperour also forgot him selfe and his duety, which was to haue held good, and to haue died with his armes in his handes. But he because he would not fall aliue into the handes of the Infidelles, turned his backe likewise most shamefully, and holding company with the rest that fled, as heEmperour of Constantinople smoothered in a throng by his owne subiects, flying from the Turkes. striued to enter in at the city gate in the middest of the presse and throng, being regarded no more then a priuate person, hee was borne downe forcibly to the ground, troden and trampled vnder foote, and so most miserably smoothered. It is a strange thing and worthy to be obserued, that in so great a feare and confusion, amongest so great a multitude of souldiers and valiant men, onely two were found and no more, who contemning the present perill and all feare of death, did stoutly oppose their bodies as a bulwarke for the defence and for the safety of their countrey: and preferring religion before life, and an honourable renowme before their priuate safety, did euen vow and consecrate them selues to the death, fighting valiantly euen to the last gaspe.The death and honourable end of Theophilus Paleologus and Iohn of Sclauony. The one of them was Theophilus Paleologus the Emperours kinseman: the other was Iohn of Sclauony, a man otherwise of a meane and seruile condition, but in his end noble and honourable. These two reputing it an extreame shame and disgrace to flie away, did for a great while all alone sustaine the fury and violence of the Barbarians, and hauing slaine many with their owne hands, in the end being oppressed with the multitude, and rather tired then vanquished, they did yeeld vp their glorious soules vnto God, amongst the heapes of the dead bodies of their enemies. Iustinian who [Page 331] during this time had conueyed himselfe to Pera, went from thence by sea to the Isle of Chios, where falling sicke, either by meanes of his wound, or for griefe and sorrowe,Death of Iohn Iustinian. within fewe dayes after departed out of this life, hauing most shamefully lost the fruite and benefite of that incomparable glorie, which he might easily haue purchased. For without all doubt most happy and fortunate had he bene, if he had continued his first resolution to die valiantly and honorably vpon the walles of Constantinople.
The Turkes hauing wonne the Vawmure, chased the Christians towardes the towne: and entring the port, pell mell together with them, they slue of Greekes and Latines about an eight hundreth within the gate. From the body of the Emperor (being found and knowen by of his coate armour) they did cut off the head, and fastened it vpon a pike, carying and shewing it vp and downe for a token and signe of victorie, whilest others in the meane time hauing gotten to the top, and gayned the chiefe and maine wall of the Citie, with shot, arrowes, stones, and such like, chased thence the citizens: who hearing the alarme at the gate ranne thitherwards, thinking to haue shut it, and to haue made a Barricado to keepe the enemie from entring. But the gate being alreadie wonne, and the walles now voyde of defence, the infidels became maisters of the towne, exceedingly triumphing, both for the conquest of the place, and for the infinite riches and treasures which they found there inestimable. The furie and the victorie of the souldiers was soone and easily to be discerned by the cryes and howlings of those whom at the first entrie they beat downe to the ground, killing and cutting in peeces all those whom they encountred with armes on their backes or weapon in hand. After the furie and heate of the slaughter was somewhat appeased, they gaue them selues on all parts to prey and pillage, ransacking the towneConstantinople sacked with all horrible excesse of villanie for three dayes together. of all things with extreme rapine and greedinesse: and after the sack was ended what Iliads are able to recount the particulars of the infinite disorders, excesse, villanies, and enormities, which that barbarous, impious, and infamous people, addicted to all voluptuousnesse, auarice and crueltie, did dare to exercise vpon the wretched and miserable inhabitants? O how pitifully and horribly were they forced and violated, no sexe nor age being spared or pardoned! they confounded and intermingled murthers with whoredomes, and whoredomes with murthers, greedily seeking to satisfie their brutish and vnsatiable humour of lecherie, whereunto that nation of all others is extremely and mightily giuen ouer and enclined. They shamed not to put in irons as well the old men who were decrepit for age, as the young lads and tender maidens whom the fortune of the towne had reserued aliue: whom also being coupled and chained together, they draue before them with great despite and derision. And if by chaunce there happened any maiden, woman, or young boy, any thing beautifull and comely to looke on: euerie man striued who should haue them to abuse them in most villanous and shamefull maner: which was an occasion also, that many times they would like brute beastes one kill another. The like also would they do when they lighted vpon any bootie that was of great value, were it either sacred or prophane: for so many would set hand on it together, that oftentimes they would murther each other for the same. And by reason that their armie was compound of diuerse nations, differing in language and in manners, there was no kinde of villanie or impietie (how hatefull and enormious soeuer it were) but it was suffered to the ruine and extreme desolation of this miserable citie. The Temple of Saint Sophie (whose like was neuer seene, builded by the Emperour Iustinian) being spoyled of all her ornaments and sumptuous riches, which were innumerable, both of gold, siluer, and other precious vessels: and being contaminated and polluted with all kind of filthinesse and villanie possible to be imagined, became nowe an infamous Burdella or [Page 332] stewes, for vncleane persons and Sodomites, and a stable for horses, as other churches and holy places in like maner were conuerted to like prophane vses. The bones and honored reliques of the Saints, were cast foorth, and throwne about the streetes and publike places, to be troden vnder foote, not by men onely, but euen by the dogs, hogges, and such like. The images of the crucifixe and of the Saints, were either trailed through the dirt, or broken in peeces with axes and hatchets. The rare and exquisite libraries how litle were they respected and regarded by those brute and vnreasonable beastes the enemies of all sciences and good learning? What notable and extreme torments did they inflict vpon the seruants of priuate particular men, to constraine them to reueale and disclose their maisters goods and hidden treasures? The report is, that they drewe foorth from vnder the earth in diuerse places an inestimable quantitie of gold and siluer, and other iewels of exceeding great price, which the vnfortunate and vnhappie citizens, for feare of the siege, had hidden vnder ground: which abundance and superfluitie of wealth, had it pleased God, that they had bestowed and employed in munitions, and vpon other necessities for the defence of the towne, they might perhaps haue saued both their liues and goods, and the libertie of ‘their countrey. But in them was that saying then verified; That couetous men do notSentence. possesse their owne gold and riches, but their gold and riches doth possesse them.’
The sacke of the citie hauing continued for three whole dayes together, there was nothing nowe left, nor remaining in the towne (which of late was most fortunate, happie and rich) but a most hideous shewe and sight of all barbarousnesse and inhumanitie, suffering an indigne and lamentable seruitude of her citizens: who toNumber of Christians prisoners taken at the losse of Cō stantinople. the number of three score thousand, being bound and manacled, were drawen and caried out of the citie, into the campe and tentes of the Barbarians. It is reported for a certaintie, that Mahomet hauing made a magnificall and sumptuous banquet to his Bassaes and Captaines, euery man being full of wine and dainties, and him selfe (it may be) litle better then drunken, caused all the prisoners to be brought before him, and as if he had a desire to glut the hearts and eyes of his guestes with the innocentCruelty of Mahomet more then barbarous bloud of the Christians, and as a man may say, to mixe his wine with bloud, he commaunded, that the principall and chiefest persons, who were of greatest estimate and calling, should haue their bodies deuided and sawed a sunder in the middest whilest they were yet aliue, taking a singular delight and pleasure at this inhumane spectacle and extreme crueltie. Some of the chiefe Officers and speciall friendes of the Emperour Constantine (which remained yet aliue) being called also before him, he reproued and blamed very sharply, for that they did not perswade their Maister either to demaund peace, or to deliuer the towne into his handes: and thereupon he put them likewise to the sword, as he had done the others. Chirluck aboue mentioned,Chirluck his notabl [...] infidelitie and trecherie. hauing determined to currie fauour with the tyrant, did impute all the fault, and layed the whole blame thereof vpon the Peratines and the Venetians, who (as he sayd) did ayde and furnish the Emperour Constantine with men, money, munition, and counsell: and that Constantine for the loue of them did maintaine the warre against him. Moreouer, the wicked wretch, who had euer sought aduauncement by lyes and sinister practises, did accuse Caly Bassa to be a friend to the Greekes, and that he had often written to the Emperour, comforting him, and encouraging him toThe death of Caly Bassa betrayed and bewrayed by Chirluck, and executed by Mahomet. hold out: and to proue his wordes true, he shewed foorth the letters vnto the Sultan, which he had reserued expressely and of purpose. The Emperour of the Turkes being more feloniously incensed then before, did resolue vtterly to destroy Pera: and ordained that Caly Bassa, being depriued of his authoritie, and of all his goods, and being fast bound and fettered, should for a while be put in safe keeping, and shut vp [Page 333] within a certaine tower at Constantinople: from whence within fewe dayes after he was conueyed to Andrinople, and there executed, to the publike griefe and sorowe of all the Turkish hoast. But the disloyall and trayterous Greeke did not escape the due punishment of his malice and infidelitie: for hauing first lost his two eldest sonnes in the warre, the third being slaine before his eyes by the commaund of Mahomet, andThe death and deserued punishment of Chirlucke. the fourth being reserued to the abhominable lustes of the prophane tyrant, the father was enioyned and enforced to hang and strangle him selfe with his owne handes.
With no lesse cruelty did the Turkish Sultan vse the forainers and strangers whichThe death of many noblemen prisoners to the Turke and executed. were taken vpon the losse of the citie. TheHierome Minot. Contaren and other Gentlemen of Venice twice ransomed Cardinall of Rome the popes Legat prisoner and ransomed. Bailiffe or Gouernour of the Venetians with his sonne and other Nobles of his company were beheaded. Likewise the Consull of the Caraconensians or Catalans with his two sonnes had the like end: and Contarin a Venetian Gentleman, of the familie of the Contarines, with sixe other Gentlemen Venetians besides him, who had before agreed and payed their ransome, yet had drunke also of the same cup, if they had not payd seuen thousand Duckets more once againe for their redemption. Isidore Ruthenian Cardinall of the sea of Rome, who had before bene sent Legate à Latere from the Pope Nicholas the fift, hauing disguised him selfe, fell into the hands of a simple souldier, and by meanes of a great summe of aspres which he payd him, he escaped and got him libertie.
The inhabitants of Pera seeing the desolation of Constantinople, layed aside their armes, and without attending any summons from the Sultan, they came foorth ofPera voluntarily yeeldeth to the Turkes. the towne, and bringing their keyes with them, they layed them downe at the tyrants feete: who hauing receiued them to mercie, with sufficient shewes of grace and fauour: and shortly after hauing caused his armie to enter the towne, against all faithPeriurie and infidelitie of Mahomet to the Peratines. and publicke honestie, he caused it to be sacked, the rampiers to be dismanteled and broken downe: and afflicting them with a thousand mischiefes and calamities, he caused their children to be sold for slaues, their matrones to be defloured, the olde men to be enchained, the yong men to be murthred without any regard or difference had of age, sexe or condition: not sparing their temples, pallaces, nor other edificesThe wordes of the oracle are [...] Name of Constantine fat all to Constantinople. Helen the mother of Great Constantine daughter of Coilus king of great Brittain. Exhortation of the Author to all Christians. and buildings. Thus we see that the very same happened to the noble city of Constantinople, which was once foretold and prophecied by the oracle to the Macedonians: namely: That the name of Constantyn was fatall to that towne, and that during the raigne of Constantyn, it should finde her best and worst fortune. For as Constantyn the great the son of* Helen, was the first that founded that Empire, and did adorne and enrich that Imperiall city: so this Constantyn the sonne of another Helen, also was the last Emperour, after that this Empire had endured eleuen hundreth twenty and one yeares.
This city that was the Queene and Lady of all the townes in the world, hauing receiued and endured so many mischiefes and calamities by the cruell and villainous handes of these theeues and brigandes, it standeth vs vppon to be moued by their examples: to the intent we may more narrowly aduise our selues of the plagues that doe hang ouer the heades of other peoples and cities, and that standing in awe of the rigorous and seuere iudgementes of God, we be the more allured and stirred vp to his seruice and obedience: and hauing our recourse vnto him with continuall praiers, and daily sighes and gronings of our soules, we should entreat his diuine clemency, that it would please him to preserue his Church and his people, and to moderate the paines and punishmentes inflicted vppon them. And let vs not onely meditate vppon the example of their punishment, but let vs remember also what were [Page 334] the sinnes and crimes of the Greeke nation, and of their Emperours in those daies. Let vs consider their great excesse and vsurpations, their hatefull discordes and ciuill warres, wherewith they rent and tore in sunder that famous Monarchy: so shall we be incited by the sorrowfull and lamentable end of that Empire, to liue more modestly and soberly, to nourish and entertaine concord and amity: chasing and repelling farre from vs, all distrust, ambition, couetousnesse, and the desire of vengeance, or any other thing vnlawfull, whereby the common peace and tranquillity should be troubled or disturbed: for feare least that either being dismembred or consumed by a mutuall & intestine butchery amongst our selues, we fall into the same misfortune and calamity which is befalne and happened vnto the Greekes.
THE NINTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
MOses with an armie of Turkes entreth into Epire, and is encountred by Scanderbeg. The priuat combat of Ahimaz a Turke with Zachary Groppe an Epirot. Moses hauing challenged Scanderbeg to a particular combate dareth not abide him. The battell of Oronichea between Moses and Scanderbeg, wherein the Turks are ouerthrowen and Moses put to flight, who at his returne to Constantinople being in great disgrace with Mahomet, posteth secretlie into Epire, and submitting himselfe to Scanderbeg, is freelie pardoned. Amese the nephew of Scanderbeg reuolteth from his vncle and flieth to Mahomet with his wife and children Isaac Bassa accompanied with Amese, is sent by Mahomet with an armie against Scanderbeg, who hauing leauied a power to receiue them, retireth with his forces and giueth place vnto them. Isaac marching freelie ouer the countrey, proclaimeth Amese king of Epire. Scanderbeg hauing by his fained flight brought the Turkes into security, sodainly setteth vpon their Campe. The famous battell of Pharsalia: wherein Isaac Bassa is put to flight, with a notable slaughter of the Turkes, and Amese is taken prisoner, being sent to Naples by his vncle, there to be kept in prison. Mahomet being encombred with great warres seeketh to haue peace with Scanderbeg, which being refused, he sendeth Hamur and Synam with two strong armies to defend his frontiers. And Scanderbeg likewise fortifieth the borders of Epire. The frontier war betweene the Turks and the Epirots. Hamur maketh a new motion of peace vnto Scanderbeg. Alphonsus king of Naples dieth, and Ferdinand his base son succeedeth him in that kingdome, vnto whom Scanderbeg sendeth an Ambassade. Amese is brought backe into Epire, and is restored to the grace and fauour of his vncle, by whom being licenced to goe againe to Mahomet to practise the deliuery of his wife and children, at his returne to Constantinople, he is there poysoned by the Turke.
IN the sacred Scriptures it is written, that Zedechias and the other Iewes caried away captiue vnto Babilon, did mock and deride the Prophet Ieremy when he for told them of the captiuitie and destruction of Ierusalem. We reade also that if Cassandra had bin beleeued by Pryam hir father, Troy had notProphecies foretelling the ruine of Empires and estates. bene burned by the Greekes, nor reduced so miserably into dust and ashes. If the Romans had giuen credit to the prophecies of the Sibils, their monarchie had not bene ruinated & troden vnder foot. But in very truth, this is an infallible rule, and vndoubtedly to be beleeued: that Empires, Realmes and Kingdomes haue their vndoubted age limited, neither more nor lesse, then as mortall men haue their birth & [Page 336] beginning, their increase, their continuance, and their declining. For albeit such prophecies,Empires and [...] kingdoms haue their time and age limited. admonitions and diuine reuelations haue and do ordinarily forerun & preceed the ruine of Monarchies and Empires: yet so it is, that when their prefixed time is come, it behoueth them to fall and come to nothing, maugre all the counsels & endeuorsPredictions of the ruine and destruction of Constantinople. which humane wisdome can deuise. The Greeks do affirme, that diuerse personages & men famous for the holinesse of their conuersation & learning, did for many ages long before diuine & prophecy of this horrible tempest, which should swallow vp and consume the Empire of the Orient. Amongst others, one Leon surnamed the sage (as they say) made a certen table, which being hidden in ancient times, was found within the Monasterie of S. George in Constantinople, containing therein certen litle squadrons or scutcheons, within the which were seuerall letters, that distinguished theLeon the sage his table of the Emperours of Constantinople. order and succession of the Emperours of Constantinople: and so many quadrants only were contained in the table, as would comprehend all the Emperours from Constantine the great the first founder of that Empire, til the last end & desolation of the same: & that all the said quadrangles were filled with seueral caracters, but only that wherein the last Emperour was to be placed. They deliuer also that there was another, a deuoutMorsena his prophecie of Constantinople. man called Morsena, who prophecied, that a certain people or nation, being excellent archers should arise against Constantinople, who seizing vpon her noble port or hauen, should vtterly exterminate and expell the Greeks out of that imperiall Citie. And last of all, they adde the prophecies of Sibilla Erithrea, who foreshewed likewiseSibilla Erithrea. the ruine of the Greeks. But howsoeuer it be, the finall issue and euent of that vnfortunate Citie hath made it manifest, that the Great Constantine was ill aduised, when he transported and translated the Imperiall seate, and all the ornaments thereof, from the citie of Rome to that place. For albeit it cannot be denied, but that Constantinople wasConstātine the Great ill aduised in translating the seat of the Empire frō Rome to Constantinople. a place very fit and agreeable for the greatnesse of that Empire, yet neuerthelesse the Heauens and the destinies would not permit, that the same should continue still to be the siege of the Romaine Empire. For as euery region and all particular townes, haue their fatall and ineuitable necessity and their particular maners, rites and conditions: so cannot those things be translated elsewhere from their naturall seate without notable inconuenience: notwithstanding that they be the same persons, and though they doe retaine their wonted lawes and customes. For that the instruments and celestiall constellations of another climate do ordinarily change and alter the humors and affections of the persons that doe there dwell and inhabite: whose manners iointly with the destinies, doe in the end cause the alterations which happen in them, which was manifestly seene by the transportation of the Romaine Monarchy to the Greekes, and Asiatickes. For from thenceforth their Emperours, their souldiers, their legions, and armed forces being chosen and furnished out of those countreis, it came to passe that being deuided into factions and partiallities, by the naturall ambition and inconstancy of that nation: and being growen effeminate by the soft, nice, and tender delicacies of the Orient, they were not able after a while to repulse the incursions and often inuasions of the Barbarians. And Rome it selfe in the meane time and all Italie (whom God had determined to punish) wanting a chiefe head and supreame commander amongst them, and not retaining, but by litle and litle neglecting and loosing their auncient military discipline, and that martiall rigour and seuerity, which was necessarily to be obserued amongst souldiers & men professing armes, they became a prey vnto strange nations. Wherefore we may well say, that it is happened vnto this Empire, as vnto a beautifull and goodly tree, which in hir own naturall soile doth bring fourth pleasant and good fruite, but being remoued and planted in a strange ground, in the end by litle and litle it becommeth barren and withered.
[Page 337]I doubt not Gentlemen, but both your eyes and your eares haue bene wearied and [...]loyed to see and vnderstand the large discourse and recitall which I haue made of those dolourous and lamentable misfortunes befallen to your Christian brethren. I will cease therefore to speake anie further of this sorrowfull subiect, and will followe the tract of our Moses, whom (me thinkes) I heare calling to me and complayning himselfe worthily, for that I haue suffered him to stay so long in the heate and ardour of his rebellion, which leadeth him on against his naturall Prince and natiue countrie, to the intent we may see what will be the end and fortune of that his iourney.
The season and time of the yeare, which now beganne to grow more milde andScanderbeg prepareth to receiue Moses in Epire. temperate, the frequent and often renued aduertisements, and the rumour published and spread abroad concerning the approch of Moses into Epyre did perwade the king to haue his forces in a readinesse. Wherefore with a notable good courage and resolution, he attended the comming of this new enemie, howbeit with a more milde affection and lesse hatred, then he vsed towards others that came in armes against him. He could not yet let it sinke into his minde, that the Dybrian did beare him any hatred, or did carrie the minde of an enemie towardes him, or that so slight, or rather no occasion, should cause so suddaine and great a chaunge of his faith and fidelitie, which had bene notably tryed and approued in so manie battelles and for so manie yeares. He thought rather that it might be, he vsed this as a cunning stratageme and policie, to leaue some testimonie to the posteritie of his great renowme, and for the confusion and grieuous ruine of the Miscreants. And although it were so that he marched as an open and apparant enemie against his countrie, yet was he in good hope, that the sight of his natiue soyle, and the presence of his auncient friendes and fellow citizens would by litle and litle drawe him to a more charitable and friendly respect, and so abolish all his enmitie and sinister affections earst conceiued against his Prince or countrie. But howsoeuer it was he had his army in good order, and in a readinesse against all hazards and euents: being fully resolued, either with armes in hand to vnderstand the mind and intention of his friende, or with a most sharpe and setled courage and indignation to fight with him as his open enemie. Neither did he greatly care to proceed against him with any policies and stratagemes to surprise him vpon the way, because he knewe well that his troupes were not excessiue great, nor much exceeded his owne forces, but that both in number and valure they were sufficient to receiue him, and to hazard the fortune of the field with him. And it may be also that he held it no easie matter, nor of small daunger to allure or drawe him into his snares, who was an old and expert arts master in such sleights and subtilties, and such an enemie as had bene familiarly acquainted with his manner of gouernement and proceedings in martiall seruices.
This then was the occasion, that Moses entred free and without any disturbanceMoses entreth into the lower Dibria to Oronichea or the fields of Pharsalia. into the lower Dybria and encamped in Epyre neere to the plaine of Oronichea, which hath beene so famous for so manie great and notable victories, especially through the defaite of Mustapha: yet did not he attempt anie thing eyther by procuring the inhabitantes to reuolt vnto him, or to spoyle and waste the countrie in anie cruell and hostile manner. For he was aduertised, that the King of Epyre did approach, and hauing a desire and determination to beginne the warre with a priuate and single combat betweene himselfe and Scanderbeg bodie to bodie: he thought it more meete and conuenient to proceede with open force in plaine and set bartell, then by trifling skirmishes, or by roades and inuasions to waste, spoyle, and sacke the Prouince. Scanderbeg made no long delay, but meeting with him euen in the [Page 338] open and plaine champion, he made readie his forces to the conflict. Immediatly beganne a great murmuring in the army, and the souldiers in a certaine disdaine and despight to see him, could hardly be restrayned vnder their ensignes, but that they would forthwith haue charged vppon the enemie. Euen as a kinde and naturall father when he seeth his owne sonne standing and behauing him selfe insolently before him (whom a damnable desire of rule, and a wilde youthfull disposition, impatientAn elegant comparison. of the yoake hath drawen into armes against him) is then loaden and surcharged with care and griefe, and euerie moment doth temporize and seeke delayes, marching forwarde but slowly, and seeketh first (though in vaine) by sweete wordes and perswasions to conuert and disswade him from his obstinate and disobedient course, deferring as long as he can, the punishment of him whom he loueth so dearely, and is loath to triumph in the lamentable victorie of his owne bloud and bowels: euen so the King of Epyre pressed on with loue and pietie, did looke vppon Moses then in armes, and furiously raging against him, did iudge diuersely of his minde and affection. Willingly he would haue demaunded a word, and haue had some speech with him, and he would gladly haue sounded the nature and disposition of his olde friend, wherewith he had beene so familiarly acquainted; or else he would haue treated with him by Ambassadours and friendly counsels: But neither the Maiestie of his royall estate and dignitie, nor the rigour and seueritie of armes, nor the furie and insolencie of the souldiers (who were now readie to skirmish and to beginne the fight) would permit and suffer him to doe any of these thinges, whilest they were more desirous, that his fault should rest betweene God and his owne conscience, rather then the enemy should thinke they stood in any doubt or feare of him. But Moses his mind ranne on no such matter: his thoughts tended to another end: for he preparing himselfe to put that in performance, which he had earst promised to the Turkish Monarche was in a mind presently to haue giuen the onset vpon the enemie, had not the prompt audacitie and hardinesse of Ahimaz a priuate souldier, interruptedAhimaz. and deferred for a while that his purpose and enterprise: for this Turke addressing him selfe towardes the Dybrian sayd,
‘Giue me leaue worthie Generall, first to lead thee the waye, which the GoddesSpeech of Ahimaz to Moses, desiring leaue to fight a combat. themselues haue layed open for thee to attaine vnto this present glorie. It seemeth vnto me (I know not how) an vnfit thing, and nothing agreeable vnto the right vse of armes, that we should come abruptly to trye the fortune of all our forces in a pitched and maine battell, and not to beginne the fight by some small and light attempt.’
The desire of this souldier was soone approued, and he was permitted to arme himselfe for the combat, and withall to send a trumpet to the King of Epyre, to vnderstand his pleasure, if he would consent that before the beginning of the fight, both the one part and the other should make tryall in this manner of their valure and good fortune. The trumpet being seene to approach, Scanderbeg did imagine (according as he wished) that the Dybrian would haue drunke water with his wine: but when he vnderstoode the summe of his message, the name and regard of Moses beganne by litle and litle to vanish out of his remembrance: neuerthelesse that which he demaunded was accorded vnto him. But some of the Epyrots (as the report goeth) made this answere: That if the Turkes would, they were and would be readie by a priuate and particular combat of some fewe persons, to exempt the two armies from the perill and hazard of a set fielde. Thus at the same time, that the Trumpet on the one side did retyre with his answere to the Turkish armie, on the other side one of the Epirot horsemen, Zacharie Groppe being followed with the clamours of those of his [Page 339] owne companie came forth very couragiously and in very great haste presented himZachary Groppe desireth leaue to fight the combat with Ahimaz. selfe to his Prince, desiring him to giue him the honour and preferment of this combat. Scanderbeg receiued him very courteously, and with very good speeches highly commended and magnified his vertue. His companions that helped to arme him prayed vnto God to giue him, not more strength and valure, nor more hardinesse or courage, but onely the fortune and good happe of Manessey. He made choise of no other then his ordinarie and vsuall weapons: onely he wore vpon his armour certaine rich ornaments as is the guise of souldiers. The Paynim who was in nothing inferiour to his aduersarie, was the first that tooke the fielde, imagining that there scant durst anie man come to encounter him: but assoone as he sawe the partie (with whom he should haue to deale) to come into the fielde throughly armed, and with his launce vpon his thigh marching right towardes him, he addressed him selfe vnto him, and cryed all aloft: Soft and faire, soft and faire (quoth he) noble‘Speeches betweene Ahimaz and Zacharie Groppe before their combat. Knight, we shall haue time enough to seeke our owne misfortune. And therewithall he entreated him,’ that they might talke together, and hauing enquired the name and the degree or estate of the Epyrot, he beganne to propound certaine conditions not much vnlike those which once were propounded and scorned by Paul Manessey, in the like action. Whereunto Zacharie, interrupting his speeches as vaine and friuolous, replyed, That he could wish with all his heart, that he had more and ‘better meanes to content his desire: and (if it were his fortune) to make his victorie the more glorious. This saide, ech of them turned about and withdrewe themselues apart,’ and being gone so farre, that the full course of their horses might makeCombat betweene Ahimaz and Zachary Groppe. their stroakes the more violent, setting spurres to their horses, and giuing them the reynes, they tooke their carreer eche against other with their launces in the rest. Neither of them fayled in their course, notwithstanding their strokes were in vaine, for that their launces piercing into their targets, which were couered with barres of steele, did flie in peeces without any hurt done vnto their bodies: yet they holding on their carreer, encountred together with their bodies so rudely, that both horse and men tumbled to the ground. The two champions yet whole and vnwounded, speedily got vp vppon their feete, and leauing their horses, with their swords drawen did affront ech other, and beganne a fierce and cruell conflict. Fortune would that the sight of this combat should be diuersely enriched and beautified, imparting her fauour equally vnto them. For hauing continued a long time in fight, and no bloud drawen on neither side, their swordes fell out of both their handes: it might be long of the crookednesse and heauinesse of their Cimitaries, which are fittest for horsemen, and lesse easie for them that fight on foot: or peraduenture it was by reason of wearinesse, or for lacke of aduisement, and through their ouermuch heat and hastinesse in fighting. Hauing lost their swords, they did cast away their targets also, and (as two strong and mightie wrastlers vnarmed) with their bare handes, they fastened eche on others bodie, doing their best and worst by wrastling to ouerthrowe ech other. The two hoastes stood and behelde them, with equall and like measure both of hope and feare. After they had thus a long time wrastled and tugged together, resting themselues nowe and then among: and neither of them able to moue or to force, and throw ech other to the ground, they came at length to the last proofe of their force and strength, and lifting vp one the other from the earth, they tumbled and fell both of them together, the Turke vnderneath with his belly vpwardes, and the Epirot full vpon him, who very quickly and nimbly setting hande on his dagger, stabbed him with it into the throate. Ahimaz by little and little beganne to waxe faint, and his handes leauing their holde, the vanquisher (hauing [Page 340] freed himselfe from him) with great ioy and triumph and with infinite acclamationsVictorie of Zachary Gr [...]ppe against Ahemaz who is staine. of the Albanians, got vp vpon his feete, and laying hold vpon his sworde which lay neere him, he did cut off the head of his enemie, yet gasping and drawing of breath. And being thus loaden with that and his other spoyles, he went his way faire and easily towardes his fellowes who were comming to meete him. For you must vnderstand that both their horses at the beginning of the combat, were gotten and fled to the campe of the Christians, which the common sort interpreted as a good token of their victory and good fortune. Zacharie had no lesse recompence and rewards giuen him by Scanderbeg, then Manessey had before for the like desert; but the praises and commendations giuen him by the whole army farre exceeded, because both the difficulty and the variety of the combat did seeme to amplifie the merit of the champion, and did more adorne and beautifie the honour of the victorie.
This good happe hauing giuen vnto the Christians an assurance and entry to the entier fauour of fortune, and hauing put Moses in a maruellous anguish and griefe of heart (notwithstanding that his troupes being terrified with the ill successe of their companion did disswade him by all meanes possible) yet he giuing the spurres to hisMoses challengeth Scanderbeg to the combat. horse, & galopping ouer the field (as yet smoaking with the bloud of the Turks) went apart towards Scanderbeg, and with a high voice challenged him to the combat. The suddennesse and strangenesse of the act did astonish and amaze all the Epyrots, and they did with a kind of horror, detest the noueltie and rarenesse of so wicked and insolent an action: insomuch as they stood still as men stricken mute or dumbe with that accident. As yet was not all loue and pietie quite banished & exiled out of the heart of the king of Albany: but standing for a time in doubt and mammering with himselfe, he was loth to defile his hands with the bloud of his old friend & familiar: but the other perseuering in his importunate defiance, and withall vpbraiding him in most iniurious and despightfull manner, it made him to forget all right and equitie, insomuch as being filled with wrath and anger, though his Nobles did enforce themselues to haue retayned him, and would haue taken vpon them this reuenge, yet would he not be perswaded, but made towards the Dibrian who staied for him. Moses as soone as heMoses flieth from the presence of Scanderbeg comming to combat with him. saw him comming, suddenly turning about, gallopped towards his companie, and was so ashamed that he durst not abide nor speake a word vnto him, but causing his whole army presently to set forward, he made them ready to the battell. The Prince of Albany in the meane time returned to his forces, who were nothing discontented with this adieu betweene them: and especially the Turkes for their partes were very glad of it, knowing well the great and manifest inequality that was betweene the two parties. He that should compare the brauerie of the challenge made by the defiant with the shamefulnesse of his flight, would thinke that either Moses being ashamed of his promise made to the Sultan, was willing to be acquitted of it as of an ill debt, and that being terrified with the present daunger, it made him to turne his backe: or else that he did it of a foolish and rash presumption, thinking that Scanderbeg would not haue stirred out of his place to meete him, and himselfe confessed no lesse afterwardes at such time as he returned into Albany. But for my part I am rather of this minde, ‘that God, euen that great God which hath established the kings of the earth in theirSentence. thrones, hath imprinted in their countenances certaine characters of his diuinitie, which maketh them venerable and terrible aboue other men.’ And so Moses who had neuer seene his King in choller and displeasure with him, could not then beare nor endure the maiestie of his angrie visage: so that herein he verified the olde and ‘common prouerbe: namely, when the eye seeth that it neuer saw, the heart thinkethA Prouerbe. that which it neuer thought.’
[Page 341]Immediatly vpon this retrait, the Albanois beganne to make forwardes, sending forth on all parts such cries and clamors as are vsually heard in armies that are victorious. Scanderbeg albeit both the strength and resolution of his forces (which were to the number of 6000. horse and 4000. foote) and so many good signes and auguriesNumber of Scanderbeg his forces against Moses. did manifestly foreshew his certaine and assured victorie: yet did he not omit any thing notwithstanding, that might serue to the obtayning of the same: were it either for his perfect and exquisite arte and cunning in setting and ordering of his battels, or in encouraging of his souldiers: for being returned from that vaine defie giuen him by Moses, he vsed these speeches vnto them.
You haue great reason (my good souldiers) to assure your selues this day of the‘Oration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers encouraging them in the battell against Moses. victorie ouer your enemies, in that God hath sent you these manifest presages of his assistaunce in these their two Champions: of whome the one with the losse of his head, and the other by his most shamefull flight, hath giuen you an assured pledge of your good and happie successe. For my part I could haue bene content to haue employed the strength and furie of my armes else where, if the insolencie and infidelitie of this rebell would haue permitted mee. But seing he (as one transported from all reason and honestie) doth seeme to contemne and despise the friendshippe and kindnesse which hath beene shewed him, and doth confound all rightes both diuine and humaine: what charitie resteth now to be extended vnto him, but that you fight valiantly for your countrie, for your wiues, for your children, and for your Prince, who is borne and dedicated onely for your libertie and tranquilitie: of the which this wretch and miserable fugitiue seeketh to depriue you: endeuouring to bring you into the bondage and thrauldome which you haue heretofore endured? Many other speeches and perswasions did he vse vnto them, which were both begunne and ended with a great noise and crie amongst the souldiers,’ and they went on presently against the enemie, who made no lesse haste to encounter with them.
The hoast of the Albanois was deuided into two wings, wherof Musache de Ange Order of Scanderbeg his b [...]tt [...]ls against Moses. line had the charge of the one, and Giurize de Vladienne, had the leading of the other. Scanderbeg left not his wonted and ordinarie place in the middle battell betwene the winges, which was reenforced and strengthened with a good squadron of pykes and holbards, and certaine Italian horsemen. In the head of the wings had he distributed his archers, crosbowes, and such of his people as serued with shot. And thus was both the Cauallerie and the Infanterie disposed as well in the battallions of the vauntgard ordained for the first charge and onset, as also in the rerewarde, and last supplies, which were ordained for the seconding of the fight. Moses made one onelyOrder of Moses his battell against Scanderbeg. front of his horsemen, of whom he placed in the head of the battell about a foure thousande for the first charge and encounter of the enemie. The like number did he ordaine at their backes, in which place also he had bestowed, with especiall choise, manie of his stoutest and most resolute souldiers, both to stay the former, if they should either be affraied, or happen to flie before their enemies, as also to aide them if they should be harde bestead, and to represse the furie of the enemie: by meanes whereof the rerewarde (which him selfe commaunded, and helde neere at hande) might haue the more leasure to prepare themselues eyther to assayle and charge vppon the enemie, or else (if neede were) to remedie any disorder: and if anie misfortune should befall them, to prouide for himselfe with more suertie and securitie. The Dybrian was enuironned for the most part with Epyrots, and hee had purposely assured and flanked him selfe with them: both because (the language and the manners of that Nation being most familiar vnto him) he might [Page 342] the more commodiously be counselled by them, as also ayde them vppon any occasion. To many of them also he had giuen the charge of companies, and other degrees of commaund in this battell, without any dislike or contradiction of the Turkes, because he had absolute and full power from the Sultan to dispose of all matters to his owne liking.
The forefronts of both the armies being come with great furie to handystroakes,The battell of Oronichea, betweene Moses and Scanderbeg. the Christians did presse and beare in vpon the Infidels with such strength and violence, that they in the forefront of the enemies vowarde were soone beaten backe and repulsed: insomuch that their Ensignes also being forced to retyre, many of them in the middle battell were so terrified with this chaunce, that (notwithstanding the cries of their fellowes who recalled them from their flight) yet for all that, quitting their rankes, they beganne to forsake the place, by meanes of a number of our harguebussiers: who being aduanced very aduenturously, had so stricken them, both horse and man, with feare and terrour, that diuerse of them were ouerthrowen and beaten downe, and the residue had litle list and lesse resolution to abide there any longer. The Dibrian stood not still at any time, but bestirring himselfe with notable industrie on all sides, sometimes here, sometimes there, with a braue courage, and without all regard of death or daunger, did animate and encourage his souldiers both by wordes and by deedes: and by his presence did reestablish and strengthen the battell in diuerse places. As yet was not the second battell fully ouerthrowen and disordered, by reason of those forces which (as we said before) were placed behind for a supply to second and support them. Notwithstanding the continuall and often charges giuen vppon them by the Prince of Albanie, did in the ende make them faint both in courage and in strength, and in despight of all their resistance the Albanois with their swords in their hands did make themselues way through them euen to the rerewarde, there to carrie away the honour and last consequence of the whole battell. Moses seeing that, did speedily set forwarde with his owne Cornet: and being attended with a strong battallion of all the brauest men and best mounted, he came to that same place, endeuouring to reenforce and to reassure them. And true it is, that by his comming, the Christians found the victory somwhat more bloudie, but of neuer the lesse assurance and certaintie: For that the other squadrons of the Epyrots following close after their fellowes, and euen at the backe of Scanderbeg, and the two wings (which stoode in a readinesse round about them) did in a manner besiege and hemme in the Paynims on all sides. As long as Moses held good, there was no regard had of them that fled, but for a while his abode made the Christians to keepe together, by reason that he endured their charge with great courage, and would not for a long time giue ouer, notwithstanding the great slaughter & butcherie that was made of his people. When he saw Scanderbeg comming against him, he durst not abide nor tarrie to encounter him, but shunned his presence with all his power, and would not come to the combat with him: onely he did hearten on and presse forwarde against him the strength of all his forces and troupes as many as he could possiblie, thinking without any hazard of his person to haue brought him to his last ende, by whose safetie the estate of Albanie could neuer come to ruine. On all sides did the Christians presse vpon the Infidels both in flanke and in front, and they neuer thought of comming to their generall, till such time as they had both wholly ouerthrowen the enemies vauntgard, and broken their maine battell, and gotten many of their colours and ensignes, together with the slaughter of diuerse Leaders and Captaines, whose heads being fastened vpon the points of launces and pikes by some of the souldiers, did wonderfully augment (as the fashion is) the feare and terrour of the rest. For all this was not Moses [Page 343] seene to make any shew, or to haue any minde of flight, notwithstanding that both his sides were left all open, being altogether disarmed and disfurnished of people, and that the fortune of the fight was nowe growen vtterly irreparable and desperate. Yet neuerthelesse still rallying and gathering about him those forces which were scattered and dispersed, and with reproaches and rebukes obiecting their cowardize vnto them, he renued and continued the furie of the fight, giuing vnto his aduersaries fresh occasion both of trauell and of daunger, and making the issue of the battell to be long and doubtfull. The King of Albanie wondering at the obstinacie, or rather ‘furieSaying of Scanderbeg concerning the obst [...] [...]y of Moses in the battell of Oronichea. of this warriour, did openly protest, that he thought that Moses would not haue fought so egerly, neither for his countrie, in case he had seene it in danger to be ruinated, nor for his proper children, if he should haue seene them before his eyes drawen into seruitude and bondage.’ But Scanderbeg being accompanied with Amese, Tanusee, and the two Streezes his Nephewes, did againe make towards him with great furie and violence: and some of the Epyrots calling him by name, did will him to stay and expect the crowne of Epyre which was prepared for him: but neither the brauadoes, nor the force of them that charged him, could any thing daunt or astonish the noble courage of the Dybrian. For now at the last being strengthened and backed with the reregarde of his armie which stoode neere him, he did with singular valure both receiue the charge and repulse the violence of the Albanois. Here now it happened, that one of the Turkes (whose dexteritie was nothing inferiour to his hardinesse and vertue) seeing Scanderbeg to presse directly forwards, and to make towards him, setting spurres to his horse, and with his launce bearing full vpon him, heScanderbeg felled vpon his horse croupper by a Turke whom he killeth. did encounter him so rudely, that he bare and ouerthrew him backwardes vpon the crouper of his horse: and the Infidelles supposing he had bene dead, did with a huge crie and exclamation testifie the triumph and ioy they conceiued of that accident. It was an occasion also, that both the flight of the Barbarians was deferred for a while, and that the butchery and slaughter of the others was farre greater then otherwise it would haue bene: for their courages now beginning to be reuiued, and they comming to take hart againe, the Barbarian whose hand had once bene fortunate against the person of Scanderbeg, did now once againe demaund and vrge him to the combat, as though it had bene a conquest onely due and allotted vnto him. But our peerelesse Chieftaine being setled within his saddle, and hauing recouered his stirrups, and the conceipt of this vnwonted disgrace making the bloud to arise in his face, he would not suffer that any other but himselfe should take the reuenge thereof: And thereforeVictorie of Scanderbeg against Moses and the Turks enraged with anger, he made towards his enemie, assailed him most furiously, and folowed him so hard, that hauing giuen him many cruell and mortall wounds, & him self not hurt at all, in the end the Infidell fell downe dead at his feete. The Turke being thus ouerthrowen and slaine, Scanderbeg passed on, and with an high voice calling for Moses, he addressed and bent all his furie against him, who (I doubt not) would haue abidden and stood to him, if not for any hope of the victorie, yet at leastwiseMoses his flight. for his honour and reputation: if both the daylight and his companie had not quite forsaken him whilest himselfe was earnestly busied in fighting. But his people flying, he was enforced to doe the like: and the soldiers which had followed him into Epire as their Generall, did now accompanie him in his flight also. The Epirots, especially such as were young and lustie, left not to follow the chase, and to make after him for the space of a mile and more, in hope to haue taken him either aliue or dead, whereof they knew Scanderbeg was very desirous. Many of the enemies which were found hindmost were put to the sword, but as for Moses he escaped safe and sound: and being verie skifull in the waies and passages, yet tired and ouerwearied with extreame [Page 344] trauell and hunger, he got to a place of suertie together with the infamous reliques of his armie which exceeded not aboue foure thousand men at the most. There resting and refreshing himselfe he attended the day-light. Of the Epirots there were not wantingNumber of Turkes left aliue at the battell of Oronichea. fully one hundreth, and about a foure score hurt: who notwithstanding their wounds, and the darknesse of the night, did fall to sacking of the Turkish tents, and to gather the spoiles of them which were slaine. Amongst all the prisoners there was but one onely of any speciall marke and reckoning, and he being grieuously wounded, had yeelded himselfe to Zacharie Groppe: onely this Turke was saued from the sword, and was afterwards ransommed at a deare rate. As for the others (were it either without the knowledge, or with the command of Scanderbeg) they were all of them ordained to diuerse torments, being made the subiect of reuenge, so to satisfie the fury of the souldiers, who were not yet appeased for the crueltie shewed by the Turkes at Belgrade, so that this execution of these Infidels, did in some sort pay the interest of their former losses and iniuries.
The victorie thus obtained, and the baggage, both their owne and that of the enemies, being gathered together and trussed vp, the armie retyred to their first lodgings,Triumph of Scanderbeg & the Epirots for the victory against Moses and the Turks. where the ordinarie garrison was established: there did not they make any long stay, but Scanderbeg in great triumphe the fourth of Aprill, tooke his iourney towards Croy. Now beganne the olde dolour and griefe to be quite forgotten, and extinguished by this new ioy and gladnesse: the time it selfe (which is the best ‘medicine for such maladies) hauing by little and litle mitigated the violence and extremitie of that passion. Now were the spirits and mindes of all men refreshed and recomforted,Sentence. by reason of this happie and gladsome victorie,’ the celebration whereof was solemnized among the Dibrians with longer feastings, and with more vniuersall sports & games, then had bene vsed at any time for the triumph of any good successe obtained against their enemies: for they did esteeme the ignominie to be now purged and taken away, which the fault and offence of another might seeme to haue drawn vpon their whole countrie, and that they had now giuen certaine and euident gages and tokens of their faith and fidelitie, which was in some sort suspected to their Prince. In like manner there was sent a solemne Ambassade vnto Naples with many notableAmbassadors from Scanderbeg to Alphonsus king of Naples. and worthie presents, which were as signes and markes of their new prosperitie: and might testifie to the contentment and ioy of his friend the king Alphonsus, that the dishonor of Belgrade, and the domesticall treason of Moses was now reuenged and recompenced. This Ambassade was honourably entertained, and within a whilePlombin in Thuscane besieged by Alphonsus in his warre with the Florentines. after returned home againe from the King of Naples loaden with most rich and honourable presents: notwithstanding that (by meanes of the late warre with the Florentines and by the siege of Plombyn which had bene in vaine attempted) Alphonsus himselfe was in a manner drawen drie both of men and money.
In this meane season, Moses and his companions hauing wandred somefew daies vp and downe vpon the marches of Albanie, knew not what way to take, nor what course to resolue vppon. For the shame of his discomfiture did put him in feare to approach or to repayre to Constantinople, or to present him selfe vnto the Sultan: besides to attempt or enterprise any thing further against the King of Epyre, either for the abolishing, or for the excusing the blemish and disgrace of his misfortune: the small numbers of his men, & their abated courages would not permit him Notwithstanding as his own mind was haughty and couragious, so did he hope to gaine them also to condescend & agree to his deuise: and his conclusion was, that he wold proue all meanes to draw them to his mind, and to perswade them to that course. The argument which he tooke to induce them vnto it was vpon this: That oftentimes things [Page 345] which are most desperate being hazarded with a setled resolution, do come in the end to be more fortunate then those that are done with best aduise & consideration: that vnto men vanquished there remaineth no other hope of safetie then by victorie: and‘Speeches of Moses perswading the Turke his souldiers to make some new attempt vpon the Epirots. that it is the dutie of martiall men, either by a triumphant and glorious life, or by a memorable death to seeke the abolishing of so great ignominie and dishonour. And to this purpose did he vse many speeches to the like effect: promising them moreouer that by reason of his great practise and skill in the waies, places, and passages of the countrie, he would conduct and leade them without any danger both by day and by night (which themselues should thinke best) euen to the campe of their enemies: and the rather for that (as he gaue them to vnderstand) the armie of the Epirots was retired backe to Croy, and that the garrison left vppon the frontiers was not comparable vnto them neither in number nor yet in valure. But how is it possible to perswade them who are in a maze and terror? By the cries which they made, and the clashing of armes and weapons,’ they shewed how they did mislike the counsell of Moses, and immediatly they began to take their way towards Greece. Needfull it was for the Dibrian to hold his peace and to be silent, and to frame himselfe to the will and pleasure of them all: the conceipt whereof made him so sad and pensiue, as one that had bene now drawen to punishment and execution. Thus this vnfortunate and vnhappy man was enforced once againe by his ill fortune (which did accompanie him) with many grieuous and secret sighes and groanes, to abandon the sweet soile of his natiue countrie, which he had once before forsaken by his ouer vaine and wilfull disloialtie.
Betwene the time of the departure of Moses from the Sultan, and his returne backe againe to Constantinople, there passed almost two Monethes, during which space, for that there was no certain report nor tidings brought vnto the Ottoman of that whichMahomet his imaginations of Moses successe in his iorney. had happened: his long stay was an occasion, that he thought things to be in another case then indeede they were. He was distracted into diuerse and sundrie opinions, sometimes imagining that Moses was beaten and discomfited: sometimes that his armie was betrayed and sold by him vnto Scanderbeg. One while he would imagine (as his desire was) that Moses was come to combat bodie to bodie with Scanderbeg: But then he doubted least he being slaine by the Prince of Albanie his forces should incurre the same misfortune, or at the least be brought in bondage and thraldome to his enemie: another while he would thinke otherwise: and (as euerie man doth ‘flatterSentence. himselfe in beleeuing that which he either hopeth or feareth,) so would Mahomet perswade and sooth himselfe in this conceipt, that Moses was victorious in the combat: that the desire of spoiling the countrie,’ and of reducing the prouince vnder his commaund and obedience, did draw him on to prosecute his victorie, to follow his good fortune, and to prepare vnto himselfe the crowne and scepter of Epyre, which had bene promised him. But now the arriuall of Moses, shewing all things to be farre otherwise then he pretended or expected, and the shamefull spectacle of those reliques of his armie which were returned, did breede a most grieuous discontentment and offence both in the hart of the Sultan himselfe, who was euen mad for anger, and inMoses at his returne out of Epire to Const antinople is in publique disgrace amongest the Turkes. the eyes of euerie priuate and particular person: insomuch that Moses was generally condemned and reproued: all men reproaching and accusing him, that he had either by his faithlesnesse and infidelitie, or by his rashnesse and temeritie destroyed all the flower of Greece, and in a moment had erected and restored the courages of their enemies, who were earst in dismay and confusion vpon the calamitie of Belgrade. The Dibrian himselfe being both ashamed and mindfull of his misfortune, as also of hisMoses iustified by his souldiers. flight, could not endure to come in the sight of men, nor to heare the slaunders and reproaches which were spoken of him. How be it the good and fauorable reports of [Page 346] his souldiers, (who therein did shift the blame from themselues also) did make him well thought of by verie many: for they did openly giue out and maintaine it, that he had done the dutie and deuoire, and had performed the part both of a wise and prudent Chieftaine, and of a valiant and hardie souldier, in the battell against Scanderbeg: and that there was neuer any man that did striue with more obstinacy and courage to renue and restore the fortune of the fight declining to the worst. And whereas they reproched him for not performing his owne challenge and defie giuen to Scanderbeg; that they imputed to the inuincible vertue and valure of Scanderbeg, and to the daily hazard and chance of wars: such and so great was the fauor and good opinion, which this worthie personage had gotten in the harts and minds of his souldiers the Turks, by reason of his exceeding courtesie, and the popular facilitie which was in him: butTurkes vse to honour vertue and valure [...]en in their enemies. much more by meanes of his rare valour and vertue in the field, and by his excellent deserts shewed in the warres: the which kind of perfections and good qualities, the Turkes do vsually loue and cherish aboue all other things, euen in their very enemies: insomuch that if the doubtfull chaunce and hazard of warre (as it oftentimes falleth out) do deliuer them any prisoner that is a man of valure and vertue, they doe commonly relent towardes him from their naturall and accustomed crueltie, and do intermit some parte of their furious and bloudie disposition, which ordinarily doth reigne and abound in them: but to such as are cowards and faint-hearted, they do alwaies shew themselues most seuere and extreame: for they say that such men, seeme to be borne onely for their bellies, and to consume victuals: and therefore they hold them vnworthy to liue, affirming that it is expedient, that they should be destroyed and made away.
All the perswasions and excuses vsed to the Turkish tirant, could not by any meansMoses in the displeasure of Mahomet and in daunger to lose his life. mitigate and mollifie his hardened and obstinat heart, but that he could and would by some meane or other haue wrought the reuenge of his losses, & of his anger vpon the poore Dibrian, whom the consideration of his owne misfortune did sufficiently torment. He would neuer harken vnto his submission, and nothing could satisfie him but that the venim and malice of this furious and outrageous Prince, would haueMahomet his Nobles and friends entreat him in the behalfe of Moses. lighted vpon the head, and seized vpon the life of Moses (although there was nothing in him to be reprehended but his fortune) if so be that the intercession of some of the most speciall and inward friends of the tirant, had not moderated the outrage of his passions: telling him, that the bad and ill vsage of this stranger, would alienat all others ‘from his seruice, and detaine them from hauing refuge or recourse to his Maiestie.’ Thus Moses hauing obtained pardon of the Sultan his displeasure, though with much adoe, & all proces & proceedings against him being now disanulled, yet did he neuerthelesse continue in that contempt and base account and so much disdained: that from thenceforth there was scarce any care or order taken for his maintenance. Notwithstanding, wisely and with a good countenance, he dissembled all these indignities and disgraces, casting and discoursing diuerse thoughts and imaginations in his heart: he tooke litle or no sleepe or refreshing: but being now come to be the iust & vnpartiall iudge of his owne errours, he began to consider and measure, on the one side the greatnes of the danger and perill, and on the other the reproach and infamie which he had purchased, to be esteemed as a rebell and a traitour. Thus was he distracted not knowing what to do, nor what counsel to take, nor what would become ‘of him. For so is it commonly seene, that none is perfect in this world: and it behoouethSentence. for the most part, those which are the most wise and sagest persons, that once in their liues they do commit some one fault or other.’ In the end after many long and vnprofitable discourses, this was his resolution, and this laudable desire entred into [Page 347] his heart: to leaue and forsake the Infidell, who knew not how to esteeme nor iudge of the actions of men otherwise then by the issue and euent of things, and not by the intent of the parties that doe them. He determined therefore, to returne againe to his natiue countrie, to yeeld himselfe into the hands of his Prince, and to submit himselfe to the mercie of Scanderbeg, whom he had so highly offended: hoping that by this his repentance he should abolish, if not the note, yet at least the paine and punishment which he had most worthily deserued, and in so doing, he should auenge himselfe also of the vngratefull Ottoman: and a speciall reason that induced him therunto was, that he was assured, that the clemencie and courtesie of his Prince did farre exceed the badnesse of his merits and misdeedes. By this conclusion hauing quieted and setled his mind, he did daily deuise with himselfe, how he might escape and get away. The night (as it fell out) was the fittest time for his purpose, and therefore dislodging in the edge of an euening, so as the watch could not perceiue his departure: he made one whole and continuall iourney both of that night and the next day following, not resting in any place, nor suffering his horses to breath themselues, till such time as being entred into that part of the countrie of Thrace which confineth vpon Macedonie, Moses returneth into Epire he passed on the rest of his way with more pleasure & ease both for his bodie and for his mind. Thus within few dayes being entred into Epyre, he tooke the next and shortest way possible to the garrison where he was wont to commaund, purposing to goe from thence and to prostrate himselfe at the feete of Scanderbeg. Assoone as the Dibrians perceiued him to be come, their harts seemed to relent euen at the verie sight of him: in such sort, that immediately there began to be reuiued in them the desire of their former conuersation with their auncient and wonted Captaine. They grew into vtter forgetfulnes and obliuion, how he had peruerted all rightes both diuine and humaine, in being disloiall to his countrie, to his citizens, and to his proper bloud and kindred. They could not welcome him without abundance of teares, and so with infinite salutations & embracements, they consumed and spent the greatest part of that day: and then being giuen to vnderstand by them, that the King was not farre from thence, he chaunged his determination of going to Croy, and went presently to seeke out his Soueraigne. A great number of the garrison did accompanie him, to the intent he might be the better graced in presenting himselfe before his presence, and might the more easily obtaine his pardon. The euening was now neereMoses cōmeth to Scanderbeg and prostrat craueth pardon of his rebellion. at hand, when as he (according to the vsage and fashion of that Nation) putting his girdle about his necke, did holde on his way till that he came where as Scanderbeg then was, whom he found walking before his tents. Presently vpon the sight of the King, in extreame griefe and sorrowe he fell vpon his knees, and prostrated himselfe at the feete of his Prince, the teares trickling downe his cheekes, and in most humble manner, he besought his Maiestie to forgiue him his offence, and to graunt him pardon, not for the respect of any his forepassed merits, but onely in regarde of his meere bountie and royall clemencie: protesting and vowing, that if it would please him to remit his fault, and to graunt him his life, he would most willingly consecrate and expose the same from henceforth for the encrease and honour of his Realme, and for the libertie of his countrie. They which accompanied him did not faile to entreat for him. Scanderbeg tooke him verie gratiously by the hand, and caused him to arise,Moses reconciled to Scanderbeg. and without any difficulty or delay did freely pardon him, and receiued him to his grace and mercie: and after many embracements and friendly salutations, he fell into speech with him, deuising and conferring most friendly of certaine particularities and enterprises of the Turke: testifying sufficiently by the manner of his behauiour, that his heart was throughly reconciled vnto him, and was free from all passion of [Page 348] rancour, malice and mistrust.
I doe not thinke it any strange matter in Scanderbeg, that he receiued Moses to his mercie: but that he should so readily and with such facilitie be drawen to pardonClemencie and rare humanity of Scanderbeg. him, who had shewed such notable hatred, had vomited foorth so many iniuries and had attempted so notorious a mischiefe against his Prince: that he should no sooner haue a sight of him or heare him speake: but he should so bountifully and with such assured commiseration and clemencie rather diuine then humaine, receiue him into his good liking and former amitie: and euen then also when the griefe conceiued for the death of those (who were lately slaine) was yet scarcely forgotten, nor the woundes of the hurt yet throughly cured: this is a matter so rare and strange that it cannot be thought nor imagined without great wonder and admiration. And besides all this: euen at that verie time, and within fewe dayes vpon his returne, he tooke speciall care and gaue order, that his goods, which had bene confiscated andMoses restored to his former liuings, offices and dignitie. deuided amongest particular persons, should be restored vnto him, together with all his lands and offices: whereat the people tooke great pleasure and contentment. Thus by this milde and moderate demeanour, this courteous Prince did purchase both vnto himselfe eternall praise and commendation, and to the other, a generall abolishment of his reproach and infamie: and all remembraunce of offence was quite and cleane extinguished out of the heartes of the people of Albanie. For the ProuinceIoy and triūph of the Epirots for the returne and restitution of Moses. imitating the modestie of their King, did seeme as willing to burie all their griefes in obliuion, and they made shew thereof by bonfires, and such like tokens of triumphe which they publiquely demeaned for the restitution of their Moses: Whereunto the King also added a perpetuall edict and decree: enioyning and commaunding all his subiectes, that from thenceforwardes no man liuing should make any speeches or mention of that offence. Wherein he verified that saying of the Poet.
Nowe if Epyre and the Albanois on the one side did triumphe for ioy of theMahomet discontented at the departure of Moses. reconciliation of their Moses, Mahomet on the other side had lost all patience, when he vnderstood that he was returned into his country. With notable inuectiues he accused him, not so much for the mishappe of his ouerthrowe, as of pure and manifest treason, imagining as a consequence of this accident, that his flight and rebellion which he had so simply beleeued, was euen from the beginning one of the stratagemes and policies of Scanderbeg. He tooke counsell therefore concerning his proceedings in the warre of Epyre, and how he might be reuenged. But amongst manie opinions there debated, that onely preuayled, by which he was aduised to abstaine altogether from armes for that yeare: supposing it necessarie to attende some fit occasion and opportunitie, or to employ all the forces and power of the Ottoman Empire for the reducing of this Nation to order and reason. Which opinion was receiued so much the more willingly, for that there was some rumour and report of troubles and tumultes towardes from out of Asia, and from the Persians. Neuerthelesse a garrison was sent to be vppon the borders, yet not such as was of sufficient strength and puissance, either to represse the roades or brauadoes of our men, which they made ordinarily vpon the countrie, or to serue the turne and needfull occasions of the Sfetigradians and other places neere adioyning. The King [Page 349] of Epire likewise hauing learned the deliberation of the Sultan, both by the aduertisementes of Moses, and by his owne intelligencers, did for a time dismisse all thought and care of the warres, saue that vppon the newes of the comming of this garrison, he assembled a running Campe, and for some few daies kept himselfe close in ambushments vppon the borders. But the Barbarians passing no farther then Alchria, made all that expedition to turne to nothing: and therefore hauing prouided for diuerse affaires of consequence, and hauing left Moses in that place, he retired with the Queene to a countrey on the sea coasts commonly called Redona, there to recreat himRedona. selfe for the residue of the sommer, where he passed most part of the Autumne in hunting and such like exercises of pleasure.
I cannot but in this place acknowledge in him that which the famous captaine Scipio Continency of Scanderbeg. the African was wont to require in al excellent chieftaines and generals of armies, and that was his notable continency towards womankind, which was admirable, aswell in regard of his owne wife, as of others likewise: for he would commonly say:‘Saing of Scanderbeg touching incontinency in souldiours. that nothing was a greater enemy, nor more pernicious to the strength & vigor both of the body & the mind, then the immoderat company of women, and that it behoued souldiers by continuall trauaile and labour, by daily watching, by sleeping vpon the ground to tame their bodies, and to subdue & keepe vnder those immoderat passions and whot affections of luxuriousnes: thus by such kind of speeches & by his owne example, he would vse to represse & restrain the souldiers from visiting their houses too often and with ouermuch curiosity.’ This one thing is most memorable also in Scanderbeg, Discipline obserued by Scā derbeg in his Campe. that there was neuer seene in his Campe any whores, or such like baggage, or trugs (as they now terme them:) but he obserued amongst his souldiers a certaine and seuere kinde of discipline, according to the vsage and custome of the auncients, and he retained them in a wonderfull and reuerent regard of religion, both in words and in deedes. And it may be that this was it that encreased and maintained so long time this estate of Albany in so great glory and felicity: neither is it vnlikely but that God being by those meanes drawen to fauour and blesse them, did so sharpen both the swords and the spirites of the Albanois.
During the time of this rest from armes, Moses had his minde set on nothing so much, as to seeke out some inuention, and by some notable enterprise, both to repaire his owne honour, and with one and the same meane to be reuenged vpon the ingratitude of the Sultan. An euident example, that we ought not altogether to ‘despaire of the amendement of men when we see them in any ill course, but rather thatSentence. we receiue them kindly to grace and fauour. For Moses hauing augmented the garrison, and the numbers of his bands being doubled,’ he did daily exercise him selfe in sacking of the countrey, thinking to haue drawen foorth the Turkes to encounter with him: sometimes in the day would he make out with a small company, sometimes in the night and in secrete with greater forces: and continually would he light vppon some one or other, putting them to the sworde whom hee found either as spies, or going on foraging, or vpon such like seruices, but the Mahometans not dating nor venturing to come abroad to any purpose, nothing was done worthy the remembraunce.
As Moses on the one side did all his deuoire and emploied his best meanes to abolish and washe away the infamy of his former misdeedes: so on the other side (I know not how) it came to passe, that some deuill and wicked spirit, or rather the misfortune of Scanderbeg, or the ineuitable force of the destinies, did raise vp Amese toRebellion of Amese against Scanderbeg. be the inheritour and successour of the like wickednesse no lesse damnable and mischieuous. There are many things in this place which doe depriue me of all desire to [Page 350] proceede any further in this discourse, for that the remembraunce of these domesticall and ciuill affaires, and of the ingratitude of men, is not onely vnpleasing and grieuous vnto me, but I doe euen abhorre to write of them, and the rather for that I could neuer find any certaine cause of his flight. Euery man hath his opinion, and the most part of the reports which goe vppon it, are without any ground or foundation of trueth. For this cause I will imitate the Painters, who as they vse with their Penciles to shadowe things, so will I couer and conceale this in silence as a thing both superfluous in this History, and litle pleasing to the readers. For omitting the iealousie which he conceiued at the kinde entertainment and reconciliation of Moses, I doe thinke for my part, that there was no other cause nor occasion of his reuolt, out that onely which (as we haue saied) was practised to corrupt Moses: to wit: The working & sollicitations of the Turkish officers neare adioyning, and of their agents interposing and dealing betweene them: for you must suppose, that this was no hard matter for the Infidell to doe, but that he might many and often times by secret messengers communicate and treat with Amese: for he was possessed of a goodly countrey, faire and large in the confines of the Turke, by the liberality and bounty of his vncle: who thought it not good nor conuenient to retaine him longer in Court, without any patrimony or meanes to mainetaine his estate. There was another respect also which did incite the Ottoman who (as wee haue saied before) was now occupied and busied in the affaires of Asia, to practise with Amese and to gaine him vnto him: because being of the bloud royall, and neare vnto the Crowne, and withall knowing him to be in credite and fauour with the people, he was perswaded, that they would gladly yeelde to submit them selues to his dominion, much rather then to Moses, if they were once pressed with any the least perill and daunger that might be. These ouertures and faire hopes being presented to the thoughtes and imaginations of Amese, by persons purposely appointed to insinuate the same vnto ‘him, did finde ready and easie entraunce into his young and tender heart. Thus we see, that the mad and franticke desire of rule and Empire, doth make men not onelySentence. faithlesse and disloiall, but also ouer credulous and light of beliefe.’
Now Amese being made wary and aduised, as one whom the misfortune of another had sufficiently warned, and sufficiently instructed in all points, because he wouldAmese goeth to Mahomet with his wife and children. not goe nor present him selfe to the Ottoman with the perill of his life, or with any shew or shadow of suspition: he tooke and led away with him both his wife and his children, as those that should aunswer for his true and plaine meaning, and should acquite him from the suspect of any crime: and he deliuered them vnto the Infidell, as the sure and certaine gages of his faith and fidelity. His departure bred maruellous tumult and astonishment throughout all the Prouince: euery man thought it very straunge, and was inquisitiue after the cause and motiue of this his rebellion, considering that besides his neare kindred, he was continually held and reputed by Scanderbeg, as the companion and consort of his Empire and royalty. This accident being reported to his vncle, he tooke it very impatiently, and with his friends and ‘familiars, he beganne to complaine and bemoane his hard fortune. Must this (sayd he)Speech of Scanderbeg touching the rebellion of Amese. needes fall out to make vp the measure of my trauels and sorrowes, that I must be assaulted with domesticall and ciuill warres? Am I so odious, or is my countrey so vngratefull vnto me? or is it the honour of this Crowne and scepter, that is so desired and held so precious: but Amese (it seemeth) did beare enuy to Moses, well, if God, if the right and law of nations, and if your vertue do not deceiue me, he shall yet haue greater cause then euer to enuy him.’
The winter season being now begunne, and the fieldes being naked and bare [Page 351] of gra [...]e or other fruites, did put Scanderbeg in hope, that he should for a time be freede from the preparations and trouble of the enemy: and there was good and apparaunt occasion to induce him to be of that mind, and to beleeue that Amese would attend and stay for the spring of the yeare, for the setting abroach of his new plots and enterprises. For this cause he retired with all his traine to Croy, not taking anie care for the leauying of any forces or other preparations of the warre: and there he spent and consumed the winter, oftentimes visiting the garrison of the Dibrians, and preparing him selfe by his espials and ordinary gardes to be in a readinesse for the trauels and daungers that were shortly to ensue.
The sight of Amese did not so much moue the Turkish Monarch, as did afterwardes the speech which hee vsed vnto him: for the valour and sufficiency of this personage caused him to haue him in admiration, after hee hadde once heard himDescription of Amese his person and qualities. speake, and that he knew his prudence and wisedome by the grauity of his discourse and sounde reasons. For as touching his stature, it was so small and so vnsightlie, that at the first appearaunce it could not yeelde any shew of those secret and rare perfections of his minde: but in recompence of that defect of his person, hee hadde an heart extreame haughtie, and he was of so quicke and sharpe a conceipt, and of so delicate and subtile a spirite as none could be more. Of all men he was most impatient, and could least away with ease and idlenesse: and (which in men couetous and desirous of Empire are the principall and chiefest partes to gette them honour, and the good grace of euery man) his liberalitie and courtesie were no whit inferiour to his other vertues. What so euer he got either by the purchase of his owne vertue and valour and by the fortune of the warres, or by the beneficence and bountie of his vncle, he did wholly depart and distribute it amongest his souldiours and his friendes: he was very officious and seruiceable to all men, very familiar and easie to be acquainted with, and (as occasion did require) he could dissemble singularly, and with excellent good skill and cunning. By these qualities had he gained so great authority and good liking in the heartes of all men, that next to Scanderbeg I doe not know any one man that was so beloued, and reuerenced both of the people and of the souldiours: in so much that some haue affirmed, that there wanted not diuerse of the most priuate and inward friendes of his vncle, who did often admonish him to take good care and regard to a minde that was so stirring and suspitious. But as he would not be perswaded to credite any such conceipt, so did he make litle or no account thereof. Notwithstanding in processe of time, when his flight and rebellion came to be knowen and manifested, he was sooner drawen to beleeue the report thereof in him, then he was before of Moses, and he then began to call to minde the naturall disposition of the man, which had beene better obserued and marked by others then by himselfe. But to our purpose.
Amese being admitted to the presence of Mahomet, did not fill his eares with idle and insolent promises and vaunts as Moses had done: but colouring the cause of his reuolt and repaire to the Sultan with one onely reason, to the intent his speeches might not be accounted either vaine and inconstant, or fained and dissembled, he began in this manner to speake vnto him.
Thrice happie and inuincible Monarch, if it be lawfull for vs to recall to ‘memorieOration of Amese to Mahomet. the errours and iniuries which we haue in times past committed against thy Maiesty: it might well and rightly be sayed, that we are now come to receiue the worthy and deserued punishment of our offences, rather then the hope and expectation of any honours and dignities. For wherein could wee haue trespassed and offended more grieuouslie against the Empire of Ottoman, then we did in that action [Page 352] of ours heretofore executed in the warre of Hungarie? at that time, when with equall and no lesse infidelity we both betraied thy army in the battell of Morana, and when we tooke Epire, by deceipt and fraud out of thy hands? the true originall and fountaine of so many mischiefes and calamities? of all which enterprises and practises I doe confesse that I was a partner and consort. For it behoueth me now, being in the presence of your Maiesty, not to stand vppon the defence and iustification of my doings, but onely to plead my contrition and repentaunce: but I hold it a vaine thing to stand in any feare or doubt before so prudent and gracious a Prince, considering that my age at that time, and my youth inclining to his owne misfortune, and my minde being but badly staied in her deliberations and counsels, did then perhaps deceiue and beguile me. I was then lead to beleeue my vncle, and did suffer my selfe simply to be perswaded of many things, and being entised with a desire of rule and gouernment (a disease properly incident to that age) through too much credulity forsaking thy seruice, I followed him and the hope of his faire promises: but as my vnderstanding encreased with my years, I soone began to discerne the secrete disloialty of my vncle, and that this my reuolt from the Ottoman obeisance, was more pernicious to me then to any other. By my labours and by my aide, hath Scanderbeg recouered and amplified his estate. Long did I stay and attend to see, if he would offer me any part or portion of the possessions which were mine owne inheritaunce, descending vnto me (if not from my auncesters) yet in the right of my father: and I did looke that hee should haue yeelded me some recompence and reward for so many trauelles and perils which I had endured. Within a while after he got himselfe a wife, and begat a new heire and a new successour to his Crowne: and as concerning that litle which he did for me, the very shame of the world did driue him to doe it: for perceiuing that he could not with any honesty suffer mee still to remaine and to continue within his Court as a priuate person, he assigned me out a litle corner of Epire, the most vilest and worst place of the countrey, where (whilest he vsurped all the rest vnto him selfe) I should haue spent and consumed my dayes in obscurity and base account. I had much a doe to moderate my selfe, my heart being not able to digest the ignominie: neuerthelesse the qualitie of the time, and the naturall pride and arrogancie of the man, did enforce me to conceale and dissemble all things, for feare least vnder pretence and colour of some suspition, he might sodainely circumuent and surprize me, as he did of late George Streeze his sisters sonne, whom with suborned accusations of supposed crimes, hee despoyled well neare of all his liuings and dominions. Willingly would I (most worthie Ottoman) haue hadde recourse vnto thy Maiesty, and I would gladly haue forsaken and abandonned my ingrate vncle, and the infamy of his Empire: but the remembraunce of our former rebellion, and of our so many outrages, done against the Crowne and dignity of Ottoman, did terrifie and detaine me vntill this present time: wherein by the diuine permission, following the assuraunce of thy faith and promises, I am now come vnto thee glad and ioyous. Thou haddest no sooner giuen me any signe and token, thou haddest no sooner called and inuited me, but that speedily and with all diligence, I conformed me to thy will, and I came running vnto thee, to whom my mind had so long time bene affectioned. I did not defer & put off my comming, neither did I stay till some misfortune might befall to Scanderbeg, or that thy good fortune were increased, as did Moses lately: so that thou hast no cause to thinke or to coniecture, that either feare, or the doubt of any iminent daunger, did make me to haue a regard rather to my owne good, then the fulfilling of thy commandements. And in trueth, (most noble Mahomet) I haue not left any matter of suspition either [Page 353] for thee to distrust my fidelity, or in my countrey of Epire, whereby I should desire to returne thither hereafter: behold here the assured bonds of my aduised and settled determinations, and the perpetuall gages of my faith and fidelity, euen my wife and my children. Behold (O Mahomet) all the goods that nature hath graunted vnto me: whatsoeuer it be wherein I can take any pleasure or delight during my life, euen that which is most deare and precious in the eies of mortall men, thou hast it here presented vnto thee. I haue brought vnto thee those precious iewels, which if they were in the hands of enemies, I should labour to free them: euen such a pledge as may make any faith (howsoeuer doubtfull and suspicious) to be most firmely tied and bound in all assured loialty: all other things (saue them) I haue left behinde me, because in my hasty and secrete flight, I could not possibly make prouision of any other cariage or necessaries. And albeit I might all at leasure and in security haue trussed vppe and brought my baggage with me: what honour hadde it bene for me to bring vnto the presence of so puissaunt and rich a Monarch, the ordures and dregs (as it were) of my former estate and fortune? The greatest and the only thing which I can present vnto thee is my faith and loialty, which in truth is the vttermost that my ability can afford: of the which if thou require any further, or more certaine assurance, I submit my selfe wholly to any other order whatsoeuer your Maiesty shall ordaine. I am not come hither to giue or to prescribe lawes, but to take lawes and to be commaunded: I will not promise with fifteene thousand men to ouerthrow thy aduersary, and to tame the pride of the Albanois: the misfortune of Haly Bassa, and of so many other braue and valiaunt Chiefetaines, and the fresh and rare (though most bloudy) victory of Sebalias, may serue for an example, to teach and learne me, how I promise any thing beyond my power and ability. But this I protest vnto thee (most puissant Ottoman) that thou shalt not want in mee any readinesse or willingnesse of my best seruice and fidelity. As for other matters, either concerning the euent of these affaires, or the reuenge of thy iniuries or outrages, thou hast no reason, as the Lord and maister of his slaue: a most expert and approued warriour of an vnskilfull and simple souldiour: to expect or looke for any counsell, or to thinke that I am to giue any aduise or direction.’
This Oration of Amese could not seeme to the Ottoman to be dissembled or disguised, both for that he propounded many things true and apparaunt, as also because his faith did manifest it selfe sufficiently in that hee had brought with him his wife and children. Some say that shee was abused and deceiued by her husband, and against her will drawen out of Epire: others (as it is most likely also) doe affirme, that shee yeelded her selfe voluntarily to be the companion of his flight and fortune, hauing bene secretly informed by him, that the Crowne of Albanie was promised ‘him by the Sultan. So we see, that ambition is common both to the one and the otherSentence. sexe indifferently.’
The tyraunt did very well accept, and did greatly approue the deliberation of Amese, and did assigne him an exceeding great and honourable pension. As for the meanes and manner of proceeding with the warres, there was no speech nor talke had at that time: for that such matters (according to the wonted custome) were appointed and debated in full councell and assembly of the Bassaes: for the late calamity and rude discomfiture receiued by Mahomet before Belgrade in Hungarie, once calledBelgrade in Hungary: alias Alba Graeca: or Taururum commonly called Greiche [...] Wissemburg. Alba Greca or Taururum, had greatly weakned the spirits, and abated the courages of the Barbarians: for in that battell had Mahomet himselfe bene grieuously wounded and put to flight by Huniades, with the losse of 40000. men, besides all his artillery, baggage and munition, which he was constrained to leaue there behind him, for the [Page 354] gages of his rashnes and temerity: and in very truth such and so grieuous was that ouerthrow,Battell of Belgrade in Hungary wherein Mahomet was wounded & ouerthrowen by Huniades. that Mahomet did neuer shew himself so pensiue and sorrowfull for any dā mage or losse that he euer receiued: his mind being continually both night & day disquieted, on the one side with an extreame desire of reuenge: and on the other side being perplexed and mightely troubled for feare of the like fortune, which had once befalne him so vnhappily. Wherefore the affairs of Hungary being soone intermitted and giuen ouer by a cōmon and generall aduise, it was concluded & agreed, that the reuengeCounsell of Mahomet and his nobles for the war against Scanderbeg. of that dishonor should be taken vpon Epire, and the rather for that they could not at one and the selfe sametime conueniently intend both the one & the other expedition. Besides Amese had told them, that they were not to thinke vpon any attempt against the Hungarians with meane preparations, but with great & strong forces: for that the fiercenes and valour of that people, did require a stately and royall kinde of puissance: and them selues also were not willing no [...] thought it conuenient, that the aduantage of this occasion, offered them by meanes of Amese his presence, should be delaied or deferred. For these causes (Amese being appointed to go as a companion, and in a maner as a guide and director in the iourney) there was a publique commission graunted forth for the leuying of an army of 50000. horsemen: and the Sultan would not haue refused to yeeld to the gathering of a greater puissance, if the same had beene demanded; so greatly did he affect the reuenge both of his owne iniuries and his subiects, desiring in some sort once to determine and to bring to an end these difficulties and troublesome tumults of Albanie.
The spring being spent in these preparations, the heate of sommer began now to1456. come on, by which time all things being in a readines, the king of Turkes instigated and vncessantly vrged on by Amese, who (as some say) was created a Saniacke, did dispatchAmese created a Saniacke by Mahomet. Isaac Bassa and Amese sent with an army of 50000. horse against Scanderbeg. Amese captain ouer 5000. horse. away his army, encouraged with great promises, and well instructed with good precepts and directions. Isaac the Bassa of Romania had the honour to be Generall of those forces without any dislike or discontentment of the Christian fugitiue, who notwithstanding (because he should not be seene altogether without any degree of honor or authority in the army) had the charge of fiue thousand horsemen.
The Epirots were litle pleased or contented at the newes of these mighty preparations, but especially the Dibrians: for the souldiers in those partes had diuerse conceipts and imaginations (as it is ordinarily seene in such cases) what meanes might be vsed either to receiue or to repulse the enemy, whether by ambushmentes, or in the plaine and open field, and in some place purposely appointed: or whether this warre should be decided by delaying and temporizing, and by obseruing of opportunities and aduauntages. One thing there was that did more astonish them then all the rest, and that was: that though the rumour and report of the comming of the enemy did encrease daily, yet on their partes, they saw not any leauie nor muster of any armie yet begun, nor no remedy prepared against a mischiefe so imminent, and a daunger that was so neare hastening vppon them. For, to saie the trueth, this rumour at the first did not greatly moue Scanderbeg, for that especiallie hee could not be perswaded, that Mahomet bending all his hatred and malice against Epire, would let passe in silence, or forget the shame and dishonour of so great and foule an ouerthrow as he hadde latelie receiued in Hungarie. Neuerthelesse he made all possible and diligent meanes by his intelligencers and espialles dispersed here and there on all partes, to learne the certainety of all the attemptes and actions of the enemy, as well as the tumult and confusion of those new troubles and commotions would permit him, to the intent he might shape him selfe some new course in his counsels and proceedings: But vpon the many aduertisements brought him, and especially vpon the comming of [Page 355] certaine fugitiues when this doubt began to be discouered, and that he was certified both of the numbers and of the qualitie of the armie that came against him: and that his nephew also was there in person, with expresse commaundement to the Bassa to crowne and inuest him King of Albanie: he did not any further prolong the raising of his forces, which he had forborne till then to assemble and gather together.Councell called by Scanderbeg for the resisting of Isaac, Amese and the Turkish armie. He called therefore a councell of the Princes his confederates, and of the chiefe and principall of the country, and certen Dibrians, to deliberate & take the aduise of euery man vpon this matter. All of them repaired into the lower Dibria into the same place where their campe was wont to lie: thither also came Moses with some of the principall of his garrison, to vnderstand the resolution and conclusion of the councell. There was a great number of voluntarie men which came thither out of diuerse coū tries, and a multitude of young and lustie persons drawen thither onely for the desire of prey and bootie: by meanes whereof, euen in an instant, he had gotten together a sufficient, faire and goodly armie, and (it may be) nothing inferiour to that of the enemie, if you regard their valure though farre vnequall in respect of their numbers. You should not haue heard of any thing amongst the souldiers but brauadoes and vaunts. Ech man conceiuing in his hope the honour and spoiles of the enemie, and magnifiing their owne prowes and fidelitie, and promising vnto themselues wonders, did thinke it long that they did not encounter with the enemie, who (said they) ought to be preuented & to be assaulted before he should be able to come within their borders. Neither the numbers ofso many thousands, nor the redoubted name or renowme of the Bassa could terrifie or astonish them. They had forgotten Sebalias & the wounds and slaughter receiued before Belgrade, so greatly were the haughtie courages of our Albanians encreased by the fresh victorie obtained against Moses, & the new desaster of Mahomet in Hungarie: and the latter Belgrade made them forget the former. Yet did they all relie vpon the counsaile and directions of their Prince: who iudging that this forwardnes of his souldiers was in some sort to be repressed, he began to cast his eyes downe to the ground, and so dissembling by his countenance part of that which he caried concealed in his thoughts, as if he had bin deuising & imagining vpon some high matters and of great importance, he propounded vnto them all in generall the summe and substance of his deliberation: acquainting them also with the meanes which he ment to vse against the enemie, and with the consequence and greatnes of the perill, speaking vnto them in these or the like tearmes.
Amongest all other things which the diuine wisdome hath left vnto mortall men ‘Oration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers being redy to march against Isaac Bassa and Amese. Nature of hope and of feare or distrust. in the strange varietie and diuersitie of worldly actions, to afflict and torment their mindes: these two (most worthie Albanois) are the most principall, to wit: hope and feare: the former is more plausible, and befalleth commonly to mindes that are high and haughtie (I will not say) vainly addicted: the other is more prudent and lesse giuen to blood & cruelty. For albeit she do in some sort prolong and protract the desires of men, yet doth she neuerthelesse season them, and is as it were an excellent good medicine to cure many infirmities within them. Hence it is that those auncient Captaines were wont more vsually to be victours who feared and misdoubted all things, then those who neuer doubted nor feared any thing.’ Hence also it proceeded, that‘Saying of Hanniball touching Fabius Maximus & Terentius Varro. the great Carthaginian termed Quintus Fabius his most grieuous and daungerous enemie, who to his owne Citizens seemed slothfull and timerous: saying that Terentius Varro was more daungerous to his owne countrie, the State and people of Rome, then he was to his enemies. But why do I attribute that strange and dishonest surname of feare to that thing, which more properly doth merit the name of counsell and sage aduise: for my part I care not how you name it: this is certaine, & cannot be [Page 356] contradicted,’ that from it onely is deriued all the auncient discipline, and the seueritieMartial discipline deriued from feare or distrust. of martiall gouernment, inuented and practised by our forefathers. She it is that doth nourish and entertaine hope, and she neuer doth any thing but it commeth to a good ‘and happie end. She carieth her eyes before her, behind her, and on all sides, and with equall balance she doth poize and measure things present with things future and to come hereafter. You may now gesse what my meaning is by this my speech, which is verie fit & prope [...] for this time, and to correct & chastise your ouermuch forwardnes. I thought it good (my fellowes & companions in armes) first to discourse with you, & to sound your affections before I would innouate any thing in the considerations of this war, to thintent that I might either frame my selfe to your opinions, or (as your discretion hitherto hath bene) you might conform your selues to my iudgment and discretion. You haue heard of late, and your eares are full of the daily rumors and reports touching the stirres and tumults of the warres which are daily prepared and addressed against vs. Behold the Bassa of Romania who with the flower of all Europe, and with the strength and puissance of the Ottoman Empire doth now knocke euen at our gates: and yet my courage would serue (as euer hitherto it hath done) & I durst aduenture and hazard the battell against him: neither do I doubt but you haue the aduantage. Notwithstanding against so mightie an enemie, whose forces are so huge and immoderate, it behooueth vs rather to vse prudence and good counsell, then the wonted furie and fiercenesse of your courages. The notable and famous defait of Haly Dassa, so many famous and memorable triumphs and victories obtained euen till this time, your resolution gotten and testified by so many goodly exploits succeeding so happily, do perswade and assure vs, that we haue both the courage and the power to meet and affront the Turkish forces in open field: but the vnstable and vnconstant chaunges and alterations of the warres, and the naturall disposition of fortune so vnknowen and vncertaine, will make men who are sage and wise, to forget and to misdoubt all these matters. To ouercome alwaies was neuer particular nor proper to anySentence. man, nor was it euer hereditarie to any person. New actions and attempts do dayly demand new counsels and directions: Albeit yesterday you did ouercome as conquerours, yet cannot you assure your selues to day that you shall haue the spoile of your enemies, or the ransomming of their prisoners. Victorie is like a traueller or passengerSimilitude. vpon the way: she turneth and windeth hither & thither, not hauing any certaine dwelling or abiding place. Howbeit that vertue and prudent counsaile bethe principall meanes both to purchase and to retaine her: yet neuerthelesse oftentimes it falleth out that when you haue sagely and aduisedly guided and conducted all things, yet wil fortune, the chaunce of warre, and certaine casuall accidents challenge a great part and portion of the victorie.’
In the end and conclusion of his oration, he layed open vnto them the inconueniencesScanderbeg deuiseth with his souldiers for the manner of his proceeding against Isaac Bassa and the Turkish forces. that do vsually and infallibly accompany a battell, be it either gained or lost: and that therfore it was requisite to intrappe the enemie by traines and ambushes, and not in the plaine and open fieldes: yet so as this must be done with iudgement and discretion, and that they must be surprized when as they least dreamed and thought vpon it, when in full hope and ioye of victore, their heartes were caried and transported with ouermuch licence and libertie, and that they did neither feare nor misdoubt any sleight or subtilties, which as then he said could not be done, because they had bene before enstructed and learned to beware by others mishaps, and the examples of their owne fellowes: and besides for that they had Amese his wicked nephew, the domesticall plague of his owne natiue countrie, who would instruct the Infidels to foresee and auoid the policies which himselfe at other times had learned and [Page 357] practised in the schoole of his vncles experiēce. Notwithstāding in the meane while, because he wold take away all matter & oportunity from the enemy of exercising any crueltie, or to obtaine any victory vpon his subiects, his opinion was, that all the people and inhabitants of the plaine countrey should retire themselues into the fortresses and strong holds: which also should be assured with sufficient garrisons, against all accidents & chances whatsoeuer. For (quoth he) who knoweth the secret deliberatiōs ‘of Mahomet? It may be, that himself in person doth follow after the Bassa, pricked on with the desire which he hath had of a long time to worke some notable & singular reuenge against vs: and therefore it is good to feare and doubt all things, to the intent we neede not be in feare nor doubt of any thing.’
This oration of Scanderbeg being pronounced with the great silence of the whole assembly, Tanuse & Vranocontes who had earnestly intended to his speeches, did arise out of their places, and with infinite praises did publikely approue the same, saying, ‘Speech of Tanusee & Vranocontes touching the oration of Scanderbeg. that Scanderbeg had so exactly discoursed of this matter in euery part, and that his diuine spirite and admirable prudence had so well comprehended and conceiued all pointes: that nothing was wanting to be consulted on, or to be put in execution, which concerned the common and particular good of them all. Hereupon the former heat and forwardnesse of the common souldiers began to be mitigated,’ and their ‘Answer of Scanderbeg to his souldiers being inquisitiue what course [...] would take against the Turkes. audacitie grew into a warie and profitable kind offeare. Some of them could not be contented, but they would needes intreate and humbly require their king, to shewe them by what course and meanes he meant to ouercome and repell the enemy: But Scanderbeg smiling answered, that it ought to suffise them, if they did relye and put their trust in him, and that himselfe would incurre one and the same fortune together with them, and that if he should promise and assure them of any thing, it would be to small purpose in this case, where fortune might vsurpe vnto her selfe so great power and priuiledge.’
Immediately hereuppon Scanderbeg hauing taken order for the parting of theScanderbeg fortifieth and furnisheth his countrie with all necessarie prouisions against the comming of Isaac Bassa and the Turkes. Prouince, and the distributing of the seuerall charges and offices: the Siegniours and chiefe Captaines, by the appointment and commaund of their Generall did seuer and betake themselues into seuerall parts and places of the countrie: sometimes disposing and bestowing the garrisons which had bene deliuered them, into the fortresses and strong holds, and sometimes conueying thither victuals and other munitions to furnish all of them, both one and other. This was the occasion that there was some delay made, and the rather also for that the haruest was not yet throughly inned, nor the corne cleane caried out of the fields: and the rumor euerie day growing more & more that the Barbarians approached, (for that the case required haste and quicke dispatch) the souldiers as well as the husbandmen were imploied in that businesse: and they conueyed all their corne partly in the sheaffe, and partly threshed out, into the townes and castelles, to haue it safe and sure from the handes of the enemie. By this meanes, they were well and sufficiently prouided both of men and victualles for many monethes. Scanderbeg hauing left Moses to commaund ouer the residue of the armie, went to Croie, and stayed there some three dayes taking order for diuerse matters and vrgent affaires: especially for the remoouing of the Queene and her houshold from Petralba. From thence returning to Dibrya, he beganne to goe in hand with his businesse, and with a watchfull eye and diligent care prepared himselfe for the receiuing of his nephew, whom he determined to entertaine and vse as a mortall andIsaac and Amese with the Turkish army enter into Albanie. meere enemie.
By this time had the hoast of the infidels cut ouer the greatest part of Macedonie, and were nowe entred vppon the confines of Albanie, and hauing sent foorth their [Page 358] vant [...]urrours before them, they did warily discouer the countrey farre and wide on all handes, to the intent they might not fall into the vsuall and accustomed ambushments of Scanderbeg. And the report is that for that onely consideration Amese would neuer suffer them to marche by night: affirming, that his vncle would neuer be so foolish, as to encounter or stay for so mightie and puissant an enemy either in the day time, or in the open and champion countrey: but would assay rather by the fauour and benefite of the darke night to put in practise his accustomed stratagemes, and those suttle traynes which were most vsuall and familiar with him in martiall exploites. But Scanderbeg on the other side, although he had long before hand prouided all things in a readinesse for his retrait, if neede should require it: yet would he not by any meanes dislodge, till he had true and perfect intelligence, that the Turkes were come very neare him, and that he might in a manner perceiue the dust of theirScanderbeg retireth from the Turkes. horses: and then trussing vp baggage, he speedily discamped and forsooke that place, in such sorte, that they which followed and came on behinde him might very well discerne him, as hee marched on before them. The Turke would not follow after, nor put himselfe in pursuit of him, by reason of the difficultie and roughnesse of the way, and for feare of ambushes. Onely he sent certaine horse after him, giuing them in charge to trouble and molest him as much as they could possibly, and to learne, what course and way hee helde, and whither hee went. Wherefore the armie of the Infidelles being entred into the vpper Dybria by the way of Alchria, they did marche on still with a fayre and easie pace: continually discouering and searching farre and wide on all sides. When the coast was founde to be cleare and safe from the enemy, the Turkishe companie with exceeding great ioye did disperse themselues abroad ouer all the countrey. But as this kinde and manner of victorie, so easily gotten, was very pleasing and gratious vnto the souldiours, now waxing insolent through security: so did it no lesse grieue them afterwardes, for that they could not finde nor meete with any pillage in the fieldes, nor light vppon any fit matter to satisfie their couetous minds and inordinate appetites. Thus held they on their march till it was about an houre before noone: and then both because they would stay for the returne of their vauntcurrours, and also for that they would rest and refresh them selues of their long iourneis, and the extreame heate of the weather, they beganne to make a stand, and went to lodge them selues neare to Oronichea in the same Dibria, neare adioyning to the same place, where our men at other times had vsed to encampeOronichea in the vpper Dibria. them selues. There pitching their tentes, they spent the time in councell and consultation, till such time as their vauntcurrours returned vnto them: abstaynig in the meane while both from meate and drinke, or any other kindes of refreshing. For before their dislodging in the morning, they had taken a sufficient repast, by the aduise of their Generall, for feare least if by some chance and casualty that morning, they should haue bene driuen or enforced to fight, and that the hazard of the battell should haue protracted the conflict, as many times it doth: they might not be enforced also to fight with hunger as well as with their enemies. All this while did the souldiours take great delight curiously to suruey the place where, our men had of late encamped, and they walked vp and downe on all sides, yet not without some suspition of daunger: in so much that they neither durst disarme them selues, nor yet leaue their watch and ward: but the most part kept continually neare to their standards and guidons all on horsebacke. And thus for two houres at the least did they patientlie abide, keeping good watch and ward, till such time as they which hadde bene sent abroade for the discouerie, being returned againe, did bring report of that which they had seene and learned: namely, that the Epirot and his troupes did [Page 359] drawe downe towardes the sea coastes on that side whereas the Citie of Lissa lay:The citie of Alexium or Lissa and being demaunded what numbers they were, they aunswered, that they were seant sufficient to make vp a good and perfect * Legion. Howbeit the truth was, thatA legion containeth 6000. the armie of the Albanois did amount to more then eleuen thousand fighting men, whereof sixe thousand were horsemen, and the rest footemen. But the errour of the Turkish scouts (as I suppose) grew of this: that our men being in Dibria, had sent all their infanterie with their cariages, to passe on faire and easily before: fearing lest if they should haue expected the enemies comming any thing neare at hand, and so should haue bene driuen to march in hast, they wold not haue bene able to haue made such speed, as to haue gotten time enough into some sure place of safetie: and after the footmen (as I haue sayd) marched the horsemen, euen in the sight almost of the Turkish armie. So you see the occasion why the foote forces of the Epirots were not discerned by the vantcurrors of the Turkes.
It may be, that some perhaps more curious obseruers of matters then others, will demaund vpon what reason, or what commoditie Scanderbeg could find in this aduise and conceipt of his, in not giuing place to his aduersarie, till he saw him euen close at his backe? & why he made his retrait rather towards Lissa, then to any other part of the countrey? But I will, if I may, satisfie these men with the same reason that perswaded me: & my opinion herein is nothing repugnant vnto those men, whose faith and diligence I haue most followed in the continuance of this history. Besides, the effect and successe of things being curiously conferred together, may sufficiently manifest the truth thereof. The dissembled and counterfet feare of Scanderbeg did euidentlyStratageme of Scanderbeg in retiring from the Turkes. declare, that his first stratageme in staying for the coming of the enemie so neare him, was to make a shewe, that he meant to fight, and to hazard the fortune of the field in a maine battell: but that, seeing the infinite multitude of his enemies, and the present danger and extremitie of the perill considered, did seeme to put him in such feare and terror, as if he had bene enforced to giue backe, and to change his mind & resolution: to the intent that by his shew of flight, he might make the Barbarians more confident and hardy, and with more loosenesse and licentiousnes to scatter abrode, & to disband themselues from their standards, which he could not by any meanes haue wrought without great suspition, if the flight of the one & the coming of the other had bene more distant and farther off. Moreouer, he directed his course & shew of flight rather towards Lissa then to any other place, because that way seemed to be chosen as the fittest and safest for men who made shew of feare: whereas otherwise if he had put him selfe in the other way amongst the thicke forrests and wooddie valleys, it was to be doubted, that he should haue made lesse shew offeare, and haue giuen greater cause of suspition and coniecture to the enemy pursuing him, of some secret ambushments layed and disposed to intrap them. Besides it is to be beleeued, that he had an intent & purpose, by this faire shew and policie (which the issue also did after make manifest) to deceiue and ouerreach his enemie: vpon whom being caried away with credulitie, and stragling loosely abrode, he purposed to giue the onset on that side, which neither the footsteps of them that fled, nor the maner of the place to which they fled, did any way make to be suspected. For we should do Scanderbeg great wrong, to thinke or to confesse, that so sage and aduised a Chiefetaine would haue made choise of this course, only vpon a vaine and light consideration, without any especiall conceipt andIsaac Bassa demaundeth Amese his opiniō concerning the flight of Scanderbeg. purpose. Hereof was Amese an infallible witnesse, who albeit he were of a very suttle and searching spirit, & had a sharpe and quicke insight in all matters, yet could he not keepe himself from the traines of this old warriour: for when the Bassa (being somewhat doubtfull & troubled in his mind vpon the sleights & subtleties of Scanderbeg, [Page 360] did demaund of Amese what he thought to be the cause of this his so extraordinary and continuall flight, the like whereof he had neuer vsed?
‘My vncle (quoth Amese) did expect and attend for the forces of Moses: and thereforeAnswer and censure of Amese touching the flight of Scā derbeg. hauing suddenly assembled only a running campe, according to his wonted maner, he did feed him selfe with his wonted hope of victory, till such time as seeing him selfe deceiued in his foolish imaginations, and that he can not abide in safetie within his owne dominions, nor be able to oppose him selfe against such huge and puissant forces, he is fled towardes Lissa to get ayde and succours of his neighbours the Venetians.’
This reason of Amese seeming very likely and probable, was allowed and held for good, no man speaking or alledging any thing to the contrary. Howbeit to those that shall with wisedome and aduised deliberation examine matters according to the rule of reason, this interpretation made by Amese of his vncles actions, can not but seeme very rash and temerous, if not vaine and foolish. And to proue that Scanderbeg did not thinke any thing of so small a troupe as that whereof Moses had the commaund, nor did any whit feare the greatnesse of the daunger, this onely point doth sufficiently confirme it: because that all things in the countrey of Dibria were disposed in as good order, as if the Turkish Monarke him selfe had bene expected there in person. There was nothing at all, neither cattell nor any other thing of worth or value left in the whole countrey: and was not that a peremptorie argument of some notable feare, and of a counsell most aduised, and of a sound deliberation: saue onely to such men whom either fortune, or rather the immutable will of God, hauing predestinated some mortall and deadly chance, had depriued of all sense and vnderstanding, as of the principall part of their strength and puissance? But I will not any longer blame this credulitie and light beliefe of our enemies, seeing it ministred occasion to our Christians of so notable and famous a victory, and of immortall renowme & glorie.
The Bassa perceiuing that by the flight of the Epirots, all hope and occasion was taken from him to purchase any honour by deeds of armes in that iourney, after dinner was ended, he assembled the chiefe Captaines and commaunders of the armie to consult and deliberate vpon their occasions. In this Counsell it was propounded and debated,Councell held by Isaac Bassa and the Turkes for their proceedings against Scanderbeg. whether the campe should stirre for that day or not, and by what way, maner, and meanes they should pursue the enemie: whether it were best to continue in that place, and there to abide till such time as they might haue some certaine newes of his attempts and practises, and what the enemy intended to do. Amese and some others were of opinion, that they should not stirre for that day, but stay there till the next morning: notwithstanding the pluralitie of voyces caried away the matter, and the worst opinion preuailed against the better: for they alledged, that the returne of Scanderbeg, after he had prepared and gotten new succours, would scarce be performed in foure dayes: that they ought to take the benefite of the time and the occasion: that it behoued them to march forward chearefully and roundly in sacking and harrying the residue of the prouince in their passage, and not to stay till (Scanderbeg hauing reenforced and augmented his troupes, the inhabitants of the countrey might in the meane time (vpon the feare and terrour of the report) flie into the strong holds, and forsaking and leauing their houses, graunges, and sheepe-cotes voyde and emptie of all prey and bootie, might by that meanes make their victory vncertaine, and their voyage without all profite and commoditie. Wherefore the trumpet sounding speedily to horse, no man shewed him selfe backward in executing the commaundement of their Generall: but all of them (testifying by their high cryes and clamours, that they did approue the new decree and conclusion of the Councell) in a moment [Page 361] trussed vp their baggage and with Ensignes displaied beganne to march forwarde. Amese likewise was not much discontented with this their resolution, but being of a cherefull and good courage against all casualties and occurrences, he imagined there would be litle or no daunger for a day or two, of anie alarmes, or attemptes made by Scanderbeg: howbeit, that in matters of warrefare, those counsailes whichProuidence and circumspection of Amese in the warres. did forecast and doubt most daungers, and which were most warie and politique, did continually more please and like him then anie others, because euen in the least errour and ouersight, there consisted no small weight and importance. And therefore he admonished the Bassa to proceede in these affaires prudently and with good order and direction, for feare least by the immoderate couetousnesse of the souldiers, their prey and bootie might not onely turne to their infamie, but might also proue lamentable vnto his people. All these thinges therefore were carefully regarded, the battallions and squadrons were wisely ordered and deuided into diuerse partes, with a streight and expresse charge and commaundement, that no man vppon payne of death should disranke nor disbande him selfe out of the battell where he had his place assigned him, without the speciall leaue and license of the Generall, albeit they should happen to see all the wealth and riches of Epyre before their eyes: for that where time should serue, they should haue free libertie to take whatsoeuer they could seize vppon. The souldiers for that time shewed themselues verie conformable and obedient in that which was commaunded them, till such time as their couetous fingers (itching at the faire shew of the goodly things forbidden them) did finde fit matter whereupon to seize and to lay hold. But before the departure of the armie, the Bassa hauing made his prayers to God, that he would vouchsafe to graunt him the grace to be able to tame the insolencie of the Albanois, and to obtaine the honour of all those trophees and victories befallen to Scanderbeg for so manie yeares together, he called Amese vnto him, who was then ordering andAmese proclaimed king of Epyre by Isaac Bassa and the Turkish army. disposing of his regiment: and after he had openly graced him with manie goodly prayses and commendations, he caused him by the voices of the souldiers to be proclaimed king of Epyre: and with a long and superfluous inuectiue, detesting and disgracing Scanderbeg and all his worthy deedes and notable exploites. Amese refused not this good fortune, but from thence forward he shewed himselfe prompt and cherfull in all his doing: dispatching his affaires with singular diligence, and currying the fauour and good will of the people both in deedes and in words.
These things thus done, the hoast of the Barbarians (hauing sent forth their vantcurrours to discouer and beate ouer the plaine countrie) did now beginne to march forwarde: part of their baggage being put before in the vaward, and part following in the rereward of their armie. The way which they tooke was (by the conduct and direction of Amese) to that part of Epyre which lyeth to the Eastward of Croy, and was distant from thence about 80. miles: the which for that it was least furnished with forces, did seeme to be more easily exposed to prey and pillage: besides they had an intention also, that as their troupes should approch neerer vnto the walles (if occasion did so serue) they might all vnder one make themselues Lordes of the towne. Neuerthelesse by reason of the continuall and vehement heate, they went not farre that day, neither did they finde vppon the fieldes, any the least recompence of their paine and trauell: so wilde and wast did the countrie appeare on all partes, as if it had beene a meere and solitarie desart. This made the Mahometan to redouble his feare and suspition, besides that the ambition of the man did mightily trouble and torment him, least that the Christian eyther by his absence, or by his continuall delayes refusing the fight, should constraine him to returne vnto Constantinople [Page 362] without any purchase or increase of honour and reputation. For there was no kinde of bootie to be found at all (which ordinarily, is esteemed to be a part of the victorie) neither had they any ready meanes without artillerie, to get them any honour by the besieging of any townes. As for the wasting and spoiling of the corne, frutes and trees: the burning and fireing of townes, and such like calamities, being the ordinarie appendants of the warres, they are commonly and oftentimes reserued to the last and extreame rigour: for that in very deede, they doe seeme rather to testifie and to declare a certaine rage and furie, then any benefit or commoditie of reuenge. Besides, they had some hope also (such as it was) to come to fight with Scanderbeg, and to bring the Prouince vnder their subiection, if so be he durst present himselfe to the combat. And these (it may be) were the especiall causes and considerations, that detained and withheld them from such acts of hostilitie.
The heate of the sunne growing by litle and litle to be abated, by reason of her declyning towards the West, the sweete and pleasant shade yeelded great refreshing to the bodies of the souldiers, who were sore wearied, and well neere spent with extreamitie of heate, of harde trauell, and long iournyes. To the intent therefore they might take the benefite of so sweete a refreshing, they doubled their way and began to ride a good round trot. But the Bassa commaunded them to make a stand, not daring to passe on any further, by reason that the night approached and drew neere. In the meane time him selfe in person with part of his armie encamped on an high mountaine which lay aloft on the left hand, after he had first caused Amese and certaine horsemen to take a viewe of the conueniencie and situation of the place. The residue of his armie was lodged all alongest the valley, and in other places in as great safetie as might be: and there was ordained good watch and warde, seuerall courtes of garde being placed both in the plaine and vppon the mountaines round about, especially on that side that lay towardes Lissa, and which they most suspected. In this place, the night being thus spent and consumed, the next day by the common aduise and consent of them all, they purposed to take their iourney into * Emathia. Or Pharsalia.
Here hath it beene auerred by some writers, that certaine Peysants of the countriePeysants of Albany surprised by the Turkes. of Albanie were surprised as they descended vndiscreetely out of the forrests next adioyning: and being put to tormentes, for feare of death they did reueale manie of Scanderbeg his secretes▪ For you must note, that there be in Epyre manie mountaines full of such huge thickets, so wooddie, and so difficult of accesse, that the people of the countrie doe holde them selues in more safetie in those places, then in the best and strongest fortresses: and there is no power nor puissance of the enemie (be it neuer so great) that can driue them to forsake those places. Some also haue added this moreouer, that certaine fugitiues came the same night to yeelde themselues vnto Scanderbeg: and that certaine Scoutes or Espyals of theEspials or Scouts of the Turkes surprised by the Albanois. Turkes, falling into the handes of the Christian courtes of garde, were put to the sword, excepting one onely: who being by good happe saued aliue and brought before the King (who was then preparing for his iorney against the next morning) did enforme him of manie things particularly concerning the purpose of the enemie: by meanes whereof it may be easily imagined, and not without shewe of credite, that he was a principall meane and authour of the victorie of the Christians which followed soone after. For my part it shall suffice, that without eyther approuing it for a truth, or reproouing it as fabulous, I haue simply made recitall of it. And therefore referring the truth thereof to be iudged by others, I will betake my selfe to the prosecuting of those affaires, which hauing bene for a while intermitted vpon [Page 363] the comming and arriuall of the Turkes, doe now reuoke and call vs backe to consider of them.
You haue heard how the flight of Scanderbeg towardes the towne of Lissa, was not such as the aduerse partie had imagined: but hauing nowe gotten farre out of the sight of the enemie, he went vnto those partes of the countrie which laye vppon the frontiers of Albanie, where were manie and diuerse passages into the Prouince by which the enemie might easily be surprised. There did he abide for that day, attending the setting of the Sunne: and then leauing there his Ensignes, and being accompanied with a verie fewe horsemen, he went vppe to the toppes of certaine mountaines, from whence he might well discouer all the plaine countrie about * Emathia. Then calling to remembraunce the speeches of hisOr Pharsalia. prisoners afore mentioned, hee disposed and bestowed certaine Scoutes vppon theScouts placed vpon the mountaines by Scanderbeg to obserue the passing of the Turkish army. toppes and edges of the mountaines, who hauing little streamers or penons (according as the manner is) were admonished and charged to holde them vp aloft, that they might be seene wauing in the ayre, and that towardes the same side where they should see the enemie encamped, they should throw downe those penons from the toppe to the bottome. Other signall then this they had not at that time, neyther by fires, nor other watches for the night. True it is, that the most worthie, and in a manner, the best souldiers were appointed to stande Scout in that place, amongest whom was Peic Manuell, a Gentleman of no lesse wisedome and policie,Peic Manuell. then of hardinesse and good resolution in deedes of armes: because that the weight and consequence of their whole affaires did consist in the diligence and trust of these Sentinels. This done, he returned in the dead of the night into his campe,Ambuscado dressed by Scanderbeg against Isaac Bassa and the Turkes. where hauing past the most part of the same in rest and silence, he dislodged verie secretly without any noise, and he had not ridden farre with all his forces, but that he put himselfe in ambuscado in the bottome of a certaine valley verie neere vnto that watch which we last spake of: determining not to depart, or to remoue from thence before he had deliberated and taken counsell for his proceedings, and that he might take his directions, by the signe and token which should be made vnto him by those streamers.
It was scant fayre day breake, but that the Bassa drewe his troupes foorth of the campe, hauing a purpose and determination by preuenting the heate of the day to enter into the plaines of Emathia, where (as he vnderstood) was remayning some bootie that would be abandoned to the prey of the souldiers. Not pawsing therefore vponIsaac Bassa with the Turkish armie in the plain fields of Pharsalia. the matter, he beganne to march forward verie early, whilest the leaues and grasse of the fieldes were yet moyst with the dewe of the morning: and troade with their feet, greedie of prey and pillage, vpon those fieldes that are euen yet famous through the bloud and slaughter of the auncient Romaines. But to the intent that a case and accident so maruellous, and so shortly after ensuing might not be without some presage, there be many who doe affirme, that the Generall his standard-bearer, hauingSignes and tokens prognosticating the great slaughter in the future battell betwene the Turkes and the Christians. stumbled at the ruines of an old wall (as there are many such in those quarters which doe bound the landes and possessions of priuate persons) both horse and man with the standard also fell so rudely to the ground, that his companions were constrayned to take him vp halfe dead, and to helpe him againe to horsebacke. Notwithstanding they made not any account of the matter, but onely tooke it as a warning to the residue to looke better to their feete, and to eschewe that place. And it may be, that we also ought to make as little account and reckoning of such signes and tokens, rather then to followe the vanitie of such fonde coniectures in this accident: seeing that both the libertie of mans free will, leading and guyding him in such [Page 364] actions, and the good doctrine and instructions of Christian religion doe seeme to argue and teach vs the contrarie. But yet one other thing there is, wherein I knowe not howe I should gainesay it, or dissent from others who haue affirmed, that the Vultures, and Rauens, and such like fowles which vse to frequent and hunt after carrion and dead carkasses, did flie in such aboundance into those places, (as it were foreshewing the great effusion of bloud that was likely shortly to ensue) that the verie heauens seemed in a manner to be darkened with their huge numbers. Besides, there was an other verie straunge and wonderfull signe (which I had almost forgotten) and which I see no reason why it shoulde be neglected or nor regarded, and that was, that in the ende of the spring that selfe same yeare, (as it is reported by them that sawe it) the heauens did raine downe bloud vppon the earth Of which signes, there is not any of them that proceeded from the acte of anie man or earthly creature: neither was it in the power of mans counsell or prudence, to foresee, or to preuent the effect of those accidents.
Manie are the influences which did descende downe from the heauens by certaineDiscourse of the author vpon celestiall signes & prognostications of future accidents. secret and vnknowen causes of thinges, and it is often seene, that sundry both good and euill chaunces are manifested vnto vs by the operation of the starres and the celestiall bodies, the which whilest we doe disdaine to obserue, wee doe referre them to meere accidents and casualtie, and we doe not vse eyther the seruice and ministerie of our owne prudence, nor the industrie of our owne counselles to purchase vnto vs the fauour and blessing of the diuine bountie, nor to turne away the anger and threatnings of the heauens. For what reason haue we to thinke, that this extraordinarie flight of so manie birdes and fowles of the ayre, or those shewers of bloud, which fell from the heauens should denote or foreshewe the ruine and destruction of the Infidels rather then of our owne friendes the Christians? were it not perhappes, that by the sage aduise and counsaile, and by the temporizing of the Christian Chiefetaine, and dexteritie of his good inuention: The starres were (as it were) forced, and this notable victorie was in a manner purchased from theSentence. ‘heauens▪ For as the saying is, The wise man hath Dominion ouer the starres and celestiall bodies:’ and for my part I doe assuredly beleeue, that the hunger of thoseSapiens dominabitur astris. Vultures, might very well haue bene deluded, and the earth might sufficiently haue beene satisfied with that bloud onely which fell from the heauens, if the obstinate and wilfull prudence of men had not drawen downe vppon them selues the violent influence of the destinies. The truth whereof appeareth in this: for that if we ourselues haue not anie vertue nor puissance, if wee can challenge vnto our selues no right nor interrest in our earthly actions, but that these presages must of necessitie be followed with such ineuitable effectes: then what should it profit or auaile to commaund or admonish men to take armes and to haue recourse to the iust defence of warres, if our resistance should be vaine and bootlesse? Or to what end should we surcharge mankinde with the denunciation of long griefes and lamentations only to make their eyes the beholders or feelers of that mischiefe which shall neuer befall nor come vpon them? assuredly much more cheerefully and comfortably should we leaue this world, and depart out of this life, if that hope did entertaine and feede our hearts euen to the last gaspe: and it would make our death and last end more pleasing & lesse terrible vnto vs. Howbeit that it is a common prouerbe and vsuall in the mouthes of all men, That mischieues foreseene, do least harme and offence: the which (it may be)Sentence. we will graunt to be true in those kinds of mischiefes, which are wont to dispose and prepare the mind of man, & not to discorage or dismay them. For there is no thought nor cogitation more deadly and pernitious, then that which ministreth vnto men [Page 365] equall abundance of teares, and like rage of passions in the time both of life and of death.
But whilest I busie my selfe I know not how to play the part of a Philosopher, I feare me I doe digresse from the office and dutie of an Historiographer. Returne we therefore to our discourse where it was discontinued.
The entrie of the Paynims within the plaine countrie of Pharsalia, was quickely manifested and made knowen to the inhabitantes by the sound of the artillerie, in the fortresses next adioyning: giuing thereby an aduertisement to some of the people, who were issued out with their beastes to feede them in the fieldes. Vpon this signall and token giuen them, you may imagine that there was none of them, but made haste speedily to auoide so great and imminent a daunger: and it is to be supposed, that some of them which were dispersed and scattered farthest off, did make so great haste to free themselues from the enemie, that they left part of their beastes for a prey and bootie vnto them, not being well able vppon such an extreamitie (wherein they were) to vse conuenient speede, to saue and preserue them from their violence and furie. At the same instant likewise, the streamers which were placed for a token vpon the mountaines, did giue Scanderbeg occasion to dislodgeScanderbeg coasteth the armie of the Turkes with his forces c [...] nertly amongst the mountains. with his campe, who with good reason and iudgement, coniecturing which way the Barbarian tooke, calling backe his scoutes, and arraunging his companies in good order, he dismarched secretly by the couerts of the valleyes, and the secret passages of the mountaines, still following the Bassa a farre off without being apperceiued, till such time as he thought that he had gotten neere enough vnto him. Then also putting him selfe againe in an ambush with all his forces, and attending till it were night, he rested him selfe neere vnto a certaine hill, named by the inhabitantes, Tumenistiola: after that he had first sent foorth some to stande scoutes, andScanderbeg putteth himself in an ambuscado neere the mountaine Tumenistiola. had set the watch, ordering all thinges in good and conuenient sort. The Mahometans in this meane while were not idle, but they spent and employed, not onely the morning, but the whole course of their march all that day in ouerrunning, spoyling, and ransacking of the plaine countrie, being growen to a certaine contempt and licentiousnesse which by litle and litle was engendred amongst their troupes, because they saw no bodie to resist or to encounter them in the way. All this did Scanderbeg discerne full well, but his deliberation was not to pursue after them with so small forces, they being scattered and dispersed in a plaine that was so large and spacious, nor yet was he minded to giue the onset vpon them in such sort as he might any way endaunger his forces in the fight, but he did rather desire that their audacitie and licentiousnesse should still encrease and grow more and more. In that manner therefore hauing followed them all that night, he forbare to touch, or in any sort to meddle with their campe, by reason of the difficulties of the places, being not able, but with great trouble, to carrie his troupes in the darke through those thicke and huge forrestes and woods: as also because he aymed at a certaine draught and policie of warre, which he had of long time before conceiued in his thoughtes, by meanes of certaine drummes, trumpets, and clarions (whereof shall be said more hereafter) and by which he did reserue himselfe to a straunge and miraculous kinde of combat. For this cause the Infidels being suffered to rest in quiet, they spent that night in diuerse pleasures and pastimes: and euen Amese also tooke a great ioy and contentment to see himselfe carried and attended (though somewhat too soone for his honour) thorough the campe, with diuers songs of ioy and meriment amongst the common souldiers, as if he had alreadie obtained the soueraigntie and peaceable possession of the estate of Albanie. Not that their minds were wholly freed from all feare or suspition,
[Page 366] ‘But rather (such is the desire of mortall men) that it draweth with it most commonlySentence. a kinde of credulitie, and maketh vs to beleeue that things will fall out according to our owne desire and expectation.’ So did that leasure and quietnesse of three dayes continuance (wherein they were without any disturbance of their enemies) cause the Barbarians to frame and conceiue vnto themselues a vaine license in their owne conceipts and imaginations, as if they had beene alreadie possessed of the victorie.Negligence & securitie of the Turkish army. Thence it proceeded, that all things more and more enclining to negligence, the watches were lesse carefully regarded, insomuch as they placed not any scoutes nor court of gard, but onely on that side where they feared most daunger, namely from the way and coast bending towards Lissa.
The darkenesse of the night being now chased away by the comming of the day light, the Turkes were prouiding and preparing themselues to follow on their roads and excursions: and therefore by the breake of day displaying their Ensignes, they fell to spoyling and robbing that part of the countrie which remained as yet vnspoiled, filling it with all kinds of outrage and beastly crueltie: and their hoast with theirIsaac and the Turks encampe betwene the riuer of Mathia and the waters of Albulae. baggage also remoued to a certaine plaine lying betweene the riuer of Mathia and those waters which the inhabitants name Albulae: placing their gardes and Sentinels towardes Lissa only, where they doubted and imagined the greatest daunger. At the foote of the mountaine Tumenista, which hath his aspect to the West, towardes the open champion were placed certaine horsemen to assure that passage. As for their campe, it was excellently well fortified: for the one halfe of their armie remained there still for the garde and defence thereof: and I finde that the Bassa himselfe, and manie of the chiefest and most principall persons of the armie did continue and abide there with the campe, whilest that Amese (as being more skilfull and better practised in those marches) had the conduct of those forces that went abroad to forrage and preySuffades. the countrey, with the which all at randome he ranne vp euen to the Suffades (as they tearme them) and to the seacoasts. The husbandman and the peysant had not withdrawen and conueyed away all from the fury, spoyle, and couetousnesse of the Barbarians, because they did not thinke that the King would haue suffered them so long to vse that license and libertie, and to haue beene vnmet withall. True it is, that he might at that time haue done some worthie and notable exploit, whilest their forces were so deuided a sunder, if he had roundly inuaded their campe: but he was not yet come so neere them, neither could it so cōueniently haue bene done, but that the forces which were harrying and ouerrunning the countrie, vpon the noise of the alarme might haue beene called home, and so they might easily haue enclosed the Albanois betwene both their powers. But hunger and the heate of the day hauing now caused them to returne to their campe, the bootie was deuided amongst the souldiers: howbeit, it was but of litle or small value, and did rather sharpen their appetites, then satisfie or content them. By this time were our men also drawen together, and being gotten vp to the toppes of the mountaines, they were seized of the aduantage of the place: whereupon with their armes nowe readie in their handes, they did prepare themselues to call the Mahometans to an account of their voyage and iorney which they had taken.
If you had seene how Scanderbeg was busied and did bestirre himselfe, you mightAn ellegant and excellent comparison. aptly haue compared him to one, who expecting at his house some great companie of guests, and being to make them some magnificent and sumptuous banquet, with most exquisite dainties and viandes prepared more then ordinary, dareth not to trust his seruants, nor yet to referre the care thereof either to his friends, or to his wife, but will see it done with his owne hands: ordaining, fitting, and disposing all things most [Page 367] carefully: and with a doubtfull countenaunce casteth his eyes vpon all the dishes, and vppon all partes of the table, especially if by reason of the meane estate of the man, the preparation be more sparye then is conuenient for the number of his guestes: and setting out all things to the best shew, with a skilfull and diligent hand, he doth so amplifie and encrease them, as they may at the least satisfie and fill their eyes, if not the hands and bellies of the banquetters. In like manner the King of Epyre coursing and galloping vp and downe the hilles and mountaines neare adioyning, stayed not long in any one place, but he placeth Moses in one quarter, and Tanusee in another: the Streezes on this side, and others on that side: and appointing vnto euerie man his particular charge and office, he admonisheth and instructeth them: and not trusting in the sufficiencie and capacitie of any of them in a case of that consequence, and in that importance of his affaires; sometimes he goeth before, sometimes he followeth after: and to be breife, he maketh his handes and his eyes the witnesses of all that is done. He vieweth and reuieweth all his troupes, he examineth if all be well, and still is he deuising and casting, how to dispose and order all things to the best. And to the intent that the terrible obiect which he prouided for his enemies might the more astonish and confound them: he vsed this sleight and inuention which I will shew you.
To euerie squadron he assigned a great number of trumpettes, drummes and suchStratageme of Scanderbeg. like instruments of warre, more then is ordinarily he vsed any troups, the which he had expresly prouided of purpose. After this he ordered his armie both horse & foot according to the commoditie of the place, and the quantitie of his forces. He reserued for his owne regiment the most part of his armie to wit, 4000. horse, and the like number of footemen, with the which he went without delay, and seized vppon Tumenista.
The Bassa his armie, namely they which were wearied with their long and tediousSecuritie and negligence of the Turkes. incursions in harrying and preying of the countrie in the morning, at their returne were laid all along, and did rest themselues here and there ouer the large plaine, hauing left their horses feeding without either saddles or bridles: besides that, few or none kept neare their ensignes or any good order. Some laye in the shadowe and made merrie with that which they had purchased: others hauing fed at full, lay wallowing on the grasse and slept without all feare or suspition. Some passing away the time in plaies and sportes of all sortes and vsuall amongest souldiers, did ioyfully beguile their eyes of sleepe, and the extreame heat of summer: albeit they were scarce able to hold vp their heads for wearinesse and want of sleepe: for then was the worst time both of the yeare and of the day, by reason of the extreame heat of the moneth of Iuly, and the height of the sunne which was not then past the middest of the heauen, which made their watches & courts of gard also to be as negligent in the other parts of the campe. For amongst them likewise, euery man was bent to take his ease and to spend away the time in mirth. No man had his armes nor his horse in a readines: but the most part hauing cast away all feare and doubt of the enemie, had laied aside also the care and consideration of all good order and martiall discipline.
The Bassa himselfe with the great men and Commanders of the armie, and Amese Consultation of Isaac Bassa and the Turkish Chieftains for their proceedings against Scanderbeg. their Councellour (whom the busines especially concerned aboue the rest) being in consultation within their tents, were in a maruellous care & perplexitie, what course they should resolue vpon at their next remoue from thence, and on what side they should find any new subiect of honour and commendation. The counsell was deuided into two diuerse opinions: one was, that they should ouerrunne all the Prouince with sword and fire, and so make the ruines and spoiles of the countrie to remaine as [Page 368] the marks of their victory: the other (which was propoūded by Amese,) was, that they should march right towardes Croy to sound the wils of the inhabitants whether they would submit themselues to the nephue of Scanderbeg & accept of his gouernment: & that they should terrifie them by threats and menaces in case they did refuse to harken vnto them: as that they should see the totall ruine and destruction of Albanie, & a perpetuall siege before their walles, and that in the end they should be enforced to endure the yoke of a most miserable and shamefull seruitude and bondage: That they should not build vpon the slowe succours of Scanderbeg, nor trust to their fond counselles, who should perswade them to attend and depend vpon the hope and expectation of his long lingring presence. This latter aduise was approued as the most certaine and best opinion, and the other was in no part followed: onely they made some stay for a while, and thought it not yet best to remoue their campe till such time as the feruentnesse of the heate, and the wearinesse of their bodies were somewhat abated and refreshed. But Scanderbeg did not any longer temporize: for hauing both satisfied and instructed his eyes from the toppe of Tumenista, he animated and disposed hisScanderbeg marcheth to fight with Isaac Bassa and the Turkish armie. souldiers, telling them what order they should obserue and keepe: how they should by their inuasions terrifie their enemies, and on what side they should charge and presse vpon them. But first of all beholding that court of garde of those Turks which lay at the foote of the mountaine, some of them sleeping soundly, other keeping but slender watch and ward, himselfe descended in great silence by the other side of the mountaine with eight men onely, and had the cutting of all their throats, leauingA court of gard of the Turkes cut in pieces by Scanderbeg. them there to keepe an euerlasting watch, one of them onely being excepted, whom the swiftnesse of his horse, and his flight saued from the like slaughter. By this meanes the other troups of the Christians (after that this court of gard was dispatched) began to descend vpon the plaine vnknowen to the enemie. He that was escaped, went running in the meane while with all poasting speed towardes his fellowes, and with a fearefull crie, he filled all the hoast of the Barbarians, giuing them the allarme, and telling them: that Scanderbeg was there: that the gard was cut in pieces, and that all the forces of the Christians were comming, and were euen at hand. Hardly would the Turks haue beleeued these newes, if his feare had not giuen them sufficient likelyhood thereof through the death of his companions. For neither did they feare any danger on that side, neither did they doubt of the so sudden comming of the enemie. But Amese was not of that mind: for he was easily perswaded of the truth of this alarme: and therefore hasting speedily and readily to his troupes, he enforced them quickly to mount on horsebacke, & encouraged them to the vttermost of his power. Many of them were wakened, partly by the noise of the enemies comming vpon thē, and partly by their companions, who caused them to leaue sleeping. For nowe that Scanderbeg saw his ambushments to be discouered, he commaunded his infanterie presently to follow him with as great speed and celeritie as was possible: and immediately as the enemie was preparing to receiue him, he charged and gaue the onset vpon them most furiously with the huge clamours and horrible cries of his souldiers, the same being augmented and encreased with the brimme noise of the drummes,Scanderbeg surprizeth the Turkish campe by a sudden inuasion. trumpets and tamborins which were purposely placed on all sides to annoy and terrifie the enemie by the conceipt and imagination of a great and mightie armie: and also to giue aduertisements to the other bands that lay close embusked in the mountaines. Amese being seconded with his owne regiment of horsemen, and with certen others who had bene appointed for the garde of the campe, was the first that made head against the Christians, and did most stoutly sustaine the first charge. Many also came thither on foote, hauing no leisure in so great hast and extremitie, to saddle and [Page 369] make readie their horses. The tumult and the terrour was wonderfull in all partes of the campe, and the Turkes stood as men mightely amazed and astonished: so great and extreame was the feare which seized vpon them at the verie sight and name of Scanderbeg. The Bassa stood firme within his campe and would not moue a foot, till such time as he saw all his squadrons in order and good array, and that his flanckes were well defended with treble forces of the choisest horsemen well armed and appointed. But during these preparations, it seemed that the heauen & earth were confounded by reason of this new and vnexpected alarme, and with the strange clamours & diuerse sounds of the ambushments now discouered. On euerie side did the mountaines and next vallies resound with the noise, sometimes of the men, sometimes of the trumpets, drummes and clarions: and sometimes with the maruellous sound of infinite harguebusses, which did incredibly augment the feare and terror both in the hearts and in the eyes of the Turkes: who esteeming themselues as men lost and vtterly vndone, did thinke that the power and puissance of all Epyre, Sclauonie, and their confederates, had bene assembled and conspired together to their destruction. And therefore they began to flie on all hands before that euer Moses with his troups alone could get downe into the plaine from the mountaines: and yet did not their flight seeme sure and safe enough vnto them, by reason that all the wayes and passages were in a manner shut vp and taken from them. Besides, euen their horses being frayed in diuerse places, did either shake off their headstals, or breake their bridles, and being thus feared, did scape out of the hands of those who were making them readie. Neuerthelesse Amese mistrusting the stratagemes and the politique inuentionsAmese encourageth the Turks against the Epirots. of his vncle, did soone and easily comprehend this his cunning and subtiltie. And therefore he cried out vnto his companie on all sides: that they should not in any case be affraied of these false alarmes: that these deuises were for the most part the onely‘hope and refuge of such as had but weake and small forces: that they should quietly attend and sustaine their enemies, without any misdoubt of these vaine clamours, and that the iangling noise of their trumpets, and other such brasen instruments, and the ecchoes and outcries of their fearefull voices, were but frutelesse and idle shewes purposely doubled and augmented to put them in feare and terror. With these perswasions he drew many of them out of euery companie,’ yet in a great doubt and mammering, being vnresolued, whether it were best to flie or to hold good against the enemie. For neither did the one seeme to be honest in the presence of their Captaine, and things being yet in good estate: neither were they of sufficient strength to resist against their enemies, their courages being dismayed and abated in so sudden an astonishment: insomuch, that it would haue required a long time to haue confirmed them in a good resolution, and to haue put them in full heart and courage againe.
All this notwithstanding the Bassa being no lesse resolute then Amese, caused hisThe battell of Pharsalia betweene Isaac Bassa and Scanderbeg. Ensignes to march on and entred the combat with notable resolution. As he was aduauncing himselfe to the aide and succours of Amese, in hope if he met with Scanderbeg to oppresse him: Moses and the residue of the Christians following close at their backes, were now come vpon the open plaine, and helde him short from proceeding any further. Neuerthelesse the Dibrian caused his men to make a stand and to holde bridle, staying till Tanusee and Piec Manuell (who had the charge and commaund of a squadron of archers and harguebussiers) were aduaunced and came forward as farre foorth as himselfe. They being now drawen and vnited all together, the battell beganne to grow rough and furious on all sides, and the horsemen from all partes did rush violently vpon their enemies. The footmen for their partes also wrought wonders; and the harguebussiers plaied vpon the troupes of the Paynims [Page 370] where they saw them thickest not bestowing any of their shot in vaine. Whereupon the Bassa being hardly pressed and annoied with the mortall shot of those bullettes, was constrained to giue backewardes: and being repulsed and driuen to retire within his trenches, he sawe his squadrons disordered and out of rancke. Then our footmen casting their bowes away at their backes, and leauing their harguebusses, beganne verie nimbly and lightly to come to handie blowes and to vse their swords, still following and pressing hard vpon the Turkes in wounding and killing of those which were next vnto them, and whom they found scattered and out of order. Great was the slaughter and butcherie throughout all the companies, and much blood was shed both of them that fledde, and of them also that fought. But he that had seene how Scanderbeg and his troupes did bestirre themselues on their partes, would haue wondred and admired at the sight and spectacle of so many mischieues, and mortall misfortunes that represented themselues on that side of the fielde. For it was another manner of slaughter that was made there then in any other parte of the battell, by reason that their forces and power being the greatest, might the more easily worke the greater effectes. Besides that, the Infidels on that side were surprized more suddenly, and almost all of them were found disarmed and vnprouided, lying sleeping along vpon their bellies: by meanes whereof their enemies might the more freely passe ouer their bodies being the more subiect to their furie and violence: and they might make themselues the better way by their swordes. Here also did the footemen abandon the vse of their arrowes and harguebusses, and hauing onely either swords, dartes or pikes in their hands: sometimes they did wound those which fled, behind and at their backes: and sometimes did runne their horses through the bellies, ouerthrowing those that were mounted vpon them. All the hardinesse and audacitie, or the feare and flight of the Turkes on that side did wholly depend vpon the resolution of the Christian fugitiue, who with a countenance more and more assured, made head against the Albanois: and one while by his voice, another ‘while by the dexteritie and valure of his valiant deedes and prowes, he would aduertiseAmese encourageth the Turks in the battell. & will his troups to hold good, and only for a litle while to endure with patience, til such time as the first fury & violence of the Albanois were broken, saying that afterwards he would vndoubtedly deliuer them an easie and vnbloudie victory: that the small numbers of the Christians had nothing to hope on but the furie of their first charge & onset, the which being once past & cooled, their forces also & their courage would soone faint and faile, and come to nothing.’ This did he as long as he could prolong the conflict, hoping that the other handes which were dispersed ouer the champion would rally themselues and renue the combat. But his expectation of those succours grew still more and more to be vaine and frustrate: for many of them were surprised and taken vp by the way, and the rest by the extreamitie of their feare were aduised to betake themselues to flight. In such sort, that the number was not great ofAmese his companies put to [...]light by Scanderbeg. those Turkes that presented themselues to the encounter of a iust and full battell: but the most part of them were murthered and like a many of hogges, had their throats cut by the Albanois. Moses embracing and laying hold vpon this occasion, and so goodly an opportunitie, and hauing an earnest affection and desire to repaire and recouer his former honour, would not suffer the Bassa to take any breath: but crying with a loud voice, (as he was a man very fierce and vehement) at euerie blow giuen with his sword, and at euery motion and cast of his eyes.Speech of Moses encouraging his souldiers to the battel against Isaas Bassa.
Here, here (quoth he) my companions: cheerefully let vs charge, and brauely let vs breake in vpon these dogges and barbarous Miscreants: let not this glorious shewe of their great and huge battels, let not these magnificall names of Bassaes astonish [Page 371] nor amaze you. These are no other then the infamous reliques of the ouerthrowe‘of Belgrade in Hungarie: they are all ouervehelmed and buried in feare, in sleepe and in drunkennesse. Presse vppon these their bootlesse and vnprofitable gardes, follow on and pursue them brauely and couragiously, satisfie your hands with their bloud, that you may satiate your hearts afterwardes with the rich spoiles and booty of your enemies.’
If these speeches and perswasions had the power to chafe and incense the courages of the Christians, much more were they encouraged by the consideration of that precious recompence which they saw prouided for them by meanes of the victorie, and which they had in a manner alreadie gotten. Notwithstanding there were some squadrons of Turkes, who being more mindfull of the honuor and dutie of good souldiers, then of the safetie of their liues: being assembled together in grosse, and a good band also of others on foote, could not in any case be broken by their enemies. The fight standing vpon these termes, Scanderbeg had sent certen horsemen after his nephew to pursue and follow him, streightly charging and enioyning them in any case not to kill him: who hauing taken him aliue, and the victorie being made sure on that side of the field, he hastened with a thousand footemen or thereaboutes, and some fewe horsemen to that place where the Bassa stoode vppon his defence. For,Amese taken prisoner. the residue of his troupes after they had gotten the victorie, would not be drawen from following the chase as long as the flight continued. But on the other side also, the resistaunce of the Turkes was cleane broken and ceased by the promptnesse and valour of certaine Harguebussiers whom Moses had led thither. And the Generall of the Infidels with all the rest had quite forsaken and abandoned their campe. All those which were found on foote (excepting such as by good happe hadVictorie of Scanderbeg. against Isaac Bassa and the Turkes in the battell of Pharsalia. found either their owne or some other mens horses and so did escape) were either slaine or made prisoners, Scanderbeg (as long as he sawe anie possibilitie or likelyhood that the enemie might againe ioyne or reenforce thēselues) did follow and pursue hard after the Bassa: but he saued himselfe by the fauour and swiftnesse of his horse who caried him cleere away out of the sight of them that had him in chase. Those which accompanied him in his flight, had not so good fortune as himselfe, but aMesseit a Saniacke taken prisoner. good number of them were taken prisoners: and amongest others a Saniacke called Messeit. Neither the Dibrian nor any other of the Christians had neuer any mind nor care of profit and commoditie as long as the chase endured, and whilest they had the meanes and power to kill and to followe in execution of the enemie. On all sides there were bound and fettered great troupes of those who yeelded themselues, and had throwen downe their armes.
This battell, (or howsoeuer you liste to tearme it) continued vntill such time as the night comming vppon them, did finde them to be both Conquerours, and to haue the victorie. Neither the excessiue wearinesse of the souldiours, nor the darknesse of the night approaching and comming on, could not withhold their handes from labouring to reape the accustomed prize and reward of their victorie. The carkasses of the dead yet hotte and trembling were despoyled, and manie were euen then also put to the sworde. There were gotten from the enemie twentie faire and goodly ensignes or standardes. Of prisoners there were about fiue thousand: the horses and other moueables of all fortes were giuen to the souldiers as the recompence of their long labours and trauelles, and they were so many that they couldNumber of Turkes slaine in the battell of Pharsalia. hardly be valued. Touching the number of those which were slaine, the reportes are diuerse: they which do reckon with the most, do account 30000. and they which do reckon with the least, do yeelde to 20000. Of the Christians there were wanting abone [Page 372] a sixtie or little lesse, as is generally agreed [...]o all partes.
It is not to be denied, but that this so notable a victorie▪ and which cost [...] litle bloudshed, did far exceed and subfaste all humane sense and reason: yet ought not the strangenes of the thing to be offensiue to the eares of the readers: for if we will looke into the infinite examples of antiquitie which are equally to be marked as being of the like qualitie, be they either Romains, Greeks, or strangers: this ou [...] accident cannot want either saith or credit. There were found manie tents and pauilions in their enemies camp readie dressed [...] appointed, which for that night were not at all remoued, but were generally assigned to the vse of the victors, to the end they might safegard their bodies which were fore wearied and we [...] with bloud and swet, from the vnholsome ayre of the night and making within them good and great swet, they serued them as fit and conuenient places to feast and triumph in for the publicke ioy of that victory till the next morning. O the pleasant sport of vnconstant fortune▪ ô the ridiculous estate of humane affaires▪ Scanderbeg is now Lord and Maister of the lodgings of the Bassa the Generall of the Infidels: and the rest of the Epirots likewise doe enioy and possesse the tentes and commodities which were not prepared nor prouided for them. In many places they found cloath, and napkins readie layed, and the victualles set vpon the tables; wherewith they were merrie and made good cheere at their owne pleasures. Thus was the common and vsuall prouerbe verified. That there is a great distance betweene the cuppe and the lippe. Many horses were found there also readie saddled and brideled, as though they had stayed and attended for their maisters to mount vppon their backes, but they sawe them lying dead at their feete. But this notable spectacle of this new accident and euent, and an euident testimonie of the mutabilitie and inconstancie of fortune, was Amese the King his nephewe. Of late he being a King of three or foure dayes continuance,Amese brought prisoner to Scanderbeg with singular arrogancie and insolencie, did ouerrunne all the fieldes of Emathia, and was attended vppe and downe the Turkish campe with the handes and voices of the common souldiours: but nowe behold how with his handes bound behind him, with out any wordes speaking, and his countenance cast downe, he is ledde towardes his vncle, to be made a spectacle, to the eyes of the common souldiours: who being victorious against him, were assembled to contemplate and looke vpon him, inuiting them all to commiserate his mishap: and some of them to lament and bewaile his hard for me.
The next morning, Scanderbeg fearing least so many dead carkasses heaped vp together, especially in that hot season, might with stench infect the aire, he did vse towards them the last worke of charitie which could be shewed toward enemies, burying the maisters and horse [...] (altogether in many pitte [...] digged vp of purpose. There was a great number found dead vpon the shoares and banckes of the next riuer, and of the waters of Albulae, according as their feare and flight had caried them. The fieldes of Emathia (which had bene of old times of antiquitie much renowmed for many great and notable battels) were made much more famous by this iorney and by this great slaughter of the Turkes. The greatest part of the day was emploied in burying and enterring of the dead bodies: so that by this meanes, the resort of so many birdes and foules to that place (as is before mentioned) fell out to very litle or no purpose at all. These things thus accomplished, the Albanians tooke their way towardes Croie: for hauing gotten such good store of pillage and sped so well, they tooke no great care of forraging: besides that, the territorie of the enemie was a good way off; and many of them also (as you may gesse) were not escaped scotfree and vnwounded from this long fight and conflict.
[Page 373]At their disloding from thence, there were two souldiers of one squadron or companyA quarrell between two priuate souldiers, for sharing of their booty. who fell to some words, and were an occasion that the departure of the King of Albany was somewhat hindred. These two at the beginning of the battell, had agreed to ioyne together in the Fortune of that daies iourney, and whatsoeuer booty was gotten by either of them, should be deuided and shared equally betweene them. After which, hauing plied themselues well in there busines, and hauing made a good hand, when they came to make partition, they fell to some difference and altercation vpon the matter: and (as is vsuall in such cases) from thence to iniurious and reproachfull speeches of the one against the other: so that in the end comming to try the matter by the sword, they were ready to cut each the others throat, for the deciding of their controuersie, & to know who should be the maister of that which was the cause of their debate. Scanderbeg being aduertised hereof, caused both of them to be called before him: and demaunding of them if they had dined, they told him, yea: then smiling (as‘Speech of Scanderbeg to two souldiers quarrelling together. he was a man giuen to be mery, and one that delighted in iesting) Bacchus (quoth he) hath made you enemies: and I will that Bacchus and not Mars, nor any other of the Gods shall make you friends. And after he had secretly reprehended & rebuked them, he sent them away, commaunding them to goe and drinke together: and hee willed Vranocontes to make an end of the contention betweene them,’ and to see that ech had his right and share of the booty equally and alike.
As the Albanois were now marching towards Croy, there met with them a multitude of the countrey inhabitants, and others who had hidden themselues in the next forrests till the end of the fight, besides the citizens of Croy also: all which with a wonderfullTriumph of Scanderbeg for the ouerthrow of Amese and the Turkes in the battell of Pharsalia. ioy, with high cries and sounds of instrumentes went with them on to Croy, so as a man could hardly haue seene a more goodly triumph: nor a more pompous shew: so gloriously and triumphantly did they march into the towne. For Scanderbeg (to make the sight the more beautifull and notable) caused all his army to follow after the multitude, well and orderly arraunged in battell array, and so to passe on euen into the suburbs. There was not any one of them (were he neuer so base and meane) but had at the least one horse gotten from the enemy, and loaden with infinite spoiles, which they caused to march before thē. Moreouer the prisoners being bound and tied together by two & two, in a long traine went before the King, and did greatly augment the pompe and shew of the triumph: and many of them, for the better acknowledgement and confession of the victory vnto their enemies, were made to cary the ensignes and standards which had bene gotten from them. Likewise the pauilions, tents, and canapies of the Turkish Generall being of purple colour, and making a goodly shew and ostentation, were caried by some of the souldiours of the Albanians, who bare them aloft, openly displaied, and spred abroad of purpose, as if they had bene ready dressed and prepared for the Generall: which gaue no small grace and ornament to the rest. Amese had most earnestly and humbly entreated his vncle not to leade him to Croy in this infamous and miserable estate of a slaue and captiue: and therefore he was suffered to goe at liberty, and in another manner of order then as a prisoner, marching side by side with the Saniacke that was captiue also. To conclude, at their entry into the city gate, the companies were dismissed and licensed to depart: the souldiours were sent away ioyfull and glad to their owne homes, after that the prey and booty, both prisoners and all the rest, had bene equally deuided and parted betweene them, as largely as they could expect or demand. The ensignes and other things which serued for publique shew & ornament, and fell as due to Scanderbeg, were caried with great demonstration of ioy into the city. The Saniacke & Amese were put vnder safe custody, till such time as they should be otherwise disposed of.
[Page 374]I meane not to speake any thing of the great feastings and solemnities which were vsed by the Albanians, for the celebrating of this victory, and which for many daies together they neuer intermitted. For it is now time that I conuert both my minde and my matter to strange and forraine nations: and to consider what ioy they conceiued vppon the report of this victorie. The fame and renowme thereof being dispersed into all the regions neare adioyning, and euen into the heart and middest of Italie and other countries of the Christians, it seemed litle inferiour vnto that which had bene formerly reported of the victory gotten against Amurath before Croy, and it was held to be comparable to any other exploit were it neuer so happy and fortunate: the admiration thereof did euen rauish euery man, and they could not cease to wonder at the rarenesse of the matter, when they heard the discourse of the singular sufficiency, and of the notable dexterity of spirite of this prime and peerelesse Chiefetaine: and euen to this day is the memory of this notable victory preserued in those parts: for whereas the inhabitants of that Prouince haue a vse and custome (according to the laudable manner and vsage of the old and auncient ages in times past) to sing songs and sonnets in their solemne banquets and publique feasts, containing a rehearsall of the most famous and noble deeds of their auncesters, and of the worthy personages of that countrey; this victory especially (as one of the most notable, and more excellent then all others) hath bene inserted amongst the rest, and it is more often and commonly vsed in their songs & ballads then any other whatsoeuer. Infinit were the presents that were sent vnto Scanderbeg, infinite were the feasts and banke [...]s which were euery where frequented: and infinite were the congratulations which were vsed from all parts, according as that nation hath euer in such cases vsed and accustomed. This present victory seemed to haue annihilated and entinguished the memorie of all those losses and discomfitures which the Turks had sustained, vnder Haly Bassa and Mustapba: yea all the honours and commendations purchased by their old and later actes, were now no more talked of in regard of this last exploit. The calamity of Belgrade seemed now fully & sufficiently reuenged: and this reuenge had sufficiently refreshed and discharged euery man his minde, from all sorrow, griefe, and sadnes. The only pleasure and whole delight of all men both strangers & others, was to walke and wander vp and downe those victorious fields, and often to visit & suruey the grounds which did seeme yet to cary a froath with the bloud of the Mahometanes: their onely solace and recreation was to enquire of euery particularity, where such an ambuscado was laid in couert, and on which side the enemy was surprized & assailed? euen Mahomet himselfe was no lesse amased & maruelled at the strangenes of this victory: for by a shamefull confession of his owne feare, within a while after, he did allow the honour of this iourney, vnto his enemy: for when he saw his forces so broken & dispersed, and had learned by the Bassa the order of the battel, and the occasion of his ouerthrow, (although perhaps there were many points wherein both the Generall & all the host did deserue worthily to be blamed) yet without any maner of reproofe giuen them, or in any sort inueighing against them: he swallowed vp in silence (contrary to his wonted maner) the grief & bitternes of his sorrow and discontentment. It behooued him now to thinke vpon the redeeming of the prisoners, especially of the Saniake, whose imprisonment vexed and grieued him extreamely, and made him greatly ashamed, in regard of his degree and the greatnesse of his merites. Hee concluded therefore to take orderMahomet maketh meanes for the ransoming of Messeit his Saniacke and other prisoners. for his deliuerance, and some other of the chiefest and most especiall persons: as for the rest he made no reckoning of them. Wherefore the money was made ready & prouided, partly by the friendes and kinsemen of the prisoners, and partly out of the coffers of the Sultan, as the custome and manner is. The onelie thing they stayed on was. [Page 375] That Scanderbeg should set downe the summe of their raunsome, and that some messenger should be sent from Epire, which might bring a safe conduct for them who were to deale in this matter. Scanderbeg at the request of the Saniacke (who nominated two of his most faithfull and trusty seruants to that office) dismissed them to go vnto the Sultan, and to procure some order for their deliuery: the summe demaunded was fifteene thousand Crownes for the Saniacke his owne person, and about forty thousand for the others, which was soone agreed vnto and graunted accordingly.
Before that this Ambassade was to passe into Epire, Ottoman being destitute of allConsultation of Mahomet with his Bassaes touching the war of Epire. good counsell, and being rather broken then chastised with so many & so great losses, did in vaine torment his mind perplexed with so many cares, and the sundry opinions of his Bassaes did diuersly distract him, not knowing what course to take. Some aduised him wholly and altogether to abstaine from the warre of Albany, till such time as the tyrant being free and discharged from all other troubles and disturbances, might himselfe go in person with his best forces, and the whole strength of his Empire, for the finall subuersion of the Albanois. For by reason of his late misfortune in Hungarie, and the tumults newly raised in Misia, he had but bad meanes then to vndertake or effect any such matter. Others not misliking nor reprouing the former opinion, did perswade him to send a strong garrison to the confines of Macedony, which might be enioyned not to enterprise any thing vpon the enemy, neither of their owne voluntary motion, nor yet by any prouocation of their aduersaries, but onely to haue a care to the safety & security of the frontiers. Many also (vpon the former reasons of the wars wherewith the Sultan was encombred) thought it not amisse (and they had reason) if that a truce for certaine yeares were demanded of Scanderbeg: during the which, the Ottoman Empire might breath it selfe from so many mischiefes, and till such time as they might finde some better oportunity, to bring this fierce and vnruly enemy vnder the yoke of subiection: for the second opinion seemed not to be allowable, because in the middest of so many ambushments, and against such stirring spirits as the Albanians were, there was no safety for any weake and small garrison: and to send thither anie strong and puissant forces amiddest so many newe accidents, and in such commotions and troubles of the warres, could not be done conueniently without a thousand discommodities. This councell being the most profitable, albeit smally honourable, and in some sort too too base and seruile, was best allowed by the greater part of the assembly. Mahomet for his part though this counsell did not a litle displease him, who had alwaies abhorred to make shew of such base and vile humor, yet because he could not well compasse all matters, nor settle his affaires, hauing so many enemies conspired against him, and his estate being in a manner rent a sunder and distracted, with so many great occasions, his proud and haughty courage did not thinke any thing what soeuer to be either shameful or infamous, or to his dishonor. Hereupon he caused oneMahomet seeketh to haue truce with Scanderbeg. of those to be called before him, who was to cary the ransome of their companions, and to him he opened the whole secrets of his conceipts: enioyning him expresly to deale with the Saniacke in his name, and to will him to take vpon him the charge and managing of this matter, and to confer with Scanderbeg vpon the same. He sent also particular letters vnto the Saniack (which afterwards came into the hands of the Christians) wherin he wrote vnto him: that in seeking the amity of the Albanois, and in the treating of the peace betweene them, he should haue a speciall care and good regard to the reputation and dignity of his Maiesty: for feare, least if he should shew himselfe too affectionat or too humble in the purchasing of the same, the enemy might grow too proud and insolent, and fall to disdaine both the demander & his demands equally and alike. The messenger went on his iorney more glad and chearfull for this his commission; [Page 376] then for the redemption of his owne person, and of his companions: for he was fully perswaded, that now for a time this thorne would be drawen out of their feet, & that the Turks being in rest and quietnes on those parts, should a litle breath & refresh thēselues, from so many trauels which they had endured. But his expectation was frustrat, & Mahomet found himselfe much deceiued of his hope: as at other times both he & his father Amurath had bin the like. For when as Messeit (in counting of the money brought for their ransome, did interpose and propound many speeches vnto Scanderbeg according to the intent and instructions of his Lord & master: the Albanois tooke the money very willingly, but as touching those motions & ouertures propoūded for the peace betweene them, he shewed himselfe so vnwilling, that cutting off his talke, he would not suffer him to proceed with his speeches, but gaue him this aunswer.
‘I haue not (said he) so often heretofore euen in the worst & hardest times of my aduersity,Answer of Scanderbeg to Messeit refusing to haue truce with Mahomet. refused the conditions of the peace which you then demaunded, to the intent I would now agree vnto thē in my prosperity: neither hath this my good fortune (such as it is) so depriued me of the knowledge of mans estate and fraile condition, or of the instability of humaine nature, that I do dare to promise vnto my self, the continuall & permanent possession of the same: or that I do assure my selfe, that I will alwaies so insolently disdaine your amity. It may well be, that Fortune may put on her false maske and visage, & may make vs in time petitioners vnto you for a peace perhaps far more shamefull & ignominious. Notwithstanding whatsoeuer it be that the secret originall and occasion of matters, and the vnknowen order of the destinies, may bring vppon a man: yet are not we determined at this time in any point to alter our mindes, or to detract any thing from our former resolution. We do repute al kind of amity with you most shamefull and ignominious, as long as we see so many outrages & iniuries offred on all sides vnto the Christians: as long as we see so many wounds, and so much bloud lately and newly shed, wherewith both all Greece and the fieldes of Hungary are now ouerflowen. Shall we recompence the late losse of Morea with such a peace? shall we with a most base and cowardly truce, shame and disgrace that notable victory, and the late glory of the Hungarians before Belgrade? let Mahomet as long as he will seeke for peace, as for vs we will purchase our quietnes by the sword: and hauing once gotten and attained it, we will by the sword likewise seeke to maintaine it: and the rather for that it is not only your excessiue iniuries, or your notorious disloialty, but a certaine naturall disposition that hath made vs your enemies, & the hatred (wherwith the one of vs is armed and hardened against the other) is perpetual and immortall. For my part I am your enemy, euen by birth & by natiuity, and the enmity which I beare you is hereditary: my desire is not so much to get me honor & reputatiō vpon you, as to seeke the iust deserued reuenge of the bloud of my friends which you haue shed, and of the bondage both of my selfe and my people the Albanians: and I am fully resolued, neuer to make an end of these my trauels, till such time as I haue either restored my citizens to their auncient estate, or rendred this my life vnto you, to whō it is so hatefull.’
All this could not make the Saniacke to desist from his pursuite: but putting him in mind, of the variable succes of wars, & withall repeating vnto him many accidents of diuers ages and times past, as fit examples to that purpose and effect, he told him, that if he did take so great a pleasure, & were so desirous of war: he might after the truce was once expired, returne to armes, and that he could neuer want occasion to reuiue the wars: that he demanded only truce for ten yeares, during the which time the forces & courages of the Albanians might be greatly repaired, and might be the better able to attaine to a more notable reuenge, and to purchase themselues new honor & reputation. Scanderbeg by litle and litle suffred himselfe to be perswaded, & he began somwhat [Page 377] to relent from his first obstinacy, seeming to hearken more willingy to the demands of the Saniacke Neuertheles he would not in any case yeeld to any abstinency of arms, not so much as for a moneth only: except that both Sfetigrade and Belgrade might beMeisset Saniacke and other Turkes prisoners ransomed. yeelded vnto him for a recompence. Thus without any thing concluded, did Messeit and his companions returne to their owne country: howbeit he had truce granted till such time onely as he had acquainted the Turkish Monarch with the conditions propounded by Scanderbeg in case the peace proceeded. There were many other Turkes permitted to depart in the company of the Saniacke (besides those 40. which were ransomed:) vnto whom the king of Epire did freely, and of the magnanimity of his owne mind, grant their liberty, suffring them without ransome to returne into their country: the rest also which remained, were deliuered out of prison: some of them becommingScanderbeg sendeth presents & ambassades to most christian princes perswading them to concord and to take armes against the Turkes. Christians and being baptized, did plant themselues to dwel in Epire: the residue were dipersed abroad for presents in a maner to all the kings of christendome: to the kings of France and Spaine, besides those slaues was sent a great quantity of horses and other spoiles of all sorts: and to other Princes were sent other the like presents. The citie of Rome as it had bin filled with the renowme of this victory, so was it replenished with many of the trophees & ornamēts of the same. Thus did Scanderbeg determine to the vttermost of his power to bind vnto him by his curtesie almost the whole world. Together with these giftes and presents did he send solemne ambassades, who had giuen them in charge to exhort all Princes Christian to concord and amity, and earnestly to pray them, that they would now at the length awake out of their long & dead sleepe, and that they would chase away that mist of darknes wherewith they had bin so blinded: and consider more aduisedly, the imminent ruine which was threatned to the Christian liberty and religion: that they would at the last seeke to redeeme it from the miserable and wretched yoke and seruitude of the Infidels & Mahometans, otherwise they should be well assured, that the plague which by litle and litle did grow within their bowels, would in the end pierce into their hearts. Scanderbeg sent also (which I may not omit) diuers presents vnto his great friend Alphonsus, which were so magnificent, that they caried the shew of a very beautifull and goodly triumph. Amese his nephew was sent also together with these presentes vnto Naples, where he was kept in a most straight and close prison, for the Sultan tooke no care for his deliuerance: and if he had made any such motion, I doe assure my selfe, that all the golde of the world would not haue redeemed him, for he was condemned to perpetuall imprisonment.
The mind & last resolution of the king of Epire, touching the treaty of the peace between them being related vnto Mahomet: he esteemed so slightly of the matter, that he would not vouchsafe him any aunswere: such was the haughtines and fiercenes of his minde, notwithstanding, that he were hard pressed on all sides with infinite affaires of great importance, both from the partes of Hungary, and by daily diets and assemblies which he knew very well were continually gathered against him throghout all christendome, by the procurement and earnest meanes of the Popes holines. He prouided therefore a most strong and puissant garrison to be sent into Epire, for the surety of hisHamur and Synam sent with two sundry garrisons to defend the Turkish frontiers against the Albanois. countrey, according to that which (as we lately told you) had bin before decreed in his priuat and secret councell. Hamur and Synam had the charge of this commission, both of them being expert and polliticke warriours, and ech of them had 10000. horse, and 4000. foote: which number was iudged to be sufficient both to weary out the forces of Epire, and to haue terrified euen a most stout and puissant enemy: notwithstanding ech of them was expresly forbidden to attempt any thing against him, whatsoeuer occasion and oportunity were offered them, only he recommended vnto them, & gaue them in charge to looke to the defence of those limits which were assigned vnto thē.
The whole sommer being spent in this maner, both on the one side & the other, it [Page 378] was now about the middest of Autumne: at which time these troups being dislodged from Constantinople, the report thereof preuented their cōming, & was brought to the eares of Scanderbeg, who was ignorant of all this practise, for that he relied vppon the word of the Saniack, & he did expect some answer from the Sultan, whether he would either accept or reiect the summe of his demaunds: for this cause departing from Croie with all speed possible, he went presently into Dibria, where hauing leauied new forces, & renued his old companies, he attended the aduersary with great deuotion, who staid not long but that they came within 10. miles of the Albanois, where they encamped: but did not in any sort enter vpon their confines. Scanderbeg stirred not at all, but hearing that the Infidels approched, he presently ordered his troups ready to the fight, & so kept himself quiet within his camp. For the common bruit which ran vpon the comming of these forces, did giue them out to be so great & puissant, that it made himHamur and Synam with their forces encamped neare Alchria in Macedony. to imagine, that the enemy would come & seeke him out in that same place, & would not sticke to assault him in his campe. And afterwards hauing notice by his espials and skouts, placed vpon the mountains, that they were encamped vnder Alchria, & that al their cariage were disposed in that place: he supposed that the morning next folowing after they had refreshed their bands, they would make towardes him, and offer to giue him battel: wherefore in the darke of the night, and in great silence & secresie, he filled certaine woddy places, & vallies neare adioyning with armed men, thinking to haue enclosed them in the middest of his forces, and so to haue surprized them, if they had come forward according as he expected. Two daies and 2. nights did he expect them in this maner: but he could neither haue a sight of the enemy, nor yet heare any newes or tidings of them. Wherefore Scanderbeg being impatient of all delaies, determined the day following to go and visit them, and to prouoke them forth to fight: but word was broght him, that the hoast of the Infidels being deuided into two parts, Hamur did abide stil at Alchria, & that Sinam with the residue of the army, did take the champion plaine fields of Pologue towards Mocrea, where was the commō entry into the lowerSynam marcheth with half the Turkish forces towardes Mocrea & the lower Dibria. Dibria & Modrissa. For Alchria where Hamur did make his abode, was adioyning to the vpper Dibria & to Sfetigrade. Thus with notable aduise, they lay close vpon both the Prouinces of Dibria: to the intent they might hold the Albanians in continual alarums, both on the one side & the other. Betweene these two garrisons or armies, there was 30. miles at the least: for so much is it from Modrissa to Sfetigrade. Wherefore the king of Epire hauing drawn together his ambushments that lay here and there dispersed, and hauing ioyned all his forces in one campe, determined to leauy a new supply for the strengthning of his bandes, to the intent he might the more conueniently part them into seuerall quarters, & so prouide for the preuenting of all perils on either side. All things being sufficiently prepared, and his troups being quickly augmented with 1500. footmen, newly leauied (for it was not possible so sodainely and readily to leauie horsmen) he deuided them as speedily, though not into like and equall numbers: Tanuse, and one of the Streezes Scanderbeg his nephewes, and Peic Manuell, with the third part of those forces were appointed to haue the custody of the lower Dibria: & in case they found Synam any thing earnestly enclined to the spoile of the countrey, that they should make head against him, & represse his attempts: for on that side was the danger much lesser, & the entrance into the confines of the Albanians was the more difficult, by reason that the places were not so accessible, but (being naturally strong and defenced) were entermingled with the vallies of Mocrea, and with many rough and ragged mountaines, ech seuered & deuided within themselues, yet so entangled & combined, that although they were reckonned and comprehended within the lower Dibria, did they distinguish neuertheles the realm of Albany from the territories of the miscreants. Notwithanding, both Tanuse & his company were straightly charged, that they [Page 379] should not in any case scatter them selues, nor be drawen out of those limittes whichTanusee with others appointed for the defence of the lower Dibria against Sinam were prescribed them, nor that they should not in any sort aduenture vppon the enemy, but onely in the defence of their owne safety. The rest of the army did Scanderbeg retaine to himselfe in the vpper Dibria, hauing also Moses in his company. Wherfore hauing thus reserued the better part of his forces, and especially his horsemen, & considering that the passages there were more free & open for the enemie to enter on that side into Albanie, he determined (if he could) to draw forth the Infidell to hazard the fortune of the field, and to aduenture the chance of a set battell. And he made no longScanderbeg marcheth against Hamur purposing to draw him to the fight. delay, nor dwelt not vpon those dumpish conceipts of his imaginations: but (because winter approched, which is an enemy to warlike exploits) before the daylight of the next morning did appeare, he departed from his campe, hauing with him 1000. horse, and tooke his way directly toward Alchria. Before his departure he very warily conueyed a good number of souldiers into certaine thicke woods and other daungerous places, for feare of being enclosed betweene Sfetigrade and the campe of the enemie. Hauing marched on for a while in the darke of the night, & placed his men here and there in ambushments neare the towne, he went backe againe to his campe: and not resting him selfe any thing at all (for that now it was about the dawning of the day) he commanded his companies to march, & to carie with them victuals onely for one dayes prouision. As for the cariages and their tents, they were not at all remoued, but he left a strong troupe of good soldiers for their safegard & defence. The whole morning was in a maner spent in these preparations and in marching: so that he came at length within a mile of his ambuscado. By that was it time to take their repasts, and it behoued him to deuise vpon some new meane how to begin the fight, and to drawe forth the enemy. This was an easie matter for men that had bene long practised in that facultie, and yet neuerthelesse it required great wisdome and good aduise. Moses desired to haue the honor of that employment, and it was not denied him: and in verie truth amongst all the Albanians hardly could a man haue chosen any other more fit or expert to entise forth the enemy, & to surprise him. Scanderbeg gaue vnto him 600 horse, doubting least if he should go more meanly accompanied, the policy might be the more easily discouered. But altogether in vaine was this his enterprise: for Moses hauing spent the greater part of the day in fruitlesse skirmishes, returned againe to Scanderbeg, whom he found at his wittes end, and not knowing what course to take against the enemy: for to set vpon the Painim within his trenches with his whole forces, both the discommodity of the place, & the towne being aboue him, which commanded ouer the place, vnder the succor whereof, Hamur had entrenched himself, did certainly assure him that he could not do it without euidēt danger. Nothwithstanding hauing lead his forces to a hil neare adioyning, he staid there vntill night, and then he made a signe to his ambushments, that they should retire to the body of his army: the morning following he displaied his ensignes in the field, & by light inuasions, he wasted all the countrey on that side: thinking by the indignity of that miserable sight, to haue moued the enemy to make forth of his trenches, but the Pagan continuing in his wonted patience, & disdaining the defence of a thing of so smal value, & which might be so perillous vnto him, kept himself still within his campe: notwithstanding I haue heard, that immediatly after the hauocke made by the Albanians, & euen as they wereMessenger sent from Hamur to Scanderbeg. ready to trusse vp their baggage, there came an Herald from Hamur to Scanderbeg, to acquaint him with the intent and meaning of the Ottoman: and besides to pray and intreat him, that he would not weary both him selfe and his enemies with this ‘vnprofitable kind of reuenge, by which he did destroy rather that which was his owne, then what was belonging vnto others: and considering that no man made any meanes, nor hadde any intent to hinder him, but that they did leaue all vnto him to vse it at [Page 380] his owne will & pleasure: whereupon the king of Albany is said to haue returned himAnswer of Scanderbeg to the message of Hamur. this answer: that well might they for a time delay and put off their misfortune, but they should not be able altogether to auoyd it: for that he was resolutely determined to spare for no dangers nor mishaps,’ but he would in the end bring and enforce them to the combat. In this maner did they depart a sunder, for the coldnesse of the winter now beginning to approch, it was thought requisite that these determinations should be deferred to another season. Wherefore Moses being appointed with his ordinary bands to haue the custodie and defence of the prouince, and the most part of the army being licenced to depart, Scanderbeg in the meane time with a small company went to visit the lower Dibria, which was then vnder the commaund of Tanusee. There likewise did he not forget to put in practise the like sleights and pollicies, in hope to haue entrapped Synam: but all his cunning and deuises vanished away to nothing: wherefore leauing there one of the Streezes with a very small company, Scanderbeg him selfe tooke his iourney towards Croy.
During this winter was Moses very troublesome vnto the Mahometists, & he continually disquieted them with his daily alarums: notwithstāding it was more in shew then in substance, and therfore Scanderbeg willed both him & those of the garrison of Modrissa to desist from pursuing any such further attēpts, for that they lost both their time & their labor. Moreouer it is reported, that those of Mahomet his garrison, as they had before in times past, so did they now againe vehemently pray the Christians, that they would not with such obstinacy seeke to purchase vnto thēselues an enemy, who would not be drawn to haue any hostility with them: insomuch that neither condescending nor according any thing to their desire, nor yet much contradicting their requests, matters were protracted and drawen on till the comming of the new yeare. The spring being now come, Scanderbeg reassembled his forces, and lead them against1457. the Barbarians, hoping by his daily skirmishes, to draw them forth to fight. One daie amongst the rest he had a desire, being entred with great brauery vpon the country of Alchria, to force and giue an onset vpon the campe of the enemy, but he was soone repulsed without any great labour, both by the liuely resistance of the Infidels, as also by the situation & aduantage of the place, which of it selfe was very strong, and hardly to be approched. The Epirot, how beit for that time he was disappointed of his hope, yet being no whit discoraged, determined to augment his troupes, that so he might be the better able to effect his desire, but he made no great hast to put it in execution, both because the glory and profit would be very small that would grow by that attēpt, as also for that it could not be compassed without great perill and manifest danger: neuerthelesse he maintained the enterprise, onely to the intent that the souldier being kept still exercised in armes (as it were in their particular trade and profession) should not waxe [...]lothfull, and be spoiled with idlenesse.
Thus whilest that the warres went coldly on, both on the one side and the other,Hamur conferreth with Scanderbeg, & perswadeth him to peace. Hamur supposing that it would not only be for the great profit & publike good of the prouince, but that it would purchase himselfe in particular great honor & reputation with the Sultan, if he could by his dexteritie disswade Scanderbeg from the pursuite of armes: he procured from him, by meanes of one of his people, licence to come and speake with him. Hereupon purposely he went to Dibria, carying with him very rich presents, where Scanderbeg at that time did soiourne with his campe. After mutuall greeting and salutations past betweene them, he tooke occasion to begin his speeches vpon the great benefits and commodities which ensue of peace, & vpon that concerning which he had before time treated with him▪ & so by a long circuit of words he endeuored to alter his mind, and to perswade him to yeeld to his request. Afterwards giuing him to vnderstand the particular desire which he had to be in his good grace [Page 381] and fauour: he came to the end and conclusion of his speech, wherein he oftentimes repeated and sounded it in his eares: how goodly and pleasant a thing it would be to see those two great and puissant Princes conioyned and vnited in amity and concord. Scanderbeg would not with discurtesie reiect the gifts of the Barbarian, but accepting them very graciously, did returne him other in counter change of no lesse value. And as touching that which he propounded vnto him concerning the league of peace with his Maister, he made him this answer, as it were in choler and discontentment.
So suspected (quoth he) is the faith, & so captious and deceiptfull is the demeanourAnswer of Scanderbeg to the speeches of Hamur perswading him to peace. ‘of Mahomet towardes vs, that we can hardly digest and endure any speeches of his friendship & amitie. It is not long since that we had an Ambassade frō him, by which we vnderstood the summe of his demaunds: and we returned him againe with such conditions as we thought meet and conuenient for the honor and profit of the estate of Albany: whereupon we expected his answer (for as touching other matters he was at libertie to follow his owne will and pleasure:) but whilest that we rested in this expectation, and that the treatie remained in suspence on either partie, and though we in the meane time had layed aside our armes: yet did he so despise and contemne vs, that he thought vs vnworthy of any answer, which he ought not to haue done to his mortal enemy. Wherfore touching this motion of peace which thou hast propounded, we are not minded to heare any further speeches: but as concerning thy selfe in particular, if there be any thing wherein we make any offers of curtesie to our enemy in the midst of our common rancor and hostility, there shall be no default nor goodwill wanting, so farre forth as thy deserts shall require it. As touching the surceasing from armes, and giuing ouer the ordinary rodes and excursions of our souldiers, I can promise thee nothing, neither will I tye my self to any thing: for I cannot be drawne to like of any appointment: but seeing that I my selfe haue bene so disdained, as greatly do I disdaine to grant it. And albeit our vehement and ardent desire of reuenge, in regard of thy owne honest and good cariage, may be somewhat abated and mitigated, yet assure thy selfe, that our publike hatred and enmitie shalbe in no part diminished. And if peraduēture either the varietie of times or of fortune, do make vs that we shew not our selues so fauorable in this case: yet (it may be) that this our priuat friendship shall not be altogether vnprofitable, but that it may fall both to thy benefit & honor.’
Hamur, after he had kissed the hand of him that was both his friend and his enemy, retired himself to his company, being neither altogether contented nor yet discontented with this answer. Si [...]m in like maner within a while after presented himself with the like flatteries before Scāderbeg, at such time as he vnderstood of his being in those quarters: and he found him not more obstinate, then did his companion: for both the common people, and the most part of the Albanian souldiers enclining to the peace which had bene so long demanded, did shew that they wold not make it very strange nor difficult to accord and agree vnto it. Wherfore their minds growing by degrees to like of ease and quietnesse, the garrisons were in some sort lessened and diminished: in such sort, that that Sommer was spent and passed ouer without any troubles or tumults, or rather in great slouth and idlenesse.
About this time happened the sorowfull and vnhappy death of Alphonsus king ofThe death of Alphōsus king of Naples. Naples, the report whereof being brought to Scanderbeg (who was then busily employed in ciuill matters concerning his estate, and in other affaires of the prouince [...]) it did so sequester and withdrawe him from all occasions both publique and priuate, and it did so wound his heart with such extreme sorowe and deepe griefe, that (hauing lost all remembrance of his late victorie, and letting passe all care and regard of his enemies) for many dayes together in great discomfort he mourned for the [Page 382] losse of his dearest and best friend. And to speake the truth, this king was not vnworthie to be lamented with the long and continuall plaints and teares of the Epirots and other his confederates, but euen the whole world might well deplore his death. And how beit the cleare testimonie of his heroycall vertues hath bene published and highlyThe praise and commendation of Alphonsus king of Naples. aduaunced by so many worthy and excellent personages, yet might it be imputed vnto me for a great fault & ouersight, if I should not by the way (as it were) in a word or two touch it. It may well be sayd: that when this Prince died, there departed the onely and best Mecaenas that then liued. For all degrees and qualities of persons, both learned and martiall, as wel scholers as souldiers were left desolate & destitute of their best patron, and had iust cause to be sad and sorowfull for his losse. With him was extinguished the iust and true reward both of letters and of armes, and the true ornament of all commendable exercises. There was not his like seene for many ages before: nor (be it spokē without the displeasure of the posterity) was there euer any one since him that was so vpright an estimator of the vertues and merits of other men. And it is no small matter to be wondred at, that being a Prince of so rare & incomparable curtesie, affabilitie, clemencie and liberalitie, yet no one Prince of his time did leaue so great riches and treasures behind him. Good cause therfore had Scanderbeg to bewaile and lament the losse of so trustie and puissant a friend: from whom (if we respect either his abilitie, or his willingnesse) he might at all times and vpon all occasions haue drawne any thing, both for his honor, and for his profit, as out of a plentifull treasurie & storehouse prepared for his owne priuate and particular vse. One thing onely there was, which did in some sort comfort him, & asswaged the bitternesse of his grief that was that he saw himself depriued ofso good a frend, by the extremity & course of his aged years, and not by any rigorous or iniurious right of nature, or by other casualty. That pietie and dutie which rested on his part to be performed in this behalf, he dispatched it presently with all prudence and celeritie, sending away with all speed his AmbassadoursAmbassidors sent by Scāderbeg to Ferdinād king of Naples vpon the decease of his father Alphonsus vnto Ferdinand his sonne: both to deplore the accident of the king his father, as also to congratulate him (as the maner is) of his new crowne and dignitie: and by the remembrance of his fathers benefits, & of the friendship and amitie which he bare to the estate of Albanie: to renew and increase this alliance and confederacy between them. This ambassade was also accompanied & furnished with most sumptuous presents, as he had alwayes vsed and accustomed: and they had expresse charge and order to bring backe Amese with them, who had neuer ceased to practise and make meanes by the authoritie and fauour of his friends, and the commiseration of his owne misfortune, that he might be reconciled and restored to the fauour and good grace of his vncle. He was as yet prisoner vnder sure and safe custodie: and albeit in this chaunge of the affaires of Naples, & in this new greatnesse of Ferdinand, there were many and great alterations: and that in this new and publike time of ioye, the prisons were set open, & most of the prisoners set at libertie, yet to the intent that Scanderbeg might not haue cause to find himselfe aggrieued, if he should haue bene freed, there was especiall care and order taken to keepe him still in ward, as a certaine & sure pledge of his vncles iust anger. This Ambassade was receiued and entertained with great honor & good cheare, such as the tumult and stirres of that new kingdome would permit: for so it was in very truth, that all things were then in trouble & disorder: and the peace of all Italie was broken and disturbed by the decease of the late king Alphonsus.
Amese being brought backe into Epire, was againe committed to prison, and carefullyAmese returned into Epire: and reconciled to his vncles fauour. kept in sure and safe custody by the order of his vncle, though not so straightly as before: and that seueritie and rancour which yet remained, began by litle and litle to be asswaged, by the daily lamentations, teares and petitions of his nephew: in such sort [Page 383] that within a while after of a fatherly loue and tender affection, he gaue him both his life & liberty, and restored him to his former estate & dignities. Then Amese bethinking himself of the gages which he had left with Mahomet, was in great feare & doubt that if he should take the benefit of his vncles liberality, it might fall out euill with his wife and children. For this cause, after he had with great reuerence and humilitie yeelded thanks vnto the king for his great bountie and singular fauour, he spake vnto him in this maner.
Sir, it hath pleased you only in respect of your own patience & clemency withoutSpeech of Amesa to Scanderbeg vpon his deliuerie out of prison. any particular merits or deserts of mine, to haue a regard of my safetie, and to grant me my life: it is reason therfore that I also haue some care to the life and welfare of others: for feare least if my ouer carefull desire to maintaine my owne safety & estate do make me to embrace your liberalitie, it may cause me to loose them by your beneficence & ‘bountie, which I haue heretofore too carelesly lost by mine owne disloyaltie. My poore and guiltlesse wife is abiding with the Sultan, my tender infants and innocent children are there likewise: as yet are they safe and aliue, and so long will Mahomet suffer them to liue, as he shall thinke me to be your prisoner. But if the cruell tyrant shall once perceiue, that by giuing me my life & libertie, you haue estranged me from him, and that I am retired to your obeissance, the rigorous and seuere creditor, will presently either teare them in peeces, or will make sale of those gages of my faith and promise, and their innocent bloud shall beare the paine of their fathers fault. It behoueth me therefore (if your Maiestie thinke it good) that with some deuice I delude the Ottoman, to the intent that I may preserue those my pledges, and till such time as I may finde some good oportunitie to free them for altogether. This night will I flie out of the towne, as though without your knowledge I had broken prison, and so will I returne vnto Mahomet. There, partly by detracting and slaundering of their actions, and partly by hearing them detracted by others in the presence of that credulous Prince (as I was wont to do when I was in fauour with him) I will bring him into a perswasion by my dissimulation and faigning: that I am as much or more deuote to his seruice now at this present then I was at anytime heretofore: to the intent that all matter of mistrust being taken out of his mind (if he haue conceiued any during the time of my imprisonment, and by reason of my long aboad with you, I may be the better able in the end to get away with all my family. It is in you much to further this my inuention, if you will make shew openly, that you are highly discontented at my flight, and doe impute the fault to them, vnto whose charge and custody you had committed me. In the meane time, you may be fully assured, and I humbly beseech and intreat you so to thinke of me, that during all that time which I shall be there expecting the houre of my escape, you shall haue me to be a faithfull espiall and intelligencer, to aduertise you of all things which the tyraunt shall consult or determine vppon. He shall not imagine any thing, he shall make no preparation that shall come to my knowledge, but you shall haue present and speedie notice of it.’
Scanderbeg did easily accord to his request: telling him that seeing he had grauntedAnswer of Scanderbeg to the speech of Amese. him his life, and all other things which might serue thereunto, either for an ornament, or to his contentment: that hee should not any way hinder him to vse it to his best profite and aduauntauge: that he would in the name of God take it and employ it to the preseruation of him selfe, and those also who might lawfully claime and challenge him to be their debtour, both for their liues and also for their liberty. Go thy waies therefore (quoth he) take thy time and do as thou seest cause, and onec at the length correct thine owne folly whilest thou hast time and leisure so to doe. [Page 384] We do giue credit to thy speeches, and do allow of thy enterprize. If thou doest giue any faith or credit to the Barbarian, or doest continue & soiorne any long time in his companie: thou shalt neither hurt nor deceiue any body but thy selfe only: for thou must thinke that thou shalt bring both thy selfe and thine into extreme danger both of bodie and of soule. At what time soeuer thou returnest, thou cannest not do any thing more to our liking and contentment, and thou shalt be alwaies kindly and hartily welcome.
All things being conueyed & accomplished according to the plot which they had layed: Amese by the meanes of his vncle, was soone shifted both out of prison and our of Croy. The next morning his flight being published and spread abroad, the negligence of his keepers was reprooued with some sharpe and hard words. At his comming to Constantinople, he did soone and easily perswade the Sultan what he listed. Notwithstanding he was not fully and wholly restored to his former estate, honours and pensions, which had bene at the first bestowed vpon him: the default whereof was not because his faith was in any sort suspected, but for that such was the iniquity and defect of his fortune. As concerning his returne againe into Epire, all his promises fell to be vaine, and sorted to no effect, were it that he tooke no care, or made no account of it, o [...] that he wanted the meanes and oportunitie to conuey himselfe away from thence. Whatsoeuer was the cause thereof, the report is that within few monethes after he died at Constantinople, leauing there behind him both his wife and his children. Many do hold that Mahomet caused him to be poisoned, being not ableAmese poisonned by the Turke at Constantinople. to suffer and endure him in his sight, whom he held to be the author of his memorable desaster and misfortune in Emathia. Thus when he least suspected and mistrusted, there did he finde the vengeance and punishment of his treason. Such was the end of ‘this personage, worthy no doubt to haue his name made immortall, if the greatnesse of his minde, which was so greedy of raigne and Empire, had bene by nature seasoned and tempered with some more moderation of spirite. But he that would be the chiefe and aboue all others, and could not endure the gracious and gentle yoke of his vncle, it happened vnto him as to those of whom Plato speaketh: who shunning the smoke and shadow of seruitude, doe fall into the very flame and raging fire of bondage.’
All this while did Hamur and Synam continue in quiet, not being in any sort molested by Scanderbeg, vnlesse that the licenciousnesse of the souldiers might sometimes perhaps, without his leaue and license, innouatand make some change and alteration. He himselfe riding vp and downe the countrey, sometimes amongst the Dibrians, and somtimes in other places of the Prouince, did erect many buildings, and enlarged many things to the benefit and ornament of the Prouince, especially in Emathia: where many goodly markes of antiquity lay defaced and ouerthrowen. The Ottoman in the meane time ceased not by the hands of Hamur, and Synam still to sollicit and to set forward the matter which he had so many times assaied: for the idlenesse and long rest of the Christians, did put him in a certaine and assured hope, that he should attaine to the end of his desires: but hee could neuer effect any thing touching the generall truce which he so desired: how beit that Scanderbeg did obserue his priuate amity with the people of the Ottoman, by meanes whereof the minds of all men being by litle and litle allured with the sweetnesse of rest and quietnesse, the hatred and enmity on both partes began to grow more moderate, and all the effectes of a publique and generall peace, the bare name and title thereof onely excepted came to haue their full force and operation.
THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
THE warre betweene Mahomet Emperour of the Turks & Vsuncassan king of Persia. The originall, continuance, the variable accidents and successe of the warre of Naples betweene the families of Arragon and Aniow, with the descent and actes of the kings, of Naples to the time of Ferdinand the sonne of Alphonsus. Iohn the sonne of Rene Duke of Aniow warring vpon Ferdinand king of Naples, is ayded by the Count Picenin and the subiects of Ferdinand who rebell against him. Ferdinand ayded by the Pope and the Duke of Milan his confederates, and being ouerthrowen in two battels is besieged within Barletta. An Ambassade is sent from Ferdinand and his confederates to Scanderbeg praying his ayde against the Duke of Aniow. Scanderbeg making truce with Mahomet passeth with an armie by sea into Italie, and raiseth the siege of Barletta. The armie of the Pope and the Duke of Milan ioyne with Scanderbeg. The battell of Segian betweene Picenin and Scanderbeg, wherein the armie of Iohn Duke of Aniow being discomfited, he flyeth out of Italie into France. Ferdinand is restored to his kingdome and reconciled to his subiects by Scanderbeg, who hauing bene highly honoured by the Pope and the Princes of Italie, and royally feasted by Ferdinand, hath certen townes in Apulia giuen vnto him and his heires, and that done he returneth againe with his armie into Epyre.
IT is most euident and apparant, that the changes and alterations which do occasion the ruines & grieuous accidents of Empires & estates by seditions or warres either ciuill or forraigne, do not happen in this world by any fatall kind of destiny: especially, if they be such as they fall together in diuers and sundry places, or neere about one and the sametime. For we see that such changes do neuer chance, but that first some frantique humors, & inordinate desires in the spirits of great personages do alwaies preceed & go before them: and they are the ordinary meanes to stirre vp the authors of such accidents to moue or to prouoke needlesse & vnnecessary wars. Whereby you may see, that the iudgement peruerted, & the furious passions of Princes are the first & next punishments of their sins and offences, and the originall causes of their ruine & miserable end. For when God (being angred at their iniquities) doth draw some men to the iust execution of their deserued punishment, he doth depriue them of their senses, & he doth so bind & shut [Page 386] vp their eies, that they doe inconsideratly cast themselues headlong into the gulfe of their owne perdition which they haue drawne vpon themselues for want of good aduise & counsell. For the reasonable part of their mind, and the naturall vnderstanding being troubled and distracted by that inueglement & blindnes laid vpon them, doth produce erronious counsels: and their mad and outragious affections do carrie and transport them out of the bounds of reason, and make them cruell & vnsatiable, euen without any respect of their owne liues and welfare. Hence it is that rancours, partialities & distrusts do proceede & haue their originall: and then of these do arise wars both ciuill and forraigne, in the which men being drowned and ouerwhelmed, they find themselues plagued and afflicted with notable mischiefes and calamities, or with perpetuall ruine and endlesse destruction.
Now seeing the forepassed ages of antiquitie haue often felt the like reuolutions of estates & gouernments in the body of the Christian cōmonwealth (by means wherof the Turkes and Mahumetists haue appropriated vnto themselues the Empire of Constantinople, and haue gotten firme footing in their Signiorie, encreasing it excessiuely only with the reliques of the estate of the Christians) we ought therefore to acknowledge & confesse, that all those chaunges haue happened by the secret and immutable decree of God for the punishment of our sins and impieties. For in stead of reforming our selues by his diuine admonitions, and making profit of those examples, which he from time to time hath sent vs, not only the Kings and Potentates secular & temporall: but euen those also who were the chiefe Prelats, and had the rule & gouernment of the Church, would neuer be drawen to consider of the same, but neglecting their owne duties, suffred themselues to be caried away by fond & foolish desires, & by the vnreasonable ambition of their corrupt humors, stirring vp troubles and lamentable tragedies both by Schismes & dissentions amongst thēselues, & by mutuall hatreds & diuisions amongst the peoples of all estates christian: by means whereof, they haue let slip out of their hands, and vtterly lost (which I cannot but deplore and lament) the most excellent & fittest occasion that could euer haue happened, to tame the pride and insolencie of the Painims with ease and facility: and to abolish both the law and memory of the Turkes out of Europe. The order of the times, and the course of this my historie do admonish me to make some mention, and to discourse of this matter.
You haue heard how Mahomet being beaten in one yeare with a double misfortune in Hungary & in Epyre, was brought to this exigent & necessity to demand peaceVVarre betweene Mahomet king of Turkes and the Persians. Vsuncassan king of Cappadocia and Armenia. Malaoncre or Demire king of Persia. Gampsa Sultan of the Parthians. Despina daughter of Iohn Cō nenes Emperor of Trapezond. Ambassade of Vsuncassan to Mahomet. or at least a long truce, of one who was but a meane & pettie Prince of Albany, to the intent he might breath himselfe a litle from so many mischiefes & grieuous losses, & to reestablish his estate which was sore shaken & encombred. On the other side you are to know, that in a maner at one and the same time, Vsuncassan (discended of the Assumbeians of the Turkish race) and king of Cappadocia, Armenia, & other Prouinces neere adioyning, hauing lately slaine in battell Malaoncre, or (as others will) Demire king of the Persians, a Prince issued from the auncient stock of Gampsa great Sultan of the Parthians: & hauing vsurped his Realme & Seepter, did ioyne himself in mariage with Despina the daughter of Iohn Comnenes Emperour of Trapezond, and the cause why these two Monarches did so contract alliance together, was to be the better able to preuaile against Mahomet king of the Turkes.
This new and gallant Conqueror Vsuncassan being puffed vp with the wind of his prosperous fortune, and with the forementioned crosses and aduersities of Mahomet, did send vnto him an ambassade with most rich and sumptuous presents, selected out of the huge treasures of the Persians, for a shew and ostentation of the glorie of his victorie, praying him that he would abstaine from molesting of Trapezond & Cappadocia, [Page 387] in regard they appertained vnto him as the right & dowry of his wife: (for euen lately before had the gouernor of Amasia ouerrunne and sacked Cappadocia, and did make euen Trapezond it selfe to stand in feare of the alarme.) The Turkish Monarche taking it very scornefully and in ill part, that one (as he thought) inferiour vnto him, should seeme to giue & prescribe lawes vnto him, & (as it were) braue him in his fresh and late receiued calamitie: and therewithall the felicity and reputation of this young Prince being very displeasing vnto him, he prepared with extreame speede and diligence, a mightie army, making prouisions for the warre both by sea and land against him, and transported it into Asia: and hauing caused one part of his nauy & sea forces to go before right to Pontus & Sinope towards Trapezond, himself followed after with incredible celeritie, & as if he had wings to flie withall, he went cleane through Asia with all his forces, & presented himselfe (beyond the opinion & expectation of all theMahomet broken and defeated in two seuerall battels by Vsuncassan world) euen to the view of Vsuncassan, by whom he was brauely receiued, roughly & ill handled, and greatly weakened in two most fierce & cruell battels. The one of which was fought by his Lieutenant Amurath Bassa a Greeke (discended of the bloud of the late Emperors of Constantinople, and who lost his life in that battell) vpon the banks of the riuer of Euphrates: the second by Mahomet himselfe in proper person, in which he was repulsed & beaten back, & pursued euen into the trenches of his camp.Battell of Toccara betweene Mahomet and Vsuncassan. Howbeit in the third battell foughten at Arsengua or (as some say) at Tabenda now named Toccara in the fields of Anserina, he reuenged his former losses, breaking the course of the good fortune & precedent victorie of his aduersaries, by the helpe of his artillery, whereof he had infinite store, causing it to play vpon his enemies euen at the instant that they were to begin the fight, & to giue the onset. For the horses of the Persians being terrified & dispersed with the vnusual noise & thundering of the ordināce,Vsuncassan ouerthrowen in battell. Zeinalda eldest sonne of Vsuncassan slaine. did constraine Vsuncassan to yeeld to his misfortune, & to loose the honor of the field, and being put to the retrait, he left his eldest sonne Zeinalda dead vpon the place. Now come I to my matter, & I say, that Mahomet being reduced to tearmes of some extreamity, and his affaires standing but in an euill case by these cruell ouerthrowes which did in a maner shake his estate & Empire, might at this time haue bene beaten downe without euer being able to rise againe, if Italy & the other Prouinces of Christendom would haue giuen eare & harkened to the continuall praiers and admonitions of theChristians by their ciuill dissentions haue occasioned the greatnesse of the Turkish Empire. Hungarians, the Greekes, and the Albanians. But they contrariwise being more deafe then had docks, did pursue their priuate quarrels, and mutuall hatreds & contentions, and (which was much worse) not contented to nourish the fire of domesticall & ciuill warres, they drew strangers to be partakers of their warres, and to beare a part in the subiect of their passions: for they implored the aide & succors of the Albanois in fauor of Ferdinand the bastard sonne of Alphonsus (who had appointed him to be his heire to the Realme of Naples) against the house of Aniow, to whom in right that kingdomKingdome of Naples an example of the varietie and vnconstancie of fortune. Neapolitans their humor & disposition. 1458. Ferdinand bastard sonne of Alphonsus succeedeth vnto the kingdome of Naples. appertained. And in very truth that Prouince or people of Naples hath serued in all ages & times of antiquitie, for a notable example of the variety of humaine things, and of the vnconstancy of fortune. For finding the yoake of them that commaunded ouer them to be smally gratious or pleasing vnto them: they were neuer contented, and (as Publius Sulpitius well saide of them) they did neuer liue in quiet, except then onely when they had none from whom they might reuolt, or against whom they might rebell. The manner thereof behold by that which followeth.
Vpon the decease and death of Alphonsus King of Naples, (whereof we haue alreadie spoken) Fernand or Ferdinand his naturall sonne, though illegitimate, did enter vpon the crowne, and was seized of the Realme by the order of the last will and testament of his father, & by the dispensation of Pope Eugenius the fourth, which was [Page 388] confirmed also by Nicholas the fifth. But Calixtus the fourth within a while after vnderstandingCalixtus 4. claimeth the kingdome of Naples by Escheate. of his death, the tenth day following by an expresse Bull pronounced the crowne of Naples to be void and escheated to the See of Rome, forbidding Ferdinand vnder the paine of excōmunication, any way to intermeddle with the administration & gouernment therof: absoluing also all the Princes & Nobles of the kingdom from acknowledging any dutie or alleageance vnto him. Ferdinand hauing gotten the copie of his depriuation, did appeale from the Pope to the next generall Councell: but Eugenius being taken away with a sick nesse only of some three or foure daies continuancePeter Lewes Borgias Nephew to Pope Eugenius competitor of the crowne of Naples against Ferdinand. Iohn Duke of Calabria. (euen at the instant that he had stirred vp Peter Lewes Borgias his Nephew, to be a competitor to the Realme of Naples) it was the occasion that Ferdinand found some remedie against the troubles that were prepared against him. Notwithstanding this death of the Pope did not extinguish all tumults within that kingdome: for Iohn surnamed Duke of Calabria, the sonne of Rene Duke of Aniow was then (as it fell out) at Genes in Italy, and the faction of the house of Aniow did stand waiting but for some opportunity being ready to take armes, & to begin some tumult vpon the least occasion that should be offred: notwithstanding that Frances Sforce Duke of Milan (whoFrances Sforce Duke of Milan tooke part with the Arragonois) did by an ambassade sent vnto the Princes and Nobles of Naples, encourage and exhort them to perseuer in their fidelitie and deuotion to their new Prince, and had retained them for the most part either by loue or by force in their dutie and allegeance.
But because the originall of this warre, and the subiect of so many hatreds & enmities which haue both giuen cause of encrease to the power of the Ottomans, & did keep the States of Italy for a time in suspence, & held the greatest Princes of Christendome for many yeares in care & perplexity, shall not remaine vnknowen vnto vs: it shall be needfull for vs to haue recourse vnto the times that were before, & in continuing the discourse therof from those daies to this present, we must in some sort repeat the matter (as it were by way of an Epitome) from the first originall of those troubles.
Charles the 2. king of Naples, Sicily, and Ierusalem, nephew to the French king S. Charles the second king of Naples, and Mary his wife their issue. Charles Martell king of Hungarie. Lewes, & his wife the Lady Mary, daughter of Stephen king of Hungary, had 9. male children borne in wedlocke betwene them. Of those 9. we find that foure had issue, & of them we are now to entreat. The first was Charles surnamed Martell, the other three, Robert, Lewes, and Philip: Martell the eldest sonne succeeded by the right of his mother to the kingdome of Hungary, but he died before his father, leauing Carolobert, or (as the Italians in one word corruptly doe call him) Caronumbert: his sonne & successor in Hungary. Charles the 2. being departed this life in the yere 1309. Carolobert Carolobert king of Hungarie. pretending a claime to the crown of Naples, as descended vnto him by the right of his father, did stand in cōtention for the same with his Vncle Robert, who alledged on the other side, that because Martell the father of Carolobert, & his elder brother was neuer seized of that kingdome, therfore the same was to descend vnto him immediatly by the death of his father. This great & famous question being debated and vehemently argued amongst the Lawiers of that age, (to know which of them ought to succeede in the realmes & dominions simply descending) either the Vncle or the sonne of the elder brother, who neuer was king: it was in the end decided by Pope Clement the 6, who gaue sentence for Robert and adiudged that he should succeed into the kingdome & crowne of Naples. And Baldus of Perusa a famous Lawier in that age, saith, that theBaldus a famous Ciuilian of Perusa. reason which moued the Pope to giue that iudgement, was inregard of the publique & common commoditie, and in respect of the great good merits and admirable wisedome of the said Robert; and he ordered the kingdome of Hungary to the Nephew.
Carolobert then king of Hungarie had two sons, Lewes king of Hungary & Andrew [Page 369] or Andreas, and Robert who was crowned king of Naples, Sicily, and Ierusalem begotLewes 3. sonne of Charles the second king of Hungarie Duke of Duras. Philip 4 sonne of Charles Prince of Tarentum. Charles surnamed without land, who likewise dying before his father, left 3. daughters Ione, Mary, & Margaret. Now Lewes the third sonne of Charles the 2. was Duke of Duras, & had issue Charles of Duras hereafter mentioned. The fourth sonne of the said Charles was Philip Prince of Tarentum in Italy, and he had issue a sonne named Lewes who succeded his father in that principality. Now Robert king of Naples approching neere his end in the yeare 1342. did ordain by testament that Ione the eldest daughter of his sonne Charles should inherit his crowne and kingdom of Naples, on condition she did espouse her selfe to Andrew his Cosin the sonne of Carolobert. This yong PrincesseIone Queene of Naples maried with Andrew younger some of the king of Hungarie. Auersa. being thus made Queene vpon the condition afore mentioned, did marry with the said Andrew, with whom being vpon a time at Auersa, she sent vnto him in the night time, praying him to come vnto her, pretending that she had matters of importance to impart vnto him: who comming to her in great haste, was there taken and hanged vp at an yron grate with a lace or girdle of silke and golde wrought by theAndrew the husband of Ione Queene of Naples murthered by his wife. Second mariage of Ione Queene of Naples. hands of the Queene herselfe. The occasion of this murther (as many pretend) was for that this young Prince (albeit he were of a youthfull and lusty constitution) yet could not satisfie the insatiable lust & appetite of his wife: besides that she was incensed therunto by reason of the conspiracies of those of her bloud and kinred, who did aspire to the soueraignty & crowne of Naples. But whatsoeuer was the cause therof, she tooke immediatly to her husband (or as some say) for her paramour, Lewes Prince of Tarent aboue mentioned, her cosin german. This crime and horrible fact of Queene Ione, did seeme vnto al men so odious & execrable, that she made the good renowm & memorie of Robert her grandfather, to be now very ill reputed and badly thought of, and theLewes king of Hungarie cō meth with an armie against Ione Queene of Naples for reuenge of his brothers death. report of her detestable behauiour was speedily published and spread abroade in all places. The Pope himself began to take the matter in hand, & perswaded with Lewes king of Hungary to vndertake the reuenge of his brothers death, and so drew him into the Realme of Naples with a most puissant and mightie armie, in the yeare 1348. notwithstanding the often letters of Queene Ione wherein she excused and purged her selfe of this misdeede and the murther of his brother.
At the comming and arriuall of the Hungarian king into Italy, the sudden takingSulmo. of Sulmo did so terrifie the rest, that they presently submitted themselues to his deuotion, insomuch that the Queene hauing her Tarentine in her company, fled into Proence, leauing in her place Charles of Duras to haue the commaund and gouernement of her kingdome, who being also vanquished and taken in battell, was by the sentenceCharles of Duras ouercome in battell, taken and beheaded by the king of Hungarie. of the king of Hungarie beheaded, as being priuie and partie to the death of Andrew. Of this Charles there was a sonne left, likewise named Charles of Duras. The Hungarian by this meanes in lesse then three monethes had gotten the possession of the Realme of Naples, and hauing left a strong garrison of Hungarians within the countrie, he retyred himselfe into his owne kingdome, carying away with him that young Prince of Duras. Hereupon the Pope being vrged and pressed with the daily and continuall pursuit and entreatie of the Queene, tooke the care of her affaires into his owne handes: sending into Italy Guy of Limoges, Cardinall of Port being his Nephew, who knew so well how to handle & conuey his matters, that he brought both parties to an accord vpon these conditions, that Ione should be restored to her realme and title of Queene of Naples: and as for the Tarentine, that he should only enioy the name of Prince of Tarentum: & moreouer, that after her decease, all her right & interest in her kingdome should remain to the king of Hungary & his successours. Thus Ione being reestablished, within a while after, she knewe so well how to handle her matters, & so to practise with Pope Clement, that in the yeare 1352. he crowned Lewes the [Page 370] Tarentine Prince, King of Naples: and yet so that he procured also the King of Hungarie, to confirme the peace with both of them which had beene formerly concluded betwene them. In recompence whereof the Queene graunted vnto the Pope by way of contract and sale, the citie of Auignyon, which was part of her patrimonieAuignion purchased to the See of Rome by Pope Clemens. and inheritance, but so as all that money which was due vnto the Church for the yearely fee and seruice of the kingdome of Naples, from the time that she came to the crowne, was allowed and deducted in the bargaine betweene them. About a three yeares after, the Tarentine dyed, being wasted and consumed away by the excessiue vse, and ouermuch companying with the Queene. But she stayed not long withoutThird mariage of Ione of Naples. a companion, for she coupled her selfe in mariage with Iames of Arragon, the infant of Maiorque: who was reputed the most gentle and courteous Prince liuing in that age. Him did she retaine with her, not in the title of King, but onely as Duke of Calabria. Within a few monethes after, this Prince also died, the Queene causing him to loose his head, for that (as some say) he was somewhat too amorous with another woman besides the Queene. Yet there be some who affirme, that she did only diuorseFourth mariage of Ione Queene of Naples. her selfe from him ioyning her selfe in the fourth mariage with Otho Duke of Brunswicke descended of the noble family of Saxonie, who at that time warring in Italy was in the pay of the Church, in the yeare 1376. and with him shee liued in solace and great pleasure: during which time, it happened that Pope Gregorie the second dyed in the yeare 1378. This Pope brought backe the Court and siege of the Papacie, vnto Rome after seuenty foure yeares, that Clement the fifth had transported it to Auignyon, to the great griefe and preiudice of the Romaines, whereof immediatly proceeded that great Schisme in the Church, vpon the which our historie doth in some sort depend. And to the intent the matter may be the more apparant, it shall be necessarie that I set downe the motiue and first occasion of that Schisme.
The chiefe and principall men of Rome did secretly desire and entreate the CardinalsThe motiue & occasion of the Scisme in the Church of Rome. which were assembled in the Conclaue for the election of the Pope, that they would at their request choose one that was a Romaine, or at the least an Italian, to the intent the Court might be stayed, & not remoued from Rome. The people with high voices and mightie clamors, cryed out in all the streetes and places of the citie, that they would haue one of their owne nation: by meanes whereof, those reuerent Prelates, fearing the tumult or the violence of some sudden outrage, did agree with one minde and consent to elect an Italian, with an intent afterwardes (when time and place should serue) and that the stirres of the popular sort were appeased, to proceede to a free election of some other who should be taken & acknowledged for true Pope indeede. They therefore being entred into the Conclaue, and the commotion and insolent demeanor of the common people continuing and increasing, and being readie to breake open the doores vpon them, they made choise of one Bartholomew of Naples, Archbishop of Barie: vpon the tenth of Aprill in the yeare aboue mentioned, and they named him Vrban the sixth. Some write that they chose him vpon these conditionsVrban the 6. created Pope. expressely, that notwithstanding that election, whensoeuer he should be warned thereunto by them, that he should renounce and resigne the name and dignitie of Pope, and that they bound him thereunto with a streight and solemne oath, which he promised and swore to performe. The election being accomplished, the Colledge of Cardinals wrote their letters vnto the Potentates, and Catholique Princes of Christendome, that the same was holily and lawfully done, and themselues for a time did acknowledge it to be so. Within a while after, eighteene Cardinals, or (as some say) fewer (of which the most part were French men) obtained leaue and license of the Pope (who then lay at Tyuoly) vnder pretence of the extreame heat of the moneth of [Page 371] Iuly, that they might leaue and be absent from the Court for a season. Hereupon by seuerall wayes, they tooke their iourney & met all together, first at Anagni, and from thence at Fondi, to the intent they might proceede in the election of a newe Pope, and this they did by the intelligence and practise of the Queene of Naples, who vnder hand had offered free libertie and securitie within her dominions to conclude and go through with this election: her reason was, because she perceiuing her selfe not to be as yet thoroughly assured of the Hungarians, did desire to haue a Frenchman made Pope, and such a one as might be at her deuotion. In the end, when Vrban and they could not, or would not be brought to any good nor friendly accorde: they caused him to be cited to appeare at Fondi, and there they debated and handled the matter by certaine actes and proceedings in law, onely (in a manner) at the direction and pleasure of Master Nicholas of Naples, who at that time was a most famous Lawier, andM. Nicholas of Naples. one of the Queenes Counsellors, and a most mortall and deadly enemie to Vrban. On the other side the Pope caused them to be cited, and in the end did excommunicate them for contumacie: and in the end, both parties caring but litle the one for the other: the Cardinals pretending that the See was voide, in September following at Fondi did make a new election, obseruing therein all the vsuall and accustomed solemnities: and they declared for Pope, the Cardinall of Geneua, named Clement the seuenth, and immediatly they made it knowen vnto all Kings and Princes Christian that they should account Clement for the true Pope & not Vrban. To Vrban did cleaue and adioyne themselues all Italy, Almaine, Hungarie, and England, with many other Princes and Estates of Europe, and he kept his seat at Rome: Clement remoued his seatClement the seuenth made Antipope. to Auignion, and to him did adhere the Realmes of France and of Spaine. Thus you see the first motiue and occasion of this Schisme and diuision in the Church, by the which (continuing aboue forty yeares) both the whole estate of Christendome was greatly preiudiced, and the insolencie and power of the Turkes was mightely augmented.The Cause of the enmitie betweene Pope Vrban and Maister Nicolas of Naples.
But to the intent you may both the better conceiue that which hath bene alreadie declared, and be instructed of that which is yet behind: I holde it expedient not to conceale the cause of the enmitie which grewe betwixt Pope Vrban and that lawyer aboue mentioned. This Maister Nicholas was an excellent aduocate: and in many causes and proces which Vrban had had in the Court of Rome before his aduancement to the papacie: he was for the most part retained with the aduerse parties against Vrban, as it often falleth out to such as exercise the office of aduocates. Vrban being afterwards become Pope: diuerse Kings and great Princes (as the manner is) sent their Ambassadors from all parts to congratulate the holines of his aduancement to the papacie, and to sweare obedience vnto him. The Queene of Naples was not one of the last: but she sent vnto him Maister Nicholas. The Pope (according to the vsuall custom) made a great and sumptuous banquet for all of them: at the which euerieDisgrace offered by Pope Vrban to M. Nicolas Ambassadour for the Queene of Naples. one hauing taken his place, and the Ambassador of the Queene being seated in one of the most honourable and highest places, as representing the person of his Queene: Vrban commanded the vsher of the hall to displace him and to set him lower with some disgrace to the honour and reputation of this Ambassadour. He wisely dissembling the iniurie and his discontentment, tooke it verie patiently: ‘and at his departure from the feast being in the company of a certaine Cardinall his friend, whoSpeech of M. Nicholas touching the disgrace done him by the Pope. was offended likewise at this disgrace offered him: and vsed some speeches to comfort him, willing him to attend and stay his time. Maister Nicolas then made him this answer: tush (quoth he) I haue two soules, the one of them I haue vowed to God only: the other I will giue to him that is willing to haue it: and from thenceforth he’ [Page 372] perswaded with the Queene (who of her selfe was sufficiently vnconstant) to become the extreame enemie of Pope Vrban: and Maister Nicolas, was the chiefe Counseller and principall procurer of the proceeding of the election of Pope Clement. Thus you may see howe great and wa [...]ghtie a matter it is, to outrage or iniurie any man of a haughtie spirit and of a great courage.
Vrban hauing made peace with the Florentines, Perusians and others that had rebelledIone queene of Naples depriued of her realme by Pope Vrban. against Gregorie the eleuenth his predecessour: bent and emploied all his endeuours and deuises, how to reuenge himselfe vppon the Queene of Naples: insomuch as by a solemne iudgement he depriued her of her realme and Kingdome: in regard of manie crimes and offences, and especially for that she had fauoured and maintained the Schisme, and had yeelded her obedience to Pope Clement. Hereuppon he inuested Charles of Duras, with the Kingdome and crowne of Naples, and he wrote his letters vnto the King of Hungarie (with whom the sayed Charles Charles of Duras inuested with the crown of Naples by Pope Vrban. was then abiding) That he should send him vnto him, and that he would crowne him, and put him in possession of that Kingdome. On the other part Clement the Antipope, not thinking himselfe safe enough at Aniow, for feare of the armie of the Romaines which had alreadie taken the field: he speedily sent a message vnto the Queene, willing her to send him certaine forces, and a good and sufficient conuoy to conduct and bring him safe vnto Naples: but the Neapolitans being aduertised of his comming, betooke themselues to their armes, and with great tumult they told the Queene plainely, that they meant not to be troubled with two Popes at once, not to enter into the warre vppon that cause and quarrell. She therefore and Clement retired to the castell, where hauing fortified themselues for certaine daies, and in the end finding that it would not be for their benefit to soiorne or stay anyIone Queene of Naples and Pope Clement flie to Auignion. longer in Naples, the Queene caused three gallies to be trimmed and made readie; in two of the which she imbarked Clement and his Cardinals, and her selfe getting abord the third: and with a prosperous gale of winde, hauing put to sea, in few dayes arriued safe vnto Auignion.
Clement being visited in great honour and reuerence by the French men, and (the processe of the two Popes being seene and examined by the parliament of Paris) he was pronounced to be the true and lawfull Pope, and Vrban was denounced to be no Pope but a Scismatique: in such sort that both the kings of France and of Arragon did so take and acknowledge him, and did yeelde him their obeissance and soueraigne honor. In like manner the Queene Ione being roially entertained & honored, did receiue great and rich giftes, but principally of Lewes Duke of Aniow, the second sonne of Iohn king of France, whereupon she seeing her selfe to be a sole woman and without any issue, and more then that, being truely enformed of the practises and enterprises of Charles of Duras and the Bishoppe of Rome (who did daily multiply and increase in strength and puissance) she did adopt the saide Prince for herLewes the first Duke of Aniow, adopted by Queene Ione. sonne: and ordained him to be the heire and inheritour of her kingdome, giuing the same expressely vnto him after her decease: and Clement by his authoritie did approue and allow the donation made by the Queene, and in the yeare 1379. there were made letters Pattentes and authenticall Charters to that effect. This was the first ground and foundation of the rights, which the second discent of the house of Aniow did for a long time pretend vnto the realme of Naples. These thinges being fullyIone returneth to Naples. established and concluded, Ione returned to Naples, whilest that Vrban in the meane time, persisting continually in his depriuation of the Queene, and the inuestiture of Charles of Duras, did earnestly and vehemently sollicite the King of Hungarie both by letters and by agents to set forwarde that enterprise, and he pressed [Page 393] him so much the more, for that Charles being then with a great and puissant armieTreuisa. of Hungarians vpon the confines of Treuisa against the Venetians, by the direction of the Hungarian King, who was confederate with the Genowaies and the Siegniour of Padua against the state of Venice: he was alreadie in a manner at the end of the iourney. Charles being fully enformed and verie well acquainted with the intent and pleasure of the King, and verie desirous to reuenge the death of his vncle, but much more greedie & desirous of so rich a crowne: in the yeare 1380. tooke his iourney with eight thousand Hungarians and a thousand Italians, and came to Rome, where Vrban receiued him with the greatest pompe and triumph that can be imagined, and created him Senator, which is the chiefest degree of honour amongst the Romanes. Afterwardes the yeare following, hauing strengthened himselfe with many other companies, especially with the armie of the church, he marched directly towardes Naples: into the which, by meanes of his practises with the Citizens, he entred at one of the gates: whilest that Otho being accompanied with the Queenes forces, did issue out at another gate, of purpose to affront and fight with him. In conclusion, being possessed of the towne, and consequently of the whole realme and especially of the person of the Queene: he caused her by the iudgement and direction of the King of Hungarie, who had expresly written vnto him to thatIone queene of Naples put to death. effect, to be executed and put to death in the same place, and with the same kind of punishment, which she not long before had caused Andrew her husband most wickedly to endure and suffer. Her sister the Ladie Marie was executed in like mannerMarie sister to Queene Ione executed. being at that time the widdowe of Robert late Countie of Artois: to whom she had bene a most disloiall and vnchast wife, and was greatly defamed for her dishonest familiaritie with Master Iohn Bocace so greatly renowmed amongest the Italians Iohn Bocace. for his eloquence and great learning: who in fauour and commendation ofFlammette & Philocole. this Ladie, made those two elegant bookes in the vulgar Italian, entitled Flammette & Philocole.
The affaires of Naples being setled in good order, Charles returned to Rome whereCharles of Duraz crowned king of Naples he was annointed and crowned King by Vrban with great solemnitie and triumph. Yet for all this were not the troubles appeazed nor suppressed in those countries: for the Duke of Aniow Lewes, hauing bene before solicited by the Queene, andLewes Duke of Aniow entreth the realme of Naples with an armie. being supported both by Clement and also by the French, both to ayde and succour that vnfortunate Princesse, as also to disposesse Vrban of the Papacie, being readie to march with an armie of thirtie thousand men, or (as some say) of fiue and fiftie thousand, notwithstanding the death of Ione, he entred into Italie in the pursuite of his owne right and title: and comming into the kingdome of Naples, he passed as farre as Apulia vpon the territorie of Barie with good successe of victorie: but there being enclosed and pressed vpon with the troupes of the Count Alberic of Barbian Alberic de Barbian. Generall of the church forces, and being enforced to come to the tryall of a battell, he was ouerthrowen with a great slaughter of his people in the yeare a thousand three hundreth eightie three: by the default of the Count Anguerrant, called theThe ouerthrow of Lewes the first Duke of Aniow. Lord of Consey: who being sent after the Duke with a supply of twelue thousand horse did not keepe on his way directly: but a disire tooke him to force Arezza in Thuscane, whereas he should haue made hast on his way, and haue gone on to haue ioyned himselfe with the Duke: who being sore hurte in that battell with fiue seuerallLewes the first Duke of Aniow dieth at Biseilles. wounds, (whether it were that his Phisitions and surgeons did not well heale and cure him of his wounds, or were it through the griefe and sorrow of his misfortune) he died the yeare following at Biseilles.
The French being expelled out of the realme of Naples: to the intent it should [Page 394] not want new troubls and tumultes, fortune made Pope Vrban and Charles King ofCharles King of Naples & pope Vrban enemies. Naples mortall and deadly enemies. The occasion thereof was thus: The Pope being by nature somewhat rude, and of litle ciuilitie in conuersation, was come to Naples to obtaine his part of the frute and benefite of this late obtained victorie: where he claimed a promise of the King of Naples, & vrged him vpon the same a litle too rudely,Boutill nephew to Pope Vrban to make one Boutill his nephewe Prince of Capua: who was a most vile and base fellowe & a man of no vertue nor other good desert, and besides he would haue had the King to haue giuen him also the Dutchy of Duras. The King was not verie well pleased at this motion, but delaying his aunswer, he put him off cunningly for a long time. The Bishop of Rome on the other side did insist and vrge him verie hard to bring his purpose to effect, but all was in vaine: insomuch that growing into suspition the one of the other, from thence they proceeded to open enmitie. Charles making a faire shewe and carying all matters honestly, yet did beare so good an eye vppon the Pope, that he coulde neither goe nor speake freely at his pleasure: but he being willing to get from him, obtained leaue to goe onely vnto Mocrea to chaunge the aire: where he beganne to deuise and to consult vppon the depriuing of Charles, causing him to be cited, and that proces should be framed against him. The King in like case did practise with some of the Cardinalles his friendes, to depose Vrban from his seate: and to this end, himselfe in person accompanyed with his forces went to Nocera, saying: That he was come thither by his assignementVrban besieged by Charles within Nocera. to present him with his obedience, and to the intent hee would be neare at hand, to heare the iudgement that should be giuen against him. During this siege, some sallies and skirmishes there were made, in one of the which Boutill was taken and imprisonned. The Pope being enflamed with wrath and anger, discharged his choler vppon seuen of his sayed Cardinalles, whome he caused to be shut vppe in close and streight prison, and in the ende hauing them tormented caused them to dye as Sismatiques and fauorors of Charles. Whilest these things were in working, the Pope inuented a meane to get himselfe out of Nocera by the helpe of a greatVrban escapeth out of Nocera to Genes and curseth Charles king of Naples summe of money which he gaue vnto Saint Seuerin and Raimond Vrsin: who conueighed him in gallies to Genes, where being retired, he cursed the King of Naples. This Prince being neare to the end and period of his fortune which seemed to fawne vppon him and to flatter him: vnder the pretence and colour of a newe crowne,Death of Lewes King of Hungarie. tooke his iourney into Hungarie: where the Princes and Nobles of the countrie did greatly desire and verie earnestly expect his comming, and did offer vnto him the scepter of Lewes their King, who was of late deceased without any other issue then one onely daughter.
Charles before that time had espoused Margaret the sister of Queene Ione, and by her had two children a sonne and a daughter, Ladislaus & Ione: at his departure from Naples into Hungarie, he left the gouernment of the Kingdome vnto theCharles king of Naples chosen and crowned King of Hungarie, slaine at Bude. Queene his wife and certaine of the chiefest and most noble Barons of the realme: himselfe being crowned King of Hungarie with the outwarde consent and liking of Elizabeth the Queene and widdowe of the late King, and her daughter Marie: (who notwithstanding did it altogether of dissimulation:) with in few dayes after by their practise was slaine at Bude in the yeare 1388. The death of this Prince gaue occasion of new troubles and tumultes at Naples: whereby the houseMargaret Queene of Naples and her children flie to Gaietta. and faction of Aniow grewe to be so fauored by fortune, that they became Lordes of Naples: and the Queene with her children was constrained to retire herselfe to Gaietta. This meane while Lewes the second sonne of Lewes aboue mentioned, (at the request of those that were of his faction) sent to Naples for their ayde and [Page 395] succours fiue gallies. But Boniface the ninth a Neapolitan hauing nowe obtainedBoniface the [...] made Po [...]e. the Popedome in the yeare of our Lord a thousand three hundreth ninetie, did disanull and reuoke the censures and curse which Vrban his predecessour had denouncedLadislaus son o. Charles crowned King of Naples by Pope Boniface Lewes second Duke of Aniow corwned king of Naples by Pope Clement & entreth Naples. against King Charles: and he inuestd Ladislaus with his fathers kingdome: and caused him at Gaietta to be crowned King of Naples, Sicile, and Ierusalem: as in like manner the same yeare Lewes the second Duke of Aniow tooke the crowne of Naples at the handes of Clement, by the pursuie of the King of Fraunce, and thereuppon made his entrie and was receiued into Naples in great honour and magnificense by those of his faction: howbeit that many of the Nobles and gentlemen, adhering and taking part with Ladislaus, did openly refuse to acknowledge Lewes for their Soueraigne. Thus these two Kings contending for one onely crowne, did confound all things with most piteous disorder, and destroyed the countrey: which they laboured and striued eche of them to obtaine as his proper patrimonie: till such time as the Partizans of the house of Aniow (wanting money and treasure (the sinewes of the warres) caused the vesselles and vtensiles of gold and siluer belonging to the Churches of Naples, to be molten and made into money for the paiment of their souldiours, by the leaue and permission of Clement: who shewed himselfe to haue small deuotion and litle conscience. But all this notwithstanding, the Count Alberic of Barbian being created Constable by Laaislaus, presented himselfe with a strong armie before Naples: and after many assaults and braue repulses, he entred the towne and brought it vnder the obedience of the Dirrachium, Ladislaus the son of Charles of Duras recouereth Naples. with the rest of the realme also: and the sooner for that Lewes himselfe was absent: (who seeing himselfe in weake and feeble estate, and the towne to be deuided by the tumultes and practises of Ladislaus (whose places and strong holdes were well and sufficiently furnished) had withdrawen himselfe apart out of Italie into Prouence.
This done, Ladislaus in the yeare of our Lord 1403. went into Hungarie, toLadislaus made King of Hungarie. take vpon him the crowne of that kingdome, which the Nobles of the countrie did cast vpon him: and euen in an instant returning thence againe to Naples, he conceiued in his haughtie and ambitious heart the dominion of Rome it selfe, by reason he sawe it deuided and distracted by sundrie factions and seditions: the which after heLadislaus taketh Rome by force. had twice attempted by force of armes, at the thirde time he caried and entred it as a conquerour in great pompe and triumph. This his prosperitie growing odious to the Italians, was a cause that Lewes gat the Florentines, and the Legat of Bologna to enter into a firme and strong league against Ladislaus: the which being concludedAlexander the fifth made Pope at the counsell of Pisa. by Lewes his Ambassadours, he himselfe departed-speedily from Prouence, and being arriued at Pisa, he kissed the feete of Alexander the fifth, then made Pope at that Councell: who confirmed him in the inuestiture of the Realmes of Naples, Sicily, and Ierusalem, pretending that Ladislaus had forfeited them by his occupation and seizing vppon the citie of Rome. Yet did he refuse to crowne him,Lewes confirmed in the realme of Naples by Pope Alexander. for that Clement had lately done it in Aulgnion, neuerthelesse he created him Gonfalonier of the Church, with especiall charge to march against Ladislaus the enemie of the Church, and the fauourer and maintainer of Gregorie the twelfth, who had beene deposed in that generall Councell.
Lewes first made a iourney into Prouence, and afterwardes in the yeare 1410. being returned to the territories of Rome: he there had assembled and vnited both his owne forces and those of the Pope, vnder the charge and conduct of Paul Vrsin, and Sforce Cottignole. Ladislaus with his armie was at Roque Seiche, betweene Pont Corue, Saint Ange, and Saint German. Lewes comming against him, [Page 396] and affronting him in set battell, gaue the onset vpon him most couragiously, in somuchThe battell betweene Lewes of Aniow and Ladislaus of Duras Kings of Naples. as the conflict grewe most furious and cruell: and the prowes both of the one part and of the other was noted to be admirable: so that hardly could it bee discerned who was like to haue the better. The two Kings in their proper persons did that day shew themselues both good champions and sufficient Chieftaines, and they left not any thing omitted that was worthie of generous and noble Princes. In the ende Sforce on the one part, and Paul Vrsin on the other, did charge so furiously with all their forces vpon the troupes of Ladislaus, that they made them to giue ground, so that being not able any longer to keepe themselues in order, they were quite broken and discomfited. The battell being finished, each partie retyred into his owne quarter, not any one remembring to pursue the victorie, nor toVictorie of Lewes not pursued. follow after the enemie that was defeated: who thereupon hauing gathered his spirits vnto him, and hauing gotten the leasure to rally his forces, and to consider of the matter: it caused him afterwardes to say, (at such time as he deuised or had any speech of this battell) That if his enemies had done their deuoire to vanquish ‘him thoroughly, and to haue gotten a full victorie: the first day they might haueSpeech of Ladislaus king of Naples of the battel betweene him and Lewes Duke of Aniow. made themselues masters both of his person and of his kingdome, the second day (if they had followed him) they might haue beene Lordes of his Realme, but not of his person: and the third day, neither of his person nor of his kingdome. After this ouersight, Lewes neuer enterprised any thing in Italie, but retyring himselfe into France,’ neuer set foote more in that countrie: hauing eyther by ignorance or I knowe not howe, suffered the benefite of so memorable a victorie to slippe out of his handes, which made Ladislaus sole and absolute King of Naples. Yet was he not at rest from newe attemptes, being of a stirring, troublesome, and ambitious spirite, as much as anie that euer liued. For he reuiued his olde attemptes, first against Rome, which succeeded accordingly as he wished, and after also againstLadislaus poisoned. the Florentines in which expedition, comming to Perusa, he fell suddenly sicke, and dyed without issue in the yeare of our Lord 1414: being (as some say) ‘poysoned the most straungely that possibly could be imagined. The noueltie thereof seemethAuarice & vnchast loue two most pernitious mischieues. in my opinion, worthie to be inserted in this place: to the intent it may serue for an instruction and ensignment to the posteritie, how pernitious are the effectes of auarice and vnchast lone.’
Ladislaus was enamoured of a young damosell of singular beautie, the daughter of a Phisition, who (being corrupted and inueigled with an excessiue summe of money paied vnto him by the Florentines) did giue vnto his daughter an ointment of the iuice of napel (being a present and most strong poison) perswading her (as it was anA straunge kind of poysoning. easie matter for him being her father, and she a simple soule of no deepe reach or conceipt, and besides extreamely desirous of the loue of the King) that if she did annoint herselfe therewithall when she was to haue the companie of the King: his affection towardes her would be augmented by the one halfe. The sillie wench did willingly doe as her father had aduised her: whereof she died within a while after: and Ladislaus likewise being infected with the same poyson lost his life the verie same time.
His sister the Duchesse of Guelders or Sterlich (as some will) being afterwardes named Ione the second by the death of her brother, obtained the crowne of Naples: Ione the second Queene of Naples. this woman was nothing inferiour but rather did farre surpasse the first Ione her Aunt in all kind of lewdnesse, whoredome and damnable lasciuiousnesse and incontinencie: & she caried herselfe so much the higher, in pride and insolency then the other, because she saw herselfe suddenly aduaunced to so high a dignitie, beyond all [Page 397] hope and expectation: and besides for that shee found the estate of Naples in peace and quietnesse, and (as it were) assured vnto her, were it because shee had no competitor to the Crowne, or by reason of the great forces and huge numbers of souldiers which her brother had left her: for shee had an army of 1600. horse, lead by excellent and most expert Captaines. Of this Queene there was openly and commonly spred a certaine verse in Latine in manner of a prophecy, the effect and substance thereof in English is this.
Scarce was this Lady enstalled and settled in the siege and roiall throne of the kingdome, but shee committed the whole managing and gouernment of her person, andPandolphel Alop, the loue or paramour of Queene Ione the 2. her estate to Pandolphel Alop a Neopolitan county, whom shee hadde nourished and brought vp from his infancy and tender youth, and with whom shee was extreamly in loue, and beyond all measure. For hauing lead him with her (as one of her houshold traine into Gelderland, after her husband was dead, shee brought him backe againe with her into Italy, keeping him continually neare about her person, not without the publike infamy of their loue and secret familiarity. In the end when she had intelligence of this bad report that ranne vppon them, and did vnderstand the enuy that those of the Court did carie to Pandolphel: shee maried her selfe to maister Iames Queene Ione the 2. maried to Iames of Narbon County of March. of Narbonne, countie of March, descended of the roiall bloud and house of France, and her alley and kinsman: vpon this condition notwithstanding, that he should not vsurpe nor take vpon him the name of King, but should hold himselfe contented with the title of Prince of Tarentum, or County of March, at his choise which pleased him. The Captaines and great men of the kingdome being both iealous, and bearing aSforce Cottignole. mortall hatred to Pandolphel, and to Sforce Cottignole afore mentioned (in whom only the Queene seemed to repose her speciall trust and confidence:) they gaue to vnderstand to the County Iames, that he should not doubt to come to Naples, assuring him that they would so effect the matter as he should be king. And accordingly as soone as he was entred within the Realme, all the nobles and captaines went to meet him as farre as Beneuent, and saluted him by the name of King: onely Sforce saluted him by the name of Count & no otherwise. This act (by the iudgement of the whole company) was held to be a very proud and arrogant part, and worthy to be punishedIulius Caesar of Capua. with imprisonment. Iulius Caesar of Capua, one of the Captaines of the company, began to grow into some altercation of words, and hard speech with Sforce in the presence of the count: but Sforce (vnder colour of parting and keeping them a sunder)Sforce made prisoner. was lead into a chamber, and there arrested as a prisoner: and his company or traine that followed him, were sacked and spoiled of that which they had brought with them. After this the Count being arriued at Naples, and receiued with great triumph both by the nobles and common people, who openly called & proclaimed him king:This is the principall fortresse of Naples. Pandolphel beheaded. Michelet. Margaret sister of Sforce her hardines and generosity. he had by intelligence* Chastelnoue, or the new Castell deliuered vnto him: and Pandolphel being taken within the same, lost his head: and Sforce being kept vnder sure and safe custody, had bene put to death likewise, had it not beene for Michelet a famous Captaine, who being at Tricaric, and hauing sodainely armed the companie of Sforce, posted presently towardes Naples, being accompanied with Margaret the sister of Sforce, and the wife of Michelin of Rauignan, a braue Captaine and fine warriour: who arming her selfe, and being assisted with certaine men at armes, belonging to her husband: when they were come neare Naples, they tooke prisoners foure Gentlemen Neapolitanes, whom the County had sent with safe conduct towards Tricaric, to treat vpon some accord and agreement with Michelet. These did she threaten, [Page 398] that she would cause them to be hanged, if her brother were not deliuered vnto her: which was the occasion of the liberty of Sforce. This was not the last ouersightCount Iames his ouersight and folly. of the County, for beginning also to deale ill with the Neapolitans, and depriuing sometimes one, and sometimes another of their offices throughout the realme, he bestowed them vpon Frenchmen, and sequestring the Queene from all commaund and management of the estate and publicke matters, he held her shut vp as a recluse in her lodgings: besides that he lay very seldome and litle with her, sometimes also vsing her roughly, and with outragious speeches, whereat euery man, and especially theQueene Ione of Naples her subtelty and policy. chiefe persons of the Court began to grudge and murmure: but the Queene for all that seemed nothing discontented, but dissembling her malicious minde and secrete malice, by a feminine craft and subtelty: she made shew as if that kind of life did please her wonderfull well, as being remoued and estranged from cares and toilesome trauell: and shee gaue her selfe to dancing and reuelling (whereunto the French are naturally enclined) and so passed away the time in great shew of ioy and gladnes, how beit that by secrete signes and sighes, and sometimes by close and couert speeches, shee did sufficiently bewray and open vnto her priuate friendes, her secrete griefe and discontentment.
Matters thus standing betweene the Queene and the Count: Iulius Caesar (who wasIulius Caesar of Capua intendeth the death of the Count: offereth his seruice to the Queene. of late the first man that moued and incensed the Count against Pandolphel and Sforce, and had thereby brought the Queene to conceiue a mortall and deadly hatred against him) hauing now forgotten the outrage and iniury which he had offred (a vsuall matter in men giuen to be iniurious:) he began now to sound the affections of the Queen, and in the end offered him selfe to worke the death and destruction of her husband. The Queene being both wary and circumpect, and yet malicious, and seeing occasion now offered her to effect two seuerall things at once, both to auenge her selfe of the iniury receiued by Iulius, and to recouer the good grace and fauour of her husband with her owne liberty: shee made countenance to harken vnto him, and to take great pleasure and contentment in his discourse: counselling him to be well aduised, and accordingly to resolue himselfe: and that at the end of eight daies he should come againe vnto her, to lay downe some order for the execution of the enterprise. Thus hauing licensed Iulius to depart, and in the meane while beginning an extraordinary kind of sadnes, shee secretly disclosed all the practise to the Count, shewing her selfe very carefull of his safety, and her disability to resist against the inticements and instigations of that traitor: and especially shee offered to the Count, that he him selfe should both seeIulius Caesar his treason bewraied by the Queene. and heare the trechery of Iulius. Wherefore the eight day being come, shee conuaied him behind the curtaines of her bed, with some of his most trusty and faithfull friends well armed, and afterwardes shee caused Iulius Caesar to be called into her chamber, who hauing disgorged and powred forth all the mischieuous and villanous speeches that might be deuised against the Count, and against the Frenchmen, did from point to point there make knowen and declare vnto the Queene, what his platforme and deuise was to contriue the death and destruction of the Count. Hereupon he issuingIulius Caesar executed. presently out from the place where he stoode, and had heard all his talke, caused him to be apprehended, and openly to be executed.
This demonstration and shew of the good will and affection of the Queene to the Count her husband, was the cause of her full release and perfect liberty. By meanes whereof, maister Ottin Carracciole being made chiefe of the nobility, and Anequin Morinell of the comminalty, by the consent and intelligence of many that conspired and were confederate in the action: they inuited the Queene one day into the towne to a feast, and from thence did conduct and conuey her in safetie into the fortresse or [Page 399] tower of* Capua: and immediatly they ranne to armes, and seized vppon the towne,Capouana a castell within Naples. Count Iames made prisoner in Chasteau de loue a Casteli within Naples. Iohn Carracciole, the minion or paramour of Ione Queene of Naples, made Grand Seneschall. Sforce enemy to the Grand Seneschall. and with great fury sacked it and chased all the French officers out of the city, and the Count himself they imprisoned in the Castell named de Loue. Thus the Queene being restored to her absolute power and soueraigne authority, shee tooke vnto her for her minion and paramour, Iohn Carracciole, a fine young Gentleman, and of an excellent beauty, and him she created Grand Seneschall, or high Stuard of Naples. This man being not able to abide and endure the greatnesse and authority of Sforce, had a determination both to depose him from all credite and countenaunce, and also to depriue him of his life: whereof Sforce being aduertised, and being for that cause become enemy to the Seneschall, did seize vppon Naples vnder colour that he would deliuer the Queene from the tyranny and power of the Seneschall. The Queene being mightily incensed with anger, depriued him of the office of Constable, and stirring vp the common people against him, commaunded to kill him. In the end a peace and accord was concluded betweene Sforce and the Queene, wherein it was ordered, that theCount Iames restored to his liberty. Seneschall should be banished to Rome, and that the Count Iames should be restored to his liberty according to the first couenants of the agreement made betwene them. This Prince being deliuered, imagined, and beat his braines vppon nothing else, but how he might ruinate both Sforce and the Queene: and shee in like case on the other side, conceiuing an extreame griefe for the exile of her Seneschall, was wonderfully displeased with Sforce, and maligning him extreamly, did deuise his ruine and destruon as the onely author of her sorrow and discomfort: in such sort, that she did soone condiscend to the will and minde of the Count her husband. Sforce being enformed of the daunger wherein he stoode, did very finely worke and contriue the restitutionCount Iames forsaketh Naples, and returning to France, becommeth an Hermit. of the Seneschall, whose returne, and the reconciliation of Sforce with the Queene, did so feare and terrifie the Count, that he fled secretly to Tarentum, and being pursued by the Queene with an army, hee made his last retraite into Fraunce, where he passed the residue of his daies in the vowes and habit of an Hermit.
These things thus past, Braccio Fortebraccia of Perusa, in the yeare one thousandBraccio Fortebraccia of Perusa warreth vpon Pope Martin the 5. Sforce sent with an armie to the aide of the Pope by the Q of Naples. Sforce oueruerthrowen by Braccio is depriued of all authoritie in Naples, and Braccio hired by the queen in his roome. Queene Ione depriued of her kingdome by the Pope. foure hundreth and nineteenth, did warre vpon Pope Martin the fifth, who hauing recourse vnto the Queene of Naples, that held that Crowne of him as Feodary of the Church of Rome: and because he had crowned her Queene of Naples, he obtained succours of three thousand horse, vnder the charge and commaund of Sforce, both to the great contentment of the Queene her selfe, and of her Minion Carracciole, who had long before bene desirous to be ridde of him: and Fortune ministred her fit matter and occasion to effect her desire: for so it fell out, that Sforce was ouerthrowen by Braccio, whereupon the Queene depriued him of all his honors, estate and authority, and she retained the saied Braccio into her pay and seruice. The Pope being highly offended with this ingratitude, tooke Sforce into his pay, and hauing communicated all his affaires with him, he fell to agreement and composition with the Perusin, and depriued the Queene of the fee of the Realme of Naples: and he declared for king in her stead, Lewes the third Duke of Aniow, the sonne of Lewes the second, and of Ioland of Arragon, in the yeare 1420. Sforce according to the will and direction of the Pope, tooke part with Lewes, and put him selfe in his pay, and by his practises hauing gotten possession of the towne and castell of Auersa, kept them to the vse of Lewes: who in the moneth of August next following, did present himselfe before Naples with a strong and mighty army by sea.Alphonsus king of Arragon besiegeth Boniface in Corsica. Port Siracusan.
About the same time it happened that Alphonsus king of Arragon, being departed from Barcelona had assailed Corsica by sea: and held siege before Boniface, a castle subiect to the Genowaies, and named of olde the Port Siracusan. The Pope being [Page 400] at that time in Florence, there was one Don Garzia a Spaniard, who being a verieDon Garzia Spaniard. wise and politicke person, was ambassador from Alphonsus to his holinesse: Queene Ione likewise had her ambassadour there also, named Anthonie Caraffa, otherwiseAnthony Caraffa, alias Malice. Malice. This Malice had a motion to the Spaniard, that if hee would perswade with the King his maister, to take the cause of the Queene into his handes and protection, that he for his part would procure that she should adopt him for her sonne, and should declare him for her successour in the kingdome of Naples: and so cleanly did they conuey this their practise and conceipt betweene them, without the knowledge and priuity of the Pope: that they concluded to goe together to Plombin, and from thence to Corsica, towardes the King Alphonsus: vnto whom the matter being propounded, it was held long in debate and doubt: for that Alphonsus and Lewes were cosins in the third degree, and there hadde beene expresse capitulations ‘and couenaunts betweene them (when Lewes first began his attemptes for Naples) whereby Alphonsus had promised not to molest him in that his enterprise. But theSentence. desire of a Crowne is too great and goodly a thing for men to make a conscience how and by what meanes it be gotten:’ for how so euer it was, the effect made itDesire of a Crowne knoweth no conscience. cleare and manifest, that Alphonsus in the end did accept of the offer made vnto him, yet would he not in any case set foote within the Realme, before that the Queene had confirmed all the whole matter by authenticall writings drawen betweene them, and that she had put into his handes the two fortresses of Castell noue, and De loue. TheseAlphonsus adopted by Q. Ione and receiued into Naples sureties being deliuered, and the Charters of the adoption and succession of the Realme being orderly done and dispatched, and the siege also being leauied before Boniface, Alphonsus was receiued with exceeding honour into Naples, and was lodged in the Castell de loue. Many and diuerse were the warlike exploites and martiall seruices that passed betweene Alphonsus and the Queenes forces on the one side, and Lewes and Sforce on the other side: but in processe and succession of time, (I know not how nor why) the * Arragonoys and Catalans began to grow in dislike and disfauourSpaniards, their pride and enuie. with the Queene, and with the Grand Seneschall, and there grew diuerse suspitions both on the one side and the other. The Spaniards could not endure with any patience nor abide to heare the people cry (as they went vp and downe the towne) God saue the Queene, long may the house of Duraz prosper, with such like acclamations: besides in all publicke edictes and proclamations, there was no mention made of any other, then of the name of the Queene onely, and therefore Alphonsus determined to preuent her in that, which she perhappes, and (as he thought) did pretend against him: aud that was to take her prisoner, and to seize vppon the estate. But the first thing that he purposed was to bereaue her of the councell and assistance of the Grand Seneschall, who was a personage of great wisdome, and of a deepe reach and sound iudgement, and therefore hee faining him selfe to be sicke and euill at ease, did continue three or foure dayes priuately in his lodging without going to court the Queene, who lay in the tower Capouane. The Queene thinking that heThe Grand Seneschall held prisoner by Alphonsus. had beene sicke indeede, sent her Seneschall to Castell noue to visite him on her behalfe, where he detained him and all his traine, and at the same instant taking his horse, he went to the Capouane to haue seized vppon the person of the Queene: but this his counsell proued vaine and frustrate, by the intelligence which she had receiued by one of the Seneschall his seruaunts, who was escaped from the surprize of the Seneschall. Hereuppon the Arragonois betooke him selfe to open force, and besieged the Queene, battering the fortresse of Capouan with the Canon. TheQueene Ione besieged in Naples by Alphonsus Queene finding her selfe thus hardly bestead, had recourse to Sforce, who lay encamped at that time for Lewes of Aniow, at the Monastery neare Mirabell. Sforce [Page 401] (hauing had the better in a great conflict against the Spaniard, within Naples at Case Queene Ione deliuered out of Naples by Sforce. noue neare to Formell, and about the tower Capouane, did deliuer the Queene thence in safety, and conuaied her with all her moueables to Auersa. At the time of her retrait from Naples, there were more then fiue thousand Neapolitanes both men and women of all sorts, who mourning and lamenting at her misfortune, did accompany her a great way off, with great sorrow and infinite lamentation. Within a while after Sforce began to treate with her, that Lewes (who was continually resident at Rome) might returne to the Realme of Naples, whereunto she condiscended: and more then that, when he was come to Auersa, shee receiued him with most gracious and kinde entertainement: and besides, hauing assembled many great and noble personages ofAlphonsus disinherited by Queene Ione. great wisdome and iudgement, by their aduise and councell, shee solemnly depriued Alphonsus of the right of adoption, and from the succession of the Crowne of Naples: pretending that he had worthely forfeited it by the vice of his foule ingratitude, and shee adopted Lewes the third to succeed her, as her sonne in that her kingdome, vponLewes the 3. adopted by Queene Ione. the same conditions which she had earst propounded to the king of Arragon: giuing to vnderstand by expresse letters vnto all the Potentates & Princes of Christendome, both the order, tenour, and causes of the depriuation of the one, and the adoption of the other.
About that time Alphonsus being aduertised, that Henry his brother was taken prisoner and spoiled of his Crowne, by Iohn King of Castill: he resolued to take a iourneyAlphonsus returneth into Spaine. into Spaine for his deliueraunce, which hee did accordingly in the yeare one thousand foure hundred twenty three, leauing Naples in the gard and custody of his brother Peter. In that his voiage passing by Marseilles, and finding it but ill guarded, heMarseilles surprised by Alphonsus. surprised it by a sodaine assault onely in hatred and despite of Lewes, and he vsed it as enemy. For hauing abandonned it to the auarice and insolency of his souldiours, that which he was not able to cary away, he caused to be burnt and consumed with the fire: onely the women were saued and preserued from the violence and outrage of the souldiours, the King hauing caused them to retire into a Church, whilest the towne was rifled and sacked. Of the infinite treasures and riches which were foundS. Lewes his body caried away from Marseilies by Alphonsus. Deuotion without piety or religion▪ within the city, he reserued nothing to himselfe (as the report is) but onely the body of Sainct Lewes late Archbishop of Tholouse, the sonne of Charles the second king of Naples: the which he caried from thence, and caused it to be placed most religiously in a certaine speciall place within the city of Valentia in Spaine, saying: that it was not a thing either decent or conuenient, in a towne which was burnt and destroied, to leaue so holy and precious a relique.
Lewes lately made King was not idle in this meane while, but he did presently put in execution the practises newly concluded on, betweene Pope Martin, the Queene of Naples, Philip Duke of Milan, and the Genowaies. For by their meanes was Naples sodainely and in an instant besieged and enclosed both by Sea, with theNaples besieged by Philip Duke of Milan. Francis Sforce, the sonne of Sforce Cottignole deceased. Naples recouered for Queene Ione. Grand Senes [...]hall of Naples ransomed by Sforce. forces and fleete of the Duke of Milan, and by land with the armes of Frauncis Sforce, the sonne of Ssorce Cottignole lately deceased: in so much that without any great violence or effusion of bloud, it was recouered for the Queene in the yeare, one thousand foure hundred twenty foure. Now Queene Ione being so happily restored and reinuested in her estate, made her entry into Naples, hauing in her company the Graund Seneschall (who was of late eschaunged for twelue Catalans or Spanishe Nobles, by the liberality and curtesie of Sforce afore mentioned, who might haue hadde foure score thousand Crownes for their raunsome,) and Lewes also her adopted and elected sonne, whom shee had created Duke of Calabria, being the title ordinarily giuen to the eldest sonne of the Kings and Princes of Naples) [Page 402] was with her at the same time of her returne to the Citie of Naples. Nowe albeit she was not altogether free and exempted from troubles, but that the towne was sometimes endommaged by the artillerie of Castell noue (which was still at the deuotion of the Spaniard): neuerthelesse she liued sufficiently well and happily in her realme, vntill the yeare a thousand, foure hundred, thirtie two, at which time the Graund Seneshall (who till that time had with most happie and prosperous fortune commaunded, and in a manner absolutely ruled all the realme) was then ouertaken and ensnared by the Queene, as you shall perceiue by that which followeth. Within a while after he had solemnized the marriage of his sonne with one of the daughters of Iames Caldore, euen when he sawe him selfe (as a man may say) sitting aloft vpon the wheele of Fortune: one Monday about midnight, being lodged within the tower Capouane, certaine persons by the speciall commaundement of the Queene, and some other of the Nobles confederated with her, went vnto his lodging, knocking and calling at his chamber doore, and willing him to arise speedily, and to make hast to come to the Queene: saying, that by reason of a sudden accident which was befallenGrand Seneshall of Naples slaine. her, she was in great daunger and perill of death. The Seneshall rising suddenly to make him selfe readie, commaunded his page to open the doore. Thereupon they without being armed, entred the chamber and slue him out of hand: and hauing almost cut off one of his legges, they caused him to be caried all naked out of Capouane ‘without anie pompe at all, as the most vile and wretched creature liuing. A mostSentence. The immoderate loue and fauor of womākind vain for any man to build his fortune on. Lewes the third Duke of Aniow and Calabria his death. miserable and vnhappie example of the inconstancie of Fortune, and may serue for a notable instruction and admonition to all such persons, who relying vpon the fickle loue and immoderate affections of woman kind, do found the greatnesse of their fortune vpon their vaine and vnconstant fauours.’
Lewes being sent by Commission of the Queene against Iohn Anthonie Vrsin Prince of Tarentum: (who taking part with Alphonsus, did trouble and molest Calabria, when he came to Cossence fell sicke of a feauer, and there dyed, in the yeare of our Lord a thousand, foure hundred, thirtie fower, to the great griefe and sorow of the whole kingdome: for that he was a Prince of singular curtesie and benignitie, and there was especiall hope of his good cariage and behauiour. The Queene liuedIone 2. Queene of Naples death. not long after, but hauing raigned twentie yeares she departed this life, hauing ordained by her last will and testament that Rene Duke of Barre, brother of the sayd Lewes should be her heire: (albeit that some doubt of this her last will, and say, itRene Duke of Barre ordained to be heire to Queene Ione. was falsified and counterfaited after her death. Thus the house and familie of Duras, which had bene so notable and famous by so manie descents, came nowe to haue an end, as it is likewise fatall to all other humane and earthly things.
Duke Rene being called and sent for by the principall persons and chiefe Nobles of the realme, could not go to take the inuestiture of the kingdome of Naples, by reasonRene Duke of Barre prisoner in Burgundie. that he was for a long time held prisoner in Burgundie, where he had bene restrained of his libertie after the losse of the battell of Blainuille, in the yeare a thousand, foure hundred, thirtie one, against the Earle of Vaudemont, and the Marshall of Burgundie: and therefore he sent thither Isabell his wife, and his children: who being ayded and succoured by Pope Eugenius with a power of three thousand footemenEugenius Pope vnder the leading and conduct of the Patriarke of Aquileia, brought certaine places vnder her gouernement and obeissaunce. On the other side, the king Alphonsus (as if Fortune had meant and striued to ballaunce both parties equally and alike)Alphonsus taken prisoner by the Duke of Millan. vnderstanding of the death of the Queene, and hauing besieged Gaietta, was vanquished in a battell at sea by Philip Duke of Millan and the Genowayes: and being there taken by his enemies, was ledde prisoner to Millan. But he found the Italian Duke [Page 403] more gracious and friendly vnto him, then the Burgonian was to the Angeuin: for besides the great respect, wherewith he was vsed by the Millanois, and the good entertainement which he receiued at his handes, they, oftentimes meeting and falling into familiar discourses and seuerall deuises the one with the other, the manners, the speeches, the fashions and good behauiour of Alphonsus (for he was a most absolute and accomplished Prince) did so exceedingly please and content the ‘humour of this Duke, that (in regard of the inward and rare amitie which this familiaritie and acquaintance bred betweene them) it may well be sayd:’ that his misfortune was the readie way to his good fortune, and did purchase him the realme which heAlphonsus set at libertie by the Duke of Millan. so earnestly affected. For the Duke of Millan then growing suspicious of the power and puissance of the French, for the loue of the Spaniard did renounce the friendship and alliance of Fraunce, and leagued him selfe with their enemie, to the recouerie and conquest of Naples: in such sort, that hauing suddenly graunted him his free libertie, Alphonsus was the first that set foote within the kingdome of Naples: by meanes whereof (as the prouerbe is) being first come, he was first serued, and his right preuailed by reason of the absence of Rene, so that he insinuated him selfe verieRene Duke of Barre set at libertie, and regaineth Naples and all her fortresses. Naples besieged by Alphonsus. highly into the fauour and affections, both of the Princes, & Nobles, and of the people of the countrey. Neuertheles within a while after, Rene being also deliuered out of Burgundy, and being entred into Naples in the yeare of our Lord 1438. he regained all her castles and strong holdes one peece after another, which till that time had bene in the custodie and possession of the Arragonian. But Alphonsus increasing in strength from day to day, came at length to besiege Naples with fifteene thousand men at land, and ten gallies, lying before the hauen or port of the citie: and he perseuered so obstinately in his siege, that there dayly passed many goodly exploites, and gloriousAnell a mason betrayeth Naples. deedes of armes betweene the assaylants and the defendants: notwithstanding both he and his troupes might haue dwelt long enough before the walles of Naples, if they had not bene holpen by the aduertisements of a certaine Mason named Anell: who being pricked on with the hope of gaine, did aduenture his life to augment the glory and good fortune of Alphonsus. For conueying him selfe closely and priuily foorth of the towne: he shewed him an auncient cesterne, or water course, which couertly led vnder the ground into the towne, by the which he conueyed in two hundredNaples taken by Alphonsus. men hardie and resolute, who issuing forth into the citie by a pit or hollow vault, did seize vpon a certaine turret: where maintaining the fight for a long season (whilest the Catalans in the meanetime, partly by escalado, and partly by breaking of the port S. Genare did make them selues way, and gayned the towne) by this meanes he became Lord of the Citie, hauing constrained Rene to retire him selfe into Castell noue.
Thus Alphonsus in the yeare a thousand, foure hundred, fortie two, and the one and twentieth after his first expedition, obtained the kingdome and Citie of Naples: Bellisarius. the which nine hundred & fiue yeares before was recouered from the Gothes, by thatRene enforced to forgoe Naples. princely chieftaine Bellisarius, by meanes of the same conduit or water course. There remained yet the three Castels or fortresses, namely the Capouane, the mountaine or Castell of Saint Hereme, and the Castell noue: all which, king Rene being not able to defend and succour them, did followe the estate and condition of the residue of the towne, and became Arragonois, both them and all the realme: and the Prince of Aniow forced to forgoe the doubtfull and turbulent possession of that kingdome, which he had held for the space of sixe yeares or thereabouts. Alphonsus after he hadAlphonsus king of Naples his death. in great rest and securitie quietly enioyed the Royall scepter for sixteene yeares together, did then depart this life, leauing behind him one onely sonne, illegitimate, named [Page 404] Ferdinand or Fernand, who being appointed by his father to haue the inheritance of the Crowne and kingdome of Naples: yet (being but meanely fauoured or beloued by the countrey) did not enioy it with like quietnesse, nor with the publike tranquillitie: which was the occasion, that hee vsed all meanes and possible diligence to secure and assure vnto him selfe a quiet and peaceable possession of the kingdome.
The first thing that he did, was to make Pope Pius the second his friend andPope Pius 2. well-willer: who being a Siennois borne, was of late substituted into the place of Calixtus. This did he compasse and bring to passe, by the mediation and intreatieDutchy of Spoleta restored to the Church. Ferdinand crowned king of Naples by Pope Pius 2. of the Duke of Millan, and by the restitution of the Dutchie of Spoleta to the Church: the which, vpon the death of Calixtus, the Count Iames Picenin had vsurped vpon Peter Lewes Borgia his nephewe. The Pope, being wonne vnto him by this curtesie, did crowne Ferdinand king of Naples, Sicilie, and Ierusalem: on this condition, that he should restore to the obeissance of the Church of Rome, Beneuent and Terracine which his father had vsurped vppon the state Ecclesiasticall.Beneuent. Terracine. Moreouer, in the yeare next following, at the Councell which was called and kept at Mantua by the Pope, and with the assistance of the Duke of Millan, Councell of Mantua. for the taking of armes against the great Turke, after they had determined vppon matters concerning the publicke weale of Christendome, it was also concluded and decreed by the Pope, that in any case Ferdinand should not want ayde and succours against the puissaunt preparations made for the warres by Duke Iohn, the sonne of Rene, who was then at Genes. For you must vnderstand, that the Genowayes beingIohn the sonne of Rene, ayded by the Genowayes against Ferdinand king of Naples. then freed from the feare of their Banditi, or outlawes by the ayde of the French, were content (that they might be ridde of them) to set them on in the voyage and iourney of Naples: and they concluded to giue them succours. For this cause they caused to arme and make readie tenne Galleasses, and three great shippes of burthen for the cariage of their traine and necessaries: all which they payed for three moneths before hand: and they gaue him also in readie money out of the banke of Saint George three score thousand crownes. Besides these vesselles, the Duke had of his fatherThe Banke of S. George at Genes. twelue other Galleasses at Marseilles, with promise both from the French king and from him, that he should want nothing. Wherefore all things being in a readinesse, and hauing appointed Iohn Cosse a Neapolitan for the Admirall of his Nauie, he tooke sea the fourth day of October, in the yeare of our Lord a thousand, foure hundred, fiftie and nine: and by the benefite of their sayles and oares he arriued at Gatetta, purposing from thence to take his course for Calabria, where the Marquesse of Crotona had called him, and did expect him: but hearing by the way, that theMarquesse of Crotona. Marquesse was ouerthrowen, and taken prisoner by Ferdinand, he held his enterprise vtterly ouerthrowen likewise: because that vpon hope of him onely he had vndertaken that iourney. But, as it is commonly and often seene, that things desperate and past all hope do many times proue more fortunate then those that are aduisedly and considerately taken in hand, so it fell out with Duke Iohn at this time: for Marin de Marsan Duke of Sesse, and Prince of Rossan did reuiue both his courage andMarin de Marsan Duke of Sesse. his hope. This Nobleman had his landes lying ouer against the towne of Baie, not farre from the sea, where the French armie laye a floate: and hee sent vnto them, offering both him selfe and his forces to assist them: and so was the first man that discouered him selfe to be the authour, and chiefe procurer of the reuolt and rebellion of the Neapolitanes against Ferdinand. For the newes of this reuolt being dispersedRebellion of the Neapolitans against Ferdinand. throughout the realme, you would not imagine howe suddenly the inhabitaunts of the countrey were chaunged, and howe their affections enclined to the [Page 405] fauour of the Angeuin. For both the Princes, the Barons, and the people did in a manner striue and contend together, who should be the first to kisse the handes ofPrinces and Nobles of Naples confederate with the Duke of Aniow. this newe Seigniour. Besides the Prince of Tarentum (who was the chiefe man, though not yet openly declared the enemy of Ferdinand:) the Princes of Besignan and Salerne: the Duke of Venuse: Peter Iohn Paule Duke of Sora: the Count Cola de Campobasso: Anthonie Caldore, and almost all the Nobilitie of Apulia, together with all the townes and fortresses of the countrey, taking armes against Ferdinand, did stand wholy for the Angeuin. By meanes whereof his hoast being greatly increased, and Apulia being open vnto him, he marched on throughout the whole countrey, soliciting those townes to his deuotion which as yet stoode in doubt and suspence. Afterwardes being entred farther vp into that part of Apulia which isMarquesse de Este. plaine and champion, and was held for Ferdinand by the Marquesse de Este, and Don Alonso a Spaniard: the sayd Marquesse (being secretely wrought by his brother Borze Lord of Ferrara, who was a verie deuote and great fauourer of the French, Borze Lord of Ferrara. and did abound in the reasons of his discontentment against Ferdinand) came to seeke the Duke of Aniow, hauing with him in his companie a traine of fiue or sixe hundred good horse, which made Alonso to be mightily abashed. By the departure of the Marquesse, they of the plaine countrey being freed from the yoke, by his authoritie became all to stand for the Angeuin, and the townes likewise yeelded franckly vnto him. The Prince of Tarentum nowe perceiuing the good successe and prosperitie that followed the Angeuin, beyond all credit and expectation, would no longer dissemble his malicious and euill minde against Ferdinand, but made open warre against him with three thousand horse, vnder the charge and conduct of two Captaines, Vrse Vrsin and Iulius de Aquauiue. Besides all these great Princes andCount Iames Picenin General of the army for Duke Iohn against Ferdinand. men of marke aboue mentioned, the Duke had drawen into his pay, the Count Iames Picenin, one of the most famous and politicke Captaines in that age: who comming to his seruice accompanied with a good number of men, of his old bands of mercenarie souldiers, was made Generall of all the power and forces of the Duke. On the part of Ferdinand were the Duke of Dande, the Duke of Malfie, the CountiesPrinces and Nobles of Naples partaking with Ferdinād. de Fondi, de Arriane, and Matalune: the Carasses, and the Diamedes, Gentlemen Neapolitans and some others in a verie small and little number. Both the one part and the other hauing taken the field, and being both in a full resolution, and readie appointed to trie their fortune by a set battell: they assigned the place of fight to be in the territorie of Sarnie. Each of them being come to the place appointed, and theirBattel of Sarni betweene Ferdinand and Duke Iohn. Victory of Iohn against Ferdinand. battels being marshalled and set in order, they went together in most furious and cruel maner, and for a long time the conflict continued with great obstinacie. In the end manie being slaine on both sides, the honour of the day remained to the French, and Ferdinand being put to flight, with the losse of his campe, and all his baggage, was chased euen to the gates of Naples.
The Bishoppe of Rome vnderstanding of this disaster and misfortune fallen toThe Pope and Duke of Millan aid Ferdinand. Ferdinand, because (for his parte) hee would not fayle in the capitulations of the league: and doubting least (if the realme of Naples should be subdued by conquest) the French would encroch vppon the libertie and dominion of the Italian Princes through the insolencie and pride of his victorie, he aduertised the Duke of Millan, with all possible speede of the state of their affaires: and they two with oneFrederick Duke of Vrbin. Alexander Sforce. Battell of Saint Fabian. accorde and by common aduise did send Fredericke Duke of Vrbin and Alexander Sforce with a strong and puissaunt armie to the ayde and succour of the king of Naples. They being entred vppon the territorie of Abruzze, the Count Iames marched forward against them, and met with them neare to Saint Fabian, where [Page 405] was fought betweene them a most fierce and blouddie battell: but once againe the Armie of the Arragonians being discomfited, the Angeuins obtayned a notableThe second victorie of the French against Ferdinand. victorie, howbeit it cost them full dearely. The report hereof being brought vnto Ferdinand, who was fled into Naples, beganne to make him muse and imagine with him selfe what would followe, and he feared that ere long the towne would be besieged. He left therefore the Queene to keepe Naples, and being not able of him selfe to make head against the armes both of his domesticall and forraine foes, being spoyled of the most parte of his dominions: he put him selfe within Barie, Bary or Barlette. with a verie small and weake companie. The Count Picenin being enformed of his flight, left a strong garrison in Abruzze, for feare least some newe enemie onFerdinand besieged within Barie, by the Count Picenin. that side, should cut off the course of his attemptes: and with the rest of his troupes he followed close after the king euen to Barie. In the meane while Pope Pius and the Millanois made new prouisions, and sent them for the reliefe of Ferdinand: but the enemie hauing seized vpon all the passages, this leuie serued to no purpose, but onely for a vaine and fruitlesse shewe.
The Pope being in greater feare and perplexitie nowe then euer before, did perceiue well, that this matter would require forreine succours, and that the valureConfederates of Ferdinand sent to Scanderbeg for succours in the behalfe of Ferdinand. and prowesse of straunge forces was to be vsed in this case. Whereupon all the confederates did thinke it best to send for Scanderbeg into Apulia, who being a Prince of great estimation and renowme in deedes of armes, was very seruiceable to the See of Rome: and withall was of late the most inward friend of Alphonsus, and no lesse affectionate to Ferdinand. Besides that, they considered that Scanderbeg comming from the Sea, they could not hinder nor deny his landing in Apulia, but that he might open the passages towards Italie if neede were, so as the army and forces of the league might haue free liberty also to come on that side.
I cannot in this place but greatly wonder, and in some sort also it doth not a litle grieue me, to see the ingratitude of writers to those persons, whose valour hath so well and excellently deserued. For whereas diuerse of all sortes haue written very diligently, and recorded the summe of this warre betweene Ferdinand and the French: yet is there not any of them that hath spoken so much as one word of Scanderbeg, as though he had not beene (I may well speake it) the principall and chiefe cause of the happy successe of that warre: nay (if I may lawfully saie the truth) the true defendor of the Crowne of Ferdinand, and the deliuer of him out of the hands of his enemies. And hereof I neede giue you no other testimonie, then the liberall and bountifull recompence and reward giuen him by the King: for besides that he acknowledged and held him for his father as long as he liued, he gaue him also in acknowledgement of his desertes, and the rewardes of his vertue, the towne of Trana, and two other townes of as good reckoning in Aqulia, which the posteritie of Scanderbeg did continually enioy: after that the affaires of Epire (vpon the death of Scanderbeg) fell to decay and ruine, and they do in part also enioy them at this present, as may well be seene euen to this day.
The Ambassadours of the league were no sooner arriued in Epire, bringing with them letters from the Pope, the king Ferdinand, and the Duke of Millan, but thatAmbassade frō the Pope, Ferdinand, & the Duke of Millan to Scanderbeg. Scanderbeg was willing to giue them audience. Wherefore being brought vnto his presence, they briefly recited vnto him, howe the king of Naples hauing lost two great battels in the very heart of his realme, his Nobles and subiects, and the most part of his townes were reuolted from him: and himselfe, being (as it were) banished and exiled out of his countrey, was enclosed and shut vp with a tedious and troublesome siege, in a towne ill fortified, ill prouided, and scarce defensible, without the hope of [Page 407] some present and speedie succours: wherefore if he had any remembrance and regard of the strict friendship and amitie so faithfully held and obserued betweene him and the king Alphonsus father of Ferdinand, that then it would please him speedily and without delay to passe with his forces into Apulia, to deliuer & free him frō the yoke and seruitude of strangers, and not him onely, but all Italie, and (it might be) the holy siege of the See of Rome: whereunto they did all of them intreat and require him most earnestly.
There needed no great perswasions to the king of Albany to draw him on in this voyage: for besides that he was most deuoutly affected to the Church of Rome, the memory of his late and most inward amitie with king Alphonsus, did so farre preuaile with him, that setting aside all the affaires of his owne kingdome, both publike and priuate, he franckly and voluntarily made him selfe a partie in the warre of Naples, and prouided presently and out of hand for his embarkement and departure. But before that he left Epire, he found the way to assure himself of a truce with Mahomet: andTruce between Scanderbeg & Mahomet. yet him selfe was not seene to motion or moue the matter, as though it proceeded of his seeking. Whereupon hauing set the affaires of his realme in good order, he ordained the Queene to be Regent of the kingdome, to whom he adioyned for assistaunts, some of the most worthie and chiefe persons of the prouince, to counsell and aduiseGoic Streese sent into Apulia by Scanderbeg. her in the gouernement of the Estate. Afterwardes he dispatched away Goic his nephew, a Knight of great and sufficient prowesse, with a choise companie of fiue hundred horse towards the realme of Naples, willing him there to attend his comming: and in the meane while to keepe the enemie busied by dayly roades and inuasions vpon them.
These things being thus accomplished, after that the publike processions, vowes, and prayers were ended for their good successe and victorie, and for the preseruation of him selfe and his people, he caused his armie to set forward, part of them to the gulfe of Rizic, where the Italian gallies did attend them: and part of them to the port ofGulfe of Rizic. Duras, or Durachium, Acrolissa. Ragusa, or Epidaure. Duras, and another part to Acrolissa or Media and the residue of his forces him selfe conducted to Ascriuia, and from thence to Ragusa, where his owne vessels were prepared to receiue him. But before I passe any further, I will describe vnto you (as well as I can) the towne and estate of Ragusa.
That which at this day men call Ragusa, was of old and in times past termed Epidaure, Description of Ragusa. Liburnia. a citie (as some affirme) seated in Liburnia, vpon the Adriatique sea, beautified with an excellent harbour, most fit and conuenient for shipping to ride and anker in, and defended with a great and strong tower notably fortified and well furnished. The compasse thereof is more then a mile in circuit: her castell being inexpugnable, is on euery side enuironed with mountaines, and besides excellently well fortified by art and handie worke of skilfull enginers. The towne was once abundantly stored with Churches and Temples, and richly beautified and adorned with goodly buildings, and with liuely springs and fountaines of water, which did continually flow into the towne by conduits & cesterns. The citie was wont to vse the Aristocratical forme of ciuill gouernement, by the greatest and chiefest persons of the Estate, and they do attribute the first originall and foundation of their citie to the Epidaurians of Peloponnesa. The territorie thereof is not very large, but full of woods, and hath two litle townes or hamlets belonging vnto it.
But let vs go on with the voyage of Scanderbeg: At his comming to Ragusa, allScanderbeg receiued at Ragusa. the people in generall went foorth to meete him, with exceeding ioy and incomparable triumph: and conducting him into the towne, did receiue him with all the honor that might be imagined. The next day after that the diuine seruice was ended, [Page 408] he went about the towne to take a view and suruey thereof: and the third day he visited the hauen, the arsenall, the fortresse, and the rampiers. The day following was employed in diuerse sorts of shewes and pleasant triumphs: and the fifth day he went to the Senate house, where were presented vnto him many goodly and rich gifts: besides that he was there receiued with an elegant Oration, containing a commendation of his great exploits and good deserts: and pronounced with a singular good grace byDauid Chauncelor of Ragusa Dauid the Chancelour of that Common wealth. This Oration was answered by Paul Angell Archbishop of Duraz: who (as another Achates) was alwayes a companionPaul Angell the Archbishop of Duraz. to the Prince of Epire, and was a partaker with him in all his trauels, perils, and councounsels. These curtesies being past and ended both on the one part and the other, Scanderbeg made stay at Ragusa onely so long, till that his whole fleete was there assembled: during which time of his abode, there was not pretermitted any kinde of sports and triumphs, at tilt, turney, barriers, and such like. In all which exercises the Albanians did shew themselues to be very expert, as beseemed good and worthie souldiers, till such time as they were commaunded to prepare themselues to go to sea, for that the time did now require their departure. All things being prepared in a readinesse, the king thought it best to cause all his vessels to come together to Ragusa, and that all his troupes both horse and foote, should draw thither, to the intent they might take the benefite of the first winde to sayle from thence into Apulia. For this cause he dispatched away sundry messengers along the sea side, to wil all the ships, gallies, foists, and brigandines which had bene sent from Italie for the cariage and transportation of his armie, to repaire all together to Ragusa: besides all which, as many vessels of his owne as were found vppon the coasts of Epire and Macedonie, did arriue thither in great numbers: insomuch that both the towne was too litle for the entertainment of so much people, and the port was too straight for so great a fleet. All of them shewed themselues so forward and willing to passe the sea, that they seemed not as men that had bene led and drawne to the warres, but as if they had bene inuited to enioy the prize of an assured and vndoubted victorie: there were very few men left in Epire or Macedon that were fit & able for the warres, but he had drawn them into that action. Yet is there great varietie & diuersitie of opinions touching the certainty of the numbers that he transported to the realme of Naples: some affirme, that he had with him fiue thousand foote, and fiue and twentie hundred horse: others say, two thousand foote, and three thousand and fiue hundred horse. Some name no certaine number at all (amongst whom, the truth being so vncertaine, I meane to make one) and they say, that the multitude which embarked themselues with him for Italie, was so great and incredible, that it seemed there were scant left behind any sufficient or able men, either in Albanie, Sclauonie, or Macedonie, for the keeping of their houses and priuate dwellings.
Nowe to the intent his armie might be embarked and put aboord without disorder and confusion, Scanderbeg tooke the care of that matter to himself, and he appointed Guirize de Vladienne to be Comissarie of the victuals: who made prouision thereofGuirize de Vladienne. for fifteene dayes, (of the which store they had for fiue dayes readie dressed.) Euery man being gotten on ship boord, he sent certaine skiffes throughout all the fleete, to giue them aduertisement, that the Patrons and two souldiers of each ship should repaire vnto him vpon the shore to vnderstand his will and pleasure: who being come he demaunded of them, whether they had fresh water and bisket aboord for as many dayes as they had victuals: and answer being made, that they had prouision of all things for fifteene dayes: he then enioyned and gaue speciall charge to the souldiers, that they should hold them selues still and quiet, and be in a readinesse to helpe the [Page 409] Pylots and Marriners if neede were, and that euery man should attend his charge and office without any noise or altercation amongst them. Himselfe and Gine Musache made the right wing with fiue Galleasses: Andrewe, Zacharie, and Moses had the commaund and charge of the left wing, in which were the same number of the like vessels both seruing for the safegard and defence of their shippes of charge. He ordainedScanderbeg embarketh him selfe for Italy. that euerie Galleasse should haue one lanterne, and that those of charge should haue two: and that the Admirall or chiefe Galleasse should haue three lights or lanternes. These rules and orders being set downe and pronounced, the next day he gaue them the signall to weigh anker, and to make out of the hauen to seaward, committing himselfe and his nauie to the guide and protection of the diuine power. Many of his vessels were launched forth & put out to sea from the gulfe of Rizic, from the port of Duraz, from Valona, and from the coast of Epyre and of Sclauony: and many of them also were gone before and had taken their course all alone. Assoone as the day began to breake, Scanderbeg being abord the Admirall, and hauing commanded a generall silence by sound of trumpet, with a high voice began to pray in this manner.
Lord Iesus Christ Sonne of the euerliuing God, which sittest at the right hande‘Praier by Scanderbeg [...]oing to the aide of the King of Naples. of the Father most high and omnipotent in the eternall glorie, who in the beginning diddest create all things of nothing, gouerning and guiding them according to thy good will & pleasure: who from all eternitie hast forechosen the holy Christian faith and by the effusion of thy most precious bloud, and by the bloud of thy holy Martyrs and Apostles hast laide the foundation of the same, and in most wonderful maner hast caused it to be dilated and dispersed throughout the vniuersall world: hauing appointed the most blessed S. Peter to be the Vicar and the Prince of the Apostles, and hast giuen to him and his successors, the whole and full authoritie of binding and loosing both in heauen and in earth: and hast willed and commaunded all men liuing, especially the Christian and elect people to be obedient to their admonitions and cōmandements, and to sustaine, maintaine, and defend the Catholique faith and the Church of Rome euen to the death: Behold ô Lord, I a most humble and poore sheepe, altogether vnworthy to be one of thy fold, haue with a free heart & willing taken vpon me the burthen of this iorney and expedition by their direction and commaundement, to the intent vnder the conduct & protection of thy mercy, I may maintaine, & with all my power defend the libertie of thy holy Church, thy Catholique faith, the citie of Rome, and the countrie of Italy against those that haue inuaded it, and are their professed enemies. Wherefore most mercifull God and almightie Father, who art both venerable and fearfull, I do inuocate thy diuine Maiesty, and do most humbly require thee to be fauourable to this my enterprise: reach out thy hand thy outstretched arme, and send vnto me Michaell thy Archangell, thy holy messenger & minister: whose fauor may be with me, and may accompany me day & night (for I do gladly reuerence & honor him) who may giue vnto me & furnish me with force, strength & courage: that this voyage & passage may be happy and prosperous vnto me, and that I may attaine in health and safety with this my army to the country of Apulia, that the enemies being discomfited and put to flight, I may triumph in the spoyles, and prey of the enemies, and that hauing obtained the summe and ende of my desires, I may returne into my countrie and to my owne home with safetie, health and victorie.’
This praier being ended, the Archbishop celebrated the Masse, after which, the trumpet gaue them warning to fall to their oares, and with a fresh gale of wind, they were soon off the coasts & shore of Albany. But within a while after there arose a thickScanderbeg faileth towards Italy. & foggy cloud or mist which did so couer them from the sight ech of other, that they could scarcely discerne how to keepe their gallies from beating one against an other. [Page 410] Neuerthelesse holding on their course, they made saile till it drew towards night. By this time they beganne to discouer a little Isle, and the Pylot demaunded of the King, whether he should direct his course thither or not: for they might easily perceiue that there was a tempest comming, and the waues of the sea beganne to swell, for it was in Autumne.) Scanderbeg hauing willed him to bend his course to the Isle: the whole fleete did come to harbour within the port, where hauing cast ankers, they rode there for eight dayes together, by reason of the outrage and swelling of the sea, which being at length growen calme, and the winde ceased, early in the morning by the rising of the Sunne, hauing heard diuine seruice, they put againe to sea, and made saile all that day and the night following, so that the next morning by breake of day, they came within sight of the coast of Apulia. Scanderbeg enquired what lande that was which appeared not farre off before them: it was tolde him, that it was the mount Saint Angell. God be thanked (saide Scanderbeg) bende yourOr mount Gargan. course thitherwardes: for I haue euer had a great deuotion to Saint Michaell. And presently assoone as he had a sight of the mountaine, he fell on both his knees and desired of God, that this his first discouery of Apulia, might be to his glorie and to the benefite of him and his confederates. After this he commanded them to ply their tackling▪ and to hoyse vp all their sailes, which being filled with a merry gale of wind the armie in short time arriued safely to the shore. Scanderbeg being gotten to shore together with the Archbishop, and a good number of souldiers, sent abrode to see if they could haue any newes of the enemie. His currours being returned brought him word that they were not farre off: notwithstanding he rested himselfe all at hisScanderbeg with his armie in Apulia. Or Barlet. ease, and hauing somewhat refreshed him, he returned aborde his shippes, and from thence tooke his course directly to Bary, where he discharged his ships, and set all his troupes on land.
Duke Iohn and the Count Pycenin being encamped before Bary, assoone as they saw so great a fleete, did presently suspect and imagine what they were: for there wasSiege of Bari raised by Scanderbeg. of late a certaine brute or rumour raised in the French hoast, that Ferdinand did looke for the King of Epyre to come to his succour. Wherefore they trussed vp their baggage in great haste, and went to lodge about a thirtie miles from thence: at the discamping of the French, the Neapolitane King being at libertie, issued ioyfully out of the citie, and went to meete Scanderbeg. Then was the affection and mutuall gladnesse of those two Princes, to be seene and perceiued by the multitude of their embracements and kind greetings, intermingled with teares, and so did they makeScanderbeg receiued into Bari by Ferdinand. their entrie into Bary not without the infinite clamors and acclamations of the common sort, in signe of the publique ioy & gladnesse. Then might you haue seene all the towne as it were in a tumult, by meanes of the people running dispersed in seuerall troups to meet the king of Albany: all the inhabitants in generall, of all ages & estates, and of ech sex were assembled in great confusion vpon the market place, & at the Pallace: day & night might you haue heard in the streetes & in all places, persons singing & triumphing for ioy of the comming of Scanderbeg: on the one side the inhabitants issued by multitudes out of the gates to see the ships and nauie of the Albanois, on the other side the Epyrots resorted into the towne, and ranged vp and downe the fields & the villages, busying & employing thēselues in diuerse matters. Some [...]ell to sadling and bridling of their horses, others to make ready their curasses & their armors, euery man employed himselfe about some one thing or other, & all generally prepared thē selues to the warre, as if they had beene presently to fight with the enemie. The next morning Scanderbeg taking with him a small companie of his men, went forth to forage vpon the lands of such as were rebels to Ferdinand, and being soone returned [Page 411] well loaden with prey and pillage, he deuided it equally and in common to those of the towne as well as to his owne souldiers. Afterwards a litle before the euening hauing assembled his companies, he thought good to encourage them and vsed these speeches following.
I remember (my companions and good friends) that I haue heard it reported of‘Oration of Scanderbeg encouraging his souldiers against the Frenchmen. Belissarius that famous warriour, how in an expedition which he made against the Englishmen, with a puissant army by sea: his first act was after, he had landed his men, to set [...]ire on all his shippes, for feare least his souldiers being caried away with the hope and commoditie of a safe passage backe againe, should be alwaies desirous to returne home to their owne countrie: and in stead of doing their best, and aduenturing their liues to get the victorie, they might happen by their default and negligence to be ouercome and vanquished. This is nowe our case (my good souldiers) and our estate and condition is not much vnlike: we are now ouer the sea, farre from our owne houses, from our owne countrie, vppon the territories and dominions of our enemies, amongest strangers, altogether destitute and voide of hope, and without any meanes to returne againe to our owne: yea our affaires are brought to that passe, that it is impossible for vs to resolue, whether is better for vs to stande still or to goe forwarde, considering that besides our armes, our horses, and our courages (wholly bent and addicted to deedes of armes) we haue nothing else left vs to relie and build vpon: for there is now no hope of life nor safety, if we get not some notable victorie vpon our enemies. But courage, (my masters) let vs consider, that this is the diuine will and pleasure, that we should maintaine the patrimony of Iesus Christ, the house of God, and the seat of his Church: and doubt you not, but that he will send vs euen from heauen an easie and a speedie victorie, vnder whose name and protection we being now to fight: soone shall we confound this our enemie, and then shall we returne into our countrie conquerours, ioyous, and triumphant. Hereof I make no doubt nor question, when (first of all) I call to remembrance your ordinary and wonted valure, when I set before my eyes so many goodly victories which you haue gotten vppon your enemies: and then being thus confirmed through the confidence of your vertue and prowes, I haue cheerefully vndertaken this present voyage, as hauing learned by your armes to breake and discomfite greater armies, and farre better then this that is now opposed against vs. Much more reason haue you (my companions) not to esteeme of these small troupes, which (as you haue alreadie seene) at the onely brute and hearing of our names, and before that euer they had anie sight of vs, did (as a man may say) betake themselues to flight, and durst not tarrie our landing, but remoued their siege, and are retyred from vs. It remaineth therefore that we pursue them whilest they are in this feare and astonishment: but yet in this would I haue you to be aduised (my good friendes,) that if it happen this our enemie should dare to abide vs, and to come to fight with vs (which I doe not beleeue) my counsell is, that at the first we onely holde him play by loose and light skirmishes, and that we doe endeuour to wearie and ouercome him with the trauell and trouble of continuall onsets and often charges: in so doing eyther shall we put them to the sworde, or get them aliue to be our prisoners. For the weight and heauinesse of their owne armes doeth sufficiently plague and afflicte them in the fight: and these barded horses, are neyther so readie to pursue, not yet so nymble to flie from vs: but that we being lightly armed and mounted, haue great aduauntage against them, being able by coursing vppe and downe, both to annoy and to disorder them with ease. Goe to then (my braue and couragious souldiers) let euerie man see that his horse and armour be in a good readinesse: for by the [Page 412] aide and helpe of God▪ I am determined to morrowe to goe visite the enemie.’
The Albanois (who desired nothing more then to see the enemie) being more and more enflamed with these speeches, the next morning by the breake of day presented themselues readie and resolute to march against the enemie: and hauing serued God, they tooke the fielde with Ensignes displayed with a full intent to goe seeke out theScanderbeg his troupes in skirmish with the French. French: with whom when they came to encounter, they did not ioyne with them with the whole bodie of their forces in plaine and set battell, but they did onely taste them with a light conflict: for that the intention of the Albanian Prince was not as yet to make a full tryall of his fortune, but onely to sport a little with the enemie, and to proue what manner of souldiers they were, and how they could demeane themselues with their armes on their backes. In this skirmish there lay dead vpon the place thirtie of the French partie, and twentie taken prisoners: of the Albanois not any one eyther slaine or taken, only foure of them were wounded, and they returned all of them with great ioy to Bari.
The next day following was a Councell called of the Masters of the Campe, and the other Chiefetaines of the armie, to the which the King Ferdinand ledde Scanderbeg: there was it propounded, that eyther they must aduenture the battell, or march into Abruzza, to open the passages for the troupes of the confederates,Ferdinand and Scanderbeg free the passages of Abruzza. and so being conioyned with them, to goe and encounter with the enemie. The conclusion was, that they should take the way to Abruzza, and thereupon was order giuen to all the souldiers both those of the King and the Albanois that they should be in a readin esse, and that euerie man should furnish himselfe with victuals readie drest for fiue dayes. This done, and the towne being assured with a good garrison, the armie beganne to march, both the King and Scanderbeg being present: and they passed on close and in good order, with great silence and secresie, the darkenes of the night fauouring them, in such sort that they were not discryed by the French campe, which lay not far off: & so held on their course directly towards the country of Abruzza, where being arriued, and comming suddenly vpon those that kept and garded the passages, they charged vpon them vnprouided so furiously both behinde and in flanke, and on all sides, that hauing dispersed and scattered them for the most part, orFerdinand and Scanderbeg. ioyne with the forces of the league. hauing taken or cut them in peeces: the wayes and passages were made open and free to the companies of the league, which were vnder the conduct and commaund of Frederick Duke of Vrbin and Alexander Sforce: who being vnited and incorporated one with the other army, they went and encamped nere to Vrsara a towne that stood for King Ferdinand.
Now being so farre remoued from Bari, and considering that they had to deale with one the most subtle and politique warriour, and the most able and expert souldier liuing: namely Pycenin, who (as they thought) might eyther sollicite that place to reuolt: or vpon the feare of their absence, and by the trauerses of vnconstant fortune if they should present thēselues before the towne, they might happen with ease to cary and obtaine it: it was therefore thought conuenient to send thither some good and sufficient Chiefetaine with good and strong forces, both to secure the towne (if need were) and to preuent the enemy of any such enterprise, and the same being once done and dispatched, to returne againe, and to ioyne with them in one campe. This commission was of sufficient difficultie, and there was none that did enuie it vnto Scanderbeg: and therefore he offering himselfe, and requesting to haue the execution of that seruice, it was liberally and freely accorded vnto him. He had a good deuotion and great desire to see the French once againe, and to speake with Pycenin neerer and more at hande. Being arriued at Barie with his owne bandes, he found [Page 413] all things there as he desired, wherefore hauing taken order for all accidentes, he dislodged thence as speedily, and marched directly towardes the French campe. Immediatly vpon his approach, he sent them a defiance, and challenged them to the battell: they who had vsed alwaies to vanquish and carrie away the victorie, made noFight betweene Scanderbeg & the French. long delay, but were as forwarde to meete him. Ech partie therefore tooke the fielde in good order and well resolued: the Albanois had deuided his armie into three partes: Moses of Dibria led one of his battallions, of the second Guirize had the commaund, and the thirde he reserued to himselfe, hauing an intent therewithall to affront Pycenin. Thus all things being orderly disposed for the fight: hee made towardes the enemie by three seuerall wayes at once. The whole day was spent almost in skirmishes and light conflictes: for the Albanois making sometimes as though they fledde and feigned themselues to be affraide: sometimes by wheeling and casting suddainely about, then againe by often and sudden charge and retraites: coursing vppe and downe the breadth of the plaine, did so wearie and molest the French, that in the ende, the battell fell out as him selfe expected. Manie were slaine outright, and many of the Dukes side were taken prisoners, onely one of the Albanois was slaine, manie hurt and verie fewe taken. But the Count being quicke conceipted and politique, and wisely foreseeing that by this newe kinde of fighting: if Scanderbeg with his souldiers so well exercised by long practise, vse, and discipline, did not put him to the worst, yet he was like enough to giue him his handes full: he bethought him selfe therefore, that if he could get to speake vnto him, he might peraduenture obtaine some staie, and so cause himPolicie of Count Pycenin to surcease from fighting. For this cause he aduaunced him selfe alone at the head of his squadrons, and with a huge voyce called Scanderbeg by his name, inuiting and requesting him to come to a parley with him. The Albanois being of a courteous and generous disposition, and without anie apprehension of feare: knowing that it was the Countie, did not disdaine to speake with him, but put himselfe likewise in the head of his troupes. The two Chiefetaines beeing thus separated from their companies, made choice of a place equally distant from the two armies, and discouered rounde about on all sides to be free from all suspition of anie ambushmentes, and there both they mette to conferre and parley together. The Count greatly maruelling at the presence of the King of Epyre, stoode still without any word spoken attentiuely beholding him from the head to the foote. Scanderbeg was the first that dismounted from his horse, and approaching to the Count, he tooke him about the bodie (for he was a man of a verie litle stature) and lifted him vp aloft from the ground, and afterwards hauing kissed him (as his custome was) he let him downe againe very easily. The Count to colour his subtiltie, feigned that he hadCount Pycenin his notable dissimulation. great matters to entreat of with him, and which could not be expressed in a short conference. For he promised so to contriue all things, that either the Frenchmen, leauing the quiet and peaceable possession of the Realme of Naples to Ferdinand should auoidePycenin his parley with Scanderbeg. out of Apulia, and so returne ouer the mountaines: or if not, that he would worke their confusion. And so proceeding in a most friendly and louing discourse: he saide, that he was fully assured, that if the Frenchmen (who were naturally proud and insolent, and did beare a deadly and mortall hatred to the Italians) should once get sure footing in the Realme of Naples: they would not rest contented with that portion, but they would aspire to the Dominion of all Italy, the inhabitants whereof they respected not nor regarded no more then as slaues, and as brute beasts & vnreasonable creatures. All this and many things else, did he promise to doe, both for the benefit and greatnesse of Ferdinand, as also for the reputation & immortall renowme [Page 414] of Scanderbeg. And to this ende he requested him, that he would cause his people to sound a retrait, as he was readie for his part to do the like: that the souldiers of both sides might take breath, and might refresh themselues from their labours and trauels which they had endured all the day long: affirming that this was a vse and custome euer obserued in warres amongest the Italians: and for that it was now growing towardes night, and the souldiers on both sides being faint and wearie, he held it expedient, that the two armies should retire into their tentes, and that euery man might betake himselfe to his rest. He also entreated him of all courtesie, that he would meete him the next morning with a small company (to the intent Duke Iohn & the French men might doubt and suspect nothing) in such a place as he would assigne, that they might there conferre more at full vpon these matters. This fraudulent plot did Pycenin conuey with singular dissimulation equall to his malice and despightfull humor.Count Pycenin his dishonest practise against Scanderbeg. For his drift was to bring the Albanois within his daunger either aliue or dead (an act most dishonest, and litle practised amongst true Knights) or at the least wise he thought by drawing out the parley at length to gaine time, and to bring it to passe, that the night should separate them: for he perceiued full well, that the Albanois had the aduantage of that dayes iourney. Scanderbeg giuing faith and credite to his speeches, by reason he was a personage of great renowme and authoritie, did simply and plainely condiscende to his request, causing to sound a retrait and to cease the combat. In this meane time Moses and Guirize (who in the late skirmish had taken prisoners foure squadrons of the enemies) did present them vnto their Generall: which Picenin seeing, he beganne to blush for shame, and being sore troubled in his mind, he stood a while as if he had bene dombe: afterwards being come to himselfe, he spake againe to the Prince of Albanie according to his wonted dissembled manner to this effect.
‘I perceiue (quoth he) most noble and generous Prince, and I cannot but be abashedSpeech of the Count Pycenin to Scanderbeg. at it, to see that thy Captaines and souldiers, doe shewe themselues to haue but small discipline, and to haue but litle regard and respect of thy commaund. For (as thou seest) after we had set downe an order and published it with one voice and consent, that the souldiers of both the armies should withdrawe themselues from the battell: these men notwithstanding haue assailed and forced these my squadrons, who were obedient to our edict, and they haue now brought them hither prisoners vnto thee to our great reproach and dishonor, a thing in my iudgement vniust and iniurious, and contrarie to thy faith and reputation. Neuerthelesse trusting in thy vertue and valure, for that I haue euer reputed thee to be a Prince of great magnanimitie and faithfull of thy word, I haue good hope that thou wilt obserue the faith and promise which thou hast giuen me, and wilt cause these souldiers to be set at libertie, as being vniustly taken and made prisoners.’ But the Count went not away without an aunswere: for Scanderbeg replyed vnto him in this manner.
‘Certainly Count Iames: I cannot chuse but greatly maruell that thou being aAnswere of Scanderbeg to Count Pycenin. man so famous and renowmed, wouldest either speake or so much as thinke such speeches not onely vaine and friuolous, but of litle truth or appearance. For, to say that our Captains and men at armes haue taken or defeated thy squadrons when they were disarmed, or after that publication of our edict and agreement: thou thy selfe hast seene the contrarie, and thou maiest not denie it, but that at the verie first that wee two met together in this place, my men had both foyled and taken those prisoners before that euer there was any abstinence of armes either concluded or signified throughout our armies: and therefore I know not how it should be that this matter should seeme so strange and iniurious vnto thee: for if our troupes (as thy selfe hast confessed) haue bene in fight all the day long: is it possible that our agreement [Page 415] should in so short a space be published and made knowen throughout all the quarters of our campe? and can it be that thy men seeing my forces still in armes and in fight, could so simply layedowne their armes and giue ouer fighting? then must I needes thinke that whilest thy souldiours would shew themselues (as thou sayest) precise obseruers of thy commaundements: they are iustly and to their shame made prisoners vnto vs: or rather in despight of their willes being ouercome by right of armes, they haue lost the victorie and haue deserued this captiuitie. Moreouer how cannest thou call or account my men either rebellious or carelesse of discipline, with whom many times in fewer & lesser numbers (be it spoken without boasting) I haue broken and ouerthrowen so many puissant and mightie armies of the Barbarians? with whom I haue tamed, subdued, and made captiues so many proud and braue Chieftaines of the Turkes and Infidels? and if I should speake the truth of their obedience, and their order in militarie discipline: I dare auow that they feare and reuerence me more as their Leader and Generall, then they doe stand in feare of you being their enemies. And as concerning that request of thine, that these thy squadrons (being by right of warre made my prisoners) should be freely restored and redeliuered vnto thee: truly thy demaund shall not be in vaine: for those whom the furie of the fight hath spared aliue, it is not my vse nor custome to depriue them either of life or libertie.’
Now the number of them which were so taken, were about 100, all which Scanderbeg deliuered with their armour and gaue them freely vnto Pycenin: who after that this parley was ended, betooke himselfe to his campe, and the Albanois went towards Bari, from whence the next morning very early, being accompanied onely with seuen horsemen and no more, he went backe againe to meete with Pycenin according to the promise and agreement concluded betweene them the day before. As he was ryding on his way, there presented himself vnto him one that came from the enemies campe, sent (it may be) by Zachary Groppe, who (as some write) was then in the pay of the French: or else some one of them who had lately proued the bountie and courtesieZachary Groppe in paye with the French in Italie. of the Prince, holding it an vnworthy and dishonorable part, that the Count against the lawes of armes and honorable warres, should vsesuch falshood & disloialty towardes Scanderbeg: but howsoeuer it was, seeing in so great want and obscuritie of writers, we cannot learne nor yet coniecture any otherwise of the case: let it suffice that this souldier did discouer and make knowen vnto Scanderbeg this practise ofCount Picenin his practise discouered to Scanderbeg. the County: giuing him to vnderstand, that the long parley of the day last past, was nothing but an illusion both to draw his owne armie out of the danger of that daies iourney, as also to entrap him and to bring him within his danger: telling him also, that the place appointed for their meeting was full of ambushments purposely disposed and prepared to that effect: and he willed him in any case not to passe any farther, for if he did, he should be either slaine or taken. Scanderbeg to proue the truth of this matter, sent forth certaine horsemen to discouer the countrie, and they found it accordingly as it had bene reported. The guile and fraud of the Count being reuealed and made manifest, the Prince of Epire began to reproach him in his absence with the note of plaine treason and infidelitie: and he obiected vnto him a thousand villanies,Scanderbeg challengeth Count Picenin to the battell. calling him periured and disloiall: and he sent vnto him presently a defiance, willing him to prepare himselfe to the battell against the next morning. But Picenin without returning any answer, about the first watch of the night following, trussing vp his baggage together with Duke Iohn and his french forces, made a long march the same night and retired himselfe at last to Nocera, doubting least that Scanderbeg wouldPicenin & the French secretly dislodge to Nocera. haue inuaded him before day: for he had heard that the Albanois did often and commonly vse to take the aduantage of the night, for the execution of his most notable [Page 416] and greatest exploits. The day following early in the morning, Scanderbeg with his armie in good order and with full resolution to fight, tooke the field: but there was none to be found that would come against him, by meanes whereof his expectation being frustrate, he was greatly discontented and aggrieued that he had lost the oportunitie to reuenge himselfe: and he referred it to some other time. He returned therforeScanderbeg ioyneth with Ferdinand. towardes Bari, where hauing taken order and seene all things safe and sure, he tooke his way to Vrsara where Ferdinand with his Italian forces did then lye encamped.
Vrsara is a litle towne in Apulia, which being seated vpon the descent of a mountaine,Description of Vrsara. is eight miles distant from Nocera, foure from Troy, and sixe from mount Segian: so that the two armies were not aboue eight miles asunder. The towne of Segian Segian. Troie. Nocera. being betweene both of them, from whence Troie was two miles, and to Nocera sixe: in such sort that the common opinion was, that he which could first seize vpon this hill of Segian, was most likely without all doubt to haue the honour of the battell, not onely for that the situation of this place would giue them some aduantage, but also because it yeelded the oportunitie of a good and commodious retraite in case there should be any neede to retire: as in battelles it falleth out often and vsually. Picenin who made account to be there first and to get the possession of the place, thought it meete to encourage his people and to put them in hart by the rehearsall of their valiant acts, and he spake vnto them in this manner.
‘There is no man (my good friends and companions) but knoweth the greatnesOration of Count Picenin to his souldiers. of your valour and prowes: and I hold it needlesse to discourse thereof at large. Leauing therefore to begin, with the recitall of your first deserts, I will onely glaunce at some of your valiant and worthie exploites. Are not you the men that more then once haue broken and put to flight the armies of Ferdinand in open and set battell: and reducing them to the extreamitie of a shamefull siege, first within Naples, and afterwards within Bari? Are not you those braue warriors which once or twice haue scattered and cut in pieces the forces of the Pope, and of the Duke of Milan, which came to the aide and succour of the Catalan? what resteth then (my good souldiers,) but that you purchase vnto your selues, the Empire not onely of Apulia and Calabria, but euen of all Italie? Who shall say you nay? who shall be able to oppose himselfe against you? Shall this Ferdinand, whom you haue lately vanquished and chased flying before the furie of your armes? Then turning his speeches to the French forces:’
‘And you (ô valiant and thrice fortunate Frenchmen, the terror and feare of all Italie and of all the world:) where are now the Romanes, who once triumphed ouer the whole earth? so often ouercome and discomfited by your braue valour in plaine fight and set battell? where is Rome the capitall citie and Empresse of the world? hath she not bene made the prey and subiect of your furie? All estates Christian stand in doubt & feare of you: the Infidels the Mahumetans, and in briefe all the Barbarians, and all peoples and nations doe feare and reuerence you, flying at the onely bruite and report of your name. You are the true warriours; to you it is giuen by the Fates and diuine Destinies: to you valiancie hath the heauen promised the soueraigntie, not onely of Apulia and Sicilia, but euen of the whole world. Be you therefore constant, resolute and courageous: be not affraid of these men whom I will shortly deliuer vnto you for your prisoners, and I will giue you the spoiles of their persons, their armes and their horses. As for Scanderbeg lately come from Albanie with his Epirots naked or halfe armed: they ought not to moue you, neither are you to make any reckoning of them: their fashion is to runne and course vp and downe here and there, rather then with resolution and constancie to enter the combat. They shall not encounter [Page 417] here with Turkes and Asians, who are people delicate and effeminate: but they shall meete with men stout and valiant, hardened and enured to the toyles and trauels of the warres, whose hearts are vnconquerable, and whose bodies be armed and mounted to the aduantage. This is the time (my friendes) that we must bring this warre to a glorious and happie end, that we may purchase vnto our selues the quiet and peaceable possession of these goodly townes, this rich champion, and this frutefull countrie.’
There is no doubt but the Count Pycenin was a most worthie and vigilant Chieftaine, yet did he not rise timely enough that day to preuent the industrie & diligence of Scanderbeg, who was alreadie seized and possessed of the mountaine when the other thought to haue gone and taken it. Whereupon growing very sad and in a manner confounded, from that time forward he was out of all hope of victorie, and (as some say) he adiudged the fortune of the field vnto Scanderbeg. Notwithstanding as that Pylot or Marriner is nothing worth, which is not able at all times, but onely in faire and calme weather, to guide and gouerne the ship, and to stand to the helme: so Pycenin, to shewe that he knewe how to vse all fortunes both good and bad, put in execution and triall at this time all his skill and experience which he had gotten and learned by the continuall practise and exercise of armes, in ordering and disposing his squadrons against the battell following according to a most exact and perfect order. And first of all he helde it not amisse once againe to encourage his companies,Count Picenin encourageth his souldiers. shewing them, that they had no reason to despaire of the victorie, the euents of warre being more vncertaine, then in any other humaine action whatsoeuer: and that only ‘vertue and valure which was carelesse and prodigall of life, was that which made men to be immortall.’ This did he speake vnto his souldiers, because he was resolued, to aduenture the hazard of a generall battell with all his companies vnited and in one both Italians and Frenchmen.
The two Generals both on the one side and the other, did not omit by all meanes and perswasions possible, to enflame and set on fire the hearts of their souldiers, in so much that ech of them speaking vnto them with a loud & high voice did vrge them with these & the like considerations: That euerie man should prepare himselfe both ‘with his armes and in courage to the last combat and tryall of their vertue and fortune: and that they should now striue to vanquish not for a day but for euer: that they should see the next day before night, this quarrell decided and concluded betweene Duke Iohn and king Ferdinand, whether of them twaine should be Maister of the fielde, and giue the law to the Neapolitanes: that the realme of Apulia and Calabria should be the prize and reward of them that were victorious: that the perill was no lesse then the recompence of them whom fortune had determined to frowne vppon and to disfauour: for that neither the Albanois nor the French (if they should happen to flie and to haue the worst) had no place of refuge in a strange and vnknown land.’ Thus those two Noble and generous Princes, those two excellent and famous chieftaines, and those two armies of rare and vndoubted prowes, did prepare and make ready themselues to the hazard and aduenture of the battell, and preferred themselues ech in view and sight of other, in hope either to augment and increase their forepassed honour and reputation, or else vtterly to make an end thereof, and to extinguish it for euer. Their mindes were distracted with doubtfull hope and feare, sometimes regarding their owne troups, and sometimes those of the contrarie partie: and comming to consider of their forces rather by the eye then by their reason: they did deuise vnto themselues all at one instant, somtimes matter of sorrow and griefe, and sometimes of ioye and gladnesse. That which of themselues they did not remember: the [Page 418] exhortations and briefe admonishments of their Generals did supply: a matter needfull amongest so many nations differing and disagreeing in manners, in language, in lawes, armes, habit, and humours. Scanderbeg put his men in minde of their eighteene yeares warres, of his noble exploites and deedes of armes in Asia, in Macedonie, in Thrace, in Epyre, of so many Chiefetaines and numbers of Turkes and circumcised Miscreants slaine by them, and of so many armies of the Mahometistes which they had ouercome and defeated: and if by chaunce he came to make mention of anie one of his combats, he forgot not the notable desertes and particular commendations of ech man in seuerall. The Count Iames fell to recount likewise his famous actes, and the late battelles which he had foughten to his great honour and commendation both in the Marquesdome of Ancona, in Apulia, in Naples, and in other parts of Italy.
Scanderbeg deuiding his foote forces onely into two battallions, placed in the forefrontOrder of Scanderbeg his battels against Pycenin. his harguebussiers, and after them his crossebowes, his archers, and the slinges, the reregard he enforced with his pikes, both Sclauonians and Albanians. He did not order his squadrons in grosse, but parted them into seuerall bandes, each at large and a litle distant one from the other, to the intent that there might be some space left betweene ech of them, by which the men at armes and barded horses of the enemies being receiued in amongest them might passe & not trouble nor disorder their rankes. This done, he placed the King in the left wing, being garded with his men at armes both Neapolitans and Italians: Moses and Guirize did garde the right side, and with their light horses being Dibrians and Macedonians, did fill vp the emptie and voide places betwene the seuerall squadrons of the vauntgarde, who were willed, that if they sawe the men at armes of the French to charge vppon them with their barded horses, that eyther they should retyre themselues behinde the rankes of the middle troupes, or else gallopping and coursing vppe and downe, sometimes here, sometimes there they should ioyne themselues to the wings either of the right hande or of the left, to giue waye vnto the footemen, and to abide the shocke of the barded horses.
The Count Iames in the meane space arraunged his troupes in a maruellous goodOrder of the Count Picenin his battels against Scanderbeg. order of battell▪ first for the greater terrour to the enemie, he placed his artillerie mou [...] vpon wheeles and cariages, in the head of his battelles: then followed his Harguebussiers and crosse-bowes intermingled with pikes and corselets: in the second battalion were the companies of the Neapolitans and Apulians: who were seconded in manner of a reregard with the Genowais and Calabrians, flanking the two pointes of their battelles with the men at armes, on the right wing the French, and on the other the Italians.
Now beganne the drummes and trumpets on the part of the Arragonois to summonBattell of Segian betweene Scanderbeg & Picenin. euerie man to do his deuoite: and the souldiers on that side raising a huge and horrible [...]ye, went so furiously and vehemently to charge vppon the enemie, and with such readinesse and celeritie, that their vauntgarde after some fight was ouerthrowen and beaten backe in a manner before their peeces could haue the leisure to ‘playe vppon the Kings battalions: whereby you may iudge of what importanceSentence. Diligence in the warres of great importance. industrie and diligence are in the warres: oftentimes preuenting the counselles and purposes of the enemie, and troubling and confounding their order and directions. For the horses were so terrified with the noise of the ordinance,’ that they ouerthrew and disordered their owne troupes, especially in the left wing. Moses and Guirize did soone augment and encrease the feare and terrour of this affraie: for they verie egerly charging and fiercely setting vppon that side, did dis [...]urnish the maine battell [Page 419] of their horsemen: and some of their owne horses which were in the forefront of the battell neare the artillerie, ranne in amongst their owne Harguebussiers and archers: where albeit they were grieuouously wounded, yet did they cause a great confusion and destruction of their owne people: insomuch that on the right hand, the men at armes of Fraunce were compelled to turne their backes and to betake themselues to flight.
When the King Ferdinand perceiued the enemie to be in disorder, he encreased their feare by pressing in vpon them, so that the battalion of the Neapolitanes was left bare and naked of her flanckes. This was euen then when the infanterie on the one side and the other, being farre vnequall in hope and in puissance, came to affront ech other, and to ioyne together. The Albanois at the first onset beganne of purpose to recuile and giue backe a litle from the battalion of the enemie: but anon after all of them at one instant both the wings and the squadrons, charging and pressing vpon them most furiously did soone cause them to shake and to disrancke themselues, and thus pressing still forward, they marched on a while as if nothing had stoode against them, the hindmost still thrusting and bearing forwarde the foremost, in such sort that they had quite displaced the battalion of the enemies, and made them to leaue and forsake their grounde: (a thing which gaue them so huge a terrour) that it was of great force and efficacie to breake them for altogether. The reregard of the Angeuin namely, the Calabrians and the Genowaies presently beganne to yeelde and to giue ground also: and hauing their recourse to the battell of the Neapolitanes, they did not onely not sustaine and second them, but rather on the contrarie fearing least if they which fought manfully in the forefront, should be ouerthrowen and discomfited, that then the enemie would breake in next vpon them: by litle and litle they beganne to recuile. Thus the Genowaies and the Calabrians beganne to make away, and turning their backes, one part of them retired to the second battalion, and another part (as being forsaken on the one side, and excluded on the other) beganne to strike in amongest their fellowes that denyed to receine and entertaine them: so that nowe you might haue seene as it were two conflicts at once mixed and intermingled together: the Neapolitanes being forced to defend themselues both from these and from their enemies. Notwithstanding they would not suffer them for all this to recuile within their ranckes (were they neuer so fierce and despitefull) but keeping close together, and holding their rancks in good order on the open plaine, they repulsed these their troublesome companions who were quite forlorne, both by their owne flight and also by their blowes: for feare least being suffered to enter amongst them, they should cause their battalion also (which as yet was sure and whole) to be disordered and brought in disairay. By meanes of this tumult and great trouble, the place where they fought so obstinately in the head of the reregard, was so filled and pestered with the dead bodies of those which were then slaine and with weapons, that the passage there was almost more hard and difficult, then through the thickest of the enemies: but the pikemen were the first that made themselues way, who passing ouer those high heapes of the dead, and of their weapons which lay scattered about: and through the bloud of the slaughtered (which lay most horrible to looke vnto) followed close after their enemies to the vttermost of their powers, so that their owne rancks beganne to growe into disorder. The Harguebussiers and the crosse bowes when they sawe that their battell being gotten before them was (as it were) wandering, disioyned and separated from them, beganne to be greatly astonished and abashed: Scanderbeg incontinently perceiued and manifestly sawe the disorder of the one [Page 420] and the astonishments of the other: whereupon he caused the pikes to retire themselues backe againe, and hauing bestowed those which were wounded in the rereward of the battell, he led forth the Harguebussiers and the Archers to the two points for the better strengthening of the pikes and the middle battell. By this meanes the conflict beganne to be renued and to grow more cruell and deadly then before, and so continued the better parte of the day. Many there were that fell both on the one side and the other: but the victorie continuing still variable and vncertaine, did sway sometimes to the one side and sometimes to the other: for now were they busied on all sides, and euerie man had his handes full. Both sides were equall or not much vnlike, in the qualitie of their weapons, in practise and experience militarie, in honour and reputation, and in the greatnesse of hope and of the present daunger, but in number and multitude they were nothing equall: for therein the Albanois and Arragonois were superiour and did exceede them, as also in courage and resolution, and the rather for that they had put to flight both their light horsemen, and their men at armes: and hauing chased their first battell, hadde giuen the onset vppon the second. Moses and Guirize hauing pursued and followed the chase after the enemies horse that were fledde, were now retourned and in a readinesse to charge in vpon the backe of this battalion. This last charge and onset didVictorie of the Arragonois. cause their vtter ruine and ouerthrow: for many were enclosed, and murthered vppon the place, and many being scattered and dispersed as they betooke themselues to maine flight ouer the large and wide plaine: were forced by the horsmen to turne and returne here and there: so that being enclosed and (as it were) besieged on all sides: what with the bullettes and shot of the Harguebussiers, and what with the sword both of horse and foote that pursued them, many of them were shot and many of them were beaten downe and slaine: so that the slaughter on all partes was most extreame and pitifull.
The number of those which were counted slaine that day in the field, both of Neapolitans and of their confederates, was valued to be better then foure thousand: of prisoners there were taken about a thousand, besides fiue and twentie ensignes and standards. Of the victors there died nere a thousand. The Count Picenin and Duke Iohn with a fewe horsemen in their companie being compelled to yeelde and giue place to their ill fortune, did saue themselues after that the combat was past all hope, and they withdrew themselues amongest the thickest of those that fled, escaping by the goodnesse and swiftnesse of their horses. The Counte before his departure had giuen all good and sufficient proofe of his valour both before and during the whole time of the battell, and Scanderbeg himselfe both by his owne confession, and of all those (who were skilfull and practised in armes) did yeeld him this praise and commendation,Count Picenin his praise and commendation that he ordered and martialled his battelles that day with singular skill and iudgement. For, first his artillerie was placed in the head and front of his battels in regard that the force and violence thereof was intollerable. After it, followed the companies of mercenarie men and straungers arranged in verie good order: against whom he was in hope that the troups Albanois should haue bene opposed. After those strange succours succeeded the French battallion, to keepe the other that they should not flie when they thought good, for that being mingled of so many sorts of peoples (whom desire of gaine, and not theregard of their faith and honour did draw thither) he thought by meanes of the French following at their backes, they would be enforced both to abide the shock and charge of the enemy and also hauing wearied and sore trauelled them partly with their shot, and partly with the killing and wounding of them selues in the vauntgard: the violence and fury of the enemy would by this [Page 421] meanes be much abated. And therefore had he placed immediately after them the French and the Neapolitanes, in whom consisted the strength and sinewes of their hope: to the intent that being in all things equall vnto the enemy, they might in this point haue the aduantage of them, when that they being freshe, whole, and lusty, should be opposed against the others already wearied and wounded, with their long fight against them of the vauntgard. As for the Genowaies and the Calabrians, he had seuered them a good space from the rest, as being a people in whom he had no trust nor affiance whether they were either friendes or foes, and therefore had he reserued them to the rereward.
The Count Picenin after this daies seruice, being (as it were) the last proofe of his vertue, being escaped from the field, went vp and downe Italy secret and vnknowen as a fugitiue and vagabond in a very poore estate and disguised habite, till such timeFrancis Sforce duke of Millan as being allured with the flattering speeches, and entising wordes of Francis Sforce, then Duke of Millan, who beguiled him vnder the colour and pretence of a fained mariage, and made him his sonne in law, and then shortly after sent him as a friend to King Ferdinand, by whom being receiued and entertained as an enemy, he wasCount Picenin his pitifull end. in the end put to a pittifull and cruell death. The Duke Iohn being hardly and nearly pursued by the horsemen of the King of Albany, by very good hap and singular Fortune recouered Troy, where he was receiued and drawen vp ouer the wals withDuke Iohn his retraite into France. a cord: and from thence flying away secretly by night towardes the sea of Genes, by good chaunce he found there a Barke which caried him into France.
The French campe being sacked, and the souldiours enriched with the spoilesFerdinand returneth to Naples in triumph which they had gotten: the King entred into Naples with great pompe and triumph, and Scanderbeg with him, the prisoners being led on before them. Then in signe of gratulation and publicke ioy, all the temples were set open: solemne processions were made, plaies and feasts of all sorts were publickly celebrated for three daies together. These things thus accomplished, Ferdinand determined in the company of Scanderbeg to take armes for the recouery of all those townes and places, which were latelyFerdinand recouereth all his kingdome. rebelled and reuolted to the Angeuins: and so well did he follow and dispatch this voyage, that in a very short space, he pacified all the countrey, and reduced it to his obedience and deuotion, by the helpe and mediation of the King of Albany. For all of them were more willing to rely vpon his word, then vpon the faith of the king: fearing that by reason of their reuolt, and the breach of their faith to his Maiesty: he would haue dealt very hardly and iniuriously with them: but they were very well assured, that the Albanois should be so respected by Ferdinand, that if he gaue them his faith and promise in the word of a King, that they should haue no wrong nor damage, neither in their persons nor possessions. Thus by the means and intercession of this Prince, did the King Ferdinand in few daies reconquer his whole estate, and the Neapolitanes continued vnder his obeisance in rest & quietnes, all former matters and offences being for euer forgiuen and forgotten.
There remained yet one only difficulty to be remedied within Apulia, which Scanderbeg also accomplished and effected in good and friendly maner. Within the towneTrana. Frisian. of Trana, there was a certaine Sicilian named Frisian, a man notably fierce and warlike, who hauing bene sent by Ferdinand (before the comming of the French into Apulia,) to be gouernour of the garrison at Trana, had there settled and made him selfe very strong: he seeing that the Realme was turned in a maner topsie turuy by the wars and tumults of the French, had seized vpon that towne to his owne vse, and made him selfe absolute Lord and Seigniour of the same, supposing that the King being in a manner spoiled of his realme, would neuer be able to recouer it againe. Dayly there [Page 422] came vnto him in great abundance huge troupes of lewd and loose fellowes, drawen thither by the desire and couetousnesse of gaine: and with the sweetnesse which they purchased vpon the Prouince. The report hereof being come to the eares of Scanderbeg, he had some speech with the king touching this matter, whereuppon being permittedScanderbeg goeth to talke with Fusian. to depart from his campe with a small troupe chosen forth amongest his owne men, he marched directly on towardes Fusian, who being enformed that Scanderbeg came to seeke him, he went to meete him very well accompanied. Both the one and the other of them hauing singled themselues from their company, and dismounting from their horses, caused their soldiers to retire on the one side and the other in equall and like distance, and so came to talke and conferre together all alone. Scanderbeg was the first that boorded him with these speeches.
‘Braue and worthy knight Fusian: I doubt not but thou hast already heard, how theSpeech of Scanderbeg to Fusian. army of the French being ouerthrowen and discomfited, all things are now in quiet and peaceable estate, and euery man hath submitted him selfe to the authority and gouernment of King Ferdinand: onely thy selfe (I know not vpon what humour) art alienated from his Maiesty: in such sort that in stead of being his friend, his seruaunt, and his lieutenaunt: it seemeth that thou doest reiect his commaund and authority, whereat I cannot but greatly maruell. Notwithstanding (my friend Fusian) if thou wilt doe me the honor to giue credit to my wordes, assure thy selfe it shall be for thy good, and thou shalt be in the good grace and fauour of the King, which if thou be wise, thou wilt not in any sort refuse nor deny: and I promise thee on my faith, that I will cause thee to finde such honor and aduancement, as thy selfe shalt in reason demand, on condition that thou do resigne and deliuer vp Trana, and the fortresse into his Maiesties hands. On the other side, if thou be otherwise minded: I denounce war against thee as against the Kings enemy, whose fury and indignation, I do not see how thou canst possibly shunne and auoide.’
Fusian being puffed vp with the fauour of the popular sort, and with his own good fortune and prosperity, was become verie proud and arrogant, and therefore he made ‘this answere to the Prince of Albany. That he meant not to leaue the possession of theAnswer of Fusian to Scanderbeg. place vnto the King: except he were first satisfied and paied of all his wages and pensions from the time, the day, the houre, that he first came to the Kings seruice, euen to that present. And moreouer that he would haue the chiefe and principall place vnder the King, in the gouerment of his realme and kingome:’ With many other such conditions which he did rather prescribe, then seeme to request of the King his Maiesty, being notably preiudiciall to the honour and dignity roiall, and derogating greatly from the reputation of Scanderbeg, vnto whom he durst make those insolent demands. After which also, he powred forth many vile and contumelious speeches, both against Ferdinand and the Queene. Scanderbeg could not any longer suffer this his insolency, but choler and despite abounding in him, and his countenance beginningScanderbeg seizeth vpon the person of Fusian, and taketh him prisoner. to change, he tooke him by the necke, and so seized vpon him. The Scanderbegians making hast to approch to their maister, bound him fast, and lifted him to horsebacke without any tumult or trouble: the traine and company of Fusian not any way contradicting them, or opposing them selues against it. Fusian seeing him selfe captiue and in perill to fall to the mercy of Ferdinand, began to make faire weather, and was soone contented vpon condition he might enioy his liberty, to resigne and yeeld vp Trana into his handes, which being accepted, and faith giuen to that effect:Trana yeelded to Scanderbeg by Fusian. Scanderbeg entred freely with his company into the place to take possession thereof: and hauing assured it with a good and sufficient garrison, he released Fusian to goe at his pleasure: who when he was deliuered and courteouslie licenced to [Page 423] depart, embarked himselfe, his traine, and all his baggage in a certaine vessell, and so setting saile from the part of Trana, retired him selfe into Sicilia.
Scanderbeg after this happy exploit atchieued, returned to King Ferdinand: after which both of them being very glad and ioyous to see all troubles and seditions appeased and suppressed within the Realme, and hauing prouided and taken good order for the surety and safety of all the towns and places of any importance, they returned backe againe to Naples the chiefe & capitall city of the kingdome, with new ioy and exceeding great triumph. And for the better encreasing and honouring of the same, the Bishop of Rome, the Duke of Millan, and almost all the Princes and Potentates of Italy, in signe of the ioy and great contentment which they conceiued for their goodScanderbeg honored with ambassades & presents from the Pope and other Princes of Italy. and happy successe, did visite the King of Naples and Scanderbeg with most honourable Ambassades, and rich and sumptuous presents. But aboue all the rest, did the Pope honor the Prince of Albany with excellent gifts and rewards: for he did not only gratifie him with gold, siluer, and other goods and temporall things, but he adorned him with most ample and large priuiledges, prerogatiues, and spirituall graces: making him also a faithfull and assured promise, that as soone as his holinesse with the army of the Crusado could possibly get into Epire, (which he purposed to doe very shortly, and to march in proper person against the Turkes:) he would then crowne him king of Epire, Macedonie, Thrace, and Romania, and would commit the army of the Christians to his charge, and that he should haue the commaund and gouernment of the same, as chiefe Generall of the warres against the Infidels.
By this time was there a full and whole yeare past and fully complet, since the arriuall of the Albanois into Apulia: now was the warre ended and determined, Ferdinand restored and reestablished in his kingdome, and all things settled within the prouince according to his owne desire. Scanderbeg therefore hauing had long conference with the King touching many affaires of great waight and importaunce, was now willing to prepare for his departure, and to appoint a time for his iourney by sea homewardes. Wherefore Ferdinand (before he would accord or agree to any thing) first caused all his Chiefetaines and the Captaines of his army to be assembled, and in their presence made a long oration: wherein he gaue Scanderbeg great thanks and infinite praises and commendations, oftentimes repeating and calling him by the name of Father: and by which euer after as long as he liued he neuer ceased to honor him. Afterwards he commaunded generall processions and publicke praiers to be saied from Church to Church, whereat the King himselfe, his Court, and all the people were present, and did assist them in all humility and deuotion. Other like seruices and religious ceremonies were presented and offered vp vnto God for their good and happy victory, as to the sole and onely author and giuer of the same. After this he fell to triumphes, as turneies, iustes, and combattes, to publike and solemne huntings, to pleasant spectacles and shewes of all fashions: the which being ended and finished, the King made a great and bountifull largesse amongst the souldiers of Albany: but principally vnto their King for a perpetuall signe and memorie of their mutuallTownes in Apulia giuen to Scanderbeg by king Ferdinand Trana. Mount Gargā or Saint Angell. Sypont. Sainct Iohn de Ronde. good will and singular loue and amitie: for besides the inestimable treasures, horses barded, proude and rich caparizons and such like presentes fit for Knights and men of armes, of singular prise and estimation bestowed vpon him: he gaue him also the citie of Trana and two other noble and strong places in Apulia: one of the which was the mount Gargan, commonly called Saint Angell, where is seated the famous towne of Sypont, and the venerable church consecrated to the honour of Saint Michaell vppon the sea Adriaticke: the other was Saint Iohn de Ronde, all which places with their territories he graunted vnto Scanderbeg and his heires for euer: and he ratified and [Page 424] confirmed his sayed gift and graunt by good and authenticall writings and charters.
To conclude, Scanderbeg hauing caused the most part of his armie to go to Trana, Scanderbeg taketh his farewell of king Ferdinand. where his shippes and gallies did then attend him, and hauing taken his leaue of king Ferdinand, not without many kinde farewels, teares, and tokens of sorrow, with many friendly embracements and mutuall congratulations: he departed from him at the last, being accompanied and conueied on his way throughout Apulia, with many Princes and great Lordes of the countrey: the high waies also being filled with people who came scattered from all places, both out of the townes and countrey to see and to salute him. Thus being come at length to the Port, and going abord his vessels, as it were in pompe and triumph: he found the windes fauourable, and seruing well for his passage. Wherefore leauing the coastes and banckes of Apulia, he crossed the seas with a mery wind, and in few daies arriued safe and sound with all his troups in his owne countrey of Epire: some of them landing at Duraz, and some at anotherScanderbeg returneth out of Apulia into Epire. Cape de lach. litle gulfe called by the inhabitants, Cape de lach: and from thence he went to Croie, where he found all things in good and prosperous estate. His comming was no sooner spred and published throughout the Prouince, but that daily there arriued vnto him new ambassades of the Princes, Lords and estates his friends and allies in demonstration of their ioy, and in congratulation of his good and happy returne. This was the end and issue of the warre of Naples, in the seuenteenth yeare of the raigne of Scanderbeg.
THE ELEVENTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
MAhomet during the truce betweene him and Scanderbeg atchieueth many & great conquests: the war being renued betweene them, Mahomet sendeth diuerse of his chieftains with puissant armies ech after other against Scāderbeg, who remaineth victorious against all of them. The Sultan desireth peace of Scanderbeg, which being accorded & concluded, is at length broken by the Infidels, who sodenly ouerrun and spoile the borders of the Albanois. The Venetians hauing their dominions likewise inuaded by the Turkes, send Ambassadours vnto Scanderbeg, perswading him to renue the warre, and to ioine with them against Mahomet. Scanderbeg inuadeth and preieth vpon the Turkish territories. Pope Pius the second and the Princes of Christendome, prepare a voiage or Croyzado against the Turkes, purposing to make Scanderbeg Generall of their forces. Mahomet desireth to reconfirme the peace betweene him and Scanderbeg, who absolutely refuseth it. Seremet one of the Turke his Bassaes, is sent with an army against Scanderbeg, by whom he is discomfited. The Pope being come with the army of the Christians to Ancona in Italie, and ready to take sea, sickneth and dieth: whereuppon the voiage of the Christians against the Turkes is broken off, to the great griefe of the Albanois. Ballaban Badera is sent with an army against Scanderbeg, by whom he is discomfited in the battell of Valcala. Moses and certaine nobles of Epire, being ouer rash in following the chase vppon the Turkes, are taken prisoners, whom Mahomet causeth afterwards to be executed with extreame torments. Ballaban is againe sent against Scanderbeg, and is defeated in the battell of Oronichea. The third iourney of Ballaban against Scanderbeg, by whom he is againe ouerthrowen in the battell of Sfetigrade. Ballaban and Iagup are sent with two seuerall armies at one time and by sundry waies, to enclose & oppresse Scanderbeg, who meeting first with Ballaban in the battell of Valcala, putteth him to flight, and most of his army to the sword: and after encountreth with Iagup, who in the battell of Cassar is slaine by Scanderbeg, and his forces likewise slaughtered. Scanderbeg inuadeth & spoileth the Turkish territories and so returneth to Croy triumphant and victorious.
WHilest that Scanderbeg was occupied in the warre of Naples, and that1460. The conquests of Mahomet during his truce with Scanderbeg. the truce continued still in force betweene him and the Turkes, Mahomet had made great profite and benefite by reason of this aduantage, and had notably enlarged the bounds of his Empire, both in Asia vpon the Infidels, and in Greece vppon the Christians. For first of all [Page 426] interpreting it to be a signe and token of good Fortune, and taking it for an assuraunce of victorie, in that he had put Vsuncassan to the retraite in the battell of Arsengua, as is before mentioned. He held on his course, and in an instant subduedSinope the tountrey of Mithridates▪ Trebisond, or Tropez [...]nd, besieged and won by Mahomet. Sinope (the countrey where Mithridates was both borne and buried) and all the Prouince of Paphlagonia, and with the like course and successe of victorie, hauing planted his Campe both by sea and by land before the city of Trebisonde, and hauing pressed and forced it with extreame fury, in the end he obtained both the citie and all the royall treasures and riches within it, taking prisoner also the Emperour of Trebizond (named Dauid and his two sonnes) whom most cruelly he caused to be put to death. And after he had reduced these Realmes into seuerall Prouinces,Piramet king of Caramania. and added them to the rest of his conquests, he bent his puissaunce against Piramet, King of Caramania whom he ouercame in battell, taking from him many townes and cities in Cilicia: and as touching Greece, before that time of these expeditions in Asia, he entred with force of armes into Peloponnesa, commonly called Morea, andPeloponnesa, or Morea. depriued the Paleologues of the principality of that Prouince, by the dissention of the two bretheren Thomas and Demetrius. This done, he being enformed that the Venetians had restored the wall of Hexamile (a worke and building of great antiquity)Hexamile. he laied waste and desolate the countrey of Coron and Modon, and by sodaine irruptionModon, or Methone, a place frequented by pilgrims from Venice to Ierusalem. ouerrunning it with foure score thousand horse, after he had defeated the Venetians in a bloudy battell, and thrust them out of all Morea, he appropriated the same vnto him selfe, and ouerthrew the wall before mentioned from the very foundation, laying it euen with the earth, whereas from time of antiquity it had enclosed the* Isthmus or straight of Corinth, which is a narrow space of land running about fiue orIsthmus, a narrow space of land lying betweene two seas. sixe miles from the Mediterrane sea, to the Arche Pelagus, or sea of AEgeum. Hereby now you may gather and coniecture, that this fortunate Prince by this his vsurpation of all these countreis and estates, did not a litle encrease the greatnesse of his forces and puissaunce. For the countrey of Peloponnesa, is the most principall and chiefest part of Greece, both for the nobility, and the puissaunce of those nations and peoples, which did once inhabite it. And if we will but behold and contemplate onlie the site and situation thereof, it will soone make shew, that it deserued the principality and Empire of all Greece, by reason that it hath many goodly gul [...]es, many points and promontories, many great and proude cities, and magnificall Prouinces, as Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, or Lacedemon, Argolica, and Arcadia, which is seated (as it were) in the middest of the countrey.
This Monarch, whose hopes did aime at nothing else, then the dominion and Empire of the vniuersall world, being now puffed vp in pride, and growing insolent by the happy successe of those his conquests: began to haue recourse to his wonted and former attempts, which was, to inuade and ouerrunne Scanderbeg, thinking to haue oppressed and broken him to nothing. For it grieued him exceedingly, that this onely man should extend the glory of his triumphes so neare vnto him, and should (as it were) braue him euen vnder his nose. Wherefore leuying an army of 20000. men,Sinam sent against Scanderbeg with an armie of 20000. Turks. he committed the charge thereof to Sinam one of his Saniackes, whom de dispatched away sodainly and speedily, to the intent he should surprize and take Scanderbeg at an aduantage and vnprouided. But the Prince of Albany standing alwaies vpon his gard, had after his returne to Croy, in very good time dispersed abroad his espials, and renued his intelligencers neare about the Sultan: in such sort that he was aduertised of the intent and drift of the Sultan, so fitly and timely, that both he had the leisure to leauy an army, and was the first that tooke the field. Notwithstanding he kept himselfe close and in couert, attending the approach of the Saniacke: whereof as soone as he had [Page 427] notice, he marched on against him all the whole night: in the darke whereof, and vnknown to his aduersary with 8000▪ fighting men, both horse and foote, he seizedScanderbeg marcheth with an armie of 8000. men against Sinam. vpon the mountaine of Mocrea, and there quietly expected the comming of Synam, for there lay his way, and that was the place by which he was of necessity to passe. There did hetake him so vnprouided, and set vpon him so sodainly, that he easily defeated both him and all his army, and that with so notable a slaughter and butcherie,Victorie of Scanderbeg against Sinam and the Turkes at Mocrea. that more then two third parts of them lay dead vpon the place: all their ensignes and all their baggage became a prey vnto the Christians, who enioyed it as the reward for their paines and trauell. Their Generall had much adoe to saue himselfe from the fury and heat of the slaughter by the speedinesse of his flight: those which yeelded them selues prisoners, and whose liues were saued, were redeemed for money, the which together with the other spoile, the Prince of Albany freely left vnto his souldiers.
About the same time had the Ottoman Emperour sent an other Turke one of hisAssambeg with an armie of 30000. against Scanderbeg. Victorie of Scanderbeg against Assambeg at Ocrida. Chieftaines also, named Assambeg with another armie of 30000. men against Scanderbeg, who hauing gotten somewhat of this side of Ocrida, was made to yeeld so good an account of his voyage, that being vanquished, or rather vtterly broken and wholy oppressed in one onely battell: his fortune was such, that he had good experience aswell of the curtesie & clemencie of his enemy, as of his martiall force and fury. For as this Turke was furiously and valiantly fighting in that battell, the gardes of his body being all slaine and his sides left all open, his horse sore hurt, though not deadly,Assambeg wounded is in great extremitie after the losse of the battell of Ocrida. himself was also wounded in the right arme with an arrow. In this hard plight & difficultie of all things being both confounded and discouraged, aswell by the remembrance of this fresh discomfiture, as by the griefe of his wound, and (which more troubled him) being ouertaken with the darknes of the night, & but badly accōpanied, for euery man, as the present danger aduised him, had withdrawen themselues out of the way, & standing more in feare of their enemies then of the discōmodities of their way in the darke of the night, did keepe themselues close and secret. In this anguish (I say) & griefe both of body and of minde, was Assambeg retired & rested himselfe vpon a little mountaine, or rather in a thicke wood not farre from the borders of the Christians and about foure myles from their campe, in a countrey altogether vnknowen vnto him, and where he was wholy ignoraunt of all the wayes, pathes, and passages. How be it he stayd not there long ere he was discouered by the vigilancie of the souldiours of the Albanois: for that one of them, who had bene sent before day to discouer, & to make search ouer all the coast, hauing diligently surueyed all places, came speedely vnto his Captaine, and acquainted him with the whole matter, onely in this one point was he deceaued, in that by reason of the shadow of the place & the thicknes ofAssambeg hidden in a wood is discouered and founde by Scanderbeg. the wood, he thought the number of the enemies to be greater then they were in deed, and so had he assured it vnto his Generall. In so much that Scanderbeg him selfe mounting on horsebacke, did make hast in great heate to seize vpon these relickes of his victory, being accompanied with all his cauallary. The Turkes discerning his cō ming a farre off, you need not doubt but it troubled them greatly, and they acquainted their Chiefetaine with the matter, who was more aggrieued then all of them. Immediatly they fell to consultation, and resolued vpon a course which perhaps was vnbeseeming so great a chieftaine and braue souldiers, and yet was it both safe & necessary: and that was to march without armes, and without their horses, and so to go & meet the conqueror. The captaine himself, who was the author of this counsell, led the way vnto his company, & was the formost that went against him, being all ouer deformed with bloud and filth. Not much vnlike to Marke Anthony, at such time as he fled from the battell of Modena or Mutina, to Lepidus the Triumuir: when he came neare him [Page 428] he tooke Scanderbeg his horse by the reines of the bridle, and by three or foure good wordes, he saued the liues both of him selfe and his companie. For he found his enemie to be wonderfully passionated at his misfortune, vpon the speech which he vsed vnto him.
‘Whither goest thou (quoth he) ô Scanderbeg? what wouldest thou? It is not forSpeech of Assambeg to Scanderbeg. thine honour still to vanquish and ouercome thine enemies. Suffer I pray thee, suffer thy selfe sometimes to be ouercome: for being so vanquished, thy victorie shall be greater then if thou wert victorious: and with more glorie and commendation shalt thou recken the triumphs of thy clemencie amongst thy victories, then those which thou hast purchased vpon thine armed enemies.’
‘The Christian Prince smiling, and turning about to his people: Nothing, said he,Sentence. Answer of Scanderbeg to the speech of Assambeg. is more subtile then aduerse fortune, nothing is more sharpe conceipted or politicke then necessitie: ô how wisely and eloquently can we speake when we are conquered, which being conquerours, we know not how to do?’ And then taking him by the hand, he sayd vnto him: Assure thy selfe my friend, thou shalt haue neither harme ‘nor iniurie, if I can helpe it. And hauing sent him away, he commaunded, that his wound should be well looked vnto, and that he should want nothing:’ and afterwardsClemencie of Scanderbeg to Assambeg. Sentence. he caused certaine of his people to conduct him into some place of suretie. For what thing is there more honorable or commendable, then to know and to be willing to vse mercy and pity to an enemie, who is conquered, miserable, and afflicted? Scanderbeg marched on with his armie, coursing vp and downe on all sides here and there, and finding the Prouince to be cleare of all ambushments of the enemies, he returned to his campe, and from thence neare to Croy, where he solemnized the rest of his ioy and gladnesse for the victorie.
Within a few dayes after came Iussumbeg being sent likewise against the Epirot, Iussumbeg sent with an armie of 18000. Turkes against Scanderbeg. but he followed the same course and fortune that his companion had done, and he was so much the more likely to be beaten then the other, because he came in a more weake and feeble estate to seeke out that aduersary, who was newly victorious, and was as yet all embrued in the bloud of his enemies. For being entred into Scopia the chiefe city of Macedony with eighteene thousand men: he presumed and had determinedScopia in Macedonie. in his thoughts, that he would march euen into the heart and bowels of Epire, not considering with him selfe, nor looking into the late mishap of Assambeg, such was his rashnesse and temerity. His comming being reported to the king of Albanie, made him greatly to wonder, that these men could so straungely and (as it were) so wilfully forget them selues: or rather at their immoderate desire and vnsatiable thirst which they had after his bloud and life. Then turning him to his souldiers thus he spake vnto them.
‘Goe to my good friends and companions, you that are borne to trauels, or ratherSpeech of Scanderbeg to his soldiers, encouraging them against Iussumbeg. to continuall victories: let vs go on to meete with this new enemy, and with this new Captaine let vs not refuse to doe him this honour, who at the first shocke (I dare assure you) will giue vs good matter of honor and glory.’
Euery man with loud clamours and acclamations did applaud his wordes, and so prepared them selues to follow their Chiefetaine: who drawing neare to Scopia, and hearing by his vauntcurrours, that the enemy had taken the field, gaue the signall vnto his souldiers to giue the onset vpon them. The Barbarian (who was not preparedThe battell of Scopia between Scanderbeg & Iussumbeg. neither in courage nor resolution to the combat) receiued him notwithstanding, yet so as he seemed to doe it with the countenaunce of one that came rather to talke of the matter, then to fight. For he did not thinke that Scanderbeg would haue had either him so greatly in contempt and disdaine: or that hardinesse in him selfe, as [Page 429] that he durst (so farre off from his owne frontiers) come to hazard the fortune of a battell within the territories of his enemies: frō whence (if he should be vanquished) he could not haue escaped, & where he could not either repaire his forces: or (though he were victorious) be well assured, nor in safetie. This was the reason that the Painim, euen at the very beginning, loosing both strength & courage, did find no course better nor more expedient, then to turne head and make hast away: shewing the way vnto his people of a most shamefull and ignominious flight: who kept him companyVictorie of Scanderbeg against Iussumbeg. in like maner, excepting some 300. or thereabouts, who preferring their honor before their liues, died valiantly with their armes in their hands. But they that fled found themselues in worse case by flying then they expected. For, whereas they supposed that they might haue fled with safetie, and should not haue bene pursued by the enemie, by reason they were in their owne countrey, and, as it were, vpon their owne dunghill: therein they were greatly deceiued, and with those their fellowes whichNumber of Turkes slaine at the battell of Scopia. were before slaine in the fight, they made vp the full number of 2000. at the least. There were very few taken prisoners, by reason of the great difficulties and discommodities which hindred the safe conucying of them, as also because of the length of their retrait which they were to make, for that the paisants might haue assailed them on their way. Iussumbeg thought to haue rallied his troupes, and to haue layed some ambushment, or to haue dressed some deuise for the entrapping of the enemie: but his souldiers would not by any meanes hearken vnto him, but holding on their scattered course, they had a greater desire to returne home (though it were with the displeasure of their Prince) then not to returne home at all. And they excused themselues vpon this their discomfiture and ouerthrowe giuen them by Scanderbeg, which they pretended to be a sufficient reason and lawfull cause of their refusall. But Scanderbeg for all this wanted not some one or other to be the successour of so many and great dangers, neither was he at any time without enemies.
Amongst the eldest and most auncient Chiestaines of Mahomet, there was one an Asiatique named Carazabeg, a very graue and auncient personage, and of speciall marke and reputation, by reason of many honorable places of charge, and diuerseCarazabeg sueth to Mahomet to be sens against Scanderbeg. voyages wherein he had bene employed, and had acquitted himselfe well and worthely. The Sultan also had him in great account, and hauing placed him in no small authoritie, he retained him neare about his owne person, as of late also his father Amurath had done the like. This aged Sire, as if he had bene some young hotspurre, found himselfe pricked on with the spurres of his glorie (or rather misfortune) which seemed continually to lye in waite to seduce and entrap the greatest and most notable persons to the intent it might obscure the brightnesse of all their former renowme, and the merites of their forepassed triumphs, by the vnhappie successe of this warre of Epire: for neither the late ignominie and opprobrious spectacle of Iussumbeg, nor the like mishap which had euer attended vpon so many others besides him, nor yet the fatal destiny of the Albanian felicitie, which had continued euen to that day, could not any thing disswade him, but that he was desirous to proue his fortune against Scanderbeg: wherfore repairing to the presence of the Sultan, he thus spake vnto him.
Hitherto (most soueraigne Prince) and euen vnto this day, both vnder thy ‘Maiestie,Oration of Carazabeg, to Mahomat, desiring to be employed against Scanderbeg. and vnder thy father of happie memorie, I haue heaped vp and obtained in a maner, so many triumphs by my merits, as yeares by my age and course of life. But now both the one and the other of them is grieuous and lothsome vnto me, and I take no pleasure to remēber them, through an extreme despite which I haue conceiued, to see Scāderbeg obtain so many victories: to see the many ouerthrows & discōfitures which he hath giuen vs: & to see the pride and insolency of the Albanians. I am resolued (as [Page 430] old and vnfit as I am for armes) to abandon all to the hazard and chance of fortune, and either to bring vnto thee, and to prostrate before thy feete dead or aliue this wicked and vngratefull wretch, sometimes the slaue of the house of Ottoman, & now the king of the vnhappie Epirots: to the intent he may be accomptant vnto thee for the slaughter of so many and so great armies, and for the death of so many of thy noble & worthie chieftaines: or else this head and this throate of mine shall more and more enoble the glory of his fame and reputation. Giue me leaue therefore (most worthie Emperour) presently to leuie forces, and to muster an armie to my owne liking: I my selfe will take vpon me the charge and managing of this matter, not as a commander, but as thy minister: and both in the chusing, the arming and the trayning of the companies, I will not relye vpon any other person, but my selfe alone will looke to the handling and dispatching of all things. For it is with a notable thiefe and a famous robber that we haue to do: and the warre which we make, is with such a one, as is an arch maister in pollicies and sleights of subtiltie: who is growen haughtie and insolent with his many victories, and who is as it were fatted with the multitude of the spoyles which he hath gotten of vs.’
Whatsoeuer this Turke demaunded, was freely and fully accorded vnto him by the Ottoman, who referred all to his discretion, & added vnto his demand an ouerplusCarazabeg sent with an armie of 40000. Turkes against Scanderbeg. often thousand men: for him selfe had made choise onely of thirtie thousand, with whom he thought to haue put this matter in execution, notwithstanding that it was of so great importance. He sent before him certaine spies, whom he willed to disperse them selues ouer the countrey, for to discouer and giue him some intelligence of the enemie. Scanderbeg on the other side wanted no good aduertisements, both throughout the prouince of Epire, and in Macedonie, and also in the heart and most inward partes of the enemies countrey, by meanes whereof the iourney and comming on of Carazabeg was soone made knowen vnto him, in such sort that our men had both time and oportunitie to make readie their preparations. But when Scanderbeg heard this newes reported vnto him, the report is, that he vsed this speech vnto some that were neare him:
‘If this Chieftaine (quoth he) were not too farre striken in yeares and ouer aged, ISpeeches of Scanderbeg touching Carazabeg. should haue feared him alone, more then all his great puissaunce which he bringeth with him: (for both of them knew each other very inwardly, and they had bene companions in armes in a certaine voyage made into Asia vnder Amurath) much better (sayd he) and more wisely should Carazabeg haue done, if he had made spare and taken compassion of his old age, and especially of his fortune which seemeth now to faint and to be ouer▪ wearied, and doth as it were, repent her selfe of the manifold victories and fauours which she hath bestowed vpon him. Wherfore though he be now fiftie yeares of age, yet being growen as it were, crazie and decrepit, I haue no reason to stand in awe of him, whom euen in the strength and prime of his youth, my selfe being then but a child and in a manner a verie infant, I did so little feare, that I did euen despise and contemne him.’
Hauing thus spoken, he assembled his forces greater and more in number then those which he had against Assambeg, by reason of the great fame and renow me of the Turkish Captaine. Then trussing vp baggage, he tooke his way into Dybria: and from thence with two thousand horse he ranne vp euen to the confines of the Tryballians Ambuscade layd by Scanderbeg against Carazabeg. (for in this place was the comming of the Turke expected.) And he layd them in an ambuscado here and there throughout the mountaines, to the intent he might enclose the enemy in the middest of his forces, and take them at an aduantage. The Barbarian likewise hauing caused the maine body of his armie to stay in a certaine [Page 431] place within Macedonie commonly called Chieri) had sent before 4000. horsemen,Chieri. who being discouered, were suddenly charged by the Albanois, the greater partTurkes to the number of 4000. of the armie of Carazabeg defeated by Scanderbeg. of them being discomfited and slaine, and the rest being scattered and dispersed in their flight, caried the newes of their misfortune to their Generall before that euer he came neare to the confines of Epire. He therfore being before sufficiently weakned with age & sicknes, began by the astonishment of this mishap to grow more faint both in mind and in body: being not so much aggrieued at the losse of his men, as that his coming was disclosed and discouered to the Christian. Many and diuerse things did he cast & deuise vpon in his mind, being in doubt what course to take, & whether it were best for him to hold on his iourney, or else to turne head towards Constantinople, & to deferre this expedition till the next spring: for the Autumne was now in a maner at an end. In the end, shame & feare of dishonor did so farre preuaile with the old man, that he thought it not best to giue ouer the warre. Hauing therefore in two dayes space, dispatched almost all his iourney towardes his enemie, about the first watch of the night he came to a certaine plaine, which they of the countrey call Liuad, where heThe playne of Liuad. encamped his armie, and the same night he set all things in order & readinesse against the time of the conflict: and the next morning he sent an herauld vnto Scanderbeg to giue him the defiance, challenging him to the encounter in a set, open, and plaine battell, and not secretly and by stealth, after the maner of theeues and robbers. Scanderbeg terming him a Dotard, and an old Beldam, told him, he should heare of him ere long: and without any pause, he went on roundly to giue the onset vpon him, who was not yet readie to receiue him, but stood consulting vpon his businesse, as the manerCarazabeg charged by Scanderbeg within his campe. of old men is. Notwithstanding he sustained the brunt of that charge wel enough, by meanes of a great showre of raine that fell at the very beginning of the onset: the which did soone separate them asunder: so that there was nothing done worthie the remembring. For for three dayes together, there fell such gr [...]at store and abundance of water, that if the Mahometan had not remoued his host into a higher ground, and more mountainous, it is most certaine that the quarrell had bene determined by the destruction and losse of his souldiers in that deluge and abundance of waters. And yet, as carefull as he was to preuent the daunger, a great number of their horses were drowned and lost. The Infidell taking this to be prodigious, and as a presageCarazabeg retireth secre [...]ly with his armi [...] out of Epyre. of his ill fortune, gaue ouer his enterprise, and (assoone as the time and tempestuousnesse of the weather would giue him leaue) he secretly withdrew his forces and dislodged his army, & by long iourneys he bid Epire farewel, hauing an intent to returne againe the next spring, if so be the destinies would be answerable to the desires of this credulous old man. At his returne towards Mahomet with those forces which he had left, the report goeth, that at the first he found but bad entertainment, & was receiued with a frowning countenance: yet afterwards he was highly praised, and much madeAmbassadour sent by Mahomet to Scanderbeg. of, because he had so wel and carefully saued and preserued his people. But now when the Ottoman saw that Scanderbeg was not to be forced by armes, he aduised and bethought him selfe howe he might surprise and ouerreach him by guile and subtil [...]ies. He sent vnto him therefore an Ambassade with presents of great value, and with letters: the copie whereof is as followeth.
I knowe not (my deare friend Scanderbeg) any amitie more cordiall and heartie,Letters of Mahomet to Scanderbeg. nor any familiaritie or friendship more fast and sure then that which proceedeth of [Page 432] long and mutuall conuersing together, and especially when it beginneth in the greene and tender age of youthfull yeares, as did the old amitie betweene vs two: who in our first infancie, as it were, at such time as thou wert hostage in the Court of Amurath my father, did for a long time liue together in singular, and almost incredible loue and concord. Wherefore (my good Scanderbeg) as often as I do call to minde both these and other matters wherwith our age at that time was delighted: & moreouer remembring all that which thou hast heretofore done for the seruice of our Empire, for the house of the Ottomans, and for the glory & enlarging of our crowne and dignitie: my desire and endeuor is to loue and to make much of thee with all possible and most ardent affection. And I protest before God, that nothing can happen vnto me more acceptable or more agreeable in this life, then to see thee neare about me, and for a time to enioy thy presence. If our souldiers haue of late violently inuaded thy dominions, or entred vpon thy realme, committing there any excesse or outrage, yet ought not that to be any occasion or impediment to hinder thee from comming vnto vs. For whatsoeuer hath been done in that case, was without our command or knowledge: and (as reason would) I haue and do take it in very ill part, neither doth it in any sort displease me that they haue bene chastised for their misdeeds, and recompenced according to their deserts. But omitting these matters, let vs returne to our ancient amitie and alliance, which doth easily perswade and induce me to desire that we may be reconciled, and that we may haue peace each with other for euer from hence forward: to the intent that by a sacred and indissoluble league and confederacy, the friendly bond of our old and auncient acquaintance (which hath in a maner bene extinguished by our long and continuall absence each from other) may nowe againe be renued, increased, and strongly confirmed betweene vs. The articles of our accord shall be these, if so be thou thinke it good, or that they seeme not iniurious vnto thee:Conditions of peace propoū ded by Mahomet to Scanderbeg. for I know that it is not for him that desireth and demaundeth peace to prescribe and set downe the conditions of the peace. The first thing that we demand of thee, is that thou suffer our armie to haue free and safe passage throughout thy realme and dominions, to inuade, ouerrunne, and to make warre vpon the countrey and townes of the Venetians: that thou deliuer vs in hostage thy sonne Iohn, whom we do promise and vowe continually to acknowledge and respect as one of our owne children: that the traffike and trade of marchandise may be free & open for all our subiects throughout all thy Seigniories, as in like case it shall be for thine ouer all parts of our Empire. Besides also I do offer vnto thee full power and libertie in all securitie, safely to come and to haue accesse vnto vs. In these cases if thou wilt gratifie and yeeld vnto vs, we do faithfully promise thee in the word and faith of a king, that we will keepe and obserue true and continuall peace and friendship with thee and thy people: and that no person what soeuer shall be more deare, nor more acceptable vnto vs then thy selfe: and we will to the vttermost of our power, defend thy countrey from being troubled or molested, either by our owne armes, or by any others whom soeuer. For other matters, we pray thee to giue full credit vnto that which Mustapha our agent shall by word of mouth impart vnto thee.
Dated in our Imperiall citie of Constantinople this second of May, in the yeare of the generation of Iesus 1461.
These letters of Mahomet being openly read in a full assembly and generall Counsell of all the Princes, Lords and Captaines of Epire: they did all with one voyce and full consent agree and conclude, that they esteemed it to be greatly to the honour and reputation of Scanderbeg, and of the Estate of Albanie, that so puissant, mightie and fortunate a Monarch as Mahomet, vnder whose yoke and subiection so many realmes and Empires, so many cities and nations had submitted them selues, should now offer [Page 433] himselfe as a petitioner for peace, and should require his friendshippe and amity. This was the occasion, that all of them with one minde did set downe this for their conclusion, that reiecting all the other clauses and motions propounded by the Ottoman, they would agree to make peace with him vppon this one condition onely, namely: That the mutuall traffique and trade of marchandise should be free and open betweene them and their Dominions. This matter being thus agreed on, Scanderbeg returned letters vnto the Sultan, the tenor and contents whereof were in this manner.
Most noble and renowmed Prince, we haue receiued thy letters, & by the contentsLetters of Scanderbeg to Mahomet. thereof haue seene the greatnesse of thy loue and singular affection, which thou doest protest to beare vnto me: and which (as thou saiest) hath bene ratified by our olde and auncient nouriture and education, and is so bound and deepely rooted by long vse and conuersation, that being in a manner conuerted into a second nature it shall flourish and endure betweene vs perpetually. Thou saiest also, that whereas this our familiaritie is (as it were) laide a sleepe and in a manner discontinued, by reason that we haue beene so farre and so long disioyned and seuered each from other, thou hast a great and earnest desire to reuiue and recontinue the same by some newe league of friendship and amitie: the conditions whereof thou doest propound to be these. First that thy troupes may haue free and sure passage through our countrie, to inuade and endamage the Venetians: to which thy demand, we cannot, nor may not consent nor agree without the manifest breach of all right and equitie, and without great dishonor to our royall estate and dignitie, for that the Venetians are our allyes and confederates. And as touching thy desire to haue my sonne for an hostage for the surer confirmation of the peace betweene vs, it might be peraduenture that I would gladly doe it, if the affection of a father did not disswade and detaine me from it. But he being my onely childe, and of a verie young and tender age, nowe that it behoueth him to be nourished and trayned vp in our manners and customes, he cannot be taken from the embracements of his parents, without the great and singular preiudice both of himselfe and me. As for that which thou requirest of me concerning thy subiects and marchants, that they may haue free passage to come and go, to buy, sell, and traffique their wares and marchandice throughout our Dominions: all my Captaines doe like and allow of the motion, and my selfe also, who doe desire nothing more then that the traffique and trade of marchandice may haue his full and free course euerie where betweene vs. Moreouer thou doest inuite me with great shew of affection to come and visite thee, and that I should not doubt to doe it in all confidence and securitie, to the intent that our mutuall sight and conuersation each with other, might satisfie the desire of our so long continued absence. I doe highly commend most worthy Prince, the bountie of thy minde, and the liberalitie of thy good nature and disposition, in regard whereof, if my vrgent affayres, and the managing of this my estate would giue me leaue, or would affoord me any time of leasure and oportunitie, I would be so bold and hardie as to embrace thy good aduise and counsell. But what should I doe? I haue here my sonne a very infant, a child of a most weake and tender age, and altogether vnfit and vnmeete for the rule and gouernement of this Realme, or the publique affaires of my estate. Moreouer, my people (as thou knowest) is a Nation altogether impatient of rest and idlenesse: they are a fierce and vntamed kind [Page 434] of people: and my selfe doe finde it a matter of sufficient trouble to rule and gouerne them in good order. Neuertheles assoone as I shall see a fit and conuenient time I will not faile to come vnto thee, and I will obey thy pleasure in that behalfe.
From our campe the 30. of May, 1461.
These letters being deliuered to the Turkish Monarch assoone as he had perused and read them, he presently replied vnto them by other letters written to this effect.
Thou hast written vnto me by Mustapha our agent, that of those conditions ofLetters of Mal [...]met to Scanderbeg. peace which we offered vnto thee, there is not any but one onely that liketh thee: namely, that our marchants may lawfully and freely transport and sell their commodities: and vpon this condition onely thou doest make offer of peace vnto me, alleaging, that such is the will and mind of thy Captaines. I am content to accept of it, and as touching thy other excuses I do take them in good part. And therefore Scanderbeg I doe promise thee faithfully, that all that which thou for thy part doest demaund of me is very gratefull and pleasing vnto me: and I doe willingly accorde to the mindes and good liking of thee & thine. I do here sweare vnto thee by the great God whom I call to witnesse, that I will obserue this peace with thee, most sacred, perpetuall and inuiolable during our liues, so that thy selfe doest not first infringe it, or giue occasion to violate it. And to this end thou shalt receiue these present letters signed with our owne hande, and sealed with our imperiall and ordinarie seale: in token and assurance of the strength and confirmation of this our peace, that it shall be firme and permanent. For which cause also we desire thee (if so thou please) to subscribe these of ours likewise and to firme them with thy accustomed and vsuall seale, that we may haue some testimonie of thy intent and meaning. Moreouer we pray thee to take order throughout all thy Dominions that vppon the conclusion hereof, open proclamation may be made, and publique notice may be giuen by good solemne edicts to all thy subiectes of this peace and league concluded betweene vs: which we likewise for our partes will cause to be done throughout all parts of our Empire. And to the intent our loue and good will towardes thee may be the more apparant, I will that thou shouldest vnderstande, that of our owne free and proper motion, and of our franke and pure liberalitie we doe graunt vnto thee, and are well content that thou shalt freely, lawfully, and entirely enioy, holde, and keepe all that which by force and strong hande thou hast taken and wonne from Amurath our late Father: and that thou shalt quietly possesse and retayne it, as if it had euer beene thy auncient inheritance, and descended vnto thee from thy auncestors, and we doe absolutely renounce and release vnto thee, all the right, prerogatiue and authoritie which we haue at any time heretofore had vnto the same: and we doe giue, graunt, and confirme the same vnto thee, protesting that from hencefoorth we will approue and allow thee for the true and lawfull King of Epyre and of Albanie, and so will we alwayes repute and entitle thee. Neither will we at anie time hereafter molest and trouble thee with our forces, as I haue alreadie sworne and protested: prouided that thou giue vs no iust cause or occasion thereunto. Wherefore we doe expect that thou send vnto vs a copie of these presents sealed with thy Seale, by this our Ambassadour, vnto whom thou maiest giue credence touching any thing which he shall declare vnto thee on our behalfe.
Giuen in our Imperiall citie of Constantinople the two and twentieth day of Iune, and in the yeare of the generation of Iesus 1461.
[Page 435]Fortie dayes were fully past and expired since that the Turkish Herauld made his first voyage to Scanderbeg about the treatie of this peace, at such time as he returned now againe with this second charge and commission for the full ratifying & concluding of the same according to the mind and liking of the King of Albany, who hauing receiued it, caused the same to be read openly before all his Princes and Chiefetaines whom he had assembled to that intent and purpose. All of them were well contented and did allowe of the peace, as being for the honour and benefite of the whole Prouince: wherefore the matter being thoroughly concluded and past betweene the two Princes, the peace was solemnely and publique proclaimed in all the quartersPeace betwene Scanderbeg & Mahomet. and principall places of their Realmes and Dominions, to the great ioy and contentment of them all in generall: and it was faithfully kept and obserued betweene their peoples and subiectes for the space of two yeares or thereaboutes, till such time as the Barbarians and Infidelles were the infringers and breakers of the same. The occasion of the breach thereof I thinke needelesse to be deliuered, considering that the onely reason that led them to desire this peace, was that they might with the more ease enlarge and amplifie their Empire, by the dammage and detryment of others, and that the Epyrots in the meane while might be lulled a sleepe in securitie. Nowe therefore they did shewe them selues to be the first breakers of the league, and they violated the fayth which had beene solemnely sworne1463. The peace broken & violated by the Turkes who inuade Epyre. and vowed, inuading in hostile manner the landes and territories of the Albanois from whence they carried away an inestimable prey and bootie. Scanderbeg finding himselfe highly aggrieued at the matter, complained thereof by many letters and ambassades sent of purpose vnto the Sultan. But all the answere he had of him, was, that it was done vnknowen to him and without his consent and priuitie. And he fed him with good words and faire promises, that he would take order to see it remedied, and feigning himselfe to be displeased with those that did it, he caused some part of the bootie to be restored.
This happened about the same time, that the Infidels did likewise ouerunneVenetian Dominions inuaded by the Turkes. Gabriell Treuisan Ambassador from the Venetians to Scanderbeg. and pill the Dominions of the Venetians, which was the occasion, that the Senate of Venice (being in league and ioyned in a most streight bonde of amitie with Scanderbeg) did send vnto him their ambassadour Gabriell Treuisan to exhort and instantly to pray him to denounce open warre against Mahomet, and to renounce the peace and amitie made with the Infidell: which he might easily doe, and with a good conscience, for that he had first broken and violated the couenantes of their compact and agreement, and had falsified his faith publiquely giuen for the obseruation of the peace betweene them: he aduertised and warned him to open his eyes,Perswasions of Gabriell Treuisan to Scanderbeg, to renue the warre against Mahomet. to awaken his spirits, and to preuent the perill which was now neere at hand & imminent ouer all Christendome, inferring that though the mischiefe were but now in breeding, yet it would not be long ere it would seize vpon all Europe, if it were not speedily preuented. That he might clearely see and perceiue, howe this Traytour and periured wretch, had not for anie other cause made peace with him, but onely of a minde purposely bent and disposed to periurie and infidelitie, and to the intent that after he had imposed the yoake vpon other Christian Princes and Estates his neighbours, and had by such guilefull deuises augmented his force and puissance, and enlarged his Empire, that then he might all at leasure, and with more [...]ase bring him also to be at his discretion. That there could not be anie such friendship or amitie betwene the Turkes and the Epyrots, for that they were euen by nature enemies ech to other. That he should note and obserue it well, how that the Infidell (after he had once assured himselfe not to be troubled by the armes of the Albanois) [Page 436] had suddenly bent and conuerted his forces▪ against the Rascians and Triballians: and hauing brought them vnder his subiection, he went against the Thracians and the Illirians, and last of all hauing subuerted and abolished the Empire of the Greekes, he adioyned the Empire of Trebisond likewise to his owne crowne and Monarchy. Now therefore that he had surmounted and made a conquest of all others: and that fortune seemed to smile vpon him in all his actions, what other thing rested there for him to enterprise, but to oppresse and swallowe vp him also, and so to surprise all of them one after another? That it behoued them therefore betimes to looke vnto it, and that ioyning their forces and meames all in one, it were farre better to haue him for their open and professed enemie, then for their cruell and couetous Lorde and Master. That it were meere folly to thinke that the intent & meaning of the Turke was only to spoyle, waste, and destroy the Prouinces and Dominions of the Christians, and not to extirpate and abolish their religion: for the verie name and profession of Christianitie was so odious and hatefull to those Miscreants, as their whole drift and meaning is to roote out both the knowledge and the remembrance there of from the face of the earth. Wherefore the most safest, fittest, and shortest course for them was to get the start of the Infidell, and in time to oppose themselues against the mischiefe, rather then to stay till they should find themselues oppressed by their enemies, and then to goe seeke a remedie for their woundes. That all the peoples and nations of Christendome did call vpon him, entreat him and inuite him thereunto: that the most noble and famous Senate of Venice by name, did instantly pray and request him to betake himselfe to armes, offering to furnish him with gold, siluer and men, and with all other things and prouisions whatsoeuer that should be needfull and necessarie for such an expedition.
Scanderbeg hauing heard these▪ reasons and perswasions of the Venetian, albeit of himselfe he was not vnresolued in his owne opinion, yet because he vsed not to determine vpon any matters of consequence without the aduise of the people▪ he called a councell of all his Chieftaines and Colonels: where after long debating and discoursingAnswere of the Albanois to the Ambassadour of the Venetians. vpon the matter, there was not so much as any one of them who had a desire to renue the warre with the Mahometist, for that the Sultan himselfe seemed to the vttermost of his power to shunne and auoide it, and was vnwilling to enter againe into armes: and the rather because he had of late caused the most part of the bootie to be restored, which (as he protested) his souldiers onely in sport and of a certaine militarie licentiousnesse had taken and caried away out of Epyre. Hereupon the Ambassadour hauing heard this answere and resolution of the Albanois, departed from thence very sad and sorrowfull for this repulse: and he tooke his way to the Archbishop of Duras, whom he knew to be in wonderfull good credite with the King of Albanie, and that all the people of Epyre had a maruellous good opinion of him, in so much as there was not any thing (were it neuer so hard and difficult, but if he pleased to vndertake it, he could perswade them vnto it. The cause that made him to resort vnto this personage, was to see if he could perswade him to take the matter in hand, and to deale with the King and his Captaines to make open warre vpon the Ottoman. For he was as yet in some hope, that the case was not altogether▪ desperate. This Prelate being most affectionate to the seruice of the common wealth of Venice, Paul Angell Arch bishop of Duras, his discent & vertues in regard of the reuerence which he bare to that Senate was content to make a iourney to Scanderbeg. This Archbishop being an Epyrot borne, and in the citie of Driuasta, was the sonne of Andrew Angell (of whom we haue heretofore made some mention) he was a man of excellent conceipt and vnderstanding, of incomparable▪ cloquence, perfectly well seene in al good letters both diuine and humaine, & not ably [Page 437] learned in the languages both Greeke and Latin, and therewithall his grauitie & integritie of life was so singular, and so great was his zeale and feruentnesse in the Christian religion, that it purchased him high praise & commendation with all men. And Scanderbeg had him in great honor, reuerence and estimation in regard of his modestie, sinceritie, and vncorrupt life: and the people of Albany did alwaies hearken vnto him and beleeue him, as if he had beene some diuine Oracle. Nowe this personage comming to see Scanderbeg, and hauing humbly besought him, that he would assemble his Captaines and the seuerall companies of his souldiers, enforced himselfe by his perswasions to induce them to resume their armes, and to renue the warre against the Turkes, speaking vnto them in this manner.
The diuine Plato (most worthy Prince) did affirme those cōmonweales, realmes, ‘The oration of the Archbishop of Duras▪ to Scanderbeg and the Epirots perswading them to renue their wars against the Turkes. and Empires to be most happie and fortunate, which were gouerned by men of wisedome and vertue. The truth whereof we our selues doe see more cleere then the daylight to be now verified in the people and estate of Albanie, liuing vnder the rule and commaund of thy Maiestie, a most sage and vertuous Prince, and a peerelesse and inuincible Chieftaine. Good reason therefore had the Kings and Potentates thy next neighbors to elect, choose and nominate thee alone for their worthy Chiefe and Generall, as being sent from heauen to defend and protect their crownes and estates from the rage and fury of the Ottomans, and from the fiercenesse of the Barbarians, as they haue bene hitherto most excellently well defended and preserued vnder the protection of thy armes and the valure of thy souldiers. The which being well perceiued by Mahomet a most subtle and wilie Foxe (who lies continually in waite to entrap and beguile all Christians, and is the most cruell and vehement persecutor of the Christian faith, farre exceeding all that euer liued) he hauing a greedie desire to satisfie his brutish & extreame hatred conceiued against the name and profession of Christianitie, by his crafty & cunning dissimulation (a thingifamiliar and vsuall to the house of Ottoman) hath gotten and procured thee to conclude a peace with him, condescending gladly vnto such lawes and couenants as it pleased thee to prescribe vnto him, onely because he would not be molested and troubled by thy armes, of which he stood in doubt more then of any thing else whatsoeuer. But alas (most sage and prudent Prince) who is there that cannot discerne and discouer, how this Barbarian by a barbarous kind of craft and deceipt, hath drawen thee to this treatie, and hath fradulently wonne thee to this peace, onely first of all to roote out the other Princes thy neighbours, that afterwardes he might come vpon thee also as he hath alreadie begunne, and partly put in practise? where are the Rascian Princes? where are the Kings of the Illirians or Sclauonians? what is become of the Emperour of Trebysond? See how this traytor euen now of late against his owne faith, and all couenantes and rights of the lawe of Nations, hath bent his forces against thee also, wasting and [...]acking thy Prouince, and by daily inroades and continuall inuasions doth trouble and vexe thy allyes and confederates. For who can expresse the immortall rancour of this tyrant against thee? doest thou thinke, that he will suffer the death of his father, such huge slaughters of his armies, so manie murthers of his Captaines and Chiefetaines to remaine vnreuenged? Is it possible that thou canst repose any trust and confidence in the wordes of this infamous deceiuer? or canst thou admit his excuses? doest thou thinke that he will keepe his promise and faith with thee, who neuer yet had anie faith in him, nor euer to this day did keepe his fayth with anie man liuing? Good God, who can number the villanies and mischiefes of this fellonous and cruell tyrant? and yet to let them passe in silence and vntouched, I holde it no lesse then plaine impietie. For to inueigh against one that is notoriously wicked▪ [Page 438] and to make them knowen vnto the worlde which are the authors of vice and wickednesse, is a thing not only delectable and delightfull, but it is greatly profitable and beneficiall: because that men being terrified by their examples, may abstaine from mischiefe and vitious actions. And therefore as vertue ought not to be suffered to goe vnrewarded or to be without commendation, so ought vice likewise to be checked and reprehended. For by the one and the other of those twaine, do we reape like frute and benefite both by the exalting of the good and the suppressing of the wicked. This then is a thing both iust and reasonable, that they which are vicious and lewdly giuen should heare their wickednesse openly reproued and condemned: and aboue all others this Turkish tyrant Mahomet, as being one that farre surpasseth and excelleth in all kindes of mischiefe and villanies: whose life, manners, and detestable deedes, I hold it not amisse briefely to runne ouer, and to lay open, to the intent they may be the better knowen vnto thee, and that thou maiest the sooner shun and eschew them. First of all, to say nothing of his originall and ofspring as that he is descended of the Scithians, issued out of a base village called Otmanach from whence proceeded the family of the Ottomans: this Mahomet being endowed with a notable vigour & dexteritie both of spirit and of bodie, but of a most peruerse and mischeeuous nature, is become the common enemie of mankind, a cruell bloudsucker, a chiefe ringleader to all vice, a Prince of all wickednesse, delighting in the death and destruction of men, the father of all mischiefes, and an vnsatiable murtherer. And as his auncestors were of litle better disposition, so hath he retayned this barbarous fiercenesse and intemperance, perseuering in the whole course of his life in one and the same peruersenesse of a most crooked and diuelish nature. From the very beginning of his youth, he hath euer had a singular delight in warres, murthers, rapines and dissentions, and in these hath he alwayes bene trayned and exercised. A man of a most stout courage and audatious, and withall variable and vnconstant, full of deceipt and double dealing, a deepe dissembler in all his actions, greedy of other mens goods, burning in his owne lustes and desires, and continually couetous of things immoderate and vnpossible. First of all there grew in him an vnmeasurable desire of money, and afterwardes of Empire and dominion: his soule being plentifully furnished with wicked and damnable artes, wanteth not corrupt and lewd lustes, a most shamelesse ribaud, a common adulterer, an inuenter of new vices which euen nature it selfe hath in horror and detestation. This is that same Mahomet, who of an ambitious humour strangled his owne naturall brother, and with notable treachery and infidelitie murthered the Princes of Rascia, and the King of Bosnia: and all those which were of their bloud and linage, some of them he brought into miserable bondage and seruitude, others he depriued of their sight, and put out their eyes, or else mangled them in some part of their bodies. What should I speake of infinite others, vppon whom he hath practised all kindes of torments? and I doe verily beleeue that in the end, if he find none elsewhere vpon whom to execute his monstrous crueltie, he will not spare to vse it against him selfe, so infinitely is his nature enclined to fiercenesse and inhumanitie, that the wrathfull and fierie rage of his minde can neuer be contented or satisfied. For towards God his soule is mostimpure, towards men it is dangerous, and it neuer ceaseth from plotting and contriuing how to worke the dammage and ruine of others. He maketh no account of the amitie or enmitie of any man, but only to serue his owne turne. He regardeth not to keepe a meane or measure in any thing, but committeth all kinde of villanies and cruelties against his friends and against his owne subiects. He spoyleth and robbeth the temples both in publique and in priuate, he profaneth all holy and sacred things, he polluteth all things, he seizeth vpon euery thing, he maketh no difference [Page 439] of honour and dishonour, of shame and shamefastnesse, of honestie and dishonestie, of diuine things and of humaine things: but he mingleth & confoundeth them one with another. All those to whom he euer gaue any faith or made any promise, hath he not contrary to his faith & his owne couenants, either subdued them or slaine them, or enthralled them? Is it therefore any noueltie most worthy Prince, if this perinted Mahomet do not keepe his word and promise with thee? especiàlly seeing that he being defiled and polluted with all kind of vice, doth possesse impietie (as it were) by discent, and his periurie is hereditarie vnto him. Trust not therefore to this tyrant, build not vpon his promises, but shake off his acquaintance and repute that peace for dissolued and broken which he was not affraid first of all to infringe and violate, and let it not cause thee to refraine from inuading his dominions with sworde and fire. Prouide I say, prouide for thy selfe and thy estate (most prudent Prince) for feare least the Barbarian doe by his traines entrappe and oppresse all of vs. This false traitor who is so well beaten and practised in fraud and subtiltie, deuiseth nor meditateth vpon nothing else, but only how he may destroy and extirpate the faith of Christ, for the which (as thou knowest) thou diddest once determine, yea thou diddest vowe by a solemne oath, that thou wouldest alwayes labour and trauell euen to the death: and I doe well remember, I haue oftentimes heard thee say, That onely for the defence and preseruation thereof, thou diddest thinke thy selfe to be created and to be borne into this worlde. What reason then hast thou, ô Scanderbeg, (pardon me I beseech thee in speaking it) to lay aside thy armes? what, wilt thou nowe liue for thy selfe alone? doest thou thinke that thy estate will be little or nothing the worse, in that thou being an olde souldier doest now sit still and doe nothing? is it not a shame that any man-should see that same ancient liuelinesse and quicknesse of spirit in so excellent and worthie a Prince, now to waxe rustie through idlenesse, and to vanish away to nothing? the stirring spirit of thy good friend Mahomet is not idle: he doeth not passe away the time in sloth, nor sitteth still as thou doest. He accustometh himselfe to waking and watching, he laboureth and bestirreth himselfe, and he hasteneth with all possible speed and celeritie, to defile and prophane the Gospell of the sonne of God: to ouerwhelme the ship of blessed Saint Peter: to teare and rend in peeces the coate of Christ our sauiour being without seame: following therein the steppes of his auncestors, and the traditions of his false Prophet, who ordained that the name of Iesus Christ should be persecuted as prophane and odious: and that the bloud of the innocent and faithfull Christians should be spilt by those which were his followers: hence is it, that this bloudie hangman hath continually more then any other, pursued the faith and religion of the Christians with a most mortall and deadly hatred: against whom if thou most worthie Prince, doest not display thy armes: if thou doest not aduance thy forces: if thou doe not inuade and make warre vpon him, it is not to be doubted, but that all men generally will repute and hold thee for faint hearted, fearefull, and giuen ouer to sloth and idlenes. Hast thou not heard how all the Kings and Princes of the Catholike faith together with the soueraigne pastor of the church haue conspired against this bloudie tirant and are fully determined by God his assistance to pursue and persecute him with all their power and puissance, and to expell him wholly out of Europe? Alreadie hath the holy father sent forth his Bull, and published the same throughout all Christendome, by vertue whereof all those Kings and christian Princes, are to haue full remission of their sinnes assoone as they shall come to accompanie the supreame Bishop and shall march with him against this cursed enemie both of God and men.’ Wherefore the Venetians, both the Duke and the Senate also, who haue made incredible
[Page 440] ‘preparations both by sea and land, and the Popes holinesse likewise, and all the Christians in generall do conuite thee, do call vpon thee, and they do nominate & appoint thee to be their chiefe & principall leader, as a Prince most worthy of this charge in so holy a warre & expedition. And assoone as his holinesse shalbe arriued on this side the sea, and shall haue made his entry within Duras, he is determined to crowne thee King of Epyre & of Albany. What doest thou then ô Scanderbeg most fortunate and happy Prince? wherefore doest thou temporize? either must thou from hencefoorth for euer giue ouer to beare armes and forgo the warres, & so quietly submit thy necke vnto the yoke of the Infidell, or else thou must contend with this common enemie, and thou must not in any case yeelde vnto him either in patience or in vertue, with whom thou art to contend, for the totall summe of supreame power & soueraignitie. Stirre vp once againe the vigour of thy haughty courage & of thy puissant forces, call together thy Chieftaines, leauy men & souldiers from all parts, inuite the Princes thy neighbours & confederates, dresse in a readinesse, and dispose in order thy squadrons and thy legions: march on before the generall assembly of the faithfull, and the colledge of Christians, conforme thy selfe to the will and counsell of the vniuersall Bishop, purchase thou pardon for thy owne offences, and for thy army likewise. Behold thy friends the Venetians haue sent me hither to declare these things vnto thee, to summon and inuite thee, to exhort and perswade thee; to the intent thou maiest conioyne thy forces with their forces, thy ensignes with their ensignes, and thy troupes with their troupes. Thou knowest that the Venetians are most Christian Princes, most bountifull, and most puissant both by sea and by land: they doe promise and proffer vnto thee, golde, siluer, and men, in all plentifull manner. Goe to then Scanderbeg, now or neuer, shewe thy selfe truely to be Scanderbeg: thou who art the honour and the glorie of Princes: be thou the formost man with thy bands to warre vpon the miscreants: inuade his land, giue him iust cause of feare and terror, euen to him I say, who hauing broken his couenants and falsified his faith, and violated the peace, did first prouoke thee to betake thy selfe to armes: for all lawes and all rights do openlySentence. permit and allow this for lawfull: That faith and promise is not to be obserued towardes such as haue first violated their faith and fidelitie. March on therefore, march on hardily before the Catholique armie, giue the first charge and attempt vpon thy enemie: denounce open and generall warre to the Barbarian: prepare the waye to the soueraigne Pastour of Christendome: for behold now Pope Pius, behold the Venetians, behold the French and the Almaines, the Spaniardes, the Flemmings, the Hungarians, the Bohemians, the Polonians, the Italians, and brieflie, all Christian nations and peoples doe follow after thee, and they doe come to helpe and to second thee: now therefore will not this Pagan, this Mahometist be euer able to resist so many Kings, so many Princes, so many nations and warlike armies: he will soone betake himselfe to flight, he will soone forsake and forgoe Europe: the pride and insolencie of the Ottoman, his fraudulent and deceiptfull dealings, his secret traines and wicked deuises will now profit him litle or nothing: his wonted policies and sleightes will not be able to helpe him. Neuerthelesse it is needfull that thou be circumspect and prouident, and thou must vse singular prudence and wisedome: for that assoone as this wily and craftie foxe shall perceiue these preparations to be made against him, he will speedily send his Ambassadors vnto thee to flatter thee, to entise thee and to diswade thee from taking armes against him: but harken not vnto him, alienat thy mind frō his wicked & peruerse nature, stop thy eares against his flatteries & smooth perswasions: thou art sufficiently acquainted with the inward affections of his hart: thou seest well enough what a maner of man he is: and there was neuer any [Page 441] one in this world to whom the fraudes of the line and house of Ottoman were more perfectly and better known, then they are now discouered and layed open vnto thee.’
This oration being pronounced by the Archbishop of Duras with great vehemencie, Scanderbeg withdrewe himselfe to counsell with his Chieftaines and souldiers, and the matter was long and doubtfully debated betweene them. There were two especiall yet diuerse and different opinions: the one which argued that the spirits and thoughts of the Albanians were now estranged from deeds of armes (as it is ‘commonly seene, that the sweetnes of gaine and interrest doth corrupt and oastardize our spirits, and by litle and litle doth make them to degenerate into another nature)Sentence. they would in no case heare any speech of renuing the warre with Mahomet, but they wished that the couenants and conditions of the peace concluded betweene them should be in all points obserued and fulfilled:’ of the wdich (saied some of them) there doth proceed great benefit and commoditie: the people, the townes and cities, growing rich and welthy, and their profit was like daily to be augmented: besides that, the Turkish monarch had restored in a maner all the pillage which had bene taken vpon the countrie of the Albanois. The other opinion was cleane contrarie: for they held that in any case it was needfull to haue recourse to armes, and that they ought not to trust to the wordes of the Sultan who neuer kept his promise with any, especially with any that was a Christian: and that so much the rather they ought to doe it for that he had first broken the peace, and had violated the summe of the capitulations past betweene them. Moreouer that there was litle or no faith to be giuen to the tirant, or to his promises, which tended to no other end then to draw them on by deceit and cunning, and to entertaine them with faire wordes now that he saw all the Christians ioyned in league against him: and that shortly he was like to feele the weight and burthen of their fearefull and terrible forces to the singular dammage of the circumcised: which was the onely cause that kept him in feare and awe, and that brought him to this point to promise wonders: that otherwise he would neuer haue suffered them to rest in quiet nor would haue restored the bootie which had bene taken: that therefore it behooued them without delay, and with most cheerefull and resolute mindes, to begin the warre against this common enemie of the Christian faith, the preseruation wherof was to be preserred before their owne particular safety and cōmoditie: and so much the rather, for that the head of the church did mind to be there in person, and to come with all his forces of Christendome in armes against the Mahometan. This latter opinion being held as the best and most sound, and being also most agreeable to the mind and liking both of the King and the better part of his Captaines, was allowed and chosen as being for the good and benefit of them all: and it was fully concluded & agreed, that they should renue the wars & take armes for the defence of the common weale of Christendome. Besides they held it requisite, and an acte well beseeming Christians, to be obedient to the supreme Bishop and the vicar of Christ, & to adhere close to the congregation of the faithfull. Moreouer there was not any one of them but would haue made it scrupulous to reproue the perswasions of the Archbishop, whose counsels and admonitions they held it no lesse needful to obserue and obey, then as if they had bene the diuine precepts. For (as we haue alreadie said) the grauitie, good life and worthie example of this personage had purchased him wonderfull authoritie amongst them: insomuch that all matters were managed by his counsell and sage aduise: for that ordinarily being with the King in court, Scanderbeg would euer harken & giue eare vnto him, and had learned of him all the ancient histories and worthy exploits both of the Greeks & Latines: and he was also maruellously well beloued of all the Chieftaines, Lordes and Princes of Albanie. The [Page 442] warre therfore being generally concluded and agreed on, commissions were directedVVar renued by Scanderbeg against the Turkes. forth and commandements were giuen to diuerse Captaines to muster souldiers on all sides, and to assemble and leauie an armie, and that assoone as it should be in a readinesse, they should without all delay set forward against the enemie.
Vpon the rumor and report of this newes, those souldiers of Scanderbeg which lay in garrison vpon the frontiers were the first that tooke the field, and they ouerranneEpirots inuade and ouerrunne the Turke his territories. and ransacked the countrie of the Ottoman with great violence and terror to the inhabitants: and hauing farre and wide forraged and wasted all places, they retired with a notable prey and bootie, driuing away with them at the least 60000. head of kine, and oxen, 80000. sheepe, and 3000. mares with their coltes which were of the race and breed that the Ottoman had for his owne store: and yet this was not all: for being entred verie farre into the prouince of the Barbarian, they put all to sword and fire, and left not standing vpon the ground either trees or any thing else bearing frute, but filled all parts with horrible feare and terror: the tidings whereof when it came to the eares of Mahomet, he was newly enflamed and incensed against Scanderbeg beyond all credit and imagination: neuerthelesse afterwards stroking his forhead with his hand, and suppressing his extreame griefe, the report is, that with a cheerefull and gladsome countenance, he vttered these wordes. What meanest thou Scanderbeg? what doest thou thinke to do vnto me, who am the great commaunder and supreme Prince both of the Orient and the Occident?
Notwithstanding hauing conceiued and imprinted a deepe reuenge in the inwardSpeech of Mahomet vpon the inuasion of his territories by the Epirots. ‘thoughts of his heart, he then sware and vowed the ruine and destruction of Scanderbeg. But by reason of the great report and bruite that ranne of the Christian forces, and for that he had heard howe they were alreadie raised and on foote readie to march against him, he was greatly troubled and perplexed: and therefore he thought it best to haue recourse to his wonted cunning and sleights (familiar to the Ottomans)’ and he sought by his traines and deuises, to reconcile himselfe vnto him. Now was it commonly reported & it ran rife in euery mans mouth, that Pope Pius had assembledPope Pius and the Christian princes prepare a iourney against the Turkes. from all parts of Christendome great and huge forces, and that he would within fewe daies set forward against the Turke: and that the first thing which he meant to do after his arriual into Epire, & after he had celebrated a masse within Duras, was to honor the Archbishop of that place, with the hat and honour of a Cardinall, and to crowne Scanderbeg King of the Albanians & Epirots; whereupon the infidels also gaue it out openly amongst themselues: that if Scanderbeg did take the field as the generall and supreme commander in this enterprize, there was no doubt but the victorie would fall to the Christians: and they were all of an opinion, that the Turkish forces would be hard bested, & that they could not but be reduced to a most desperat estate: so great an astonishment and horror had the verie name of Scanderbeg brought vpon them. And this was the principall and chiefest reason that made Mahomet to beate all his braines, and to set abroach all his plots and cunning deuises to allure Scanderbeg vnto him: to fall to a new composition with him for all matters, and to reconfirme and reassure by a solemne oth both on the one part and the other, the first couenants and conditions of the agreement past betweene them: he wrote vnto him therefore certaine letters in manner and forme following.
I haue alwaies heretofore admired the excellencie of thy faith and thy rare integritieLetters of Mahomet to Scanderbeg desiring to renue the peace betwene them. and instice (most noble and princely Scanderbeg:) and therfore I cannot easily be [Page 455] perswaded, that so generous and magnanimous a Prince, should so inconsiderately falsifie his faith and breake the peace established betwene thee and me. For (as I am giuen to vnderstand) thou hast with great forces inuaded my lands and territories, and turning all things vpside downe in most pitifull and foule disorder, thou hast gotten and carried away an inestimable booty & infinite goods from me & my subiects. Of the which excesse (as I am credibly informed and fully perswaded) the Venetians haue bene the cause & motiue: by whose instigation & enticement, thou hast bene pricked forward & incited against vs. By their practises & flatteries hast thou bene drawen on to make warre vpon me, openly shewing thy selfe to be a breaker of thy promises, & the violatour of the rightes & the law of Nations. Wherefore I neither do, nor will attribute any or very litle fault & blame vnto thee, considering the cause of the ignominie rather then the ignominy it selfe: but I do impute the whole offence vnto them who haue bene alwaies my sworn & professed enemies. But what harme is this vnto me, ô Scanderbeg, who am the Lord & commaunder of so many peoples & Prouinces? doest thou thinke that thou hast done me so great or notable a displeasure, or that thou hast wrought any great dammage to our crowne and dignitie, by wasting and spoyling of our fields so insolently, and by the chasing and dryuing away of our beasts and cattell, after the guise and manner of theeues & freebooters rather then of true & worthie souldiers? And yet for my part I repute it no iniurie: nay I can be content that thou go forward in doing the like, and that thou doe continue and holde on still thy courses and inuasions, if so be thou thinke it meete and conuenient. For I protest vnto thee I do more prize and set by thy friendship and amitie, then any thing whatsoeuer, which is most deere vnto me: because, as thou knowest, I haue alwayes loued and highly affected thee: and as often as I recall to minde our tender age, and the yeares of our youth, wherein we were nourished and brought vp together in the court of Amurath, I cannot chuse, I assure thee, but acknowledge my selfe to be thy debtour in all possible meanes wherein I may any way pleasure thee. Wherefore my good friend Scanderbeg I doe hartely pray thee, and earnestly entreat thee, that we may renew our former couenants, and that we may once againe reconfirme the peace with a solemne and mutuall oath betweene vs: which course if we had heretofore taken, or had thought vpon it in our first treatie: I am sure thou wouldest neuer haue suffered thy selfe to be seduced and lead away by the Venetians. This if thou wilt nowe doe at my request, and wilt giue credit vnto me as I hope thou wilt: I sweare and protest vnto thee, that both thou and thy posteritie shalt raigne peaceably, quietly, and in good securitie and assurance continually: otherwise beleeue me and be thou sure thou wilt repent it speedily: thou knowest the greatnesse of my puissance, against the which I would wish thee to be well aduised, and to consider throughly, whether thou be able to resist or not: neither thy neighbours, nor thy friendes the Venetians canne protect and defend thee from the iust violence of my anger, wrath and furie. Doest not thou see the Greekes how they are all destroyed and consumed away to nothing? The Emperour of Trebisond whom we haue despoyled and depriued of his empire? The Princes of the Rascians and Triballians how they are rooted out and subuerted? the Illyrians broken and wasted, and all the realmes of Asia, with many other Princes tamed and subdued? Hearken therfore to our counsell ô Scanderbeg: be thou stable and constant in thy word and promise: so shalt thou be sure to prosper, and it shall goe well with the: we haue committed the care of this busines to Mustapha to whom thou needest not doubt to giue assured faith and credit.
Farewell
from our imperiall city the seuenth of May in the yeare of the generation of Iesus 1463.
[Page 444]These letters being perused and read, Scanderbeg returned an aunswer from hisAnswere and reply of Scanderbeg to the last letters of Mahomet. campe by other letters in the fiue and twentieth of the same moneth: wherein after a summarie and briefe recollection of the principall points of the Ottoman letters, in the first place was contained: that the Sultan ought not to thinke it strange, if the Albanois had sought a iust reuenge of their wrongs vpon his countrey and subiects: seeing the lawes & rights of war were equall and indifferent for both of them: that there was no cause of maruell if the Albanois as well as his owne subiectes, had sought by a certen military kind of licentiousnes (as himselfe did before excuse them in that sort) to reuenge an old in [...]y, & not to offer him any new wrong, but as good husbands had prouided for their owne estate, & had recompenced one dammage for another. That although his people were vehemently incensed at the iniury offred them, yet he would neuertheles haue restrained them from ouerrunning & inuading his borders, if he for his part had shewed himselfe willing either to make full restitution & recompence of that which had bene taken & destroyed: or else if he had chas [...]ed the licentiousnes of his souldiers as he ought to haue done. And whereas in regard of the particular loue and good opinion which he had of him, he did impute the whole fault of the renuing of the warre to no other then to the Venetians, he did wrongfully slander them, for that there was not any likelihood or probability, that they should go about to seduce him and to make them enemies: seeing that the Venetian common weale is of sufficient puissance by themselues alone whensoeuer they see cause, not onely to compare and contend with him marmes, but also to surmount and excell him. And as touching the perswasions which he vsed vnto him, to leaue their friendshippe, he had litle reason to perswade him to that matter, seeing himselfe knew very well, that the amitie betwene them was verie ancient and of long continuance: whereof it seemed he had small or no regard, when notwithstanding the same, he had not forborne to waste and destroy their country & possessions in Morea, but had chased them in a manner cleane out of all, to the great preiudice and contempt of the accord and peace betwene them. As for those vaine magnificall titles of Emperour of the Orient and Occident, in which he seemed so to glorie and boast himselfe: herecounted vnto him infinite Prouinces and Realmes, who had scarce as yet heard of the bare name of Mahomet, & put the case (which God defend) that all were brought vnder the yoke of his subiection, and that his Dominions did extend euen to the maine Ocean: yet ought not he for all that to be so puffed vp in glorie, and to exalt himselfe about others: but he was rather to looke into the reuolution and inconstancie of worldly things: and to take an example by the Assirians who were once the Monarches of the whole world, and by the Medes, the Persians, the Greekes, and last of all the Romanes, yea by Tamberlain himselfe, who was euen of late yeares the proud and mightie King of the Tartarians, the scourge of the race of Ottoman, & the terror of nations: all which notwithstanding were now consumed and extinguished by the extinguisher of Kingdomes, Empires and Nations, euen the finger of the great God: That he therefore ought to acknowledge himselfe to be but an earthly mortall creature, and the vassall and slaue of fortune: and that he was not to put his trust & confidence in his innumerable legions & huge armies: the which oftentimes (as is to be seene by the testimony of many histories) are confounded and ouerthrowen by those which are much lesser and farre inferior vnto them: and that therefore neither he, nor any other Chieftaine howe great and fortunate soeuer, could iustly merit any true praise or commendation: till such time as he should see himselfe euen entred into his triumph. That in vaine he did solicit him to renue the friendship and alliance betweene them, so notably was his faith suspected vnto him, & so odious was his acquaintance. Last of all hauing [Page 445] threatned him with the generall league of Christendome, and with the incomparable forces of Europe comming vpon him, he friendly and charitably aduised him to abiure the impure sect of Mahomet, and to turne to the truth of the Gospell of Christ, shewing him that that was the true and only meane (besides the saluation of his soule) to retaine continually, and to make sure his estate and Empire for euer to him and his posterity, and to make the possession thereof most quiet and peaceable: whereunto he counselled him betimes to haue an eie and to doe that willingly, which shortly he should be forced and compelled to do, by pure constraint and necessity.
This then was the reply which the Prince of Epire, made to the importunate andLetters from Pope Pius the second to Scanderbeg. fallacious letters of the great Turke: the which was no sooner dispatched, and sent away, but that he receiued letters from the Pope, aduertising him that he would shortly remoue from the city of Rome, accompanied with infinite forces which had taken the Croysado against the Ottoman, and that from thence passing to Ancona, and so embarking himself to the sea, he ment to passe into Epire, where he was determined to make the Archbishop of Duraz, Paul Angell a Cardinall, and then to crowne Scanderbeg king of Epire and Albany, and to commit the absolute authority of the Christian army to his charge and conduct: to the intent that all their forces being vnited, he might pursue the war against the Infidell, which all the Christians in common had vndertaken against him. And therefore he admonished and sollicited him to march on with his owne forces, and to denounce open war against the Painim. These newes caused great ioy & gladnes both to the Princes and Chieftaines Albanois, & to the common sort of souldiers: and thereupon did Scanderbeg with a strong & puissant army, enterInuasion by Scanderbeg vppon the Turke his dominions. into the enemies frontiers, marching a good way into their countrey, ouerrunning & spoiling all things both farre and wide: and he plagued them with all sortes of miseries and calamities, and wheresoeuer he came, he left nothing but a most hideous and horrible view of extreame desolation, making the whole Prouince as a wild and solitary desart: and in this manner, did he begin a generall and open warre against Mahomet. Scarcely were the letters of Scanderbeg come to Constantinople, when the fame and renow me of those his blouddy exploits was brought to the eares of the Ottoman: who being both in an extreame feare and terrour, and enraged with wrath and fury against the king of Epire, presently he dispatched away one of his Basses named Seremet, with 14000. horse, more to stay and hinder the violence of the roades and inuasionsSeremet sent with an army of 14000. Turkes against Scanderbeg. Oration of Mahomet to his chieftains animating thē to the war gainst the Christians. This is the lesser Tartaria, called by the Barbarians Gazaria there is the noble city of Capha which Mahomet won from the Genowaies, and was once called Theodosia. made by the Albanois, then for any great glory or honour which he expected by that voiage: and in the meane time, hauing caused his Chiefetaines and Colonelles to be called together before him, he thus began to speake vnto them.
‘You are not ignoraunt (my good friendes) how that at all times you haue beene partners with me of all my good fortunes, as well as my selfe haue borne a part with you, of your sinister and aduerse fortunes. Wherefore the safety and preseruation of this our Empire, ought to concerne and import you no lesse then me: you know all of you, how I haue alwaies honored & respected you, with what courtesie, loue, and beneuolence I haue euer vsed you, carying my self amongst you, not as your king and soueraigne, but rather as your souldier and companion. It hath bene granted vnto vs by the diuine clemency, and by meanes of your vertue and prowesse, that all things haue succeeded according to our desires: what should I reckon vp Asia which is now become ours through your victorious armes? the dominion of Thrace gotten out of the hands of the Christians, the Rascians, the Seruians, and the Bulgarians subdued, the region of Tauriqua * brought vnder our subiection, Negrepont possessed, the Princes of Sclauony expelled their estates, & the Hungarians extreamly weakned? what nations are there, be they neuer so inuincible, but they haue stood in fear of your name & valor [Page 446] euen before they haue felt or perceiued the force of your strength and power? and yet* Or the Isle of Euboea in the sea of AEgeum. now at this present, fie for shame, I see you all amazed & astonished, and it seemeth that these new tumults haue terrified you: it seemeth that the new brauadoes, & vaine menaces of this petty gallant Scanderbeg, do make you to quake and tremble. What, shall the world find you now so faint hearted, so besorted and sencelesse, so deuoide of courage and magnanimity, that you will shew your selues like men that are mindfull rather of flight, then of your wonted and accustomed vertue? will you without fight, without resistance, yeeld vnto these effeminat and idle Christians those goodly conquests which both your auncesters and your selues haue gotten and purchased, with so many and so great labors and trauels, and with so many woundes and daungers? What, will you now without any expence and losse of bloud abandon and forsake Europe, which you haue with so great paine & desire obtained, and will you so shamefully flie backe againe into Asia? tell me (I pray you) shall you be more safe on the other side of the s [...] then on this side? assure your selues they will not cease to pursue you in all places: then what will you do? what hope haue you? what King or Prince will receiue vs, whom the whole world doth hold so hatefull and odious? Hearken to mee therefore (my good friends and companions) plucke vp your hearts, awaken your corages, reuiue and strengthen your spirits, to the intent your enemies grow not too too audacious: hold your selues quiet, and let not your minds be troubled with any tumultuous counsels or imaginations, but do all of you with one mind & generall consent (as your duty is) cast the care of this matter so weighty and important vpon me: commit it into my hands, and refer it to my discretion. If you count it a glorious and honorable act to defend your owne liues, and the liues of your wiues and children: to maintaine so many scepters and Empires granted vnto you, euen by the diuine fauour: then doe you brauely betake you to your armes, & arme your selues against the Christians: behaue your selues manfully in the fight against them, & let the world see the fircenes of your corages. Let it not trouble you though you heare that the princes of christendome are combined in league against you, & that they are entred into a commō concord together to make war vpon vs. All this ought not to make you doubt of the victory: for you haue had triall enough of this kind of men, how nice, delicate & weake they are. They be all of them slothfull, fearfull, faint, secure and careles, idle, & addictedMahomet despiseth & dispraiseth the christiās. to all pleasures and delights: they are all of them brought vp daintily: they lie vppon their beds of Downe and soft feathers: they are trained vp in luxuriousnes and voluptuousnesse: they are braue men and valiant in the courts and pallaces of Princes, borne to nothing but to play the courtiers: they haue not any care to study or practise deedes of armes: they haue no desire or delight to follow the wars, or to professe the art and profession military: their bodies are impatient of labor and trauell, and their mindes cannot away with the hazard of perils and dangers: their members are delicate & effeminate, not enured nor hardned to discipline, nor to endure heat and cold, hunger and trauell. In summe they are ignorant and careles of martial matters, and of the traine of armes, in comparison of you (my dear companions) amongst whom I see not any one that beareth the name of a souldier, but I account him a good and perfect captaine: for it is an vsuall thing with you to spend your life in continual seruices, and day & night are you accustomed to watch in armes, and to weary your selues in warlike exploits: there is nothing so hard, nothing so rough and difficult, but seemeth vnto you most pleasant, acceptable, and easie: you are so acquainted daily & hourly with a million of perils, that you are growen into a contempt and carelesnes of all perils, and as you are free from the feare of dangers, so are you ignorant how to feare them: it is your fashion to contemne and despise soft featherbeds, you vse your hardened members, to a more [Page 447] strict and hard yoake of discipline both in war and in fight: you are contented with a litle, yea with nothing in a maner: you make your beds of the hard ground, & you do accustome your selues to all extremities: your vse is so to march and to run on to the victory, as that you neuer dreame what you must endure and suffer, but only whither and whereabouts you are going: and you are altogether forgetfull both of death, of wounds, and of danger. Behold (my braue Captains) this is the true deuoir & duty, this is the true exercise, this is the true art and discipline of soueraine & excellent souldiers: these be they that do fight valiantly, these be they that doe vanquish their enemies easily, these be they that are euer sure and certaine of the victory. Let come then these great Princes of the Christiās, these magnificall bablers & great talkers, whose fiercenesse is only in their glorious shew and ostentation, who are meerly ignorant and vnskilfull of martiall matters. Shall such persons be able to astonish you? shall they make you to giue backe? call to remembrance your prosperous fortune, the which in all your warlike exploits hath euer followed and seconded you. Shall not the fortunate successe of your affaires, make you to grow couragious, and to plucke vp your valiant hearts? These tumultuous Christians haue not yet forgotten, but they haue still before their eies the fresh testimony of their lamentable misfortune, euen the scattered and dispersed relickes of their calamity at Varna, and Basill. And what do the Greekes? All these alterations, changes and emotions, what harme haue they done vs? saue only that they brought them selues to be bought and sold for slaues and vassals vnto vs? Some of them haue come to destruction by the ignorance and vnskilfulnesse of their Chieftains: others by the pusillanimity of their troupes & legions. Some of them haue bene ouerthrowen by the doubtfull chaunce and hazard of diuerse battels, and other some by their owne seditious and intestine eiuill wars. Some of them haue bene ruinated by the grosse credulity and the infidelity of their owne domesticall friends, and other some in briefe haue found them selues most endammaged by the ouer carelesse and dissolute contempt of their enemies. What reason then haue you to feare their comming? If I should speake openly what I thinke, I am fully perswaded that they will not come at all: they will keepe still at home in their houses, and they neede not greatly to be entreated to lay aside (euen of themselues) these their insolent threats and menaces. Moreouer, I know well that they are distracted and troubled with priuate seditions and continuall partialities: euery man will be a commander: ech man seeketh to be the highest and chiefest: none of them will obey: none of them will be commanded: so strange and diuers are their affections, and so greatly doe they differ betweene themselues. There be amongst them many Kings, many commaunders, and euery one of them is transported and caried away, according to his own appetite, and they do all follow their owne wils in their counsels and deliberations: the [...]e is none of them that seeketh the publicke good, nor the common profit & commodity. The Christians doe dissemble one with another notably, they are all of them exceedingly ambitious, and immoderatly couetous, & they do exercise immoderat hatreds & rancors ech against other. There is no consent, no agrement, no regard of duty or obedience: in which neuerthelesse consisteth all the strength and vertue of Monarchies, and kingdomes, especially in the time of war: and if these happen once to faile, the art and science military must needs come to naught & be vtterly extinguished. More then this, these holy, godly, and religious people, doe take a singular delight in mutuall murthers, poisons, and massacres, & there is no other talke amongst them, then of reuenge, of conspiracies, and of secret trains and counterwaits. I see that all Christendomr with their Pope (as they tearme him) haue conspired against vs: I see that all their Kings and Potentates haue combined them selues together against our Empire and estate: they haue betaken [Page 448] them to armes on all sides, to depriue vs of Europe their auncient patrimony: so did Agamemnon in Homer, one day determine to ouerthrow the wals of Troy before sun-set, but Iupiter turned his cies another way, and derided the vowes of that foolish Prince: the like (I doubt not) will happen to the fond presumption of the Christians, they hasten to purchase vnto themselues some singular and glorious renowme vpon vs, albeit very difficult, but indeed they will enlarge and amplifie your triumphes and your Empire: I know it well, and I dare promise you as much vpon my honor. For (not to speake of the commodities of places, of victuals, munitions, and such like helpes: in which the strength and succour of the wars, doth consist very much) and whereof the Christians will haue great scarsity, and we shall haue plenty, I can assure you that the Empire and dominion of the whole world is promised vnto vs by the celestiall powers, as I haue learned by the course of the stars, and the science of Astrology, by which I haue reaped wonderfull profit, and whosoeuer hath the perfect knowledge thereof, cannot possibly erre nor be deceiued. For without all doubt, the whole frame of this world here below, is ruled and gouerned by the superiour motions of the starres and planets. Moreouer you shall not want store of resolute & obedient souldiers, you shall haue ready at hand diuerse great and puissant armies, you shall haue infinit troups and bands of men, and you shall haue plenty of armes, horses, engines: & in briefe, all kinds of necessary and needfull prouisions, whereby the victory may be purchased & gotten with ease and facility. Only haue you a regard for your parts, that you be well aduised in all your councels, that you bring with you coragious hearts and stout stomackes, and that your hands be prompt and valorous. This is it (my good souldiers) that must purchase you, either assured liberty or perpetuall seruitude: this is that knot and band of the whole matter, this is it wherein consisteth the preseruation of your countrey, of your Empire, of your children, of your goods, and possessions: to this doth the common perill, and the common ruine of your selues and all yours, both inuite you, admonish you, yea and constraine you: and all of you are equally & alike summoned thereunto, by the equall hazard and danger of this war. Hereunto also ought the variable euents and alteration of great things to spur and pricke you forward, the which in all humaine actions are oftentimes in great perill, and subiect to notable dangers, for default of prompt and ready deliberation, and for want of good and settled resolution.’
This oration of the Turkish Emperor, was generally approued by all the assistants, and it wrought in them with such efficacy, that all of them confirmed the deuotion of their fidelity and obeisaunce, with a new and solemne oth, promising without any regard of perils, paines or trauell, to expose their liues and vttermost meanes for the Maiesty of the Ottoman name and Empire, and for the amplifying of his crowne and dignity. Thus did they shew them selues deuoide of all feare, of hazards and dangers, and they seemed to regard nothing else, but onely to conforme themselues to the will and pleasure of their Prince to the seruice of the weale publicke.
Let vs leaue Mahomet for a while, beating his braine and bending all his thoughts and imaginations, to prouide fit and necessary preparation for the generall warre of the Christians, and let vs returne to our religious Prince Scanderbeg, who being enriched with the spoiles of the Turkes, was now retired into his campe, where he was no sooner arriued, but that it was told him, that Seremet did approach and was neare at hand, one of the brauest Captaines that the Sultan had, and that with a strong and mighty army, he was come vpon the confines of Thrace and Macedony: and Scanderbeg being no lesse forward then he was alwaies wont, tooke the field three hours before day, being determined to fight with him if it were possible. The Mahometan was come only to assure and defend the frontiers, and to hinder the inroads & inuasions of [Page 449] the Albanois: he lodged part of his men within Ocrida, or Alchria, and part of them inAlchria, or Ocrida. the subburbs and thereabouts, where they had entrenched them selues very strongly. Neare to the towne was a large and great lake abounding in fish of diuerse kinds, outThe riuer of Drine, or Drinon. Ambushment by Scanderbeg against Seremet. Piec Manuell. Andrew Angell. of the which the riuer of Drine hath his source & beginning. Towards this place was the Albanois aduaunced within three miles of it or thereabouts, where he placed himselfe in an ambush with ten thousand men, and he sent before him about 500. horse, of the most resolute & hardiest souldiers, conducted by Peic Manuell, & Andrew Angell, brother to the Archbishop of Duraz, both of them worthy personages, and highly accounted of, both for their experience, and for the antiquity of their bloud and linage, and he gaue them instructions to skirmishe with the enemy, onely to draw and allure them forth to the fight. For Scanderbeg was aduertised, that there was one in the Barbarian army, who was the treasurer or receiuer of the imposts & tributes of the great Turke, a man that was very rich, and that tooke great delight in deedes of armes, who he thought would soone and easily be drawn out with the first to aduenture the fight. Now Scanderbeg had charged these two Captaines, that in case the Infidels did come forth to the skirmish, they should make but could resistance, but by litle and litle recuiling, they should faine them selues to fly: to the intent that the others pursuing them, might approch to the place of the ambuscado, where he meant to hold himselfe still & to attend them, and it fel out accordingly. For the Infidels being gotten very neare theVictory of Scanderbeg against Seremet neare Alchria. Number of Turkes slaine neare Alchria. place, saw themselues sodainly charged most brauely by the Epirots, on all sides, both in front and in flanke, and behind at their backs, in such sort that being soone broken and scattered, there lay dead vpon the place more then 10000. There were also a great nū ber taken prisoners, amongst whom was the treasurer aboue mentioned, and the son of Seremet, with twelue others of especiall reckoning and estimat, who being brought to Scanderbeg, paid a ransome of 40000. crowns, & being set at liberty, they bestowed many giftes and rich rewardes throughout the campe of the Albanois: especially the treasurer who made a larges of his imposts of fish both fresh & salt amongst the christians: which came in a very good & conuenient time, as if God had sent it of purpose. For it was then the vigill of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin the mother of our Sauiour, vppon which day, as men religiously disposed, they did abstaine from eating of any fleshmeats. Thus making mery amongst themselues, they said by way of mirth, that their prince was the Apostle of him who had fed the Iewes with fiue loaues andSaying of the souldiers Epirots of Scanderbeg. two fishes. This done, they returned victorious with great ioy into their Prouince, where they enioyed the fruite of their happy exploit, attending in great deuotion the troupes of the Croysado, which they daily expected to passe ouer the seas into Epire.
But Fortune, enuious and despitefull Fortune, which neuer suffereth men to enioy any long contentment, which lieth continually in wait, and watcheth for some occasion, either to crosse all our good and glorious enterprises, or else vtterly to ouerthrow and disappoint them, did now turne all these Princely and honorable attemptes to nothing, and the preparations of this great and holy voiage vanished away like smoke in the aire. For within few daies after, newes were brought to Scanderbeg, how that the Pope hauing already set forward on the way with a goodly army, of Almains, Hungarians, Death of Pope Pius the 2. Spaniards, French, and Italians, & being accompanied with the Duke of Venice, immediatly vpon his entry into Ancona, was departed and gone to God, which was the occasion that this noble assembly was dissolued: and all those which had disposed themselues to this holy voiage, were disbanded & dispersed here and there on al parts,Voiage of the Christians against the Turkes broken. and were returned to their own houses, as if they had bin come together, & had made that iourney only at the will and pleasure of one mortall man, who was now laied in his Sepulchre, and not for the common cause of Christendome, nor for the glorie [Page 450] and seruice of the sonne of God, whose venerable image and representation, they caried not in their hearts and in their soules, but onely in their outward garments, and in their ensignes and standards: such and so great is the inconstancy and vanity of mankinde. But I doubt I should doe great wrong vnto this reuerent personage, if I should let passe in vngratefull silence, these deserued praises of his rare vertues and perfections.
Pius called Aeneas Siluius the Poet, sometimes chancellour to the Emperour Fredericke Pope Pius the second his birth and commendation. the third, was a Sienois by birth, descended of the auncient family of the Picolhominins in Siena. He was a man of most rare vertues, and most renowmed for the holinesse and integrity of his life: he was so addicted to the study of humaine letters, that it was hard to iudge whether were more excellent in him his knowledge or his eloquence: the which he emploied so happily in the councell of Mantua, that he moued and perswaded all the nations and Princes of Europe to take armes against the miscreants, excepting onely Lewes the eleuenth. The Frenchmen who at that time had an hard opinion of him, by reason that they tooke part with king Rene, of the house of Anoiw, whereas this Pope did mightely impugne his title, in fauour of the Arragonois in the warre of Naples, (as you haue seene in the booke last going before.) He was wonderfully zealous of religion, and of the glory of God, seeking nothing but the aduancement of the same, and the safety of the Christian flocke: by reason whereof his end was greatly lamented ouer all Christendome, but aboue all others, the subiects of Scanderbeg made great sorrow and lamentation. For although they were yet fierce and glorious through their victory lately gotten against Seremet, yet vpon the hearing of this newes, they were as men amased and confounded, and as if they had bene striken with thunder and lightning from Heauen, so infinitly did they grieue for that this enterprize and expedition against the Turkes was broken off, but Scanderbeg carying a courage, and a mind pliable to all the assaults and crosses of Fortune, did not in any sort bewray himselfe to be grieued or discomforted, neither did he shew any alteration for this vnfortunate and vnhappy chaunce, but with a chearfull countenance, nothing chaunged nor troubled, he comforted his friends and familiars with these speeches and perswasions.
‘God the searcher of all secrets, who knoweth all things before they be done, toThe oration or speech of Scanderbeg to his subiects comforting them after the breaking of the voiage intended by the Christians against the Turkes. whom things past and to come are open and manifest, as well as things present, by whom all things are made and established in equity and iudgement, and are perfectly guided and gouerned, whose diuine and incomprehensible wisedome, extendeth it selfe from the beginning to the ending, gratiously disposing and ordering euery thing in particular: God I say, that auncient of daies and of all eternity, doth sometimes make frustrate and disappoint the wishes and desires of mortall-men, and doth not suffer them alwaies to enioy them, according to their owne willes and contentment. For though in the eie of man the may seeme good and profitable, yet in the sight and secret knowledge of his diuine Maiesty, he knoweth them to be otherwise: and there be many things which vnto vs appeare to be profitable and beneficiall, but his wisedome foreseeth that they will greatly preiudice vs. For example: there is no city so populous, there is no nation so puissant, but if they want enemies abroade, they are sure to finde some euen at home amongst them selues: and you shall neuer see any body so strong and lusty, but if there be no externall cause to molest or grieue them, yet they will at one time or another be oppressed and ouerborne by their owne proper forces, by reason of some inward contrariety. If it had pleased God that the Romaines had not ruinated Carthage, which was emulous and enuious of their greatnesse, and that they had not rooted out this their forraine enemy, but that they had still had him [Page 451] to haue kept them in feare and awe, they had not then bene consumed by intestine ciuill warres within themselues, they had not then turned their swordes against their owne throates, and their Empire peraduenture had bene standing euen till this day. For the feare of a forreine and outward foe (which as some say, is a sure gardian, and a most streight and perfect bond of amitie and concorde) had preseruedSentence. and still mainteined them in safetie. The like may we say perhappes of the Christians, and of the nations professing the faith of Christ: for if we were exempted from an externall and forreine enemies, and had not an aduersatie elsewhere to keepe vs in awe, considering our impietie and ambition, our rancours and diuisions past all hope of reconciliation, and the bloudy streames of troubles and tumults nourished from time to time within the body of the common weale of Christendome, do you not thinke that we should finde a hundreth times more disaduantage and mischiefe by our owne enmities and dissentions, then by the violence of our outward enemies? Assure your selues we had long ere this time bene consumed and worne out by the furie and outrage of our owne proper armes. I conclude therefore, that it is not happened altogether for the worst, that this voyage is discontinued and broken off: for it was greatly to be feared, that when we had once chased away this greeuous and bloudy enemie farre from vs, least that then we would haue kindled some fire within out owne houses, which should haue proued more bloudy and fatall vnto vs. Howbeit it is not to be doubted, and we may hold it for a certain and infallible truth,Empire of the Turkes is not durable. that the Empire of the Ottoman cannot continue long but that it must needes decay and perish, if at least wise this may be called or termed an Empire, which is but a wast and solitarie desert of Barbarisme depriued of all light of true doctrine, being without lawes, without iudgements, without any good order and policie, and euen in those parts, especially where as once, the artes, & sciences, the true and perfect discipline, the most famous Churches with many other ornamēts were most glorious & florishing: as we see it now come to passe in Asia, and a great part of Europe subdued by the armes and violence of the Turkes. And albeit Daniell in his Prophecies distinguishing the fortune and vertue of euery Empire, hath described all of them: namely that in this old and declining age of the world, there shalbe more confusions then haue bene in times past: and that God notwithstanding (as long as mankinde shall endure vpon the face of the earth) will preserue some Kingdomes and Empires: which as the end of the world doth more and more approch; so shall they grow more faint and feeble: and yet neuerthelesse; that there should arise a certaine Barbarous nation of a wonderfull puissance, named in the diuine Prophecies Gog and Magog: howbeit let vs not be troubled at the power and puissance of the Turkes, which by manifest and auncient testimonies is condemned and reiected of God, as being raised and encreased by deceiptfull and vnlawfull meanes, and plunged in all kindes of vices, filthinesse, and wickednesse. And let vs not make any doubt of the promises and predictions left vnto vs by the voyce of the sonne of God: but let vs fully assure our selues, that the dignitie of the Empire is not nor shall not fall into the handes of so Barbarous and execrable tyrannie, which vomiteth forth blasphemies against Christ the Sauiour of theDignitie of the true Empire where it is to be soūd. world, and abolisheth all honest and eiuill policies, but let vs rather assure our selues, that there onely and not elsewhere the sacred maiestie of the Empire both is and shalbe continued, where the true Religion is mainteined and obserued, where the diuine lawes, and other ciuill lawes and good ordinaunces deriued out of them do rule and beare sway, where the lawfull administration of iustice is vpheld in our strength and vigour, where good men are rewarded, and offenders are punished: last of all where the honest and godly assemblies and societies of good men, are preserued and [Page 452] mainteined by the vse of lawfull and iust armes, there onely and not elsewhere is the dignitie and maiestie Imperiall howsoeuer that the greatnesse thereof do appeare to be very little or small in comparison of that of the Mahometan. For (as hath bene sayd) it will not be long ere the same wilbe ruinated and come to nothing, because as wise men haue written,) things euill gotten, are soone wasted, and do speedely perish, and no man can long possesse or retaine the dominion, that is purchased by iniurious force and violence. Contrariwise, the Christian Empire, & the Church of God founded and erected by the deuine oracle, shall endure for euer, & shall neuer haue an end. Wherefore let vs pray our good God, the king almightie and omnipotent (who knoweth better what is good and needfull for vs, then we know how or what to demaund at his hands) that it would please him to wash away our sinnes by his grace, and to defend his holy faith, and his chosen people from the rage and furie of the Infidels, the which this cruell tyrant doth continually persecute, & by his brutish fiercenesse doth endeuour to destroy and suppresse.’
Thus did Scanderbeg comfort and encourage his people, that they might not be dismayed for the breaking vp and dispersing of the Christian armie. But leauing him for a while with these discourses, we will now returne to speake of Mahomet. After he vnderstood of the slaughter and flight of the people of Seremet, the Painim Prince being incensed with rage and furie, rather then discouraged with this misfortune, speedily dispatched away Ballaban Badera one of his Colonels with fifteene thousandBallaban Badera sent against Scāderbeg with an army of 18000. Turkes. horse and three thousand footemen. This Chieftaine was no lesse prompt and hardy in executing any thing with his hand, then he was of an expert and aduised iudgement in the politicke handling of martiall affaires: for he was a man that had bene long practised in armes, and had giuen many proofes of his sufficiencie and valour vnder Mahomet, especially at the taking of Constantinople: where he was the firstBallaban his birth and description▪ Aga, the place of a Colonell amongest the Turkes. man that mounted vpon the wall, and entred into the Citie. For this cause the Sultan had exalted him to the estate of an Aga or Colonell: he was an Epirot, borne of a very base and obscure race and kindred, & the subiect of Iohn Castriot the father of Scanderbeg: but in his younger yeares, being a verie lad, as he & other litle children were keeping of beasts in the fields, he was taken and caried away by the infidels, who presented him for a slaue vnto the Great Turke. Touching the stature of his bodie, he was not very tall, but of a middle size: but he was of a notable quicke and ready wit, his minde was extremely great and haughtie, besides that he was very resolute and couragious, fearing nothing. So as it may well be sayd of him, as Homer wrote of Tydeus.
He was very strongly made in his limmes, actiue and valiant of his person, desirous of battell, and hot and eager in fight. This man being come to Alchria, in the confines of Macedonie, after he had taken a view and muster of his armie, sent secretly (as some say) vnto Scanderbeg certaine presents of great estimate, for a token of friendship and amitie: and to prouide (it may be) if by chaunce he should happen to haue the worst, and to fall into his handes, that he might not be vsed with extremitie. Howbeit it is most probable and likely, that he did it onely of a cautelous and suttle meaning, as afterwards▪ the euent and issue did make it manifest▪ For he employed all his forces, and set abroach all his sleights and cunning deuises to worke the vtter confusion and destruction of Scanderbeg. But the Christian Prince, who was not vnacquainted with the Turkish wiles and suttleties, did reiect both his gifts and his acquaintance▪ and he sent back vnto him, a mattock, a plowshard, and a hedging bill, with such like rustical [Page 453] instruments, and he willed him to let alone the exercise of armes, as not being a professionContumelie offred by Scanderbeg to Ballaban. for him to deale withall: but that it was fittest for him to returne to husbandrie according to the vse of his predecessours, who were all of them peysants and of abase and vile condition. Ballaban tooke this very impatiently and he conceaued by reason therof a more deadly hatred against Scanderbeg then euer, swearing and vowing that he would take some notable reuenge vpon him for this ignominie, if euer he could finde a fit time and oportunitie: he determined therefore secretly in the night time to surprise and assaile him. Whereupon in the darke of the night he began to set forward and to remoue his Campe. But (as the saying is) it is bad halting before a criple: for the Albanois being informed of his comming, & what way he tooke, went against him with all speed, which caused Ballaban to hold bridle and to make a stand, and he pitched his tents about a two myles from the Campe of the Christians. Scanderbeg had not with him in all his army aboue foure thousand horse, and fiue and twentie hundreth footemen, not for that he was not able to haue assembled greater forces if he had liked: but because he had made choice at that time of his oldest and most expert souldiours, and the flower of all his men, in whose vertue and valiaunt prowesse, he did repose his principall trust and confidence: and he thought it better (as Fabius Maximus was wont to say) to bring all of them backe againe rich andSaying of Fabius Maximus vsed by Scanderbeg. Sayings of Scanderbeg. ‘wealthie, then to vse the seruice of a great number of souldiours: and many times also he vsed these speeches, that that Captaine which with ten or twelue thousand men at the most knew not how to beate his enemie, would hardly be able to doe any honorable exploit with greater forces. For he affirmed that the multitude of troupes, and the excessiue numbers of souldiours had many times caused confusion, and had bene the disturbance,’ and an hinderance to the victorie. Now the Infidell as hath bene sayd, had fiften thousand horse, and three hundred foote. The Scanderbegians were encamped at the one end of a pleasaunt valley, which they of the countrey call Valcala, which being of a goodly breadth, it was more long thenThe valley of Valcala. large. The Barbarians had seized vppon the other end of the valley, neare to a mountaine which lay at the end of Valcala, the entry whereof was very straight & narrow, and the enemy hauing both the mountaine and the passage in their power and puissance,Ambuscado layd by Ballabā at the entry of Valcala. had laied there an ambuscado, to the intent that the fight being begunne, and the Christians hauing the better, if they did pursue the victory, and did enter within the streight of that narrow passage to get to the sacking of their Campe, they should be enclosed in the middest of their enemies, lying there in the ambushment, and by that meanes should be at their mercy and discretion. The king of Epire who was encamped at the other end of the valley, forseeing well that this their neare neighbourhood to their enemies, could not be parted without talking nearer together, and for that his forces were the weakest, he iudged it needfull for him to seeke some aduantage against them, and therefore he vsed these speeches vnto his souldiers.
My good friends and companions, I see well that it behoueth vs this day asmuchOration of Scanderbeg to his souldiours before the battell of Valcala. ‘as euer, to make our enemies to feele who we are. Ballaban is come to seeke vs, and to make proofe whether Fortune will be more friendly vnto him, then shee hath beene to his predecessours: but before that he begin to march, I hold it best that we remoue our Campe to this mountaine which is at our backes. Notwithstanding, this you must marke: that as soone as he seeth vs departing hence, he will imagine (because we are so few, that we meane to flie:) and therefore it is to bethought, that he will immediatly charge vs with all possible violence at our backes, which if he doe, then do you receiue him valiantly: and after you haue a litle shifted your place and fained a retraite, sodainely do you turne head, and with a round and braue charge, do you beare [Page 454] in vpon them with all your strength, and (as your custome is) breake and disorder them: in so doing I doubt not, but you shall haue them at your discretion. But take heede (my good souldiers) I pray you, and be you well aduised when you haue put them to flight, and that you haue them in chase, and do follow them in execution vppon them: takeheed, I say, that you enter not in any case within the mouth of the straight of Valcala: but stopping your course passe no further forwardes. For within that passage I knowe there are certaine squadrons of the enemie layed to entrappe vs: I knowe it well, I am well acquainted both with the place, and the pollicies of the Barbarians: if you once enter in, you will neuer get out againe. Let it suffise you therefore (my friends) to pursue the victorie euen to the entrie of that place and no further.’
As soone as he had thus spoken, he espied Ballaban marching on directly towardesThe battell of Valcala betweene Ballaban and Scanderbeg. him: whereupon he sent a certaine number of light horsemen to seize vppon that hill which he had chosen for the lodging of his armie: and immediatly he followed after them with the bodie of his troupes, making as though he meant to haue made a retrait: the which the Turkes perceauing and beleeuing verelie, that they had bene in a true and playne flight, they galloped after them without any good order, and with great furie they held on their course the length of all the valley. Then did the Epyrots begin to beare vppe close together, and being nothing astonished with the clamours or violent charge of the Turkes, they turned about, and with a hardie resolution they receaued them to the shocke, and so ioyned with them in combat. Then began the fight to grow most sharpe, cruell, and bloudy, and many fell both of the one side and the other, and the victorie rested for a long time doubtfull and vncertaine. In fine the Albanois fought with such a constant and settled resolution and obstinacie against the Infidelles, being out of orderVictorie of Scanderbeg against Ballaban and the Turkes. and in some confusion, that they got the aduantage, killing and beating them downe on all partes and draue them backe euen to the streightes of Valcala, and there they tooke breath and made a stand, excepting eight onely of the Christian armie (each of whom without all doubt, was worthie to haue had the absolute commaunde of a good and great armie.) These being transported with the furie of the fight, and the heate of armes, and forgetting the expresse commaundement of their Generall, but being spurred forward with an eager desire of following the chase vpon the enemie, and with a mortall hatred against Ballaban, were drawen on into the ambuscado of the Infidels, & did very vnaduisedly entangle themselues within these streights, which by meanes of this vnhappie accident were, I dare say, as famous by the losseForkes of Candyum. See Lyuie. lib. 5 and calamitie of these braue Epyrotes, as the forkes of Candyum were in times past by the ignominie of the Romaines. Long did they maintaine the fight against the Infidelles there ambusqued, and passing still further and further within those valleys▪ they came at last to the trenches of the Barbarians, where they were to yeeld a reckoning of their comming, and to pay the shot vnto their hostes. Neuerthelesse continuing there also in a most cruell fight: they shewed them selues so valiaunt, and did so bestirre themselues by their valour and dexteritie, that in the end they gayned the toppe of a mountaine, which being possessed by the infanterie of the Turkes, they had thought to haue bene of their owne companie, and so they fell againe into a new and second perill greater then the former. In the ende after infinite prooues of theirMoses, Guirize, Musache & other nobles of the Epyrots taken prisoners by the Turkes. wonderfull prowesse and valour, being wearied with striking and killing of their enemies, both men and horses growing faint through the multitude of their wounds, they were taken aliue by the Ballabanians. The vertue, courage, and incomparable prowesse of these braue warriours may not be let passe & omitted in silence, and yet if [Page 455] I should in this place set downe the singular perfectiōs wherin all of them were most accomplished, and the memorable actes atchieued by their vertue in the seruice of God, of the religion, and of their countrey, I should make a long and exceeding great historie: and therefore I will onely and barely set downe their names vnto you. TheMoses. Guirize de Vladienne. Musache de Augeline. Gine Musache Iohn Terlat. Nicholas Berisee. George Chuque Gine Manesse. first that offereth him selfe to be remembred, was that great Moses the Dibrian, of whom we haue so often made mention, the onely & chiefe man that was most deare and faithfull vnto Scanderbeg, and who was the Lieutenant of the armie. Next to him was Guirize de Vladienne, the neare kinseman of Scanderbeg: after him followed Musache de Angeline, nephew to Scanderbeg, and Gyne Musache, Iohn Perlat, Nicholas Berise, George Chuque, and Gine Manesse. These men by their miserable and vnhappy fortune, made the estate of Albanie more to be deplored and lamented, then any one thing at any time before whatsoeuer. For as all of them were of singular accompt and estimation, both for their corporal strength and vigour, for the magnanimitie of their courages, and for their excellent skill and knowledge in armes and the science militarie: so were they no lesse fearfull and terrible to the Mahometans. In so much that when their Monarke the Ottoman heard, that they were taken, & brought vnto him aliue, he conceiued such an exceeding and extreme ioy thereby, that he cried out aloft, and with a lowd voyce vttered these words.
Now do I know for a truth and certainty, now may I well & iustly say, that ‘Scanderbeg Speech of Mahomet, hearing of the taking of Moses and other Epirots. is ouerthrowne, that his pride is fallen, that his forces are abated, that his audacitie and courage is cleane gone and lost: seeing that Ballaban my sonne, my child, the onely man amongst my Captaines and Chieftaines that went before him, hath shewed him selfe the onely man of valour, the onely warriour, and he alone hath knowne how to ouercome him by whom so many braue men of ours haue bene surmounted and ouerthrowne, of which some haue bene made slaues, others haue bene murthered and put to the sword.’
Thus after he had highly commended and exalted Ballaban, he sent vnto him a great quantitie of gold and siluer and other giftes, with a commission to restore his bands with newe supplies, and to pursue the warre against Scanderbeg. Who in thisAmbassade sent by Scanderbeg to Mahomet for the raunsome of Moses and his other Nobles. Crueltie most barbarous of Mahomet. meane while being in a maruellous distresse and care for the captiuitie of these Noble men, dispatched away speedily a notable Ambassade, with great presents, and letters vnto the Sultan, praying him most effectually, to ransome the prisoners according to the right of armes, or else to exchange them for other prisoners, of which he had a great number. But the felonious tyraunt, being caried away with rage and furie, made no account of this Ambassage: but after all kindes of ignominie and barbarous crueltie vsed and practised vpon them, he caused them to be flayed aliue by little and little for fifteene dayes together: during the which they yeelded vp theirDeath of Moses and other prisoners by the tyrannie of Mahomet. constant and glorious soules vnto God, and did augment (as it is to be beleeued) the happie companie of the Martyrs in Paradise. The abhominable crueltie of this torment, made the ignominie of the Christians more notable and notorious: and all the armie of the Albanians did infinitely bewayle and grieue at their miserable ende: and the countrey of Albanie did feele much more griefe and sorow through the want of their deare and beloued citizens, then they conceiued ioye for the victorie had against their enemies: neither was the sorrowe and lamentation lesse which was made generally and in publicke, then that which was seene particularly and in priuate. For many (as the report goeth) did chaunge their habit and their garments, and many also did let the haire of their heads and beards to growe at length, in token that they mourned, and grieuously lamented for this great and lamentable losse of these excellent and heroycall persons. The king him selfe was no lesse grieued in [Page 456] hart, for their misfortune. Neuerthelesse bearing a minde hardened against all the assaultes and encombraunces of fortune, he presently inuaded and ouercame the enemies countrey, shewing him selfe more desirous of reuenge then of bootie and pillage, and he turned all things vpside downe not leauing any thing in whole and good estate which either the sword or the fire could possibly wast, destroy and consume.
Certaine dayes were spent in these courses, and actes of hostility, during the which,Ballaban his second iourney against Scanderbeg with 18000. Turks. Ballaban by vertue of his commission renued for the warre of Albanie, had made and finished the encrease and supplie of his companies to the auncient number of fifteen thousand men on horse backe, and three thousand footemen, which done he returned to Achaia vpon the frontiers of Macedonie, and there did he endeuour by his wonted sleightes and his ordinarie disguised shewes of cunning to reconcile him selfe vnto Scanderbeg with new presentes and honest offers of seruice and amitie. In the ende seeing that he had but a cold suite, and that his guile and dissimulation was too well knowen, as also that he had lesse hope and power to attaine to the ende of his desires by playne and open armes, he employed therefore all his wittes and deuises to more secret and close attemptes, that by some more short and more ready course he might ouer-reach and entrappe him.
Scanderbeg being accompanied with 4000. horse, and fiue and twentie hundreth footemen, he pitched his tents at Oronichea in the vpper Dibria, and vpon all parts andBallaban his exploit against Scanderbeg whom he thinketh to surprise in his Campe. passages of his Campe, he had placed very conueniently both sentinels and scoutes. It happened by chaunce, that at one of those passages, there were placed certaine souldiours Epyrotes in whom the king had great trust and confidence, but he knew not that they were allyed and of kinne vnto Ballaban. These being corrupted and wonne with great store of money; the Turkishe Generall tooke his way in the dead ofSouldiours of Scanderbeg being of kinne to Ballaban corrupted by him to betray the armie of the Albanois. the night with all his armie, and an houre before day hauing passed beyond those scouts, he began to approch very neare to the Campe of the Albanois, which he had surprised without all doubt and oppressed, had it not bene for the prompt vigilancie and watchfulnesse of Scanderbeg him selfe, who hauing his eye open to all chaunces and inconueniences, did ordinarily and oftentimes go the rounde on horsebacke, visiting & surueying all parts of his Campe, both the courts of garde & the other quarters, as God would at the very same time, he being thus busily employed discerned a farre off, by the noise and neighing the horses of the Infidels. Behold here the singularScanderbeg his vigilancie preuenteth Ballaban his trecherie and suttletie. benefit, and a worthy example of diligent & carefull obseruation of martiall discipline, the king himselfe gaue alarme to his people, and presently disposing and ordering them in array of battell (howbeit in tumultuous manner and according to the shortnesse of the time, and as the discommoditie of the darke would giue him leaue,) in two or three wordes animated his souldiours, to do their deuoir vpon this sodaine occasion, and so marched on furiously against the Turke. Ballaban not looking to haue founde him in such order and readinesse breathed him selfe a while, and that heThe battell of Oronichea betweene Ballaban and Scanderbeg. might also better arraunge his men to the battell, whilest Scanderbeg in the meane time laying hold vpon the present occasion, with a strong troupe of horse the most resolute of all his armie, and with a number of harquebussiers Italians, he conueyed him selfe closely all alongest the couert of the valley, and so got behinde all the backes of his enemies, and immediatly charging them with all his force vppon the tayle and rereward of their armie, he did so trouble and molest them, that being charged likewise in front by the residue of his troupes, they were constrained to fall to the fight on all sides before that euer they could take any time to arraunge them selues in any good order. Neuerthelesse the conflict was long and mortall betweene them, especially on the part of the Epirots, both because that many of them had not yet [Page 457] put themselues in rancke within their battell, as also by reason of the great number of their enemies: but in the ende finding the Infidels to be better furnished and armed with cordes and chaynes to binde the Christians, then with hardie and obstinate hearts to put them to vtterance: and perceiuing that they fought but faintly, they didVictorie of Scanderbeg the second time against Ballaban and the Turkes. presse vppon them so violently, that being not able to endure them any longer, they made them to turne their backes and to betake themselues to flight. Whereupon being closely pursued and liuely followed by the Christians, they were handled so rudely that they were not able to recouer their trenches, but were enforced to abandon their campe to the pillage of their enemies. The massacre and the bootie also was inestimable. Ballaban himselfe with a very small traine, without ensignes, without baggage did carrie the newes of his owne discomfiture. Mahomet receiued him, but with soure lookes, and he was long in a doubt and perplexitie, whether he should employ anie other Chieftaine in this warre, seeing that so small a handfull of men (as he obiected vnto him) had had the power to ouercome him so shamefully.
After diuerse consultations, he concluded in the ende once againe to employ him against the Albanois, and to send him backe into Epyre, many causes and considerations vrging him thereunto. First of all, he knew him to be a mortall enemy to Scanderbeg: besides he was an Epyrot borne, and he was very well practised and acquainted with all the places and passages of the countrie which were most fit and apt for ambuscadoes. Besides amongst so many thousands of excellent Knightes and men of command vnder the obeisance of the Ottoman Empire, he knew not any one so worthie and sufficient as him alone. Moreouer knowing the disposition of all men, and how insatiably couetous the minde of man is of honour and authoritie, he promised him the crowne of Epyre, in case he could find the meanes to make Scanderbeg away and to destroy him. Now Ballaban being a man of notable resolution, and withall very desirous to make his life glorious in the world, which otherwise was but ignoble and subiect to vncertaintie, he thought nothing impossible which might purchase him honour and estimation: and therfore albeit he had bene twice beaten by the Albanois, yet he accepted this commission very willingly, and departed from Constantinople Ballaban his third iourney against Scanderbeg with 20000. Turkes with an army of 20000. fighting men, of which 17000. were horsemen, & the residue were footemen. Being arriued at Alchria, at the first he held on his wonted course, and sent vnto the king of Epyre excellent good and swift horses for a present, besides certaine goodly robes of rich worke & embroderie, humbly entreating him not to disdaine his seruice and amity, the proofe & triall whereof he promised & protested should be alwaies in a readinesse, & that he should find him most faithfully affected vnto him during his life. All this did this craftie Foxe to the intent he might surprise him, if so be he found him any thing plyant and credulous to beleeue his faire & [...]ugred speeches, but litle did he know whom he had to deale with all: for Scanderbeg being sufficiently acquainted with his traiterous & fraudulent practises, did scorne & disdaine his gifts and pretended courtesies: returning him in a mockerie certen counterpresents vile and rusticall, such as he had before times sent vnto him. Wherefore the Aga hauing all in vaine consumed & spent three whole moneths in these bootles practises, determined at the last to hazard the fortune of a plaine and set battell, and in open fight to encounter with his enemie, who was as willing to accept of the cōbat. Wherefore after publique & deuout praiers made to God for the victory, and for the preseruation of the estate of Albanie: and hauing procured & prepared all things requisite for the iourney, he encouraged his people one while with short speeches, and effectuall orations, another while with giftes and rewardes, to some of them horses, to others furniture of armes and weapons, to some of them rich apparell, and to [Page 458] others he gaue money, with other cōmodities. This done, he drew forth his army intoThe battell of Sfetigrade betwene Ballaban & Scanderbeg. to the field, consisting of 8000. horse, & 2500. foote, all of them chosen souldiers & resolute, and he arranged them in order of battell vpon a faire plaine before Sfetigrade, where Ballaban was encamped. He deuided his army into foure parts or battels: Ouer the first cōmanded Goic Streeze his Nephew: the second was lead by Tanusee Ducagin: Musache had the conduct of the third: and Scanderbeg himselfe kept the fourth battallion for the guard of his owne bodie. The infanterie he had arranged and bestowedOrder of Scanderbeg and Ballaban their armies at the battell of Sfetigrade. within the wings of the cauallarie, & he had appointed for the leading of them foure Chieftaines, gentlemen of good worth and experience: namely, Paul Manessey, Pei [...] Manuell, Demetrius Berisse, & Raian Chuque. The Generall Turke likewise did differ very litle from him in the ordering of his battallions. In this sort the armies on both parts being disposed ready to the combat, & being animated by their cōmanders, they went on cheerefully with high and mightie clamors, and affronting ech other with great hatred and courage, they fell brauely to the encounter, and the battels ioyned together with great fury. Many were ouerthrowen on both sides, many were slaine and gaue vp the ghost, many were trampled and troden vnder the horse feete, but the greatest losse & slaughter fell to the Mahometistes. It was an horrour to heare the noyse and clattering of their armours, the soundes of their weapons & stroaks resounding in the aire, the pitifull voices, cries and gronings of those that lay a dying. He that had seene how eger and sharpe set the Christians were, fleshing themselues in the slaughter and butcherie of the Infidels, would not haue taken them for men but for so manie Lyons chaffed and hunting after their prey. For bearing vp close and streight together, they did so rudely presse vppon their enemies, terrifying and fearing them with their incredible brauerie and couragiousnesse, that they enforced them to giue ground, themselues not yeelding nor recuiling, so much as one foote backewardes, as men that were led on with dispaire and resolution, and whose eyes were closed vp against all perils whatsoeuer. Ballaban who had more then once made proofe of the rude entertainement of the Albanois, and knew well what belonged therunto, did continue the fight with singular prudence and dexteritie, laboring with great and exceeding care and trauell to preuent and eschew all perils and inconueniences. For being guarded with a strong troupe of horse, he held firme in the forefront of the battell, comforting & cheering vp those which were wearied, and still supplying with fresh men the places of those which were wounded: and thus being intentiue with a prouident eye and regard to all partes, he made no spare of his person in discharging the deuoire and dutie both of an excellent Captaine, and a most tall souldier. Scanderbeg likewise wheresoeuer he saw any of his squadrons to wauer, did readily succour and relieue them, & did continually restore the fight: and if it happened at any time that his people did begin to grow weary, or to haue the worst of the fight, the would speedily make from one part to another, and he would on all sides sustaine the hazard of the battell, he would thrust in amongst the thickest of his enemies, & by his presence would withstand the fury & tempest of their attempts. So that on what side soeuer the Barbarians turned themselues, still did they meete & encounter with the fury of Scanderbeg, then the which nothing could present it selfe more terrible in their sight, nothing could haue happened more to their discouragement: & whersoeuer he became he still drew after him an assured victorie, insomuch, that both the enemy & the Albanois did openly confesse & affirme with one generall consent & voice, that Scanderbeg was the best souldier & brauest warrior in the world. As he was thus gotten in amongst the thickest of the Infidels, doing wonderfull deeds of armes in killing al that came in his way, it happened that his horse being mortally wounded did stumble at [Page 459] a great trunke or roote of a tree couched close by the ground, so that they fell bothScanderbeg in danger of his life. horse and man together. Scanderbeg lying vnder his horse was so sore crushed with the fall, and so grieuously hurt in one of his shoulders, that he lay a while as one in a swound. The Turks thought verily he had bene dead, and therfore aduancing themselues in a great troupe together, they came flocking about him, and beganne to light on foote, that they might haue cut off his head. But Scanderbeg his men at armes rushing in furiously, and breaking thorough the presse, did couer him with their bodies and their shields till such time as being come againe to himselfe, and hauing recouered his weapons, he was mounted againe vpon a fresh horse. Therupon the vehemencie of the griefe past, and his spirits newly gathered, made him to enter againe into the middest of the battell with greater fury and fiercenes then before, insomuch that making way on all sides with the edge of his sword amongst the Infidels, he seemed not much vnlike to a raging tempest which falling in a field of corne, beateth it al down, and presseth it euen with the ground: so the King of Albany making a great slaughter and butchery amongst the Turkes, encountred at length with one that was a man of principal account and chiefest regard in all their armie, whose name was Sulyman, and him did he ouerthrow dead vpon the place. This act gaue him the whole aduantage of the field, which till that time was vncertaine and equally ballanced betweene both parties. But euen at that instant so sudden & strange a feare did surprise the barbarians, that their force & courage began to faile them all at once: and they were not able any longer to endure the violence of the Christians, who had vsually bene accustomed to beate & master them. Wherfore in this their generall astonishmēt, they were so liuely & roundly pressed, and so hardly followed, that they were constrained to turne their backes, & to flie with might & maine for the safegard of their liues. But the flight was more pernicious vnto them then the fight: for all of them in a manner remained deadVictorie of Scanderbeg the third time against Ballaban and the Turkes. in the fields of Dibria, which seemed to be fattened with the bloud of the Infidels, by reason that the vanquishers did so egerly follow & pursue them, that they would neuer leaue nor giue ouer the chase as long as they foūd any one with his weapōs in his hand. I should haue enough to doe, if I should tell you how notable a bootie, & what great riches were found in the tents and campe of the Paynims; all which was liberally graunted to the souldiers, to comfort them for the hardnesse and difficultie of their labours, and to asswage the griefe and sorrow of their hearts conceiued for the losse of their fellowes and companions, of whom there were slaine in this battell to the number of three hundred, besides infinite of them sore wounded.
Scanderbeg after this notable and famous iourney, found himselfe so payned in his shoulder and in his arme, that he was compelled in a manner to keepe house for three whole monethes together. Ballaban who had saued himselfe by the benefite of hisMahomet highly displeased with Ballaban for the losse of his armie. spurres, and had gotten within Alchria, departed from thence within a while after to Constantinople, where being come with a very small traine, he had but bad welcome of his Prince, who entertained him with a very angry and frowning countenance. He reproched him continually with this foule and grieuous ouerthrow, and he demaunded of him the liues of so many braue souldiers, and the flower of so many gallant youthes which (as he said) were betraied & wilfully lead to the butcherie, by his folly and rashnesse. But the wylie and cunning gallant, by a long and artificiall Oration found the meanes to appease and mitigate the wrath and anger of the Sultan: ‘Speeches vsed by Ballaban to Mahomet in excuse of his ouerthrow by Scanderbeg. calling the gods to witnes, & appealing to those souldiers which were escaped from the slaughter, he referred himselfe to their examination & testimonies whether that before he began the fight, he had not with singular prouidence & exact prudēce carefully foreseene & regarded all matters: whether that the choise of the time & the place, [Page 460] or the manner of the ordering of his battels were in any respect to be condemned:’ whether that eyther the souldiers or the Generall had fayled in their duetie, and in briefe, whether that he had omitted or neglected any thing, which might haue purchased or furthered his victorie. And casting the whole fault of his defaster and misfortune vppon the will and ineuitable pleasure of the goddes, and the vncertainetie of fortune the perpetuall friende of inconstancie which maketh deedes of armes doubtfull and subiect to dayly alteration, he would not in anie sort seeme to acknowledge, that hee was inferiour to the King of Albanie in vertue or desert. He did allowe and confesse him to be one of the most accomplished and most fortunate warriours in the whole worlde; but yet neuerthelesse, that he was mortall, and not inuincible as was to be seene by Sebalias before at the siege of Belgrade, & by himselfe also at the battell of Valcala, where he had taken and defeated diuerse of his best and most valiant Knights and Chieftaines. And thus did he excuse himselfe as finely as he could. So well could he handle the matter by his smooth and fayre speeches, that he made the Sultan to giue him the hearing of anie thing. Wherevppon he aduentured to propound vnto him a new and seeldome vsed course which he had conceiued in his minde, by meanes whereof he was in hope to obtaine an easie and assured victorie of the Prince of Albanie, which he vttered in this manner.
‘May it please your excellent Maiestie, quoth he, (most happie and mightie Monarch)Speech of Ballaban to Mahomet propounding a course for the destruction of Scanderbeg. to choose out and nominate two notable and sufficient Chieftaines, who with two puissant armies by diuerse and sundrie wayes, and seuerally each from other, may with all diligence and secrecie make their entrie into Epyre, pretending that their iourney lyeth some other way. And let not any one of them come to fight with the enemie without the other: but staying and expecting the comming of his companion, let them both together with a common aduise and mutuall counsell, suddenly turne bridle, and marching against him, both at one time, they may enclose and entangle him in the middest betweene them, and so easily ouerthrow him. By this course and meanes both himselfe and his people shall be soone ouercome and cut in peeces, and so shall we make a finall end of the warre and insolencie of the Albanois.’
Mahomet tooke so great a liking of the reasons and deuise of Ballaban, and the conceipt which he had propounded pleased him so well, that without any delay, he gaue him full power and authoritie to ordaine what he thought good for the prosecuting of this warre and for the bringing of it to an end. And that he should make choise amongst all his Captaines of such a one whom himselfe should best like of, for his colleague and compartner in that iourney: as also that he should take such a number of men as he should thinke needfull: and he vrged him to hasten this voyage intoSpeech of Mahomet to Ballaban, vrging him to the destruction of Scanderbeg. ‘Epyre, and to follow it with all possible care, policie, and good counsell. He told him, that nothing could be more acceptable or welcome vnto him, then to heare that Scanderbeg with his forces were expelled and banished out of Epyre. That he could not thinke, nor account himselfe a Prince of any good fortune of happinesse, as long as he should see this his enemie to be aliue,’ by whom he had suffered so many outrages and discommodities. Ballaban being desirous to repayre his honour, caused foorth with a wonderfull companie of souldiers to be leauied, with the which heIagup Arnauth sent with an armie against Scanderbeg of sixteene thousand horsemen. made so puissant an armie, that it was sufficient to haue made the Realme of Albanie to tremble for very feare: & he adioyned vnto him for his companion Iagup Arnauth (which is as much to say) as Iames the Albanois. For he also was borne in that countrie, and he was a Knight of great estimate and reckoning, and one that had wonne [Page 461] great honour by deedes of armes. These troupes being nowe assembled together, and parted betweene them, Ballaban directed his compartner to take his way all alongest the seacoastes, and so crossing ouer Greece and Thessaly to enter into Epyre: and he charged him expressely, that in any case he should not discouer himselfe, or make any attempt against the enemie, till such time as he perceiued Ballaban himBallaban his fourth iourney against Scanderbeg with 28000. Turkes selfe with his people to be arriued, and to approch neere him. For he taking a shorter and neerer cut through Thrace and Macedonie, was the first of the two that came into Albanie, and was there a great deale sooner then Iagup: the armie which Ballaban had with him onely, exceeded aboue foure and twentie thousand horsemen, besides foure thousand that serued on foote.
Let vs now turne our speech to the Generall of the Christians, and let vs see a litle with what diligence, and with what preparations, he prouided to feast these his guestes, who had bidden themselues in so great a companie, without being inuited by him. For you must vnderstand, that Arnauth who went the other way, had with him also sixteene thousand horse at the least. Ballaban had no sooner taken the fielde, but that Scanderbeg had as speedie intelligence of his comming both by letters written to him of purpose, as also by his espyals, of whom he kept a good number continually dispersed in all parts of the Turke his country, and euen within the cabinet (if I may so speake) of the tyrant: by occasion whereof he caused a speedy leauy to be made of eight thousand horse, and fourethousand footmen, with as great silence and secrecie as was possible, & with them he held himselfe in a readinesse, being fully prepared both in courage and in armes to receiue the Barbarian. Who being at length arriued within the frontiers of Epyre, the Albanian Prince determined to go & visite him, purposing to make an end of that matter, and to trie his fortune first with him, before that Arnauth should be able to come and ioine with him, for feare least being assayled all at one time with two so puissant enemies, he should not be able to make head against them, and so might his enemies haue their desire of him. And without all doubt I doe not thinke that it would haue fallen out any otherwise, if the plot laid by the Paynim had sorted to his effect. But the diuine prouidence (which gouerneth and ruleth all things according to his owne will and pleasure) had a speciall care to the affaires of the Christians and of Scanderbeg. And he would not permit that he which of so ardent a zeale, and so sincere and entire an affection did daily expose and aduenture his life, and did incessantly labor & trauell for the preseruation of the Catholike faith, shold so ignominiously & traiterously be surprised, vanquished or oppressed. Ballaban therefore hauing passed ouer Thrace and Macedonie, was nowBallaban encamped at the plaine of Valcala. encamped in the plaine of Valcala: wherefore Scanderbeg hauing knowledge, by the fauour and benefite of the darke, he caused his troupes to march in great secrecie directly towardes him, and sent before him three souldiers (such as he thought most aduised and best accustomed to that office) to discouer and take a viewe of the enemies campe, and to obserue their countenance, with an expresse commaundement that assoone as they had seene and considered all things, they should not faile to returne vnto him presently, and to make report vnto him what they had learned. One of these three souldiers (as some say) was of kinne to Ballaban, or at leastwise was before corrupted. And he had wonne his companions likewise promising them in the behalfe of Ballaban great summes of golde and siluer: the which we see doth ‘daily worke miracles in the mindes of mortall men, especially such as are greedily setSentence. vpon the desire of worldly riches.’ These three then went on directly to the Mahometan, Treason of certaine souldiers seruing vnder Scanderbeg. and reuealed vnto him all the secret counsels and enterprises of Scanderbeg. The Prince of Epyre hauing his thoughtes continually vppon his scoutes did for [Page 462] a while expect and looke for them: but seeing that they stayed ouer long and came not againe, he was in a doubt least some misaduenture had befallen them, and that they had beene intercepted by the enemie. Himselfe therefore (as he was alwayes prompt and venturous in all militarie actions) would needs goe and see what should be the cause of their stay, taking with him in his companie onely fiue souldiers and no more, to the intent he might take a view, and be informed of the estate of the enemie, and heare some newes also of his owne people. But Ballaban (who to his owne cost was passing well acquainted and experienced with the cunning and politique draughts of his enemie) misdoubting some such matter, thought that he would beat him at his owne weapons, and therefore he vsed this counterpolicie in hope to ouerreach him. He made choise of certaine stout and very hardie men, all excellently well mounted on horsebacke, and with them did he beset a certaine passage, by which heAmbushment dressed by Ballaban to surprise Scanderbeg. suspected that Scanderbeg himselfe would come to take a view of his campe, and the demeanour of his armie: and he was not any thing deceiued in his imagination. For behold Scanderbeg was now come to the place of this ambushment, but yet before he would proceede any further, he caused (according to his wonted custome) one of his souldiers to goe before him, who soone discouered the daunger of the Turkes which lay there ambushed. The Infidels seeing themselues bewrayed, issued out vpon him with great furie, and after some resistance made, constrayned him to flie. In his flight he put himselfe into a certaine wood or thicket, which came next to hand,Scanderbeg in great danger of his life, escapeth the ambushment of Ballaban. and which lay on the other side of the mountaine, which encloseth the plaine of Valcala, where by ill happe he chaunced vpon a great tree, which being withered with age, was fallen downe and lay crosse the path by which he was to passe. Scanderbeg setting spurres to his horse made him to leape roundly ouer, the like did one of his souldiers which followed him: but his companions not being able to doe the like, and perceiuing that their last refuge, & their only hope to saue their liues consisted in their armes: couching thēselues close, they gaue in valiantly amongst their enemies, & hauing both slain & hurt some of them, they yeelded vp their liues as became men of valure and resolution. One of the Barbarians following hard after Scanderbeg, leapt likewise ouer the trunke of the tree, and gathered very close and neere vppon him: Scanderbeg casting his eye about, and seeing one onely to followe him, made backe directly towards him, and quickly ouerthrew him dead to the ground: the rest being not willing to pursue him any farther, were content to let him goe and to depart quietly. After this faire and happy escape, Scanderbeg being returned to his campe neere Petralba about fifteene miles from the enemie, made readie his squadrons for to march against the Infidels. At that time more then euer did the Prince of Albanie employ all his senses to encourage and animate his men with good words, and all other good meanes to doe their deuoire against their enemies. He offered them giftes and large rewards: he inuited and importuned them with prayers and earnest intreaties both in generall and in particular to take such things at his hande whereof they stood in any neede, were it either for themselues or for their horses. As the King was very bountifull to offer them freely of his owne, so assure your selues, that the souldiers shewed their wonderfull modesty, and did (as it were) conted with him in gratitude and courtesie, not taking any thing but in such measurable and modest manner, as might serue onely for the present neede and necessitie. Then the Albanois hauingScanderbeg marcheth against Ballaban. taken some repast, began to march towards the enemie, and trauelling on continually day and night, they tooke litle or no rest, scarce so much as might suffise nature. They were not long therefore ere they had gotten to the valley, where the army of Ballaban lay encamped. Scanderbeg seizing vpon the toppe of the same valley, did [Page 463] pitch his campe with most excellent aduantage, by reason that he enuironned the enemie who lay below him in the plaine: for he extended his companies throughout all the toppes of the mountains which enclosed the vally, occupying all the streights and passages, in such sort that he had enclosed on all sides, and (as it were) hedged in the Barbarians, whom he visited also with often and daily skirmishes, sometimes on the flanckes and sides of their campe, sometimes at their backes, because he would hold them in doubt and suspence of his intent and meaning.
The next day following Scanderbeg called a councell of his nobles and Chieftains,Councel held by Scanderbeg for his proceedings against Ballaban. at the which were present Tanusee Thopie, Zacharie Groppe and Peic Manuell his Lieutenants. Many of them were of this opinion: that the battell should be deferred till such time as the souldiers were very wel refreshed of their long iorney and watching lately endured: and that Tanusee should haue some leisure to take a taste of the enemy, & to keepe him doing in the meane while. But Scanderbeg was of another mind, and he did not onely perswade, but he did instantly vrge and presse them, that they should not by their delaies and daliance bring his determinations and counsels into hazard and daunger, the suertie whereof consisted in nothing so much as in prompt and speedie execution:: That Ballaban his armie might easily be broken and defeated,‘Speech of Scanderbeg to his Captaines counselling them presently to set vpon Ballaban. whilest that Iagup being ignorant of this attempt, did tarrie away and keepe himselfe absent, which (quoth he) being deferred by our prolonging of the time, we shall giue them space and leisure to ioyne together, and so shall we cause our enterprize (which of it selfe is without daunger) to come to a doubtfull and vncertaine issue. Wherefore it behooueth vs with all speed to found to horsebacke, to bid the battell to our enemies, and not to lose this aduantage which their error and ouersight hath giuen vs now that their two Generalles are thus deuided, the one absent, the other present. This opinion preuailed, and the assembly being dissolued: behold now how Scanderbeg did prepare himselfe to the combat. Of all his squadrons he made foureOrder of Scanderbeg his armie against Ballaban in the second battell of Valcala. battels:’ the one he committed to Tanusee, the second to Zacharie Groppe, and of the third, Peic Manuell had the charge and conduct: the infanterie was mingled among the horsemen, and the Harguebussiers and Archers were mixed pell mell with the pikes and certaine horsemen, whom he sent forth to skirmish with the enemie, and to begin the fight. The residue of the armie together with the squadron which he had for the gard of his person, he reserued to be commaunded by himselfe. Hauing thus disposed and ordered his troupes: he thought it requisite with some short speech to encourage his companies, which he did in this manner.
The importunitie of the time (my companions) and your approued valour will‘Oration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers encouraging them against Ballaban and the Turkes in the second battell of Valcala. not suffer me at this time to make any long discourse: you are sufficiently well acquainted with this enemie who is but the scumme and offscouring of those troupes which your swordes haue left aliue, and they are but the reffuse and reliques of those battels which you lately gained. These are not the martiall & generous Frenchmen: these are not the warlike & braue Italians whom you notwithstanding haue beaten and defeated; but they are your slaues, their liues are at your mercie, and they are the ordinarie subiect of your glorie. See therefore that you bestirre your selues valiantly, so as this iourney may shut vp and determine the course of twentie yeares triumphes and victories, which you haue most gloriously gotten against them. They are come hither by force and constraint: they are drawn hither by the blinded ambition of that infamous peisant Ballaban, who being in disgrace both with God and man, doeth desperately seeke by some exploit against vs to recouer his reputation, & to reenter into the grace and fauour of his Mahomet. Now is the time my friends or neuer, wherein you are to hope for an honorable end of your wearisome trauels, and of sheading of [Page 464] your bloud: behold this is the last attempt of your aduersarie: who being now destitute of Chieftaines that either dare, or are able from henceforth to hurt you, by reason that you haue either slaine them or discomforted them: he is now constrained to aid himself with them of your owne nation: but you need not to stand in doubt or feare, for such people, traitours to God and their countrey, the worme of whose conscience is euer gnawing and tormenting of their soules, cannot possibly be able to doe you any great harme: Go to then my good souldiers, let the noble and famous actes of your auncestors, and your owne honourable exploites sharpen and set spurres to your courages: plucke vp your hearts, gather your strength and forces vnto you: presse vpon your enemies, charge vpon them brauely, breake in valiantly amongest these base rascals: trample these dogs and circumcised curres vnder your [...]eete, and march ouer their cursed carcasses like valiant souldiers, and inuincible conquerors.’
Hauing thus spoken, the alarme was sounded, and they began to march all at once. The Barbarians who stood readie raunged in order of battell with ensignes displaied before their campe, did now expect and were determined to haue bene doing with their enemies: but Ballaban staying for his companion did prolong the time of the fight, and sounded the retrait, commaunding some to watch when Iagup would appeare in sight. But Scanderbeg imagining that a minute of delay might worke his vtter disaduantage, commaunded those bands which were appointed to begin the skirmish, and were now placed for the battell, to issue foorth roundly vpon the Infidels; whilest that he with the residue of his armie descending downe into the plaine, did draw on directly towards the enemies campe, with a full resolution to force the enemie to fight, and to dispatch the matter before the comming of Arnauth. Hereupon he presented himselfe before the campe of the Infidels with loud cries, reproches and scoffes vsed by his souldiers against them, challenging and prouoking them to theScanderbeg challengeth Ballaban to the battell. combat. For all this was the Painim firme in his determination, and he would not moue a foote: but refusing to enter the listes, or to come to fight, he kept his: people within their trenches: and the more that our men did presse vpon them and importune them, being euen readie to giue the aslault vnto his campe, the more did he recuile and make from them. Ballaban his souldiers conceiuing foule despite, and being vehemently incensed for that they could not be suffered to issue out to encounter with their enemies, they cryed out and exclaimed against their Generall, they murmured and gnashed with their teeth for verie rage and anger: and if the holding of them backe by their Generall on the one side did animate and set them in a heat: no lesse did the insolencie and brauerie of the Epirots make them eger and sharpe set, who were now vppon the point to force their rampiers: insomuch that both on the one part and the other, their courages were terribly enflamed and incensed ech against other. Ballaban neuerthelesse still stayed his souldiers and temporized to the vttermost of his power. In the end, when he saw that he could not represse the heate andOrder of Ballaban his army in the second battell of Valcala. furie of his Turkes: he disposed his armie in order of battell, placing the Asappy before the ensignes of the vauntgard: and next to them vpon the left wing he put the Olophanges or Alophages are mercenarie souldiers. Olophanges, who were notable and warlike souldiers, opposing them against Tanusee. Against Zacharie Groppe he set the Achanzes: and right opposite against Peic Manuell, he ordained the Ianissaries who were a verie stout and hardie kind of men, enured and accustomed to the trauell and toyle of armes. The right wing he himselfe commaunded being defended with a strong squadron which were for the gard of hisThe second battell of Valcala betweene Ballaban and Scanderbeg. bodie, and with all the olde and most expert souldiers, vppon whom he builded his chiefest hope and confidence: placing him selfe directly against Scanderbeg. Then began a most fierce and cruell fight betweene the Albanois and the Mahometan. Horrible [Page 465] was the slaughter on the one side and the other: and the two Generals in proper person, drew the eyes of all men towards them. There might you haue seene the infanterie and cauallarie of Albanie, the old bands of Croie, vsed and accustomed to maine battelles with the valiant and resolute Dibrians: how they did make shew of their notable skill and practise in the Arte militarie: and how at the verie beginning of the fight, they did so trouble the vauntgard of the Infidels, that they made their Ensignes to giue ground, till such time as the furie of the fight encreasing, and the cry on both sides growing to be redoubled, they did againe aduance themselues more couragiously then at the first. Then did Scanderbeg giue a newe charge vppon them, pressing them both before and behind, and enforcing himselfe by all possible meanes to put them out of array, he cryed all aloft vnto his people, saying.
How now (my friends) what did we make such hast hitherwardes, did we rid soSpeech of Scanderbeg to his souldiers encouraging them in fight against Ballaban much way, and did we make so long and speedie iourneyes to no ende and purpose? Shall we suffer our selues to be helde so short by the same Chiefetaine, by the same troupes which we haue so many times discomfited, chased, and ouerrunne?
All this notwithstanding hauing more then once endeuored and striued but all in vaine to breake and scatter them on that side, he made choise of certaine squadrons out of the right wing which he thought would haue least to doe, and would rather stand idle then be employed in the fight, and causing them to wheele about and to conuey themselues behinde the enemie at their backes, without being apperceiued either by the aduerse party or by their owne companie, he did therewithall strike in vppon the lefte wing of the enemie with such furie and celeritie: that when as they thought to haue found and to haue receiued him vpon the flancke and side of their battallion, he was suddenly gotten behind them and charged them at their backs: in such sort that the Alchanzes & the Alophages found themselues assailed & endammaged on all sides both in front and in flancke, and in their rereward: so that the slaughter began now also to grow vpon the Asappi who made litle and no resistaunce. For the most part of them the night before had absented themselues from their ensignes, and were licentiously dispersed all ouer the fieldes, and there lay some of them still wallowing vpon the ground, ouercome with sleepe and trauell, and the rest which were then present in the battell being wearied with their late trauell and with ouerwatching (being a tender and soft kind of people, and ill able to endure the heate of the yeare and hard trauell) scarce could they abide their armes vpon their backes. For the sunne being then at the highest, made them in that case, that partly with extreme heate, and partly with thirst, their enemies found them as men halfe dead, and they fell into their hands by heapes to be taken or slaine at their pleasures. Ballaban, who had oftentimes purchased great honour and commendation in the like battelles, in this iourney behaued himselfe more nobly then in any other whatsoeuer. For partly by encouraging his men in the fight, and partly also by hazarding his person to all daungers: one while egging and pressing them forward, another while blaming and rebuking those that were backward, and sometimes by recalling of such as fled: he did for a long time maintaine the fight well and worthely: still animating his souldiours, and renuing the conflict in many places where he saw his people to waxe faint and to giue ouer. At the last when he sawe that the fortune of the field did enclineVictorie of Scanderbeg the fourth time against Ballaban and the Turkes. to the Epirots, and that he could no longer sustaine their violence, he chaunged his resolution, and setting spurres to his horse, he turned his backe and withdrew himselfe from the fight of the Christians. After him their whole armie did the like: for perceiuing their rancks to be scattered & disordered, euery man began to flie some here, some there, ouer the fieldes into the mountaines and through the woods [Page 466] according as ech man his fortune good or bad did guide and direct him. Some fewe there were who following their Generall, escaped together with him, and got away from the swordes of their enemies, and from the slaughter of their fellowes. All the rest of the Barbarians were either slaine or taken prisoners: and if it happened, that any were gotten free from the furie and confusion of the chase, yet were they cut in peeces by those that kept the toppes and passages of the mountaines: in so much, that of the whole hoast and armie of Ballaban, there were verie fewe left aliue. As for those small reliques which remained, they were not in any sort pursued, because there was a sudden rumour and report, that there was a newe and fresh enemie comming against them.
Scarce were the Christians departed out of the valley of Valcala, and the souldiers had not yet made an ende of parting and deuiding the spoyles of their slayne enemies: but that there came a messenger from Mamisa the Kings sister, in poast haste from Petrella (where this Ladie then lay with her guard and her housholde) by whom she aduertised Scanderbeg that Iagup Arnauth with sixteene thousand horse was entred into Epyre by the way of Belgrade, where he wasted and destroyed all things: and that he was then encamped in the lower Tyranna, neere adioyning toIagup Arnauth encamped at Argilat in Epire. a riuer which the inhabitants name Argilat. This Turke was an Epyrot by birth, and his parents were both of them Christians: himselfe hauing beene taken and circumcised by the Turkes did professe their superstitions. He was a man of great hardinesse and valure, and in times past both in Asia and in Greece, had left many goodly and commendable testimonies of his prowes vnder Mahomet. His comming into Epyre was (as we haue saide) to enclose the Prince of Albanie betweene his forces and the armie of his companion: for one of his owne souldiers hauing beene taken by the people of Mamisa, and being examined vpon the cause and motiue to this voyage, had confessed the same and did iustifie the truth hereof vnto them. Presently vpon this aduertisement, Scanderbeg concluded to goe with his whole armie dirctly to Tiranna: which being now in a readinesse to march, he thought it good before his departure, thus to encourage his souldiers.
‘This day (my good souldiers and friendes) haue we obtained by the assistance ofOration of Scanderbeg to his souldiers being redie to march against Iagup Arnauth. the diuine power, a most memorable victorie according to our hearts desire, against our capitall and deadly enemie. Such was his rashnesse (vnhappie man) that he presumed to enclose vs in the middest betweene two puissant and mightie armies, and so most traiterously to haue destroyed and oppressed vs: and he was in good hope by this notable draught and plot which he had deuised to abolish and wipe away his owne shame and infamie, and the memorie of those rude discomfitures which he had receiued at our handes. Now by the grace of God and your vertue, in stead of diminishing his shame and ignominie, he hath made it a great deale greater. Yet behold how euen now againe, before our hands be cleane, or that we haue made an ende of this last repaste, and before that the cloth (as I may say) is taken away: see I pray you, how Iagup Arnauth a noble and bountifull banquettour is come to inuite vs to a new banquet, because he would haue vs to make an end of our feast: and being loath that his guestes should be defrauded of good and conuenient entertainment, he hath brought vs his armie also for a second course: see I say (my deare frends) how before we are gotten out of this valley, and haue (as it were) washed our hands embrued with the bloud of our enemies: before we haue wiped the bloud off our swords, or haue sheathed them in our scabbords: Iagup is likewise come vnto vs: he offreth vs good and friendly presents, that is, his troupes and squadrons, that you may vse and dispose of them at your pleasures,’ either to take a taste of them, or else altogether [Page 467] to deuoure and consume them. Go we therfore (my good companions) go we to this mariage feast whereunto Iagup doth inuite vs and doth so earnestly call vs: let vs eate our fill of his dainties, & when we shall haue gluttted our selues, let vs carry some part also away with vs. Let vs make all speed and diligence to be gone from hence, let vs goe and meet with Iagup, whom (I dare assure you) we will quickely ouerthrow and bring to confusion: for these are but a handfull of men in comparison of those that were with Ballaban: besides, me thinkes I see that the warlike furie, and the martiall fiercenesse of your courages doth yet continue burning and flaming within you.
Scarcely had Scanderbeg ended his speech, but he might see his souldiers wonderfully incensed and inflamed: all of them with high cries and clamours entreated himScanderbeg marcheth against Iagup. to leade them presently to this second banquet: whereupon being full of hope and courage they remoued their campe, and with ensignes displaied tooke their way towards Tiranna there to affront and encounter with Iagup. Is it not a straunge matter to see and consider the maruellous audacitie, and the confident resolution of this people, that being but newly gotten out of so great a daunger, and their woundes yet scarce staunched, and the sweat of their former toyle and labour yet scant wiped off their faces, yet you should now see them thus prompt and forward to depart presently and out of hand against a new enemie, and one that had so great a puissance & whole forces which were yet fresh, sound and entire? But you may thinke that they were not a litle hardened and emboldened by the presence and happie fortune of Scanderbeg, by his sage experience and prudent conduct, and by the consideration of his inuincible valour and prowes. In like manner, the daily exercise and continuall frequentation of deeds of armes by this nation did not a litle encrease that confidence in them: and besides, what reason had they to stand in any feare of the Turkish power and puissance, which had bene the ordinarie and continuall subiect of their glory & reputation? Notwithstanding, to speake more like a Christian, and to coniecture aright of this their wonderfull resolution & hardines: I for my part do verily beleeue, (the issue and euent of matters doth argue no lesse) and that this was a thing meerely diuine and miraculous. But to our historie.
Arnauth being enformed that Scanderbeg did approch, trussed vp baggage and dislodged from thence: being not as yet acquainted nor knowing any thing of the misfortune of his companion: and he retired himselfe into one of the most recuiled angles and corners of Tiranna neare vnto a litle mountainet or hill vppon the whichIagup encamped at Cassar. was a certaine small village, of the inhabitaunts named Cassar: which place he found to be of most safetie and securitie to encampe in. Scanderbeg seized vppon that place from whence the other was lately departed. During all that day both the campes lay verie quiet. Howbeit, true it is, that the Albanois did passe the night following in great care and iealouzie for feare least that Iagup and his armie should discampe the same night, if by chaunce he should haue any inckling of the defait of Ballaban. For this cause, all the waies and passages were seized vpon and beset with armed men. The next morning assoone as the sunne was risen, and that the reflection of the sunne beames did beate vpon the tents and eyes of the Barbarians: Scanderbeg being verie considerate, and hauing no doubt of the victorie, marched in order of battell directly towardes Iagup, causing the heades of certaine slaine Turkes to be cast before the tentes of the Infidelles, and some of those ensignes also to be displayed, which had bene purposely kept and reserued after the defaite of Ballaban: and he shewed them also certaine captiues chained and tyed together. Arnauth being wounded with extreame griefe and sorrow for this vnexpected mishappe and misfortune, presently exclaimed and saied.
[Page 468] ‘Now (quoth he) do I acknowledge the misfortune of the house of Ottoman, andSpeech of Iagup of the fortune of Scanderbeg. the good fortune of Scanderbeg.’
The King of Albanie sent foorth 500 vauntcurrours to draw foorth Iagup to the combat: and he charged them not to ioyne in fight with the Infidell, but when they should see them to breake out vpon them, that then they should retire in good order:The battell of Cassar betwene Scanderbeg & Iagup. and so it happened accordingly. Iagup had deuided his armie into three troupes or battallions, and he was quickly gotten out of his trenches to follow after the Albanian horsemen: vnto whom Scanderbeg calling and willing them to turne about, and to make head against the enemie: in an instant he ioyned himselfe vnto them: and all of them together endured the shocke of the Paynim comming fiercely vpon them. Then there began a most sharpe and cruell conflict: at the verie entrie whereof many a braue man lost his life both on the one side and the other, and ech partie was so incensed and egerly enflamed against other with such rage and choller: that the battell continued doubtfull and bloudie for a long time: but the wonted stratageme, and accustomed policie of Scanderbeg did soone end and determine the combat: and the inequalitie of the parties came to be discerned by the speedie ende and slaughter of the Generall Turke: vpon whom the Prince of Epire hauing had a continuall eye: and hauing by pure force made himselfe way through the rancks of his enemies, he charged him with his launce, and at the verie first stroke ran him cleane through theIagup slain by Scanderbeg. throat. Their Chieftaine being layed on the ground, euerie man striued who should flie fastest: they that were best mounted were most happie in this daunger: euerie man forgot his brother, his friend and his companion, and happie was he that could make shift for himselfe. The chase continued long, and it was verie mortall: infiniteVictorie of Scanderbeg against Iagup and the Turks. being put to the sword in the middest of their flight: many also were taken prisoners: all which found like fortune and entertainment: for that the Christians hauing yet fresh in memorie the late woundes and the barbarous and inhumaine vsage of their brethren and kinsmen murthered by Mahomet, the griefe and remembrance therof made them to execute all their prisoners with diuerse and sundry kinds of torments. And especially those Turkes who being escaped from the tumult and slaughter of the battell, did happen aliue into the hands of the peysants: they found no better entertainement, but were put to all the tortures and torments that could be possibly deuised or imagined.
It was neuer seene that of two armies at one and the same time, and in one and the same warre, that the King of Epire had put to the sword so many miscreants. Besides by the mishap of both their Generals (of whom the one was fled with the losse of his armie, and the other was slaine, and all his troupes likewise destroyed) it seemed [...]umber of Turkes slaine and taken in the battelles of Valcala and Cassar. that the misfortune of Belgrade was now equally & sufficiently recompenced. There were slaine of the Infidels foure and twentie thousand: and sixe thousand taken prisoners with an incredible bootie of prey and pillage, especially of golde and siluer. Besides, there were about foure thousand Christians set free and deliuered from the seruitude of the Turkes, who being laborours and other inhabitaunts of the plaine countrey, had bene taken by the Infidels in many courses and roades which they had made vpon the Prouince, which was some comfort for the dolorous losse receiued at the streights of Valcala. In these two iourneies: (for you must not thinke they were gotten without bloud) there were missing, about 1000. Christians: and the victors themselues were so satiated and wearied with killing and slaughtering of the Turkes: that when it was reported vnto Scanderbeg the next morning how that Ballaban was fled and retyred with one onely companie of horse, and without any Ensignes, and without any good order, and that if there were neuer so small a troupe sent [Page 469] after him to follow him close at the heeles, it would be an easie matter to take and oppresseSpeech of Scā derbeg touching the flight of Ballaban. both him and all his company. Let them go (quoth he) and seeing we haue gotten the honor of the field, let there be some left to cary the newes of the slaughter and calamity of our enemies, and of our vertue and prowesse.
These things being thus accomplished, the Marshall of the Campe tooke his iourney towards Croy, who was receiued with the lesse concourse & preparation, because there had not bin sent any messenger before hand to giue any notice of his comming: but the ioy and gladnesse was so vnmeasurable, that they knew not almost how to expresse it: and to say the truth, it cannot be declared in what estate the whole city stood, neither in what extreame feare they had alwaies continued through their vncertaine expectation of the successe and euent of the fight: nor how exceedingly they reioyced and triumphed on all parts, when they heard the newes and report of the victory. For in all that time after the first tidings was brought thē, how that Scanderbeg was goneCroi [...]s their estate, & demea nour, before and after the victory of Scanderbeg. against the enemy, there was not any one of the great men of the towne, that from morning to night would be absent from the Pallace, or from the magistrates: neither would the people forgoe the market place: their wiues which had litle or none other businesse, would seldome be from the Churches, or from their praiers and deuotion. The towne being in this great feare & suspence, did at the first receiue this doubtfull and vncertaine newes, namely: that two horsemen Dibrians (who were returned from the battell to the Campe vpon the confines of Epire) had reported: that the enemy was defeated. This report was entertained at the first more with their eares, then with anie beliefe of their mindes, as a thing too strange, and so much desired, that it was thought too good to be true, besides the hastinesse and celerity of the report did make it of the lesse credit, because it was spoken two daies before the fight fell out. After this Tanuse sent letters from the Campe, signifying the comming of those two Dibrian horsemen: those letters being caried through the market place of Croy to the pallace, did cause so great a concourse of people to assemble at the gate of the pallace, that the bearer could not passe through them, but he was pulled and drawen with great violence by some that were inquisitiue after newes: & they cried out aloft that the letters should be read openly in the market place, before they should be caried to the Magistrate. After that they had been read in the Pallace, according as the diuersity of mens humors did cary them, so did they thinke and imagine of the truth of the matter: some were fully satisfied, and reioyced at the newes: others beleeued neuer a word, till such time as they had heard either the messengers themselues to speak it, who were sent from the Marshall, or else the letters read vnto them. After all this the report went, that the Marshall himselfe was comming thither in person: at which time all sorts of persons, and of all ages, ranne hastily forth to meete him, and they went out in such continuall flockes and troupes, that they reached about halfe a league without the gates, euery one striuing to be the first, that should with their eies and with their eares, swallow vp the exceeding greatnesse of this expected ioy. Tanuse was the man whom they went thus to meete withall, who being enuironned on all sides with this rude and confused multitude, arriued at last in the market place, of the city: where some enquiring of him selfe, others of them that followed him, how all matters stood, and what good newes they had brought: when they heard for certaine, that both the armies of the enemy were discomfited: that one of the Generals was slaine: that the Albanian Legions were safe and [...]ound, and that their Prince and his Captaines were in good health: euery man reioyced at the newes, and made others likewise partakers of their ioy. When Tanuse was come with much adoe to the Pallace, yet for all this would not the common people be drawen to depart, & to retire themselues: but that they did in a maner [Page 470] thrust themselues amongst the Magistrats. At length, the letters being read in the Senate, then did Tanuse recount more at large the proceedings and issue of the whole voyage, whereat there was a most wonderfull applause and acclamation of all the Senate: and they were not in any sort able to moderate the extremity of their ioy. After this, some visited the temples to yeelde thankes and praises vnto God: others made hast to repaire to their owne houses, to the intent they might communicat and impart these happy tidings to their wiues and children. The Magistrats by a solemne edict, commaunded publicke praiers and processions for three daies together, for the victory and health of Scanderbeg and his army: the like decree was made by the Queene and her counsell, which was very deuoutly obserued and kept. During all which time, you might haue seene the Churches filled & frequented, both with men and women all alike: and the auncient Matrones and Ladies being richly and sumptuously apparelled, with their litle children, did humbly and chearfully performe their vowes and publicke thankes vnto the deuine Maiesty, as if the enemy had bene vtterly destroyed and consumed, and as if the warre had bene fully determined and ended, and that all feare and suspition had bene quite gone and exiled: and more then that, this victory did so settle and establish the estate of the towne, as if they had gotten an assured rest and tranquillity for euer.
These things being thus accomplished and ended, with no small religion and deuotion: Scanderbeg (because he would the more terrifie the enemy) entred vpon his territories, and passing on a good way into the country, filled all places with fire andInuasion by Scanderbeg into the Turkish territories. sword, with bloud and terror: besides that, he caried away an incredible booty without any resistaunce made against him: and so retyring with exceeding ioy into his owne Prouince, and hauing left (according to his wonted custome) a strong garrison vpon his frontiers, he returned with great triumph and generall reioycings to Croy hisScanderbeg his returne and triumph at Croy after his victory. chiefe city, where hauing for certaine daies (together with his citizens) celebrated the solemnity and common ioy of this glorious victory: he dispatched away letters and messengers to the most part of the Kings and Princes of Christendome, with magnificent giftes of diuerse sortes, chosen out of the spoiles, that had bene taken vppon his enemies, as excellent good horses, slaues, armours, and rich furnitures and caparisons for horses, with such like rare and goodly presents. After all which, he brake vp his Campe, and dismissed all his companies: so that this yeare was no lesse famous and memorable, then full of ioy and gladnesse to the Epirots.
THE TVVELFTH BOOKE OF THE FAMOVS ACTES OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SVRNAMED SCANDERBEG.
MAhomet enraged for the discomfiture of Ballaban and Iagup, prepareth to come into Epire in proper person: and Scanderbeg prouideth to receiue him. Mahomet conspireth the death of Scanderbeg by treason: which is discouered, & the traitors executed. Croy is besieged by Ballaban, Mahomet him selfe comming to the siege, and being out of hope to cary the towne by force, returneth towards Constantinople, and leaueth Ballaban to continue the siege of Croy. Mahomet in his returne surprizeth Chidna by treason, & infidelity, putting the inhabitants to the sword. Scanderbeg maketh a iourney to Rome, to get aide of the Pope and the Christians for the reliefe of Croy, but returneth with small comfort: he is succoured by the Venetians. Ionima the brother of Ballaban, with his sonne Heder, comming to the aide of Ballaban, are surprized by Scanderbeg, and both of them taken prisoners. Scanderbeg inuadeth the Campe of the Infidels: a sallie is made by the Croians vpon the Turkes, wherein Ballaban is slaine. The Turkes breake vp their siege before Croy: and depart out of Epire. Chidna is recouered, and Epire cleansed of the Infidels. Mahomet maketh a second iourney into Epire: buildeth Valure, and besiegeth first Duraz, and after Croy: but he raiseth his siege from both of them. Chiurill a towne newly builded, and vnfinished by Scanderbeg, is razed by Mahomet, who returneth to Constantinople. Alibeg and Aliazbeg are sent with an army to safegard the Turkish frontiers. Scanderbeg preparing to recouer Valures from the Turkes, sickeneth: he disposeth and ordereth his affaires. Ahamat with an army of fifteene thousand Turkes, inuading and spoiling the Venetian territories flieth out of Epire, and is defeated by the Epirots. Scanderbeg dieth and is buried, his dead body is honoured and reuerenced by the Turks. Certaine memorable acts done by Scanderbeg in his lifetime.
THe haught exploit, and the mortall accident happened to the armies of Ballaban and Iagup, being published and spred abroad ouer all places: the fame thereof (like a flying Post) came with wonderfull speede to the eares of the Ottoman, whose heart was replenished, and well neare ouercome with extremity of griefe and incomparable astonishment. Wherefore being afraied least that Fortune would now proue a stepdame vnto him, & crosse him in his attempts, and that (after so many prosperities and continuall fauours, shee would now in the end reuolt and fall away from him, and retiring vnto his fiercest [Page 472] enemy, would entertaine him for her fauorit, and oppose her selfe against him, he beganCouncell called by Mahomet to consult for the oppressing of Scanderbeg. to grow into a most strange passion: afflicting and tormenting his mind with extreame care and melancholy. And being thus perplexed, irresolute & distracted within him selfe, he caused all his chieftaines and councellours to be called and assembled together, to the intent he might consult with them, and deuise vpon some remedy against this mischiefe. Now when they were all of them gathered together and set in councell, the tyrant giuing the bridle to his passion and choller, did breake forth into most bitter inuectiues and iniurious reproachfull tearmes against Scanderbeg, and he vsed this or the like speeche vnto them.
‘You are not ignorant (my good friendes) how that I neuer made any spare of myOration of Mahomet to his chieftains purposing a iourney against Scanderbeg in proper person. trauell and paines, nor of any hazardes or daungers, but that I haue bene alwaies prodigall of my proper life and safety, for the increase of the faith of our chiefe Prophet: for the augmentation of the name and Empire of the house of Ottoman: for the surety and safety of you and your families: and to make this estate of ours peaceable, quiet, and florishing. In all our actions and expeditions wherein we our selues haue beene present, and which haue bene vndertaken by vs in proper person, we haue found Fortune friendly and fauorable vnto vs: and yet at this time I know not what to say, of this petty Prouince of Epire, and of this petty Prince Scanderbeg; as often as I consider the infamous death of so many excellent chieftaines and generals of our hoasts, and the totall discomfiture or shamefull captiuity of so many flourishing armies: nor can I tell what to make of it, vnlesse it be that the Demon or Angell of this Apostata, and rebellious renegado doe fight for him, and do surmount the Demon of all those who are opposed against him. We may see then that this businesse doth require the rigour of a more furious and violent hand, and of some Chieftaine who is more happy and fortunate in his enterprises. I am determined (my good friends) and in my opinion it is the best and most conuenient course, that we take this warre into our owne hands, and that we make a iourney into Epire in our proper person, with more puissant and solemne preparations then Amurath our father did at his going against the Albanois. Then shall that fugitiue and traitour Scanderbeg well perceiue, euen with the losse of his hatefull head, that it is nothing to haue a Bassa, a Saniacke, or an Aga to beard him: but that it is another manner of matter, to be inuaded with the presence and maiesty of a most mighty, puissant, and fortunate Monarch, that shall employ his whole power, and bend the fury of all his forces against him. And although the glorious memory of our deceased father, did not cary away the entire honour of this voyage, but did yeelde vp his ghost in the persuite thereof, yet ought not the honour and praise of that iourney, be attributed to the vertue or prowesse of that slaue, or his Christians: but rather to the imbecillity of his age, and the infirmity of his decaying yeares, as shortly also we shall see the like to befall and betide euen to Scanderbeg him selfe, who is now vpon the declining of his age, and will euen in a moment finde his fortune to waxe old and faint: and that same viuacity and liuelines of his spirit, and the vigorous disposition of his lims and members will faile and forsake him: so as in the end he will sinke vnder the burden of his affaires. For the nature and property of Fortune, is to delight in the flourishing time of youth, and shee seeketh out and desireth to be resident with those, whose minds are transported with swelling ambition, & withSentence. stirring thoughts: and as the heat of bloud waxeth coole, & as this vigour of the mind groweth to be weakned: so doth fortune likewise wax cold, & doth vse to discontinue her fauors: and therfore I make no doubt, but that in an instant, I shal vtterly confound this vnhappy Christian, together with his people and posterity: who being become more arrogant by the happy successe of so many good encounters, doth daily molest [Page 473] my subiects, ouerrunning and destroying all my Prouince of Macedonie. And if it happen that he fall into my snares, and that I can get him within my reach, I will execute vpon his wretched body, (being the subiect of all vice & wickednesse) all kindes and examples of extreame crueltie: because, besides the dispeasure done me in the death of my father, this Hydra, this monster of all mischiefes, hath infinitly prouoked against him my iust wrath and indignation. But foolish man as he is, let him take his pleasure for a time, let him hold on his course yet a while, let him glory in his goodly realme, and in his ambitious pouerty, whilest the destinies do permit and suffer him: it shall not be long, ere I will swallow him vp in endlesse ruine and perdition. This therefore is my aduise, that we goe right on to Croy, the capitall and chiefe city of that Prouince, with so great forces and puissance, that it shall not be able to hold out against vs. For when Croy is ouercome and conquered, all the other places and strong holds of the countrey will be soone reduced to the same estate and condition.’
This matter being propounded by Mahomet, and approued by the generall consent and voices of his Visits and Captaines: infinite commissions were granted forth, and publike proclamation was made throughout all the territories and dominionsMahomet leauteth a mightie army against Scanderbeg. vnder the Turke his obeysaunce: that all men which were apt to beare armes, should repaire to the Commissioners, and cause their names to be enrolled: insomuch that innumerable forces were leauied, and in the meane time, prouision was made of munitions, instruments, engines, and other necessaries for the Campe, all which being in a readinesse, the Turkish Monarch with a most proud and glorious traine, tooke his way towards Epire.
Vpon these troubles and tumults approaching, Scanderbeg wanted not his intelligencers, and ordinary spies, but that they gaue him sure and speedy aduertisements of all things, which was the occasion that he assembled all his friendes and nobles, and amongst others, Paul Angell Archbishop of Duraz, vnto whom he imparted his mostIosaphat Barbare, some saie he was the Admirall or Proueditore of the Venetians. secret counsels: and to them he adioyned also Iosaphat Barbare the Venetian Ambassadour, a worthy personage of great iudgement and experience, and singularly zealous of the Christian religion, who together with the Archbishop, was seldome or neuer from the side of the Prince of Albanie. By the generall aduise and consent of this assembly, it was ordained, that all the townes, places, and fortresses of the realme, should be diligently furnished and prouided with victuals, and other necessary prouisions, and fortified with good and faithfull garrisons: especially Croy, the principall bulwarke, and stay of all the estate of Albany, and whereuppon all the rest depended. He prouided therefore, and stuffed it with good store of souldiers, part of them Albanois, and part Italians, all of them of approued loyalty and resolution: and he madeBalthasar Perduce, gouernour of Croy. choise of an Italian Gentleman to be gouernour of the towne, one Balthasar Perduce, a man highly esteemed for his prudence, iudgement, and resolution.
But before I passe any further, it shalbe requisit, that I recount vnto you one plot or deuise forged and framed in the shop or store-house of the Ottomans trecherie and infidelitie, the inuention and practise whereof as it was suttle and deuilish, so was itConspiracie & traiterous plot of Mahomet to contriue the death of Scanderbeg. miraculously discouered and auoyded: by the knowledge whereof you may easily coniecture, how greatly they redoubted and stood in awe of Scanderbeg, whom they could not suffer and endure, no more then a thorne sticking in their foote. The Turkish Monarch perceauing that the Prince of Epyre was now growen to that height of honour, that his name began to be fearefull and terrible vnto all the Mahometistes, was in great feare least that by reason of this exceeding fame and renowme of the Epyrots, his owne people and subiectes should take an occasion to grow mutinous & to raise some sedition; and so taking armes against him, should either seeke to murther [Page 474] ther him and to cut his throat, or else might chase and expell him out of his [...]eate an [...] throne Imperiall, and bestow the same vpon the king of Albanie: for he was not ignoraunt that his notable crueltie had made him most hatefull and odious vnto al ‘men, whereas this is not the meane to reigne long and happily, but clemencie and i [...] sticeSentence. are the firme pillers of each estate and Empire:’ for this cause did he imagine an [...] determine to surprise Scanderbeg by deceipt and trecherie, whom he saw he was no [...] able to destroy by force and violence: he procured therefore and prouided him selfe o [...] ‘two men practised and expert in most languages, (as it is commonly seene that Princes and great personages doe neuer want ministers to execute their dissolute and vnlawfullSentence. passions,)’ and hauing corrupted them with great giftes and bountifull rewardes, and assuring them that he would continually and dayly heape vpon them greater and better benefites, he perswaded and instructed them to fayne and dissemble them selues to be fugitiues from the countrey and dominions of the Turke, and that for the zeale of Religion, they were come to offer their seruice vnto Scanderbeg and to pray him to haue pitie and compassion of their estate, and that they might be receiued and admitted to the holy Sacrament of Baptisme as good Christians, the which after they had perswaded him according to their desires, that then they should finde the meanes to worke his death, either by poyson or otherwise. These wicked wretches had no sooner presented them selues to the presence of Scanderbeg, but that both of them were baptised and (as the common report is) were enrolled and admitted to be of the garde, and to wait vpon him for the ordinarie safegarde of his person. Within a while after, it pleased God (who had this Prince in his especiall protectiō) to reueale their pernitious attempt & conspiracie, such was his good pleasure that this good Prince and faithfull seruitour of Christ, should not dye so miserable and vnhappy a death: for the parties them selues were made the bewrayers and discouerers ofConspiracie against Scanderbeg wonderfully detected. their owne deuilish intent and practise. For so it happened that a iarre and contention fell betweene them (and it may be it was in their cuppes, and in a dronken humour) but their choler and furie grew so outrageous and immoderat, that each vpbrayding other with iniurious and grosse wordes, they fell in the end to accuse and detect one an other: openly obiecting, that they were purposely sent by Mahomet to empoyson Scanderbeg: wherepon being apprehended, and put to the tortures, they presently confessed the whole order of the matter, by meanes whereof, being deliuered to the executioner, they were both hanged according to their desertes.
Let vs now returne to the course of our discourse: The places and fortresses of Epire being carefully furnished and prouided with necessaries in such sort as we haue shewed; it was not long, but that often letters and messengers did arriue from all partes, giuing the allarme and making report, that Mahomet with two hundreth thousand men, would be shortly before Croy, and that his light horsemen and vauntcurrours were euen at hand: who accordingly did make their present entry into Albany, and for two daies were seene to course vp and downe the countrey, and to put all to sword and fire: and the night following, about two houres after euening, they presented themselues before the towne, enuironning it on all sides round about. Ballaban Badera Ballaban besiegeth Croy with an army of 80000. men. had the conduct and commaund of these troupes, amounting to the number of foure score thousand horse, all picked and choise men. This enemy hauing entrenched and fortified his Campe, did daily skirmishe with the Croians, who made many and often sallies out vpon the Turkes: the euent and successe whereof, was very variable and diuerse. During these doings betweene the forces of Ballaban, and the besieged, the Sultan being accompanied with the grosse, or body of his maine army, arriued before Croy: and before that he attempted any thing against the towne (according to [Page 475] the vse and custome of warre) he caused the same to be summoned vppon certaineMahomet commeth to the siege of Croy & summoneth the towne. offers and conditions. The defendants gaue him such aunswer as men resolute are wont to make, namely, that they would sooner be torne in pieces then to commit any acte that should sound to their reproch, or that might violate and chaunge their faith giuen to God and to their Prince: or that should blemish the honour and reputation which they had gotten in his seruice: and with their musquets, harguebusse, & other shot they made signe vnto them that they would not haue them to approch neare the towne: and immediatly issuing out with great furie vpon the Infidels, they came to handystrokes with them, not without a notable slaughter of the Turks, and afterwardSally by the Croians vppon the Turkes. returned ioyfully into the towne carying with them in signe of victorie many of the heads of these enemies. Mahomet being incensed with this brauado, caused his Canons to be planted, and to play against the walles. For he had brought thither aboundance of metals to cast artillery of all sizes: and he had prouided him selfe of expert and skilfull workemen, in the making of all kindes of warlike engines, wherewith he determined to thunder against Croy, and meant to make them sing another song. But Scanderbeg with his troupes sometimes here sometimes there, by the mountaine and other places, out of the reach and accesse of the enemy, did daily vexe and trouble the army of the Infidels, not suffering them to haue any space or time to breath or to rest themselues, but was continually at their backes on all sides, giuing them a thousand alarums and inuasions day and night, without any intermission, one while vpon their foragers, and another while vppon their Campe. And like as a mighty riuer Iwelling and raging with continuall raine, doth role and tumble downe most impetuously from the tops of the mountaines, carying and drawing along with it, whatsoeuer it encountreth, and turning all things vpside downe which it findeth in the way: in like maner Scanderbeg rushing with extreame fury & violence vpon the Turkish hoast, now of one side then of another, he did commit notable slaughters of the infidelles, beating them downe on all handes, and afflicting them with all kindes of mischieues and discommodities, which was an occasion, that the Ottoman thought it high time to looke to his affaires, both in regard of the calamity of his people, which seemed likely to encrease dayly more and more, as also in respect of his owne person, which might be in euident and apparant daunger, by reason that he had no hope nor likelihood, to get any profit or honour by this voyage, (for that Croy was so far from being forceable, that it could not conueniently be made assaultable:) and therefore he determined not to make any longer abode before the towne, but to retire backe againe, to Constantinople. Notwithstanding for that he could not do it with any honestie,Ballaban left to continue the siege before Croy, with a huge armie. nor without great blemish of his honour and reputation, if at the least wise he left not behinde him some shew or token of some worthy exploit in this voyage, he determined that Ballaban should continue and hold on the siege with a strong and mightie armie ouer which he made him Generall: he appointed therefore vnto him a power of eighteen thousand horse, and fiue thousand foote, and besides he adioyned vnto him eight Saniackes of great account and estimate, giuing vnto each of them a regiment of seuen thousand good and tall souldiours: all which neuerthelesse were commanded to take and acknowledge him for their chief, & to be at his commandement. These things thus concluded and accomplished, Mahomet with shame enoughMahomet his departure from the siege of Croy. Chaonia. Chidna. after his short stay, trussing vp his baggage in the night time lest Croy, and with long iourneys tooke his way home to Constantinople.
In his passage through the countrey, he surprised certaine people of Chaonia, and certaine places called Chidna in this manner. He suborned two souldiours Albanians, promising to make them great men, and to aduaunce them to high honour, [Page 476] whom he sent with instructions to lye, and to tell them of Chidna, that they wereStratageme of Mahomet to surprise Chidna. come from Croy purposly to aduertise their friends, & to wish them to looke vnto thē selues, for feare least being ignorant of the lamentable and desperate estate of the prouince, they might peraduenture be the cause of their owne ruine and destruction if they would carie themselues with too much obstinacie towardes the Turkish Monarch: for that Scanderbeg (as they made them beleeue) durst not abide the face of the Ottoman, nor the furie of his armes which were so terrible, that they made him to play least in sight, and that it was verely thought, that he had abandoned & forsaken Epyre, for which cause, Croy also seeing it selfe without hope of succours, was now vpon termes to yeeld vpon composition to Ballaban, who pressed it very hard with a wōderfull streight siege, that Mahomet for his part was now disloged from Croy with part of his armie to reduce all the prouince vnder his obeissance, and that there was scant any place or fortresse of account, but that they were at his deuotion, that therefore they should looke to them selues, and that they should do well to imitate their example, chusing rather to take the benefit of his clemencie, & singular loue towards them which yeelded them selues voluntarily, then to tast the extreme rigour of the warre, and the miserie of bondage and seruitude reserued for those persons which should be founde rebellious and obstinat: so well did these traiterous wretches play their parts; & so vehemently did their perswasiōs worke with those poore people ‘being too too credulous, that (as it is ordinarily seene, that the vulgar sort do follow thatSentence. side which they thinke to haue the best fortune,)’ so these vnhappy folkes at the firstCrueltie and infidelitie of Mahomet vsed to the inhabitants of Chidna. summons made by the Sultan, vpon his fayre and smooth promises of entire and free libertie of conscience, and of their goodes, fraunchises, and immunities, did simply yeeld them selues, by the enticements of these false Synons, to the faith and fidelitie of the Turke, which they found to be such, as is vsuall with one that maketh publique profession of periurie, impietie, and disloyaltie: for which most monstrous and inhumane crueltie he caused eight thousand of them to be put to the sword, besides women and children. Thus did this hatefull tyrant vpon pure rage and despight shead the bloud of innocents, because he could not execute the venome of his malice and hatredSentence. ‘against Scanderbeg, who stood so surely vpon his garde. Vndoubtedly the wrath and displeasure of Princes is heauie and horrible,’ and (as the saying is) it is not light as feathers, but weightie as lead. Thus went Mahomet out of Epyre bathed in the bloud of innocents, and hauing left Ballaban behind him with innumerable troupes, he had giuen him streight charge to continue the siege of Croy, euen to the last point of extremitie, and till such time as the inhabitants being worne out with the length of time, and being consumed and weakened with famine and calamities, should be enforced to yeeld them selues vnto him, euen with halters about their neckes.
All this while was Scanderbeg very sad & pensiue to see so many enemies within the hart of his Realme, but that which greeued him most was, that such a villain as Ballaban (whose parents and predecessours, had euer bene but as base varlets, and seruile drudges to the house and familie of the Castriots, and to whom he had giuen so many ouerthrowes and disgraces) should yet for all this be still opposed and make war against him, and that he should dare to compare with him, and to braue him. For this cause he had an extreme desire by all meanes possible to entrappe him, and if he could by any deuise in the world, to worke his confusion, but he wanted meanes and abilitie, to compasse so high and difficult an enterprise, especially since the losse of Chidna, whereof he made great reckoning, by reason of the good number of braue souldiours, which he had in that place. Wherefore by the counsell and aduise of his friends and Captaines, he determined to sollicite, and presse both by letters and ambassades, [Page 477] all the Princes, great Lords, and peoples his next neighbours, by the spurres of commonPerswasions vsed by Scanderbeg seeking aide of his neighbours for the reliefe of Croy. necessitie to embrace at this time especially the defence of Albanie, and the repulse of the Infidell from the siege of Croy: accordingly with great promptnes & celeritie, he put the matter in execution by men of a sharpe and quicke conceipt: shewing them first of all with what rage and brutishnesse the tyrant Mahomet had conspired to abolish the name of Christ, and the professours of his holy Religion, that his ‘ancestours hauing layd Asia wast & desolate, and passing into Europe had by deceipt and other detestable meanes, destroyed and rooted out infinite Kinges & Potentats of Christēdome, & that this helhound following the tract & steps of his ancestours hauing subdued & cōquered the Greeks, the Tryballians, & the Sclauonians, & repulsed & weakened the Hungarians, did now display all his forces & powred forth the venom of his malice and furie vpon him & his people, as being the last Relickes of Christendome, which he had of late made shew of vpō the Chaonians his subiects, in putting to the sword, contrary to his faith, & oth 8000. men, who if they had bene now liuing, he should not neede to implore or desire the aide & succours of his neighbours & cō federats to driue Ballabā frō the siege of Croy, & to cut in peeces both him & all his forces, that they should call to remembrāce, how in the former wars which he had most happely atchieued, he neuer had any recourse to thē nor required their aide, but onely with his own men had continually (by the power & blessing of God) made resistance against the cōmon enemy, & had gottē the victory alwayes against the Insidels, with great expence of the bloud of his Albanians, euen in a maner, to the last drop thereof▪ by the long continuance of which wars his best and most valiant souldiours were either dead, or slaine in fight, or taken prisoners, or else maimed, so that by the multitude of battels, and continuall seruices of so many yeares warres, his countrey was altogether drawen dry of able and sufficient forces to make resistance against the Infidels.’
These reasons did easily perswade the mindes of his confederates and induce them to encline vnto his demaunde, but (as it is commonly seene that the face and ‘countenaunceSentence. Princes of Epyre confederates of Scanderbeg promise to ayde him for the reliefe of Croy. of a man carieth with it the chiefest power and vertue to perswade men.) So Scanderbeg went vnto some of them,’ himselfe in proper person, which was the occasion, that all of them promised and swore vnto him by a new league and allyaunce, that they would not make spare of their liues, nor of their best meanes to succour him against his enemyes, and from thence-forward, they began to put to their helping handes, labouring in the matter tooth and nayle, and with greater courage and fotwardnesse then they had done at any time before. Neuerthelesse the Prince of Albany, considering with himself that those Turkes which lay encamped & in leager before Croy were for the most part good and hardy souldiours, men of courage, and warlike, besides that being maisters of the mountaine of Cruyna, which they had excellentlyOr Crayna. well fortified & rampierd, his forces would hardly suffice to remoue them frō thence,Voyage of Scā derbeg into Italy to get aide against the Turkes. he hauing communicated his counsell and conceipt with the Archbishop of Duraz, and the Ambassadours of Venice and no other, left Tanusee Lieutenant Generall in his army, and departed secretly out of Albanie in a disguised habite towardes Italie to his holynesse, there to obtaine some further succours of the Christians.
You must giue me leaue vppon this voyage of the Epyrote Prince, somewhatExclamatiō of the authour vpon the indignitie offered to Scanderbeg, in his voyage into Italy. to wander from the course of my historie. Is it not a pitifull thing, and a matter full of commiseration, that a Prince of so great merit, vowed and dedicated to the seruice of God, and the Christian common-wealth, whose victories had sounded ouer the whole earth, who of late refused the peace, and scorned euen the shortest truce with this great Monarch the Turke, who at the sollicitation & vrgent perswasions of the Pope, of the kings & great Princes of Europe, did not long since with a mighty army [Page 487] passe the sea into Italie, for the seruice of the Italians, now, as a poore fugitiue and exile should be constrained in his aged yeares to abandon his countrey, couered and filled with Infidelles, his capitall and chief towne streightly besieged, and him selfe in a straunge countrey to begge for ayde, and to seeke the fauour and support of others? O the inconstancie of this worldes glory! ô the incertaintie of humane fortunes! ô the mockerie of fortunes flatteries! where are your eyes, ô you Christians? where are your harts? what was your deuoir and dutie? and what ought you to haue done in this case? seeing God presented vnto you so noble, so faithfull, so zealous a Chieftaine. Was it not your dutie at the least, to haue giuē some time of truce to your wicked rancours and cursed deuisions? to haue followed this braue champion, and vnder the happy fortune of his inuincible vertue, to haue ioyned your armes to his armes, and your forces to his forces, that you might haue chased and expelled out of Europe the cursed sect of Mahomet, and the bloudy wolfe which deuoureth the holy flocke of Christ? did it stand with your honour, or with your Religion to hold off from succoring those prouinces, and to suffer so worthy and incomparable a Chieftaine, so Religious and deuout a Prince, to come and seeke vnto you within your owne doores and houses: but seeing such was his mishap, and your harts so impassionat, let vs see what was the successe and issue of this his voyage.
The king of Albanie being come to Rome, had gratious entertainement of theScanderbeg at Rome with the Pope. soueraigne Bishop, and of the holy Senat in regard of the glory of his name, and the great and excellent maiestie of his presence, and being brought into the Consistorie or Conclaue before the Pope and his Cardinals, he pronounced an eloquent and vehement ‘oration: wherein he began first with the exaltation of the holy siege Apostolicke,Oration of Scanderbeg to Pope Paule the 2. of the Cardinals at Rome. and his owne singular deuotion and seruice, which he had euer borne to the same, which wrought in him an incredible contentment, in that he was so happy as to come and to kisse the feete of his holynesse, whom he reputed and reuerenced as the light and singular ornament of the Church of God, being diuinely chosen for the successour of the blessed Saint Peter the first Vicar of Christ, and of so many holy and Religious Pastours and excellent fathers: who being replenished with all vertues and knowledge, adorned with simplicitie, and puritie of life, had crected and raised the faith of Christ, & had beautified the world with miracles & examples of perfection: your merites (quoth he) most holy Father, are in all points correspondent to those of your predecessours in all rare & diuine qualities, so that it is no maruell, if euery man haue conceaued a singular hope of your worthinesse, the which if you do not excell and exceede, yet do you at the least in all respectes equall, well deseruing the publick opinion conceaued of you, not onely for freeing and deliuering your holy flocke from the bloudy iawes and throat of those hungry wolues the Mahometistes, but also for spreading and enlarging the faith and Religion of Iesus Christ, euen to the extremest and farthest partes of the world. Good God that my toung and eloquence were able to recount your vertues, which do exceede farre beyond all prayses and commendations: but if I were able to do it, yet the infinit tumultes and perils, wherein, by a certaine fatall and ineuitable destinie, both I and my people are plunged and drowned more then any other nation in Christendome, doe not permit nor suffer me, to enioy the sweet pleasure and benefite of your perfections: the iust griefe of my oppressed estate doth withdraw me: the Turkish Prince will not suffer me, who following the tract of his auncestours, doth euery day inuade your flocke, and doth dismember and persecute it, & being not satisfied with so many murthers, with so many rapines, and burnings, which he hath committed in Asia, and in Europe, & wherewith he hath polluted euen the whole earth, doeth now striue with all his strength and [Page 479] puissance to destroy and suppresse me and my people with our poore little Realme, as being left vnto him, for the last subiect of his cruelty. The lōg cōtinuance of the wars and the multitude of the battels, which we haue had, hath worne out, eaten vp, & consumed all our forces, & we are now at the last cast, in so much that there is not left in our whole body any part whole and sounde, which may receaue any more wounds, neither haue we any bloud left vs, which we may shed or bestow for the cōmō weale of Christēdome. Wherfore (most reuerēt father of all Princes Christiā, & the brightnesse & glory of the Church of God,) if your holinesse and clemencie do not speedely and readily helpe to withstand and preuent this mischief, the estate and welfare of Albany is for euer gone and lost. This is the cause (most reuerend Father) that hath brought me hither: this is it that hath caused me to haue recourse vnto you, I haue left a great fire kindled and flaming in my house, the enemy is euen at my doores, who hath not onely destroyed and layd desolate, and wasted my prouince, but hath murthered and captiuated my people, he holdeth Croy the key and bulwarke of my Realme streightly besieged, & is resolued not to depart frō thēce, till he haue brought and made it to be Turkish, and I doubt me, he will go neare to do it, if we be not succoured by your greatnesse and authoritie: whilest it is time therefore thinke vppon me (most worthy Prelates and Fathers) prouide for me betimes I beseech you, it standeth you vppon to represse his violence, and to bridle his rage which is growen so strong and mightie, that it threatneth and menaceth with all extremities not onely the estate of Christendome, and the Church of God, but euen the ground and foundation of our Religion also. He hath already inflicted vpon the Christian people all the examples & acts of inhumanitie which can be possibly inuented, in such sort that it would be no lesse difficult and troublesome for me to tell them, then it would be reprochfull for you to heare them. You see most holy Pastour, you see most reuerēd Fathers, not only the doubt, but euen the certaintie of a most horrible ruine and calamitie? you see (most Religious Prelates) how this ambitious Prince hath already seized vpon two Christian Empires: the most part of Asia is in slauery & thraldome vnder him: all the Greekes are in a manner destroyed, the Tryballians, the Rascians, and the Thracians are brought vnder his subiection, Sclauonie is subdued by his forces, Morea is in seruitude, and almost all Macedonie and Epyre, is burned, sacked, and made desert by his furie and outrage: you see the reliques of so many Princes, of so many Chieftaines of Macedonie and of all Greece: you haue heard (most soueraigne Prelate & you most reuerend Fathers) how many warres, how many trauels and tedious exploits & toyles my auncestours haue had against this periured & faithlesse nation, & how my selfe after them, haue not had one day, not one minute of rest & quietnes, but without ceasing for more thē these 20. yeres, I haue had most sharp & bloudy conflicts against this prophane people, & especially against this fierce beast Mahomet, who hath now afflicted my estate with so many ruines, & mischieues, that I haue no other way but to giue place vnto him, I haue euē till this day resisted & opposed my selfe against him, & I haue almost continually, by the diuine bounty, gone away with the victory, but now at this time (most holy Father) being wearied with so many trauels & discōmodities both past & present: being wasted & consumed with so many battels: hauing lost so many excellent Captaines, and so many of my souldiers & subiectes being slaine and destroyed, we haue no part of our auncient fortune now left vs, but our generous harts, and deuout soules: whereas this Barbarous Scithian (it may be our sinnes haue bene the cause there of) hath encreased his forces and hath amplified his Empire beyond all discourse of humane reason: humbly therfore (most holy father) I do prostrat my selfe, here before your holines, I do inuocate & call vpon your sacred name, & I do [Page 480] implore your aide & succours, most worthy Prelats. Cōsult, I beseech you, make prouisiō, & take such order, that I may haue some meanes to resist against so many tempests, & stormes of the war, & that I may with the lesse perill of my life, & preiudice of my affaires, be able to beare & sustaine the brunt thereof, & if the priuate miserie of your soldier do nothing moue you, if the afflictiō of your chāpion̄ do not passionate you, at least-wise let the cōmon necessitie, the imminent perill of your flock, & the future desolation of the estate of Christēdome stir you vp & perswade you: is there any seruitude more greeuous, thē the Turkish bondage? what accidēt can happē more bitter to godly & Christiā soules, thē to see their infants now vnited vnto Christ by holy baptisme, & redeemed by the pretious bloud of the son of God, to the eternall cōmunion & societie of the faithfull, afterwards againe to be cut away and separated from him, & to be nusled in the execrable blasphemies of Mahomet: to be made open, professed, & cruell enemies of Christ and his Church, to make warre against heauen, and to perish in eternall death and damnation? Is there any thing more hard, and lamentable, then to see our owne children, issued from our owne bowels to become our enemies, and to see them made the onely meanes and ministers to cut our throats, and to worke our ruine and destruction? it cannot be but this seruitude and bondage of Christian soules is an euill much more greeuous and intollerable, then death it selfe.’
This Oration of the King of Epyre, was harkened vnto with no lesse attentiuenesse, then accepted with the allowaunce, and good liking of the whole Consistorie, and euery man sayd openly, that it was most requisite and necessarie to succour, with all speede and diligence, their Christian brethren, and not to suffer so noble a prouince and so vertuous a people to be deuoured and swallowed vp by so cruell and bloudthirsty an enemie. But all these smooth speeches, fayre wordes and goodly promises, whereof they gaue him plenty, proued in the end nothing else then court fauours, & vanished into smoake: what the cause thereof should be I know not, but so it happened, that at his departure from thence (which was soone after) he had litle andScanderbeg ill succoured by the Christians. very small succour of Pope Paul the second, who (though he were a Venetian borne) yet was but badly affectioned towards his owne countrey: to the which Scanderbeg was a most inward and faithfull friend, ouer and besides the strict and ancient knot of friendship and confederacy, which had beene preserued and nourished with great deuotion betweene him and that common-wealth. Three thousand Crownes were deliueredDemetrius Franke treasurer to Scanderbeg. into the hands of Demetrius Franke: who being one of the chiefe and principall citizens of Driuasta, and cosin to the Archbishop of Duraz, was treasurer to Scanderbeg: and this was all the aide that he found or had from them: yet did not this any thing trouble the Prince of Epire, neither was he discontented at this sory and simpleReturne of Scanderbeg from Rome to Epyre. entertainement: but praising God for all, he tooke his leaue of the Pope, and returned into his owne countrey. He was once in the minde to haue gone as farre as Venice: but taking aduise vpon the matter, and not finding it expedient, by reason of the piteous estate wherein he had left his kingdome and countrey of Epire: he contented himselfe to send thither his Secretary, to let the Senate of that city vnderstand, the hard successe of his voyage to Rome, and to animate & perswade them to ministersome aideAide giuen by the Venetians and others to Scanderbeg for the reliefe of Croy against the Turkes. Lech and Nicholas Ducagin. & succours vnto him: the which he obtained as you shall heare. Scanderbeg being vpō the way of his return towards Epire, went first to Scutary, where Iosaphat Barbare had great command and authority, (of whom we haue spoken heretofore) and there hauing made a notable leauy of the subiects of the Venetians, he adioyned them to his owne forces. In like maner Lech Ducagin, and Nicholas his brother, being brauelie mounted, came vnto him with 400. valiaunt horsemen, and as many footmen, all of them most expert and skilfull souldiers. To these did adioyne them selues a hundreth [Page 481] men at armes armed all in white, and 500. footemen Italians, being in the pay and entertainment of the Seigniorie of Venice within Scutarie: besides 1000. good horse, & three thousand footmen gathered out from amongst the Scutarians, the Driuastines, the Antiuarians, the Lissians, and the Dirrachians: in so much that those aides being vnited and incorporated all in one, did make vp the full & complet number of 13400. chosen men. For you are to note that the Princes & peoples of Epyre, Macedony, Sclauony and Dalmatia, which were leagued and allyed together, did not faile to send ech of them certaine forces, all which made their rende vous at a place appointed, and were at the command and disposition of Scanderbeg, who deuided them into two troupes: one part whereof he committed to the conduct and leading of Lech Ducagin aboue named, being a knight of no lesse policie then hardinesse in the warres: and Nicholas Nicholas Moneta gouernor of Scutarie. Moneta borne in Scutarie, the Vaiuoda, or gouernor of that citie, being a Gentleman of great estimate and valure, had the guiding of the other part of those forces. Now it was set downe and appointed, that these troupes being dislodged from Lissa, and hauing cut ouer the plaine countrie or fieldes of Pharsalia, and the forest of Ionimes, Forest of Ionimes. should make their approach, and charge vppon the enemie on that side. And that the King of Epyre being accompanied with his owne bandes both horse and foote, should make towardes the mountaine of Cruyna, there to assaile and set vpon Ballaban on the otherside, who had enclosed & fortified himselfe exceeding strongly and conueniently vpon that mountaine. But before I will leade our Christians any further into the countrie, I holde it not amisse to figure and describe vnto you the site of the place where the Mahometan had entrenched him selfe, to the intent the matter may be the better represented to your sight, and made more plaine and apparant vnto you.
I told you long sithence, that Croy is in Epyre, in the fields of Emathia or Pharsalia, The situation of Croy. seated vpon the high crest or ridge of a mountaine: which in the circuit and compasse thereof is on all parts enuironed with many steepe downefals, excepting in one only place where it is very hardly to be approached, and is deuided and cut off from the mount Cruyna, which being very nigh, & continuing on euen close to the towne, doth seeme much higher then the same, and to haue the commaund thereof. This mountaine runneth a long by the side of the Castle of Croy, where hanging ouer it with a deepe cliffe, after a small descent it doth deuide it selfe into diuerse hils or litle mounts. In this place had Ballaban placed his campe, and hauing drawen thither the masse or maine strength of his armie, he had gotten the possession of the mountaine of Cruyna, the which hauing fortified and garded with a great and strong garrison, he did presse the towne with a hard and grieuous siege.
But leauing him there encamped, let vs returne to our troupes. Their plot being laide as is before mentioned, and their bandes being deuided, Scanderbeg with his forces went first on to visite the enemie: and being come to the saide mountaine, he receiued aduertisement, that Ionyme the brother of Ballaban was marching on towardesIonime brother to Ballaban cō ming with a supply of Turks to his brother is surprised by Scanderbeg. his brother with a good number of Turkes: and the report went that he was alreadie past the mountaine of Bulgarie. Immediatly vppon these newes Scanderbeg with singular promptnesse and resolution, tooke with him the choise and flower of his army: and (hauing caused the residue to keepe themselues still and quiet) he roade all that night with extreame speede and diligence to meete with Ionyme, whom hauing surprised on a sudden and vnprouided, he soone broke and dispersed, taking himIonyme and his sonne Heder taken prisoners aliue with Heder his sonne likewise, and the same night with no lesse speede then he went forwarde, he returned to his companie with the victorie. The next morning he brought foorth and presented to the sight of Ballaban, his brother and his [Page 482] Nephew bound and tyed together. And thereupon giuing a braue charge vpon the garrison of the Turkes which lay vppon the mount Cruyna, he chased them fromScanderbeg chaseth the Turkes from the mount Cruyna. thence, and being seized of the place, he tooke vp his lodging vppon the toppe of the mountaine, giuing present order that his confederates should haue notice thereof out of hande. Nowe Ballaban (who promised him selfe some intelligence within Croy) was wonderfully abashed to see the Christians so suddainely to come so neere him, and to be in a manner ouer his head, and where they might commaunde him. Wherefore hauing newly encouraged and reassured part of his people who were somewhat troubled with the alarme: and letting them to vnderstande, that the towne was surely their owne, if they would make any haste to enter it, and so prouide for their owne safetie, whereas otherwise if they fayled in the enterprise, it was not for them to staie there any longer before Croie: knowing well that they should but loose their labour, that the daungers would be very great to continue there at the siege, and that it could not but cost them deare, now that he saw his brother defeated and the enemie so forwarde which could not but be an occasion of great inconuenienceBallaban solliciteth the Croians to yeeld vnto him. vnto them. Thus being accompanied with a good troupe, he presented himselfe before the walles, and went on euen almost to the port of the citie, perswading and solliciting them within, to render themselues vnto him: and there did he continue for a while attending the issue of that which he expected. The Croians being incensedSallie by the Croians vpon Ballaban. with his presumption made a braue sallie out vpon him, & falling into skirmish with the Turkes, they enforced them to the retreate, and made their Chieftaine to know the vanitie of his practises. Herewithall Ballaban being enraged and euen madde for anger, and making head a fresh against the Croyans, thought by pure force to haue driuen them into the towne. But the citizens beginning to retyre in very good order, without the losse of anie one of their companie: it happened that one George Alexie an Epyrot borne, and a good harguebussier discharging a bullet vpon Ballaban George Alexie. hit him quite thorough the throate, giuing him a mortall and deadly wound. Yet did not Ballaban fall presently, but when he found himselfe shotte, he kept himselfeDeath of Ballaban slain with a shot before Croy. sure within his saddle, and setting spurres to his horse, h [...]ranne with great speed and a swift pace euen to his tents, where he was no sooner arriued, but he tumbled from his horse, and fell rudely to the ground, embrewing his countrie soyle with his owne bloud, the destruction whereof hee had so bloudilie desired. The fall and death of the Generall put the whole campe of the Infidelles in extreame feare and terrour: in so much, that the night following, the Barbarians in great silenceSiege of Croy raised. and secrecie abandoned the siege of Croie, and retyring themselues about eight long myles off, they encamped and fortified them selues verie diligently at Tyranna. The next morning vppon breake of day, Scanderbeg comming to take a viewe of the enemies tentes, found them voide and emptie of men, but fully furnished with baggage and prouisions, so that there was no want of any thing, eyther of corne or other victuals: all which he caused to be remoued and carried thence into Croie, the same being in a manner sufficient to victuall it for one whole yeare. After this himselfe entred with great triumph into the citie, where he was receiued with great honour and ioy by the inhabitants, whom he highly commended (and that worthily) for their fidelitie and good perseuerance, adding therewithall many gifts and rewards in recompence of their deserts.Messengers from the armie of the Turkes to Scanderbeg desiring leaue to depart out of Epyre.
Whilest these offices of ciuill courtesies passed betwene Scanderbeg & his citizens, there came from the campe of the Barbarians lying at Tyranna, two horsmen, seeming to be persons of good account and reckoning, who presenting themselues before Scanderbeg in the name of the Chieftains & Commanders of their armie, praied him [Page 483] to grant them that fauour which he had neuer refused to men of their qualitie, namely that leauing their baggage, horses, and armour, they might be suffered to depart with their liues onely. For they were sore affraid, least that the passages being forestalled and laide for them, should haue beene shut vp and fortified to enclose and famish them within the countrie. Hereupon the King caused his Princes, Nobles, and Captaines speedily to be assembled, that he might deliberate and determine vppon some aunswere to be giuen to the Turkes, and might heare the aduise of euerie man in particular: and he tooke order in the meane while, that those two horsemen shouldCouncell called by Scanderbeg to consult vpon the message & demaund of the Turkes. be conducted into a tent, and thereto be well and gratiously entertayned. Iosaphat Barbare was the first whose opinion was demaunded in this matter, but he excused himselfe, saying: That the Seigniorie of Venice had sent him thither to be resident neere about the person of the Prince, onely to doe what it should please him to commaund him: and therefore for his part he referred himselfe for this matter to his owne good will and pleasure. Lech Ducagin spake more liberally, and as he was a man of a fierce and forwarde disposition prompt of hande, and quicke of inuention: so in one worde did he acquaint them with his minde, saying: Embetha: which in the Albanian language signifieth, to horsebacke: for he sawe no reason why anie grace or mercie should be shewed to this people, who were deuoide of all pittie, and were so mightily giuen to bloud-thirstinesse and crueltie, but that all of them ought rather to passe vnder the edge of the sworde. Of the same opinion were the most part of the assembly, especially Paul Angell the Archbishoppe, who propounded and set before his eyes the example of Iulius Caesar, who in times past hauing in those very marches broken and defeated the Pompeyans, did pursue them euen to the last extreamitie: that he also ought not to forsake his owne good fortune, which ‘oftentimesSentence. when she seeth her selfe not to be liuely and roundly followed, turneth her selfe with a contrarie byas, to fauour those vppon whom she before frowned. And many other reasons did he alleage to that effect.’ Scanderbeg replyed vnto them in this manner.
I knowe right well (most worthie and valiant Epyrots, and my fellowe souldiers)Oration of Scanderbeg disswading his souldiers from pursuing the Turkes after the reliefe of Croy. ‘and I haue alreadie had good experience of your singular valure, your notable resolution and the greatnesse of your courage, whereby you haue alwayes terrified and discomfited your enemies: and I doe not thinke but that euen now also you haue both the courage and the power to breake & to trample vnder your feete the reliques and remainders of these amazed Infidels. Neuerthelesse (gentle warriours) it behoueth vs often to bethinke our selues, and to call to minde that sage sentence of the wise man. That it is the part and propertie of fooles to wish for a tempest in fayreSentence. and calme weather: but it is the guise and fashion of them that are wise, to seeke by all meanes, howe to remedie and auoide it, when the time and necessitie doe presse them to it. It hath pleased our good God, without bloud, without fight, without murther, to sende vs the victorie euen from heauen: the citie is deliuered, the siege is raysed, Ballaban our capitall and mortall aduersarie, is nowe laide dead vppon the ground, his armie is fledde, we our selues are in rest and quiet, and all thinges doe seeme to smyle and fawne vpon vs: wherefore then should we seeke to haue warte? wherefore should we desire our owne torment? why should we tempt fortune that is so blinde and variable? you are not ignorant (my good friendes) that any fault or errour committed in the warre is irreparable and vnpossible to beSentence. amended. In other businesses and affaies, if a man be forgetfull of anything, it may be amended and corrected: but the ouersightes of martiall matters, and of battels are past all hope of recouerie or amends. This is the reason why those auncients [Page 484] and thrice renowmed Captaines, did not so much esteeme and set by those armies which were great and populous, as those which were well gouerned with good order and discipline. For the successe of battels is doubtfull, the issue of warres is vncertaine, and doth not depend of our hande and industrie, but of the power and disposition of fortune. An enemie is alwayes to be redoubted, neuer to be despised, neuer to be disesteemed: and more then that, when the warre is ended, when the victorie is obtained, yet is there no lesse diligence euen then to be vsed, then was at the verie first beginning of the same: and we must not any time rashly and vnaduisedly come to the fight or combat with our enemie. Wherefore if we should desire to aduenture the chaunce of warre, and to trie the fortune of the fielde with this enemie which is now before vs, we shall endaunger and put in hazarde (which God defend) our owne safetie and our estate, which now (God be thanked) are in good case and securitie. Refraine therefore this ardent and burning feruentnesse of your courages: let the victorie which we haue alreadie gotten suffice and content vs: we haue had manie and great triumphes vppon our enemies, and you ought to holde your selues satisfied with so many murthers, with so many ouerthrowes giuen them, and with the manifolde fauours of fortune, which hath hitherto so gratiously fawned vpon you. Moreouer you see that the troupes of the Barbarians are excessiue, and in a manner innumerable, they are not of the baser and rascall sort of people collected and gathered at aduentures: but they are the flower and strength of all the Turkish forces, chosen men, stout, expert, ready prouided & prepared to fight, armed with necessitie (which of all weapons is the most extreame and daungerous) and they desire not, nor seeke after any thing else but battell: eyther to reuenge the death of their Generall, or to carrie home vnto their Soueraigne the report of some notable and worthie exploit. This their offer of rendering themselues is but coulorable and feigned; beleeue me, it is but dissimulation, and they doe make a semblance onely of feare and terrour: I am well acquainted with their cunning draughts and disguisements, I know that this is nothing but one of their subtill sleights and guilefull policies, wherein these men more then in any thing else, doe make singular profession. Assure your selues, they desire nothing so much as to come to fight with you, and to be reuenged: wherefore if we be wise, let vs keepe our selues from them, let vs not trouble them. But let it be that they doe not intende anie malice nor anie deceipt against vs: yet they are enraged, they are desperate, their shame and ignominie doth presse them on against vs, being affraide of all thinges, they feare nothing. Nothing is so perillous as to set vppon men whose safetie consisteth in being desperate and without hope of safetie. He commonly fighteth and combattethSentence. outragiously, who hath no comfort left him, who relyeth not vppon hope of anie thing. And what if we doe put them all to the sworde? what if we make them to betake themselues to flight? yet cannot this be done without your dammage, without your losse, without your bloud, without the expence and cost of many of your liues: how then can such a victorie be otherwise to me then ruefull and lamentable? Wherefore (my louing and good souldiers) if you will beleeue me, if you will be counselled and aduised by me: be you assured we will haue them all at our mercie without fight, without vsing swords or weapon against them. For they are in great want of all thinges especially of bread, which fayling and being not to be gotten, an armie is easily vanquished without fighting. Let vs shut vppe all the wayes and passages, so that no succours nor victuall may not by any meanes come vnto them: let vs newly fortifie and stuffe our towne with a good and strong garrison, and let vs furnish it with all sortes of munitions, for the prouision of many [Page 485] yeares: so shall we see that these our enemies being shut vp and besieged within our confines shall all perish and die miserably of pure famine and hunger. And we shall see them vtterly ouerthrowen and destroyed, without sword, without armes, and without bloudshed.’
Some there were who shewed themselues well pleased with this oration, and did allow of Scanderbeg his perswasions, but others would not be satisfied therewith, especially the common sort of souldiers, who being growen more fierce and audacious against the enemy, beganne to make a great noise not without some tumult andSouldiers of Scanderbeg murmure against him, & will not be disswaded from following the Turkes. vproare enclyning to a mutinie on all parts within the campe of the Christians: crying out aloft with a loud voice, that they ought to march on directly and presently, and to go seeke out the Turkes who were alreadie vanquished and discomfited. That it was not expedient in this matter to yeelde vnto the motion of Scanderbeg, who shewed himselfe to be growen fearefull and faint-hearted: considering that of a most fierce and furious combatant, and who had neuer refused any occasion of fighting in open and plaine battell, he was now become a fearefull temporizer, and would seeme to disswade them from armes who were borne and bredde to followe armes, and whose onely desire was to be doing with their enemies: that nowe the Generall did faile and was wanting to the souldiers, and not the souldiers to their Generall. Thus the heate and vehemencie of the Epyrots was scarce repressed and withh [...]lde by the Captaines and masters of the campe, till such time as it was generally concluded and agreed, that assoone as Croy was prouided and fortified with all necessaries, they should haue free libertie to pursue the Infidels, and to force their campe. Wherefore Scanderbeg calling vnto him the two Turkish messengers gaue them this aunswere: That they should goe and tell their companions, that as they came into thatAnswere of Scanderbeg to the two messengers sent from the Turkes. countrie without his commaundement, so should they not for his part be commaunded to returne from thence. Now in this meane time, the King of Epyre had sent and dispatched away certaine forces to gaine and shut vp the passages from the Barbarians, whilest that the residue of the Christian troupes by the order and direction of their Captaines did goe to the riuer of Isme, where certaine vessels lay at an ancker charged and loaden with corne, meale, salt-meates, and biscuit, and did vnlade all, bringing it on lande, in such sort, that in three dayes Croie was well and sufficiently reuictualled for sixe yeares space at the least. Whilest euerie man was thus busied and intentiuely occupyed in this worke, and that euerie one did set forward and hasten this prouision to the vttermost of his power: beholde newes were brought vnto Scanderbeg, that the verie same night about the second watch, when that men are in their soundest and deepest sleepe, hunger and necessitie (which worketh masteries beyonde all impossibilitie) had pressed the Turkes to dislodge secretly from Tyranna, and with the hazard of their liues to make way for themselues by force, and to open the passages which were defended against them by the Scanderbegians. Howbeit they could not doe it so closely, but that those souldiers which had the guarde and custodie of the passages, and the inhabitants of the country ioyned together with them, did maintaine a long and obstinate conflict with the Infidels, who with the slaughter of a great number of their companions, and the losse of the most part of their baggage, did at length by their swordes make way through the middest, and in despight of their enemies. When Scanderbeg his armie heard thereof, it cannot be expressed how extremely they were aggrieued and displeased at the matter: for their murmuring and muttering against Scanderbeg did sufficiently testifie the greatnesse of their discontentment, imputing the whole blame thereof to him, as if this euasion and escape of the enemie, had beene by his default [Page 486] only. But he pacified and appeased them both with his bountifull gifts, and with gratious speeches: and more then that, to content them the better, he caused them immediatly to take armes, and to march with Ensignes displayed into the fielde, where he gaue them the spoyles of those other Turkes and Infidels which were found in garrison within Chaonia & other places of Epyre: not suffering any one of them to escape but that they were either slaine or taken, being spoyled and stripped out of all. Thus hauing purged and clensed the Prouince of this vermine, and hauing settled all things in good and peaceable order, euery man returned to his owne quarter loaden with the spoyles of the Barbarians, and with many commendations, presentes, and great thankes giuen them by the King of Albanie.
The affaires of Epyre thus standing in sufficient good and flourishing estate, we will now leaue them for a while, and turne our discourse to the Turkish Monarch to shew vnto you the griefe and displeasure which he conceiued in his haughtie and great stomacke, aswell for the death of Ballaban, and the dishonourable and shamefull flight of his armie: as also for that the siege of Croie was raised to the great glorie and aduantage of the Christians. For he did so vnmeasurably afflict and passionate himselfe with the conceipt hereof, that he could not take any rest, nor eate, nor drinke: but that still day & night his spirit & thoughts were troubled, beating his braine, & deuisingMahomet purposeth a second iourney into Epyre against Scanderbeg. with himselfe, how he might deface and abolish the blot of this shame and ignominy, and take some notable reuenge vppon Scanderbeg. In the ende his deliberation was, once againe to returne himselfe in proper person, and with more puissant forces into Epyre, that by his presence he might giue the more grace & maiestie to the enterprise. Hereof Scanderbeg being speedily infourmed, made no delay to prepare for the receiuingScanderbeg maketh preparations against the comming of Mahomet. of him with all the best meanes and preparations that he could possibly make: he gaue the Princes, Seigniors and peoples his confederates to vnderstand of the purpose and intent of the Turke, willing them to be in a readinesse against such time as he should send vnto them: and he made good prouision of all kinde of munition, victuals, and all other necessaries in all his strong holdes and fortresses: in such sort, that they needed not to be affraide of any thing that the Turke could attempt against them.
The yeare being past and spent in these preparations on both partes, now beganne the spring to come on, which being a time wherein all things beginne to budde, and grow pleasant to the eye, and most fit and conuenient for warlike voyages and expeditions, Mahomet had deferred his iourney to that season, and accordingly assooneSecond iourney of Mahomet into Epyre. as he saw the time to serue, he tooke his iourney with infinite troupes, engines, and instruments for assault of all sortes, and with an incredible number of expert workemen and artificers for this end and purpose which I will shew you. Being come to a certaine large and wide plaine commonly called Saura, he determined there to abidePlaine of Saura. and soiourne for a while, and he encampèd his armie neere to the riuer of Scombin, within the signiorie or principalitie of Aryamnites Comynat father in lawe to Scanderbeg The riuer of Scombyn. During the time of his abode in that place, the Sultan did employ not onely his artificers and workemen, but a great part also of his souldiers about the repayring or reedefying of the towne of Valmes (which at this present the Albanois do account and call a citie) and in times past was ruinated and laide euen with the ground by the Gallo-Grecians and other strange Nations. It is seated in an anglet or litle corner ofValmes a city in Epyre new built by Mahomet. Epyre neere vnto the peoples of the Iates, Bratescosages, Cherabes▪ Buserseches, and Sopotanies. Hauing fully ended and perfected that worke with incredible diligence, and hauing furnished and fortified it with able men, victuals, and such like necessaries for the sure keeping and defence thereof against his enemies: he speedily dislodged from [Page 487] thence, and marched on with his armie towards the citie of Duras, with a determinationThe citie of Duras besieged by Mahomet. to carrie that towne at the first assault: supposing that it had beene vnprouided both of men of warre and of victuals. But he found himselfe deceiued in his hope by the vigilancie and prouidence of the Venetians and of Scanderbeg, who had wisely foreseene and preuented that tempest, by meanes whereof it was well and sufficiently furnished and defended both by sea and by lande, in such sort, that it scorned all the power and assayes of the Infidell, who saw himselfe most rudely and brauely repulsed from thence with the notable slaughter and losse of many of his people. But for the better contentment of the reader, by the varietie of this discourse, you must giue me leaue a litle to wander and digresse from my matter, and to honour this towne with her due prayses and commendations.
Dirrachium, by the Italians called Duraz, was in times of antiquitie named Epydamnum: The citie of Dyrrachium or Duraz aunciently called Epidamnum her originall and foundation▪ it is a towne situated within Epire, and builded of old (as it is thought) by one Epidamnus of whom also it had her first name: and this mans nephew or grandchilde by his daughter, being named Dyrrachus did adde vnto the towne the port or hauen calling it Dyrrachium. But there he others of another opinion, who hold that Dirrachium (being atowne seated vpon the sea coastes of Albanie, is the capitall and chiefe citie of those peoples which are called the Taulantians, Pyrreans, and Pratinians, and it lyeth betweene Lissa and Apollonia: and they say that the Romanes finding it to be called Epidamnum by reason of the vnluckie sound and sense of that name which they held to be ominous and vnhappie, did chaunge the same into the name of Dyrrachium, taking this terme for the Cherronese or demy Isle whereon it was seated, or rather reedified (as some doe affirme) by the Corcirians or the inhabitants ofCorcyre or Corfu. Corfu. For if we will giue credit vnto the common report, and to those authors that are most ancient: it hath bene numbred amongest the most auncient cities: and there are yet extant to be seene many great and goodly praises and commendations of this place. For as Lucan saith:
For this citie is enuironed with the sea on all sides but one, where the rocks beingDescription of the citie of Duras in Epyre. deuided and cut a sunder ech from other, doe ioyne it to the firme lande. On the one side it hath a goodly hauen or harbour, wherein shippes may safely lye and anckor: on the other side it hath large and pleasant fields and pastures, abounding in fertilitie and plentie of all good commodities: and within the walles, he goodly temples and [Page 488] sumptuous churches do make the citie much more stately and venerable: besides that it is adorned with the statues and proud monuments of sundrie Kings and Emperours: especially that of Adryan: or rather his monstrous Colossus or image ofColossus. copper, which is erected in a place verie high and emminent neare to the gate Caballyn towardes the North. Besides there is to be seene his Amphy-theater made byAmplry-theater a place made with seats and scaffolds for the beholding of shewes, games, playes, and triumphes. wonderfull art and industrie. The walles of the citie are passing strong, flanked with their towers, bulwarkes and other excellent workes wherewith they are beautified and adorned. Besides this citie is very famous for the commoditie of the rare saltpits which it hath, and for the great aboundance of all kindes of marchandise which are brought vnto it. To be briefe, this is that famous citie of Duras which enioyed the presence, and with singular entertainement receiued the Romaine Senate, and was no lesse famous then vnfortunate through the ciuill warres and notable slaughters and bloudshed of the Romaines. But what the estate of it may be at this instant, since it is become Turke, and that it is reduced vnder the seruitude of so fierce and barbarous a nation who are mortall enemies to all good order and ciuilitie, I had rather leaue it to you to imagine it, then to speake what I thinke of it. But to our matter.
After that the Sultan had bene so rudely entertained before Duraz, and that his bloudie actions and attempts proued vaine and to none effect: he conceiued an opinion that Scanderbeg had put himselfe within the towne for the defence thereof; becauseThe departure of Mahomet from the siege of Duras. a great number of his people were knowen and discerned to be within it. This was the occasion that he dislodged speedily from thence, and made directly towards Croy, pitching his tents before the towne in hope to astonish and appall them by the suddennesse of his comming. For experience hauing taught him, that the endeuours and assayes both of his predecessours and of himselfe had profited him litle or nothing:Croy besieged the second time by Mahomet. he was not of the minde that he could carrie the towne by this course, but his determination was to bring them to reason by a long and obstinate siege, if Scanderbeg would permit him. Wherefore neglecting and leauing all other counselles, he summoned the Croians to yeelde themselues vnto him, making them great offers of riches and inestimable honours, if they would deliuer the towne into his handes. But he had no better aunswer nowe then he had the yeare before: for they gaue him good store of cannon and musket shot for his good-morrow: and more then that, they issued foorth to visit him nearer home, with a furious and stout salley made vpon the infidels, carying away with honour and glorie many of their heads, for an argument and proofe of their good deuoire and worthie demeanour. On the other side, Scanderbeg according to his wonted and accustomed manner, keeping continually vppon the skirtes of this fearefull and huge armie, and being attended with his ordinarie forces, did vncessantly importune and endaunger the enemie by his often inuasions made vppon their campe both by daye and by night: and the slaughters and butcheries which he committed vpon them were notable and wonderfull, insomuch that Mahomet perceiuing the small profit which he was like to purchase by this enterprise, was glad to leaue the pursuite thereof, and to reserue himselfe to some other exploit which might be more for his honour and aduantage. Wherefore raising his campe from before Croie, he bent his course towardes a certaineSiege of Croi [...] raised by Mahomet. place lying on the coast of the Adriatique sea, or gulfe of Venice not farre from Duras: now called the head of Redoni, where Scanderbeg had begunne of late to build a towne which he called Chiurill. The Barbarian finding it without inhabitantsThe towne of Chiuril begun to be builded by Scanderbeg rased by Mahomet. and vnfinished did raze it from the verie foundation. From thence he went forwarde purposing to destroy certaine peoples subiect to Scanderbeg: but the armie of the Christians did followe him so close at the heeles, coasting him continually [Page 489] wheresoeuer he went: and sometimes by day, sometimes by night would he charge and set vpon him, one while in the taile, another while in the flanck, and many times in the front and head of his armie: that he tooke from him all occasions and meanes to profit himselfe in that countrey: yea the inhabitants themselues dwelling in the forrestes and mountaines did so annoy and molest him, afflicting him with infinite mischieues, slaughters and discommodities: that being in vtter dispaire of doing any good vpon the Prouince, he returned backe againe to Constantinople more confounded and full of despight and griefe then he was at his comming foorth.
Neuerthelesse the Ottoman was no sooner remooued out of Epire: but because heAlybeg and Aiasbeg sent with an armie of 28000. Turkes to safegard their frontiers from the Albanois. would keepe the Christians still in breath, he sent two of his chiefe Captaines, men of great renowme and reckoning Alibeg & Aiasbeg with an armie of 28000. Turks: willing them onely to looke to the safetie and defence of his owne frontiers, and not to stirre or to offer any warlike violence vpon the country of the Christians. Assoone as they were come and had setled themselues vppon their borders: they fell to their wonted cunning and practises, sending vnto Scanderbeg secretly and vnder hand certaine presents of great value and estimate, in hope to draw him to haue some amity and friendship with them, and to make him secure and negligent. The King of Albanie though he were an olde Courtier, and had bene well acquainted with these kindes of dealings, so as he could not be ouerreached nor deceiued by their sottish deuises, yet he was content to accept of their presents: and he sent vnto them backe againe others of no lesse value, in counter chaunge of those which they had giuen him. And this was all that was done betweene them, because he was too cleare sighted, and too circumspect for them to go beyond him. For notwithstanding these priuate courtesies and kindnesses past betweene him and them, Scanderbeg was minded to keepe them doing, and therefore caused a generall muster and leauie of men to be made throughout all his dominions, purposing to get againe from the Turkes the towne of Valmes, which had bene lately built and edified by Mahomet. But (such1467. was the will and pleasure of the cruell destinies) that being detained with a grieuous maladie, he was constrained to desist from his attempt. For after he had reuisited all partes and quarters of his realme, and had caused a generall enrollment to be made of all such able men, as were fit to doe him seruice and to beare armes for the safetie and defence of his estate: he came to the citie of Lissa (which being vnder the siegniorie and gouernment of the Venetians, he had euer loued and most dearely affected) where being determined to haue called a councell and assembly of all the Princes and Lordes of the league, he was suddenly taken with a strong and violent feauer: and theScanderbeg sickeneth. force of this disease encreasing euerie day more then other, he imagined that his last end began now to approach, wherefore being in doubt least that death which is ineuitable, should take him away before he had disposed and set in order his affaires, he prayed the saied Princes and Lordes his confederates to enter into his bed-chamber together with the Ambassadours of the Siegniorie of Venice, and his chiefe Captaines and officers of his campe: vnto whom he framed his speech in this manner.
The soueraigne and chiefest vertue, and the true and most perfect religion (most‘Speech and last words of Scanderbeg to his Princes & nobles before his death. worthie Princes and you my beloued companions) in my opinion is this. First to reuerence, to serue, and to adore God most high and omnipotent, in iustice, sanctitie and pietie: and next, not onely to loue deerely, and to haue a continuall care and regard of the good and benefit of our countrie: but if neede be, to spend euen our liues, and to shed our best bloud for the preseruation and safetie of the same: for to all such as behaue themselues in that sort, by the opinion of them that are wise, there is a speciall and peculiar place reserued aloft in the highest heauens. For my part, with what [Page 490] singular desire and affection I haue alwaies sought and embraced these things, how all my thoughts haue continually bene bent and emploied vpon them, and how I haue endeuored al my forces, and to the vttermost of my power to attaine vnto them. First God himselfe can witnes it with me, and next, all of you my good friends can well testifie. The three and twentieth yeare is now past and expired since that I escaped out of the impure handes of wicked Amurath King of the Turkes, and that I fledde into this realme beeing the auncient patrimonie and inheritaunce of my auncestours: euer since that time haue I helde and endured the warres against a most periured and faithlesse nation, and against the rage and furie of the Ottomans for the particular safetie and defence of our crowne and kingdome, and for the dignitie of the publike estate and weale of Christendome: in all which time (by the grace and fauour of the diuine clemencie) we haue had most happie and fortunate successe, according to our hearts desire: and you neuer yet saw me returne either vanquished or repulsed in true and set battell. But (if I may speake it lawfully) I had alwaies the aduantage vpon the enemie: and I doe not remember that I was euer hurt or wounded but only once: when being shot with an arrow in my right foote, by a Turke, yet did I presently kill him euen in the head and front of the enemie, and threw downe his bloudie head at your feete. But now (according to the ordinarie course of humane things) in the three score and third yeare of my age, olde age being growen vpon me, seized with a grieuous sicknesse, and destitute of all my wonted strength and corporall forces, Beholde my good friends, behold my deare companions, how I now beginne to waxe feeble, and by litle and litle I goe the way of all flesh. I perceiue (my friends,) I see well; that it is the will and pleasure of the diuine prouidence (by the which I confesse and doe acknowledge, that all things are subsisting and haue their being, and whereby all things are guided and gouerned) that it behooueth me now to lay aside this mortall and fraile burthen of my bodie, to goe to another and better place, and that I must exchaunge the breuitie and miseries of this life for the felicitie of true and euerlasting ioyes: and I protest vnto you before God, that the thought hereof, or rather this necessitie which is layed vpon me, doth not in any sort trouble nor grieue me. I do not repine against that law which the destinies did impose vpon vs at the time of our natiuitie: for we ought not to be aggrieued or to find fault with that which we suffer according to lawe and iustice: with this condition were we borne, that we should be subiect to this necessitie of our mortalitie. And I know well, that whatsoeuer is of necessitie cannot be accounted miserable to any man particularly. It behooueth vs in the end to yeeld earth to earth, and to be obedient to nature: and it is required of vs as our due, that we resigne vp this our soule being eternall and immortall: and this spirit of ours which is heauenly and celestiall, to him which hath onely lent it vs for a time. Neuerthelesse (my deare friends and companions) I do not receiue and embrace this fatall lot of my death and departure with such courage and cheerefulnesse: because I am willing to be freed from the perilles and dangers, or because I would eschew and shunne the trauels and labours, or because I would withdraw my selfe from those mischieues and inconueniences, wherein euen till this time I haue consumed all my best yeares, and haue ended my dayes for the seruice of God and the religion of Christ: for I am readie and could finde in my heart to expose and aduenture my life continually for the same, to the like or greater hazardes: but I see I see well, that this is Gods good will and pleasure: I perceiue it is my good God that calleth me (to whom we must be obedient) and I must now retire my selfe out of this earthly and filthie dungeon, and from this miserable and wretched prison. I haue followed nature long enough, I haue liued long enough, I haue finished the course, and [Page 491] I haue run the race, which it pleased God to appoint for me. But yet before my soule depart from my bodie, and before I doe leaue you, one thing there is of which I hold it expedient now to admonish and aduertise you, as I haue alwayes vsed in cases of importance, when I was able in former times, and in the better yeares of my age. And that is, That as heretofore during my life time, euen till now, you haue endured all trauels and labours euen to the last gaspe, for the safetie and dignitie of the Christian religion and the Catholique faith, by meanes whereof you haue made all the Princes of Christendome to fauour, honour, and admire you: euen so hereafter when I am dead and gone, let that be the onely and the whole desire of your hearts, let that be the onely thing that you shall set before your eyes. All things (I can assure you) will fall out easie and happily vnto you, as long as you continue stedfast in concord and vnitie (by which small things and contemptible do grow great and inuincible) and as long as you entertaine mutuall loue and fidelitie: and that you doe make litle account of all other things in comparison of the common profit and general good of all of you. For there is no Empire so puissant & so well grounded, which falleth not to present ruineSentence. and declineth not to destruction, where mutual enmities & dissentions are suffered to haue an entrie, and where priuate profit and particular commoditie is preferred before the publique and common good. But if you shall ioyne together as brethren and friendes, and shall liue one with another in perfect loue and amitie: no attempts nor practises of your enemies whatsoeuer shall be able to grieue or hurt you. Your Scepters and your crownes shall be durable and permanent, and you shall maintaine your peoples, your Prouinces, your wiues, your children, and your riches in quietnesse, and in perpetuall felicitie. You shall not neede to feare the furie of the Ottoman, nor the rage of the Barbarians: their fraudes, subtilties, traines, and cunning sleights, shall not be able to harme you nor to preuaile against you. Doubt you not but the tirant doth seeke to disioyne you, and to disunite your forces, he doth lay many plots and deuises, he is verie watchfull and vigilant, he doth spare no paines nor labour to deuide and seperate you: which if he can once bring to passe, and doe see you neuer so litle at variance, he will oppresse you one after another, and in the end he will vtterly destroy and consume all of you. Moreouer (my good friendes and confederates) there is Iohn my sonne, whom with all possible care, affection and diligence (as hartely as a father can doe) I do recommend vnto you. I doe commit, I do giue and dedicate him to your faith and fidelitie, and to your singular vertue. His tender yeares and the infirmitie of his age which is yet (as it were) stuttering and stammering, do make him vnfit either to foresee or to repulse the imminent calamitie: he is not able to preserue himselfe from being torne-in pieces and deuoured by those fierce & enraged Tigers: to keepe himselfe from being oppressed by that periured & common enemy Mahomet, who is of him and his kingdome so greedie and desirous, that he ceaseth not to watch continually, how he may swallow vp both in his bloudy & cruell throt. And (alas) he will worke it, he will effect it, he will oppresse him poore wretch: if your armes, if your valour do not protect and preserue him. For assoone as he shall perceiue that I am dead, the cruell tirant will not make any stay at all, but he will come flying as a sauage and wilde beast, to the intent he may reuenge so many losses, so many outrages and calamities which he hath suffred and endured by the father, vpon the poore and vnhappie infant: and to the intent he may execute vpon him (silly wretch) all kindes of cruelties, and whatsoeuer his barbarous and felonous heart can put in practise. Let me therefore (my louing friends and good companions) entreate you, to embrace his estate and his affaires with like loue, fidelitie and promptnes of affection, as I haue embraced your commoditie and your glorie, all the dayes of my [Page 492] life, if you list to acknowledge the truth of that which I now speake. For you know I haue not liued to my selfe alone, but for all you and your children: I haue so laboured & toyled my selfe, that day nor night I haue not spared any paines or trauels for your sakes. In the whole course of my life, I haue not enioyed any time or space of rest or leasure, I neuer had any place certaine, I neuer kept any houres nor time limitted to eate and drinke, or to sleepe in: the nights and the dayes haue bene to me all one and alike: I tooke no lesse care for the prosperitie of your estates then of mine owne: and God is my witnesse, (for now that I am fallen into speech of that matter, I will freely discouer my thoughts vnto you) I neuer dreamed nor meant any fraud or deceipt against you, but I did alwaies repute you, not as souldiers, as seruants, or as subiectes, but I haue euer helde and loued you as my brethren and companions. Not any one of you (as farre as I remember) was euer wronged or outraged by me in word or in deed. In all cares and seruices of the field, in all duties either of scouts, watches, or sentinels, I was neuer inferior to any of you: but I haue still borne my selfe as one of the most simple and meanest of my souldiers: hauing alwaies had a desire to be followed and imitated in my deedes and actions, and not in my wordes or speeches: and that my souldiers should learne by me, not onely good order and discipline, but the example and imitation thereof also. I neuer refused any labour, hazard or perill: I neuer made excuses by any shewes of vnwillingnes or dissimulation: whensoeuer the onset was to be giuen vpon the enemie (be it spoken without enuie) I was one of the foremost in going against them, and one of the last in returning from the combat. The spoiles and bootie gotten vpon our enemies, I alwaies shared and deuided amongst you, and neuer reserued any part or portion thereof to my selfe. In briefe, euen my realme, my goods, my fortune, and all that I had, I held in common with you. Nothing was proper or peculiar to my selfe, I held: nothing deuided or in seuerall. And now (my companions, my friendes) behold I die, I leaue you, and I must goe hence. Wherefore I pray and request all of you, I require and adiure you: that the faith, affection, and loue which was neuer wanting on my part towards you: the same you would bestow and employ towards Iohn my sonne, whom as the liuely image and resemblance of the father, I offer and dedicate vnto you, as Vicar and Lieutenant for me and in my stead.’
Hauing ended this speech, he caused likewise the young Prince his sonne to be sent for: to whom being come, he vsed some speeches in the presence of the Queene his mother, exhorting him sweetly and louingly in this manner.
‘My sonne: Iohn my sonne: thou seest that I now die, and that I leaue thee but aSpeeches and last wordes of Scanderbeg to his sonne before his death. child, an infant, young and tender: behold I leaue thee a Realme and Kingdome, if thou be good and vertuous, stable and firme: if thou be otherwise, most weake and feeble. Studie therefore (my sonne) and striue to preferre goodnes and vertue, before all other goods whatsoeuer. For thereby thou shalt both maintaine & make thy estate not onely peaceable and quiet, but thou shalt encrease it daily, and make it more glorious: but for as much (my sonne) as thy age is yet weake, vnapt, and vnable to sway the Scepter and Crowne of this thy kingdome, for that thou hast on all partes great and mightie enemies, most fierce and sauage beastes, which will seeke to dismember and to deuour thee. There is Mahomet that wicked tyraunt and common enemy of Christians, who (if thou shouldest so young and weake of yeares take vpon thee the managing and gouernment of thy Realme) would presently oppresse, and vtterly subuert thee: for this cause (sweete heart) assoone as thou hast closed and couered thy fathers eyes, and hast yeelded this mybodie to the sepulture, get thee presently from hence, and taking thy mother with thee: passe the seas into Apulia, and make no [Page 493] delay, but hasten to thy owne townes and Lordships, and see that thou continue and abide there, till such time as thou be growen to mans estate, and that thou be capable and sufficient for the affaires and gouernement of thy kingdome. When thou art come to be of yeares, make thy repaire to the noble Senate and Seigniorie of Venice, who will reestablish thee in the seate and throne of thy auncestors. For that now I leaue and commit thee to their gouernment, fidelitie, and tutorship to the intent they may vndertake the garde and custodie of thy kingdome, and may defend it from the enemie, and may keepe it to thy vse and benefite. For so are the conuentions and articles of agreement betwene the Venetians and me, that they shall preserue thy estate from thy enemies, and reserue it for thee: and that when thou shalt be able to vndertake the charge thereof, they shall reinuest thee in the possession of the same. I haue no doubt of their diligence in thy affaires considering that they only amongst all the Princes of Christendome (be it spoken without offence) are not inferiour to any in grauitie, prudence, and worthy exploits: besides that for the excellencie of their faith and bountie they do merit and deserue to be beloned and reuerenced aboue all others. Of the which I haue had good triall and experience more then any others, during the whole time of my raigne and life, in all sorts of actions, and by the proofe of many matters: and they haue beene continually leagued and confederated with me in strict friendship and amitie, and I haue alwaies found them in stead of kind and louing parents vnto me. Them therefore (my sonne) doe I leaue to be as Parents, as Princes, as Tutors vnto thee: depart not from their instructions, precepts, and counsels. The Venetians only are the most iust, the most religious, the most constant tutors and defenders of the Christians faith, the protectors of Orphans and widdowes, and of all weake, miserable, and afflicted persons: and therewithall, they haue shewed themselues so good and assured friendes vnto me, that all my life long I haue had their Seigniorie in no lesse regard and recommendation then mine owne kingdome and Dominions. And they againe haue had such confidence in me, and haue so affected me, that they haue put the whole right and full disposition of their townes and territories into my hands, and haue referred the gouernment of them to my discretion: and (I praise God) I haue maintained them in good and happie estate, and haue kept them to their good liking and contentment, as long as I had the charge and commaund of them. Wherefore (my good sonne) thou maiest liue safe and secure vnder the shadow and support of their puissance, and when thou shalt be of age, fayle not to resort vnto them, with a good courage and confidence. For they will gladly and willingly repossesse thee of thy crowne and dignitie, they will friendly and louingly restore thy Realme and strong holdes vnto thee, and if thou be sage, wise, and vertuous, they will continually maintaine and defende thee against all the violence, armes, and forces of any enemies: they will keepe thy estate whole & entire for thee, as most puissant, most sage, and most inuincible Princes both by sea and lande, and such as neuer abandoned their faithfull friends and allies, nor neuer abused or deceiued any person that put their trust and affiance in them. And whensoeuer (my sonne the ioy of my heart) thou shalt returne and be seated in thy roiall throne, and that it shall please God to giue thee the quiet and peaceable possession thereof, and that thou shalt haue taken vpon thee the gouernement and managing of thy estate: principally and aboue all things see that thou doe administer and yeeld iustice to all men indifferently,Precepts of Scanderbeg to his sonne for the institution of a Prince. for of all vertues she is the most noble and most excellent: keepe and obserue equity without any acceptance or difference of the faces of poore or rich, of the weake or mightie: vse temperance and moderation in all thy actions, strengthen thy realme with friendship and amitie of good men: for neither are great treasures, nor strong [Page 494] armies, the garrison or fortresse of estates and Empires: but true and faithfull friends, which are not to be gotten with siluer and golde, but are purchased with good offices of courtesie, kindnesse, and fidelitie. And therefore that diuine speech of king Philip Saying of Philip of Macedon to his sonne Alexander. reprehending the great Alexander his sonne, is yet extant in record: what motion (quoth he) hath induced thee my sonne, to this vaine hope, to thinke or surmise that they will continue faithfull and trustie vnto thee, whom thou hast purchased for money to be thy friends? It is loue, that must yeeld true and vnfeigned friendship. For as this earth on which we liue, doth desire aboue all things the presence and comfort of the sunne, which we see in the heauens: so the life of man cannot be without friendshippe and amitie. Thou therefore my sonne shalt soone get and purchase all these things, if thou beleeue and follow my counsell: thou shalt draw vnto thee, thou shalt binde vnto thee all the world by thy benefits, if thou obserue my precepts and commaundements.Commendation of humanitie, courtesie, and beneficence. For courtesie, beneficence, and bountie, are the only vertues, acceptable to God, pleasing to men, sure and secure in all places, exempted from all perils, and they doe engender and stirre vp in the spirits and minds of men a wonderfull and admirable loue and liking of them, easily surmounting & exceeding all other vertues, and excelling farre beyond them: they onely (by the testimonie and consent of the sage and wise) are the most necessarie vertues for all kinds, estates, and degrees of men: but especially for Princes and great personages: for they be the vertues which haue the commaund and possession of the affections and humors of euery man, and they onely haue the disposing of the hearts of all men. Moreouer my sonne, in aduersitie, and in things that are high and difficult, I would aduertise thee to be magnanimous and valiant: in prosperitie remember that thou moderate and temper thy good fortune with vertue. Flie sloth and idlenesse, the nurse of effeminacie: for from thence proceede all mischiefes, and it is the roote of all vices. Suffer not thy souldiers to lie idle, or to be slouthfull, but exercise them in continuall trauell, watchings, and daily labours. Howbeit vse them not as vassals and seruants, but as thy fellowes and companions. In the campe and in the field demeane thy selfe not onely as a Captaine, but as a souldier also: aboue all things abhorre delicacie, and flie luxuriousnesse and incontinencie: for by these, the most stout and strongest men haue growen faint and effeminate. Too much seueritie and crueltie auoide equally and alike, for they are proper to fierce and sauage beasts: be patient of labour without wearinesse: and let not any perils make thee learefull or timorous: the varietie and change of thy affaires, doe thou moderate with prudence and magnanimitie, the crosse accidents of contrarie fortune see that thou endure and beare them with that wisedome and discretion, that (dissembling and concealing thy griefe) thy enemie haue no cause to glorie or triumph ouer thee, nor to insult at thy calamitie. For what can be more vnfitting and vnbeseeming the constancie of a braue Chieftaine, and Generall of an armie, then that his countenance should discouer the passion of his heart? Be not forgetfull but beare it alwaies in mind, that thou foresee and eschew the traines and snares of the Barbarians, whereof the Turkes make an ordinarie and principall profession: shunne the periurie, the cautels, and guilefull sleights of this faithlesse Nation; disdaine their amitie, and let the friendshippe and societie of this disloyall tyrant be abhominable vnto thee: neglect and contemne his giftes and presents, his flatteries, and his promises, for feare least in drawing and alluring thee to trust him, he doe oppresse thee vnawares, and cast thee downe headlong into perpetuall and endlesse mischieues. And for this cause be thou sure to be alwaies prouided of good Councellors, such as are well knowen vnto thee: faithfull, and louing. These are the precepts (my sonne, the light of my life,) these are the ensignments and instructions, which I heard and learned of my father, a [Page 495] master of no small experience, and my delight was to meditate vpon them continually: by them was I instructed and taught, by them did I fashion and frame my life; and my whole age: and to be short by them haue I reaped no small fruite and benefite, wherefore I doe now exhort thee, I doe admonish, and (if thou canst endure to be entreated by thy father) then I thy father do pray and request thee, yea euen from the very bowels and entrailes of my heart, I doe againe and againe pray and double pray thee, that thou wouldest teach thy selfe these things which I haue taught thee, that thou wouldest carefully and diligently embrace, retaine, and digest them in thy memorie.’
Whilest Scanderbeg was thus speaking and perswading with his sonne, thereInuasion by the Turkes vpon the Venetian territories. sprang vp a strange rumor throughout all the towne, and a sudden brute and tumult arose, by reason of a message brought from the fieldes, that the Turkes were neere at hand, and that they had ouerrunne and burned the countrie neere adioyning. At the report of these newes, Scanderbeg although he kept his bed in great extreamitie, yet could he not represse nor refraine that auncient and inuincible courage, nor that liuely and martiall spirit which was wont to dwell and be resident in his noble hart. ForCourage of Scanderbeg in uincible euen at point of death. raising himselfe vp in his bed, aswell as his fainting and feeble limmes would giue him leaue, he called for his armour and commanded his horse to be made readie. So liuely and flourishing was his spirit still remayning sound and disposed within his stomach abounding in courage and vigour. But when his members being now destitute of strength and growing weake, did beginne to yeeld and sinke downe againe into the bed: then falling and bearing himselfe forward vpon his couch with his face turned towards his Captaines, he thus spake vnto them.
Foorth foorth (my companions) issue out vpon those traitors, and Infidels: goe‘Speech of Scanderbeg to his Captaines vpon an alarme giuen by the enemie. you before, I will follow after you immediatly.’
Herewithall a troupe of horse making out of the towne, went to seeke out the enemie not ceasing till they had found them, who hauing newly sacked the territorie of the Scutarians were encamped vpon the brooke Clyre neere to the citie of Scutarie. For Ahamat (the Generall of those troupes) was come thither with fifteene thousandAhamat with 15000. Turks flie vpon the conceipt of Scanderbeg his presence. horse purposely to wast and spoyle the country about Scutarie. Now assoone as the Barbarians did discouer the Christians comming towardes them, imagining that it was Scanderbeg, they tooke suddenly the alarme, and being in great feare and tumult, they left the better part of their bootie and fled away in the night time ouer the mountaines, which by reason of their roughnesse were in a manner vnpassable. For it was in Ianuarie at which time the Snow and the Ise did couer all places with their whitenesse. These Infidels thus retyring themselues by the toppes and craggie passages of the mountaines, and holding no certaine way nor path, did finde themselues so hardly pressed and rudely entreated by the Lords and inhabitants of those quarters, that they compelled them to yeeld a good account of their iourney, and of the hauocke and spoyle which they had made vpon the countrie. For many of them being taken prisoners, and a great number slaine, they lost almost all their prey and bootie.
The same night that the Turkes did flie away so hastily from the Christians no man following nor pursuing them: Scanderbeg after the confession of his sinnes with great penitencie, hauing receiued the Sacraments with good deuotion, according to the rites of the holy Church, and recommending himselfe and his soule without ceasingThe death of Scanderbeg. to God his creator, he gaue vp the ghoast, and exchanged this life, for the happie ioyes of that which is eternall. The time of his departure wherein he left this world, was the 17. of Ianuarie in the yeare of grace 1460. and (as the report goeth) in [Page 496] the three score and third yere of his age, and of his raign the foure and twentieth. The beginning of his raigne and the time wherein he recouered the crowne of Epyre was the eight and twentieth of Nouember in the yeare of our Lord, 1443.
Lech Ducagin (of whom we haue often made mention) perceiuing by the exclamations and lamentable voices euery where giuen out that he was dead: he made hast to the place, and in the open view and hearing of all men with a sad and sorrowfull countenance, and a voice full of confusion, pulling himselfe by the beard, and the haires of his head, he brake out into these speeches.
‘Hasten you, hasten you hither (quoth he) you Princes and Lords of Albany, thisSpeech of Lech Ducagin bewayling the death of Scanderbeg. day are the gates and rampiers of Epyre and Macedonie broken open: this day are our fortresses and walles fallen to the ground: this is the day wherein our strength and forces beginne to faile vs: this is the day wherein our Crownes and Scepters are ouerthrowen: and from henceforth all our helpe, all our hope with his good Prince is quite gone and extinquished.’
His bodie was interred at Lissa in the Cathedrall Church of S. Nicholas. His funerals according to the custome of his auncestors were celebrated with great pompe,Scanderbeg buried at Lissa. and with the incomparable sorrow and mourning both of his Captaines and souldiers, as also of all the Princes and Lords his confederates. It is a thing incredible to report the exceeding teares and lamentations made both by the Prouince of Albany and the countries neere adioyning, and in diuerse other places of Christendome. His bodie being there entombed, did rest in peace, till the cōming of Mahomet into Epyre to the siege of Scutarie which was about foure yeares after. At which time the Turkes hauing gotten the towne of Lissa, did with a vehement and earnest desire search out the bodie of SCanderbeg: and hauing found it, they drew it foorth of the supulture,The bodie of Scanderbeg taken out of his sepulture and highly honored and admired by the Turkes. and (it may be some diuine dispensation working that motion in them) they tooke a singular pleasure and contentment to see it, to reuerence it, and in a manner to adore it being now dead and dissolued, which being a liue they so greatly redoubted and stood in feare of, that the onely brute and sound of his name did make them to flie away confounded and astonished. They ranne thither from all partes, flocking together in troupes and companies with so greedie and vehement a desire and longing to see his bones, that happie was he which might come to touch them, or but to haue a sight of them onely: but much more glad and ioyfull was he that could get or cary away any peece of his bodie were it neuer so litle: and those that had any part thereof, caused the same most religiously to be set and curiously enchased, some in siluer, some in golde, bearing it about them vpon some part of their bodies as a thing most holy, diuine and fatall: and they did with singular reuerence and deuotion obserue and keepe it very carefully: being fully perswaded, that all such as did beare those reliques about them, should enioy the like fortune, felicitie and priuiledge during their liues which Scanderbeg (by the gift and grace of God) onely and alone within the memorie of man, had vsed and enioyed all his life time.
It may be, that the Turkes were induced to be of this minde, and were drawen toCertaine priuate acts and exploits done by Scanderbeg most rare and memorable. this perswasion, by reason of many strange and wonderfull reportes, that went of the rare strength and corporall force and vigour of this worthie personage, amongst many notable examples, making shew thereof one was, vppon a sauage and wilde Bull whose extreame fiercenesse, and huge greatnesse made him fearefull to all the inhabitants dwelling in the lands and countrie of Mamisa sister to Scanderbeg, where this furious beast did a thousand outrages and dammages and committed many mostScanderbeg killeth a wilde Bull in Epyre. pitifull and cruell murthers: insomuch that Scanderbeg comming where he haunted and setting vpon him on horsebacke, with one onely blow of his Cimitarie, he cut [Page 497] his necke cleane from his shoulders. The like exploit was that which he did vpon aScanderbeg killeth a wilde Bore in Apulia monstrous Boare in Apulia, which had made many of the Courtiers of King Ferdinand to beare his markes: neuerthelesse Scanderbeg being one day on hunting with the King, in the open and plaine field encountered with this beast, where assayling him in the same sort as he had done the former, he soone parted the head from the bodie. This also is reported of Scanderbeg, that after the death of Ballaban, and the discamping of his armie from the siege of Croy: Ionima and Heder the brother and Nephew of Ballaban being brought before him streight tyed and bound together, theIonima and Heder slaine by Scanderbeg & cut in twaine with one blow. sight and presence of those two (putting him in remembrance of Ballaban, and the crueltie which by his meanes was executed vpon the persons of Moses and his companions) did cause him to enter into so great a vehemencie of wrath and choller against them: that not staying for any other to lay hand vpon them, he deuided them in two pieces, and with one only blow parted both their bodies a sunder in the midst. This Cimitary was made at Damasco in Siria, it was of a most perfect goodnesse and excellent temper: and many times he would beare two of them in one scabbard both of the which sometimes he should breake in one onely battell. This weapon was generally reputed so rare and excellent, that Mahomet on a time hauing heard thereof,Mahomet demandeth Scanderbeg his sword in gift. that it would cut helmets, head peeces, and powdrons cleane a sunder: one day when they were in truce together he sent vnto him, demaunding this sworde to be giuen him; which being graunted, and proofe being made thereof in the presence of the Sultan by many of the strongest & ablest men of his Court, and such as were thought to haue the best arme: but perceiuing none of these wonders and miracles that had bene reported of it, he sent it backe againe vnto Scanderbeg in great scorne and ‘disdaine,Speach or message of Mahomet vnto Scanderbeg, returning his sword againe vnto him. with this message, That he would not be beholding vnto him for such a thing as he could get for his money, and which should be of much greater and better perfection: and that he did not giue any credite to any of those reports that had bene giuen out touching the excellencie of that sword. But Scanderbeg in the sight and presence of the messenger,’ hauing made strange and admirable prooues with this same Cimitarie willed him to tell his Lord and Master what he had seene, and withall to ‘Answere of Scanderbeg to the message of Mahomet. let him know, That it was not the vertue & goodnesse of the sword which wrought such rare and extraordinarie effectes: but that it was the strength and force of his arme, which he reserued against his enemies.’
But to make an ende of this worke, I could here adde many reportes of like qualitie, which are written of the force and wonderfull disposition of the bodie of Scanderbeg, exceeding perhaps the common course and law of nature, and which would hardly be credited or beleeued: but I will let them passe and not speake of them. Howbeit that we might with as good reason and aswell enlarge our consciences, and giue credite vnto them, as to those which are reported of elder times, and which antiquitie hath commended vnto vs: the which neuerthelesse euen at this day we doe celebrate and greatly set by; as the labours of Hercules, the aduentures of Iason, of Perseus, of Castor, of Pollux, of Bellerophon, of Hector, of Achilles, with infinite other most famous and heroicall personages, whose glorie is not bounded nor confined within any straighter limits, then the large and spacious circuit and compasse of the wide worlde: and yet notwithstanding we haue no other proofe of their exploites, nor any certaintie of the actes ascribed to those auncient Princes, but onely the bare prescription of the time and the tradition of our forefathers, which haue admitted them for true beyond time out of memorie. But the truth of these wonderfull matters reported of Scanderbeg doth carie greater shew of likelihood and probabilitie: for (to omit those two thundering tempests of warre Hunyades and his sonne Mathias Coruinus [Page 498] King of Hungarie, who liued in the time of Scanderbeg, and of whom are reported as great and strange matters) we may see in Scanderbeg a pure worke of the finger of God, and the euident assistance of his diuine hand and power, for the succor and reliefe of his Church and chosen people: in that it pleased him to raise vpper his worthie and Christian Prince, and to endow him with so many speciall prerogatiues as another Dauid against these two Goliaths, Amurath and Mahomet, the most cruell and bloudie persecutors of the house and Church of God that euer liued. So did God in times past prouide the Israelites of a Iosua against the Hethites and Cana [...]nites, and of a Gedeon against the Medianites and Amalechites: and of a Samson against the Philistines, and of a Martell, a Pypin, a Charlemaine against the Sarracens. So will God still doe the like, and he will prouide our France of another Pucell, he will neuer faile to raise vp some one or other for the defence and deliuerie of his people from their enemies: if that we with true contrition and heartie repentance for our sinnes and enormities, with a loathing and detestation of our abhominable Sects and Schismes, of our partialities and deuisions, of our ambition and mortall hatreds and mutuall enmities, will beate downe that partition wall which hath separated and disioyned vs from his grace: and if we will humble our selues vnder his hand, and if in faith, zeale, and hope we will implore his gratious fauour, to protect and assist vs.
AN INDEX OR TABLE OF ALL THE PRINCIPALL AND most memorable matters contayned in this Historie.
- ARmath a Turke vvith Barach promiseth Mahomet to kill Scanderbeg. 292. he is slaine by Scanderbeg. 300
- Actes and exploites done by Scanderbeg priuately most rare and memorable. 496
- Adrian Emperour of Rome his Colossus or statue, and his Amphi-theater at Duras in Epire. 488
- Ahamat and the Turkes flie vpon the conceipt of Scanderbeg his presence. 495
- Ahemaz a Turke. 338. his combat vvith Zacharie Groppe. 339. he is slame by Groppe. 340
- Aidin brother of Gnee Musache. 58
- Airadin agent for Amurath with Scanderbeg. 81
- Albanians their originall. 44
- Albericke de Barbian Generall of the Pope his forces, ouerthroweth Lewes the first Duke of Aniow in battell. 393
- Alcanzi Turkish aduenturers and vauntcurrors vvithout pay. 138. 207
- Alchria, once named Pharsalia in Macedome. 36
- Alexander the 5. made Pope. 399
- Alexander Sforce aideth Ferdinand King of Naples against the Duke of Aniow. 405
- Alphonsus King of Naples, sendeth succours to Scanderbeg. 280. his bountifull presentes to Scanderbeg. 249. his death. 381. his praises & commendations. 382. he is adopted by Queene Ione of Naples, & receiued into that city. 400 he besiegeth the Queene in Naples, vvho disinheriteth him. 401. he returneth into Spaine and looseth the kingdome of Naples. ibid. he is taken prisoner by the Duke of Milan. 402. he is deliuered. 403. he besiegth and recouereth Naples. ibid. he dieth. ibidem.
- Alybeg and Aiasbeg sent vvith an armie to defend the Turkish frontiers. 489
- Ambassade of Scanderbeg to the Despot of Misia praying passage for his armie against the Turkes. 73. to Alphonsus King of Naples. 378. 309. 344. to diuerse Christian Princes. 377. to Ferdinand King of Naples. 382. to Mahomet for the redemption of Moses and other his Nobles. 455.
- Ambassade from Amurath to the Sfetigradians. 150. to Vranocontes to corrupt him to betray Croy. 231. to Scanderdeg to conclude a peace vvith him. 236
- Ambassade from Mahomet to Scanderbeg with offers of peace. 259. 431. from the Venetians to Scanderbeg. 127. 435. 437. from the Princes of Epire to Scanderbeg, offering him their aide against Amurath 154. from Alphonsus to Scanderbeg. 280. 281. 311. from diuerse Princes to comfort Scanderbeg for his misfortune at Belgrade. 311. from Vsuncassan king of Persia to Mahomet. 386. from the Pope and Ferdinand and the Duke of Milan to Scanderbeg. 406
- Ambition of Debreas. 267. of the Turkish Chieftaines. ibid. of the Greekes. 324
- Ambuscado by Scanderbeg against Haly Bassa. 56. against the Turkes besieging Sfetigrade. 143. against the Turkes vvithin Sfetigrade. 196. against the Turkes his victuallers at the siege of Croy. 226. against Isaac Bassa. 363. 365. against Carazabeg. 430. against Seremet. 449
- Ambuscado by Ballaban against the Epirots at Valcala. 453. against Scanderbeg to entrappe him. 462
- Amesa sonne of Reposius Nephew to Scanderbeg reuolteth with him from Amurath. 18. he is baptised 35. he is made ioint gouernour of Baleze vvith Marin Span. 107. he attempteth the surprising of Driuasta. 108. he spoileth their territories. 112. he is reproued by Scanderbeg. 114. he rebelleth against Scanderbeg. 349. he goeth to Mahomet and carieth his vvife & children vvith him. 350. he is created a Saniacke, and sent to accompanie Isaac Bassa vvith an army against Scanderbeg. 354. he is proclaimed King of Epire by Isaac Bassa and the Turkish armie. 361. he is taken prisoner by the Epirots. 371. he is brought to Scanderbeg. 372. he is sent to Naples to be kept in prison. 377. he is brought backe againe into Epire, and is reconciled to his Vncle. 382. he faineth flight to Constantinople for the deliuering of his vvife and children: and is there prisoned by Mahomet. 384
- Amesa a Turke sent vvith an armie by Mahomet against Scanderbeg. 264. he is surprised and ouerthrowen. ibid. he is taken prisoner by Amesa the Nephew of Scanderbeg. 265. he is ransommed. 267. he commendeth Scanderbeg to the Turkes. 267
- Amurath the second King of Turkes vsurpeth the kingdome of Epire. 12. he practiseth the [Page] death of Scanderbeg. 15. he marcheth against Vladislaus king of Hungarie. 73. he professeth a religious life. 87. he commeth in person to the siege of Sfetigrade. 147. he endeuoreth to corrupt the Sfetigradians. 179. he departeth out of Epire to Andrinople 189. he returneth into Epire to the siege of Croy. 209. he sickneth vpon griefe and melancholie. 240. he dieth. 245. his manifold exploits and famous acts. ibidem. he is buried at Bursa. 246. his age at the time of his death. ibidem. his death is deplored and lamented by his subiects. 251
- Amurath Bassa a Greeke, descended of the Emperors of Constantinople slaine in the battell of Euphrates by Vsuncassan King of Persia. 387.
- Andrew Angell Generall of the Driuastines against Amesa. 110
- Andrew Angell brother to Paul Angell. 449
- Andrew Thopie, father of Comine & Musache Thopie. 45
- Andrewe Humoi. 102. prisoner to Scanderbeg. 107
- Andrew second sonne of Carolobert king of Hungarie maried to Ione the first Queene of Naples. 389. he is murthered. ibid.
- Andrinople the chiefe seate of the great Turke in the daies of Amurath. 7
- Anell a mason betraieth Naples to Alphonsus. 403
- Angelina daughter of Iohn Castriot and Voisaua: sister to Scanderbeg 3. mother to Musache de Angeline. 271
- Antibara a towne in Epire. 113
- Antonie de Bouchardes. 318
- Antonie de Dieds. 319
- Antonie Caraffa, ambassadour for Queene Ione of Naples to the Pope. 400
- Ariamnites Theopie, tributarie to Amurath reuolteth to Scanderbeg. 45. his praise and vertues. ibid. and 257. his discent. 271
- Armes of Scanderbeg his family. 42
- Armie leauied by the Christians against the Turkes. 63
- Armie leauied by Scanderbeg for the aide of Vladislaus king of Hungarie against the Turkes. 70
- Armie leauied by Pope Pius the second, and the Princes of Christendome against the Turkes. 442. it is dissolued and broken. 449
- Argilat a place in Epire. 466
- Assambeg sent by Mahomet with an army against Scanderbeg, is ouerthrowen and hurt in battell: and is afterwardes in great extreamitie. 427. he yeeldeth himselfe to Scanderbeg, and is freely deliuered. 428
- Auarice of Christians. 73
- Auarice naturally in the Turkes. 92
- Auarice of the Greekes in Constantinople. 319
- Auarice and treacherie of a Christian Cannonier. 321
- Auarice of the Greekes. 322
- Aueniades certaine towers in Constantinople. 319
- Auignion in France purchased to the see of Rome by Pope Clement. 370
- Aide vide Succours.
- Answeres of Scanderbeg to Amurath dissembling with him vpon the death of his father. 13 to the ambassadors of the Princes of Epyre. 154. to his Nobles disswading him from the combat with Ferybassa. 174. to a Turke demaunding truce at Belgrade. 202. to the Sfetigradians offering conditions of surrender. 202. to Isup his ambassade. 239. to the Ambassadours of Mahomet. 259. to his Chiefetaines perswading him to graunt truce to the Belgradians. 287. to the ambassadors of Alphonsus. 311. to the ambassadors of other Princes. ibidem. to his souldiers being inquisitiue of his proceedings against the Turkes. 357. to Meisseit Saniacke refusing to haue truce with Mahomet. 376. to the message of Hamur. 380. 381. to the speech of Amesa. 383. to Count Pycenin. 414. to Assambeg. 428. to the last letters of Mahomet. 444. to the two messengers of the Turkish armie. 485. to the message of Mahomet. 497
- Answere of the Daynians to Scanderbeg. 106
- Answere of Paul Manassey to Caragusa. 121
- Answere of the Sfetigradians to the enticements of Amurath. 179
- Answers of Amesa to Marin Span. 109. 110. to Isaac Bassa questioning with him vpon the retrait of Scanderbeg. 360
- Answers of Amurath to the reasons and aduise of his Councellors. 179. to the speeches of his sonne Mahomet. 186
- Answeres of Peter Perlat to the Heralds of Amurath. 148. to the ambassador of Amurath. 150
- Answeres of Vranocontes to Scanderbeg. 153. to the oration of Scanderbeg in the name of all the Epirots. 262
- Answere of Alphonsus king of Naples to the letters of Scanderbeg. 280
- Answere of the Turkes within Sfetigrade summoned by Scanderbeg. 195
- Answere of the citizens of Belgrade to their gouernour. 283. 286.
- Answere of Mahomet to his Captaines perswading him to holde on his siege before Constantinople. 326
- Answere of Fusian to Scanderbeg. 422
- [Page]Answere of the Epyrots to Gabriell Treuisan ambassador from the Venetians. 436
- Answere or Oration of the Turkish ambassadour to Vranocontes. 232
- Baiazeth the first King of Turkes taken prisoner by Tamberlaine the Scithian. 2
- Baiazeth the second Emperour of Turkes destroieth the Darnisses in Turkey for their villanies. 5. his act vpon the riuer of Danow in Hungarie. 291
- Baldus of Perusa a famous Lawyer. 388
- Balesia a towne in Epyre. 47. reedefied and fortified by Scanderbeg. 107. razed by the Scutarians. 118
- Ballaban Badera sent against Scanderbeg: his birth and description, he is made Aga or Colonell. 452. he is reproched by Scanderbeg. 453. he is ouerthrowen by Scanderbeg. 454. he is rewarded by Mahomet for the taking of Moses and other Nobles of Epyre. 455. his second iourney against Scanderbeg. 456. his third iourney against Scanderbeg. 457. he is in disgrace with Mahomet. 459. his fourth iorney against Scanderbeg. 461. he besiegeth Croy. 474. He is slaine. 482
- Balthazar Perduce Gouernor of Croy. 473
- Baltogle Admirall to Mahomet at the siege of Constantinople in disgrace for the losse of the battell at sea. 321
- Banke of Saint▪ George at Genes. 404
- Baptista Fellizan a Genoway. 320
- Barie or Barletta a citie in Apulia, besieged by Count Pycenin and Iohn Duke of Aniow. 406
- Barach a Turk [...] and Acmah his companion promise Mahomet to kill Scanderbeg. 291. [...]e is slaine by Scanderbeg. 299
- Battatinea a Tower in Constantinople. 316
- Battels at sea betweene the Turkes and Christians at Constantinople. 320. betweene Philippe Duke of Milan and Alphonsus king of Arragon. 402
- Battell of Moraua betweene Huniades and the Turkes. 17
- Battell of Belgrade in Hungarie betweene Huniades and Mahomet. 354
- Battell of Varna betweene Vladislaus King of Hungarie, and Amurath king of Turkes. 73
- Battell of Euphrates betweene the Persians and the Turkes. 387
- Battell of Arsengua betweene Vsuncassan king of Persia and Mahomet Emperor of Turkes. 387
- Battell of Roque Siech betwene Lewes the second Duke of Aniow, and Ladislaus of Duras king of Naples. 396
- Battell of Farney betwene Iohn Duke of Aniow and Ferdinand king of Naples. 405
- Battell of S. Fabian betwene the armie of Ferdinand and the Duke of Aniow. 405
- Battels fought by Scanderbeg.
- Battell against Haly bassa. 58
- Battell of Mocrea against Ferisee. 88
- Battell against Mustapha. 92
- Battell of Drinon against the Venetians. 102
- Battell of S. Segian against Count Pycenin. 418
- Battell of Oronichea against Mustapha. 123
- Battell against Feribassa. 171
- Battell of Modrissa against Amesa a Turke. 264
- Battell of Pologue against Debreas. 270
- Battell of Belgrade in Bulgarie against Sebalias. 298
- Battell of Oronichea against Moses. 341. 342
- Battell of Pharsalia against Isaac Bassa and Amesa his Nephew. 369
- Battell against Synam. 427
- Battell of Alchria against Assambeg. 427
- Battell of Scopia against Iussumbeg. 428
- Battell of Alchria against Seremet. 449
- Battell of Valcala against Ballaban. 454
- Battell of Sfetigrade against Ballaban. 458
- Battell of Oronichea against Ballaban. 456
- Battell of Valcala the second against Ballaban. 464
- Battell of Cassar against Iagup. 468
- Beglerbey a chiefe officer vnder the great Turk, one of Europe, another of Asia. 140
- Belgrade in Hungarie once called Alba Greca, or Taururum. 353. besieged by Mahomet. 354
- Belgrade in Bulgarie besieged by Scanderbeg. 283. battered. 285. relieued, repaired and victualed by Sebalias. 303
- Belgradians giue hostages to the Turkes in garrison at Belgrade for assurance of their faith. 284. they demaund truce of Scanderbeg. 285. they repaire the breach of their walles contrarie to promise. 293. they sacke the campe of Scanderbeg. 297
- Bellisarius taketh Naples. 403
- Bishops of Varadia and Strigonium by their folly hinder the victorie of the Christians in the battell of Varna. 73. they are drowned. 75
- Bodie of S. Lewes of France caried away from Marseilles by Alphonsus. 401
- Bodie of Scanderbeg adored and reuerenced by the Turkes after his death. 496
- Boniface the ninth made Pope. 395
- Boniface or Port Siracusan a castle in Corsica besieged by Alphonsus king of Arragon. 399
- [Page]Bosa the mother of Lech or Luke Zacharie putteth her selfe and her estate in the protection of the Venetians. 94
- Braccio Fort Bracci [...] of Perusa vvarreth vpon Pope Martin the fifth, ouerthroweth Sforce in battell, and is retayned in pay with Queene Ione of Naples. 399
- Brethren of Scanderdeg poysoned by Amurath. 13.
- Bursa or Prusa in Bithinia the place of Amurath his sepulchre. 246
- Busegiarpeni a countrie in Epire neere Scutarie. 128.
- Calegarie a place in Constantinople. 316
- Calepin brother to Mahomet or one in his steed strangled. 253
- Calybassa a Turke Councellor to Mahomet, & friend to the Christians. 316. he councelleth Mahomet to leaue the siege of Constantinople. 325. he aduertiseth the Emperour of Constantinople of the councell of the Turkes. 326. he is betraied by Chirlucke, and put to death by Mahomet. 332
- Calixtus the fourth, see Pope.
- Campobasso a Neapolitan countie, ioyneth with Iohn Duke of Aniow against Ferdinand. 405
- Campe of the Turkes before Croy victualed out of Macedonie. 226. and by the Venetians. 227
- Campupescupi a place in Epire vvhere Scanderbeg had rich saltpits. [...]1
- Canuazado by Scanderbeg to the Turkish camp. 165. 221. 228. 241.
- Carambey and Scanderbeg sent vvith an armie of Turkes against the Hungarians. 17
- Caragusa a Turke slaine by Paul Manassey in combat. 122
- Carazebeg sueth to be sent against Scanderbeg. 429. he is sent against him. 430. he challengeth Scanderbeg to a set battell, vvho setteth vpon him in his campe, and he retireth to Constantinople. 431
- Carolobert King of Hungarie sonne of Charles Martell. 388
- Cassar a village in Epire. 467
- Cathagusina daughter of the Despot of Misia maried to Amurath. 71
- Cause of the vvarre betwene Scanderbeg and the Venetians. 95
- Cause and ground of the treason causing the losse of Sfetigrade. 180
- Causes of the conquests of the Turkes vpon the Christians. 248
- Cause of the Schisme in the church of Rome betweene Pope Vrban and Pope Clement. 391
- Causes of the trecherie of the Despot of Seruia. 71.
- Ceremonie of the Turkes in their circumcision. 5
- Charles Thopie first founder of Croy. 31
- Charles the second king of Naples, Nephew to the French king S. Lewes, his marriage and issue. 388
- Charles Martell king of Hungarie. 388
- Charles the first Duke of Duras ouercome in battell by Lewes king of Hungarie, is beheaded. 389
- Charles the second Duke of Duras, caried away into Hungarie by king Lewes. 389. in [...]ested vvith the crowne of Naples by Pope Vrban. 392. he conquereth Naples, and is crowned king of Naples. 393. he is chosen and crowned king of Hungarie. 394. he is slaine at Buda. ibidem. his issue. ibidem.
- Chaonia a countrie in Epire. 475
- Chidna a place in Epire surprised by Mahomet, the manner of it. 475
- Chieri a place in Macedonie. 431
- Chios an Island in the mediterran sea. 319
- Chirluc a Greeke of Canstantinople. 319. his infidelitie & notable treacherie. 332. his death and execution. 333
- Chiurill a towne in Epire begunne to be builded by Scanderbeg, and razed by Mahomet. 488
- Chrisoceras a Promontorie by Constantinople. 315
- Christian Princes their carelessenesse of the losse and daunger of Constantinople. 314
- Christians their voiage against the Turkes broken. 449
- Christians their delaies and securitie. 291
- Christians, subiects of the great Turke their miserable estate. 217
- Christians slaine at Belgrade, buried. 307
- Cimerians a people of Epire. 45
- Clement the seuenth made Antipope. 391
- Clemencie and rare humanitie of Scanderbeg. 348. and towards Assambeg. 428
- Colchina a citie of the Venetians in Dalmatia vpon the sea or gulfe of Venice. 263
- Colla Humo [...]. 102
- Combat betweene Scanderbeg and a Scithian. 8. betwene him and two Persians. 9. betweene Paul Manassey and Caragusa. 120. betwene Scanderbeg and Feribassa. 174. of Acmath and Barach vvith Scanderbeg. 299. betwene Zacharie Groppe and Ahemaz. 339
- Comparison of Scanderbeg and Huniades. 75
- Complaints of the Turkes of Macedonie to Amurath against Scanderbeg. 77. of the Despot of Seruia against Scanderbeg. 78. of A [...]esa to his souldiers. 119. by Amurath at his [Page] death. 243
- Conditions of peace offered by the Venetians to Scanderbeg. 127. by Mahomet to Scanderbeg. 432. by Amurath to Scanderbeg. 81
- Conditions of composition offered by Amurath to the Sfetigradians. 148. by the Turkes within Sfetigrade to Scanderbeg. 202. by Amurath to Vranocontes and the Croians. 210
- Confederacie betweene Scanderbeg and the Princes of Epire against the Turkes. 51
- Confederacie and leauie of the Christians against the Turkes. 63
- Confederates of Ferdinand send to Scanderbeg for succours in his behalfe. 406
- Confederates of Scanderbeg promise him aide for the reliefe of Croy. 477
- Conference betweene the Gouernour of Belgrade and the citizens vpon the suspition conceiued of their faith. 283. betweene Hamur and Scanderbeg. 380
- Conflict betweene Amesa and the Driuastines. 112. betweene the Turkes and the Epyrots. 146. betweene Scanderbeg and the French in Apulia. 413. betweene the forces of Carazabeg and Scanderbeg. 431
- Conquests gotten of late daies by the Turks vpon Christendome. 248
- Conquests of Mahomet during his truce vvith Scanderbeg. 425
- Constancie of the Dainians. 127
- Constantin Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople. 314. he craueth aide of Christian Princes against the Turkes. ibidem. his ouersight. 329. he is smothered & troden to death by his subiects flying from the Turkes. 330. he is the last Emperour of Constantinople. 333
- Constantine the Great the sonne of Helen, first Emperour of Constantinople. 332. ill aduised to translate the Empire from Rome thither. 336
- Constantine a name fatall to Constantinople. 333
- Constantinopolitans their wretched couetousnes. 319. 322. 325. their miserable estate. 323. their deuotion. ibid.
- Constantinople besieged by the Turkes. 323. the description of it. 314. it is battered. 316. 322. ill furnished with prouisions. 317. the manner of the defence thereof by the Christians. 318. it is assaulted. 322▪ 327. it is lost by the couetousnesse of the Greekes. 225. it is taken by the Turkes. 330. the sacke thereof with all horrible crueltie. 331
- Conspiracie by Mahomet against Scanderbeg. 291. 473.
- Conspiracie against Scanderbeg straungely detected▪ 474
- Consultation by Amurath for the vvarre against Scanderbeg. 39. 130. 138. for his proceedings against Sfetigrade. 178. for his proceedings against Croy. 235
- Consultations of Mahomet for his proceedings in the siege of Constantinople. 225. for the warre of Epire. 375. 472
- Consultation of the Gouernour of Belgrade with the citizens. 286
- Consultation of Isaac Bassa for his proceedings against Scanderbeg. 360. 367
- Consultations of Scanderbeg for aide to be giuen to Vladislaus against the Turkes. 66. for his proceedings against Sfetigrade. 196. for the resisting of Isaac Bassa his inuasion▪ 355. for his proceedings against Ballaban. 463. for the answering of the message and demaund of the Turkes. 483
- Contaren a Venetian gentleman. 319. twice ransommed by the Turkes. 333
- Continencie of Scanderbeg. 349
- Contumely offered by Scanderbeg to Ballaban. 453
- Corfu or Corcira an Isle vpon the coast of Epire. 45. 478.
- Corsica an Island in the mediterrane sea, assailed by Alphonsus king of Arragon. 399
- Courage of Scanderbeg inuincible euen at point of death. 495
- Courtesie and magnanimitie of Scanderbeg to the Venetian captiues. 107
- Councell of Mantua, called by Pope Pius the second, for the taking of armes against the Turkes. 404
- Cowardice of Antonie de Dieds. 319. of Iohn Iustinian. 329. of the Greekes at Constantinople. 323.
- Couetousnesse see Auarice.
- Craina or Cruina a mountaine ouer Croy. 243
- Croy the chiefe citie of Epire resigned to Scanderbeg by the Gouernour. 20. the foundation thereof. 31. the strong situation thereof. 136. 481. repayred and fortified. 206. besieged by Amurath. 208. battered. 211. 222. assaulted. 216. 220. 224. 234. mined by the Turkes. 227. repaired and new fortified. 255. it was besieged by Mahomet. 475. 488. by Ballaban. 474
- Croians their notable courage. 210. their resolution. 212. their demeanor before and after the victories of Scanderbeg against Ballaban and lagup. 469
- Crueltie of Mahomet most extreame. 253. 232. 455. 476.
- Crueltie of the Turkes most Barbarous vpon the dead bodies of the Christians. 301
- [Page]Daina a citie in Epire. 46. besieged by Scanderbeg. 95
- Dainians their constancie. 127
- Dalmatia or Sclauony vpon the sea, a countrey bordering vpon Epire vnder the Venetians. 207.
- Damalique a Promontorie neere Constantinople. 315
- Daniel Iurich Vaiuoda or Gouernour of Scutarie for the Venetians, and Generall of their armie against Scanderbeg. 98
- Darnisses a kind of Priests amongst the Turkes. 5.
- Daughter of the Despot of Seruia maried to Amurath. 71
- Daughter of Sponderbeg Prince of Penderacia maried to Amurath. 253
- Daughter of Ariamnit maried to Scanderbeg. 257
- Daughter of Iohn Commenes Emperour of Trebyzond maried to Vsuncassan king of Persia. 386
- Dauid Emperour of Trebizond and his two sons put to death by Mahomet. 426
- Dauid Chauncellour of Ragusa. 408
- Debreas sent with an armie by Mahomet against Scanderbeg. 267. his ambition. ibidem. he is slaine by Scanderbeg. 273 his horse and armor giuen to Moses. ibid.
- Demetrius Berissey. 304
- Demetrius franke treasurer to Scanderbeg. 480
- Deuotion without pietie or religion. 401
- Despina daughter of the Emperour of Trebizond and the wife of Vsuncassan king of Persia. 386
- Description of Scanderbeg his person. 72. of Dibria. 180. of the soyle and territorie about Croy. 208. of the Despot of Misia. 71. of Driuasta. 113. of Mahomet his person. 255. of the countrie about Petralba. 263. of the countrie about Pologue. 269. of Constantinople. 314. of the gulfe of Hellespont. 315. of Amesa his person and qualities. 351. of Ragusa. 407. of Vrsara in Apulia. 416. of Ballaban his person. 452. of the citie of Duraz. 487. of Croy. 481
- Despot of Misia or Seruia restored to his estate, and expelled againe by Amurath. 16. he is ayded by Vladislaus king of Hungarie. 17. he hindereth Scanderbeg marching to the aide of Vladislaus and partaketh with the Turkes against the Christians. 71. his irreligion. ibid. his countrie is spoiled by Scanderbeg. 76
- Dibria a towne and countrie in Epire receiueth Scanderbeg and reuolteth with him. 19
- Dibrians their discipline and readines in vvarres 57. their notable superstition. 181. they yeeld Sfetigrade to Amurath. 185. they are pardoned by Scanderbeg. 187
- Discorde betweene the Genowaies and Venetians at the siege of Constantinople. 321
- Discourse of the Author vpon celestiall signes & prognostications of future accidents. 364
- Disgrace offered to Pope Vrban to M. Nicholas of Naples. 391
- Discipline of the Dibrians. 57. by Scanderbeg obserued in his campe. 349. the originall of it. 356
- Dissimulation of Amurath with Scanderbeg. 13. of Moses to Scanderbeg. 279. of Mahomet vvith the Christians at Constantinople. 322. of Picenin to deceiue Scanderbeg. 413
- Dominicke of Nouara. 320
- Don Garzia a Spaniard ambassador for Alphonsus king of Arragon to the Pope. 400
- Doniqua the wife of Scanderbeg. 257
- Drynon a riuer in Epire. 46. the source and head thereof neere Alchria. 449
- Driuasta a citie in Epyre. 47. the description of it. 113
- Duras or Durachium or Epydamnum a citie of Epire subiect to the Venetians. 45. besiegned by Mahomet. 487. her originall and foundation, and the description of it. ibid.
- Dyrrachians the inhabitants of Duras, they aide Scanderbeg with victuals. 222
- Dukes of Sesse, of Sora, of Venuse in the kingdom of Naples rebell against Ferdinand 404. 405
- Duke of Milan and the Genowaies take Alphonsus prisoner. 402
- Duke of Milan and the Pope aide Ferdinand against the Duke of Aniow. 405
- Duke of Vrbin Fredericke aideth Ferdinand against the Duke of Aniow. ibid.
- Dutchie of Spoleta restored to the Church of Rome by Ferdinand. 404
- Dukes of Dande & of Malsie, partake with Ferdinand against Iohn Duke of Aniow. 405
- Duke of Emathia, see Vranocontes.
- Emanuell Gregare. 324
- Emperors of the Turkes their manner of succeeding to the crowne. 252
- Emperour of Greece, see Constantine.
- Emperour of Trebizond conquered and put to death by Mahomet. 426
- Empire of Trebizond conquered by Mahomet. ibidem.
- Encouragement of Moses to his souldiers in the [Page] battell of Drynon, against the Venetians. 104
- Encoragemēt of Scāderbeg to Paul Manassey ammating him to the cōbat with Caraguza. 121
- Encouragement of Scanderbeg to the Croyans against the inuasion threatned by Amurath. 136
- Encouragement of Fery-Bassa to his souldiers in the battell against Scanderbeg. 172
- Encouragement of Scanderbeg to his souldiers for a new assault to Sfetigrade. 203
- Encoragemēt of Vranocontes to the Croyans their walles being battered by the Turkes. 212
- Encouragement of Amurath & Mahomet to the Turkes, being to assault Croy. 213
- Encouragement of Scanderbeg to his soldiers not to feare the tempest. 269
- Encouragement of Scanderbeg to his souldiers to giue the charge vpon Debreas. 273
- Encoragement of Scanderbeg to his souldiers against Sebalias. 298
- Encouragement of Amesa to the Turkes against Scanderbeg. 369. 370
- Encouragement of Moses to his souldiers at the battell of Pharsalia. ibidem
- Encouragement of Picenyn to his souldiers. 416
- Encouragement of Scanderbeg in the battell against Ballaban. 465
- Enmitie betweene Pope Vrban and maister Nicholas of Naples. 391. betweene Charles king of Naples & Pope Vrban. 394. between Sforce and the grand Seneschall. 399
- Enuie of the Turkes against Scanderbeg. 14. 267
- Eugenius Pope aideth Rene Duke of Barre against Alphonsus. 402
- Exclamation of the authour vpon the miserable estate of the Christians vnder the Turkes. 218. 223. against the inuention of ordinance. 255. vppon the indignitie offered to Scanderbeg in his voyage into Italie. 477
- Exhortation of the author to all Christians. 333
- Falcon a towne in Epyre vnder the dominion of Stephen Cernouitche. 77
- Farrafin a tower in Constantinople. 319
- Ferdinand, bastard son to Alphonsus king of Naples succeeded in that kingdome. 387. and is crowned. 404. he flieth to Bary or Barlette, and is besieged by Count Picenyn. 406. he is rescued by Scanderbeg. 410. he ouercometh Picenyn & the Duke of Aniow in battell. 419. he recouereth his kingdome. 421. he giueth certaine townes in Apulia to Scanderbeg. 423
- Feri-Bassa sent against Scanderbeg by Amurath. 86. he is sent to renue the assault of Sfetigrade. 157. he is appointed vvith an armie to restraine Scanderbeg from hindering the assault of Sfetigrade. 168. his prayses and commendations. ibid. he chalengeth Scanderbeg to the combat. 172. and is by him s [...]. 174
- Flambur a Turkish regiment. 139
- Flectanella. 320
- Forest of Ionimes. 481
- Fortresse builded at Modrissa by Scanderbeg. 259. finished and furnished. 260
- Francis Sforce, sonne of Sforce Cotignolle aideth Ione second Queene of Naples, in the recouerie of her kingdome. 401. his liberalitie to the graund Seneschall. ibid. he is Duke of Millan and deceiueth Count Picenyn. 42
- Frontier vvarre betweene the Turkes in Sfetigrade and the garrison of the Albanois. 193
- Frier Iohn Capistran. 71
- Fusian a Sicilian gouernour of Trana in Apulia for Ferdinand, vsurpeth it to himselfe. 421. he is taken prisoner by Scanderbeg & yeeldeth vp Trana. 422. he is released and departeth into Sicilia. 423
- Gabriell Treuisan, gouernour of the Ʋenetian foysts. 319. he is sent Ambassadour from the Venetians to persuade Scanderbeg to open war vvith Mahomet. 435
- Gampsa Sultan of the Tartarians. 386
- Gentill Bellin a painter of Venice. 255
- George Alexie an Epirot killeth Ballaban. 482
- George Castriot the yongest son of Iohn Castriot. 3. deliuered in hostage to the great Turke. 4. by the Turkes circumcised or named Scanderbeg. 5
- George Cernouitche, nephew to Scanderbeg. 47
- George Chuque taken prisoner by the Turkes & put to death by Mahomet. 455
- George Despot of Misia. See Despot.
- George and Goic Streezes, Nephewes to Scanderbeg by his sister Iella, do come to his aide. 25
- George Thopie, brother to Tanusee, his misfortune. 298
- Gilbert Ortafane, a Knight of Naples, sent by Alphonsus to the aide of Scanderbeg. 280
- Goic Streeze sent by Scanderbeg into Apulia. 407
- Goleme Ariamnite, the auncester of Moses. 271
- Gouernour of Stellusa, named Desdrot, by the Turkes of his own garrison deliuered prisoner to Scanderbeg. 30. is executed. 33
- Greekes their negligence in furnishing, fortifying and defending of Constantinople. 324
- Grudge and hatred between Iustinian and Chirluc, and betweene the Greekes and the Latins. 324
- Gulfe of Ambracia in Epyre. 45
- Gulfe of Cape de Lach in Epyre. 424
- [Page]Gulfe of Hellespont described. 315
- Gulfe of Rizic or Catarra. 47. 407
- Guirize d'Vladienne. 408
- Gyne Musache husband to Vraica, the sister of Scanderbeg commeth to his aide. 25
- Gyne Musache, Gyne Manasse, and Guirize d'Vladienne taken prisoners by the Turkes, & put to death by Mahomet. 455
- Haly-Bassa vvith an armie of 40000. Turkes sent against Scanderbeg. 52. he is appointed gouernour of Mahomet the sonne of Amurath. 87
- Hamur sent vvith an armie to defend the Turkish frontiers. 377. conferring vvith Scanderbeg, he persuadeth him to peace. 380
- Hebdomi a Promontorie neare Constātinople. 315
- Heder the sonne of Ionime and nephew to Ballaban together vvith his father taken prisoners by Scanderbeg and slaine. 481
- Helena Queene of Misia and Esclauonie. 113
- Helena mother to Constantin the great. 333
- Helena mother to Constantin Paleologus. 333
- Hemas a mountaine by Varna neare to Thrace. 72
- Hexamile a vvall made by the Greekes at the entrie into Morea, throwen downe by Amurath. 246. reedified by the Venetians and ouerthrowen by Mahomet. 426
- Hippodrome a tower in Constantinople. 315
- Hystorie how it should be vvritten. 254
- Horatius Cocles his strange prowesse. 215
- Hozes a kinde of Priests among the Turkes. 5
- Huniades, see Iohn.
- Iagub Arnauth sent with an armie against Scanderbeg. 460. he is slaine by Scanderbeg. 468
- Iames Coque a Venetian, vvith others drowned. 321
- Iames of Narbone, Count of March marieth Ione the secōd Queene of Naples. 397. his folly and ouersight. 398. he is taken prisoner and againe restored to libertie. 399. he forsaketh Naples, returneth into France, and becometh an hermite. ibidem
- Ianissaries footemen of the garde of the great Turkes person. 140. their custome to sacke the houses both of Christiās & Iewes at the death of their Prince. 251
- Iella daughter to Iohn Castriot and Ʋoisaue, sister to Scanderbeg. 3
- Ierom Mind. 319. beheaded. 333
- Impatiencie of Amurath, enraged for his ill successe at the siege of Croy. 235
- Impietie of the Despot of Seruia. 71. of Mahomet. 253. of the Greekes. 322
- Incontinencie of souldiers. 249
- Industrie and carefulnesse of Scanderbeg. 205. of Mahomet at the siege of Croy. 212. of Iohn Iustinian at the siege of Constantinople. 329
- Infidelitie of Amurath against the Greekes and others. 55
- Infidelitie and auarice of some Christians vvho holpe to transport the arme of Amurath ouer Hellespont against the Christians. 73
- Infidelitie and periurie of Mahomet. 322. 333
- Infidelitie and trecherie of Chirluc. 332
- Inuasion. Vide Roades.
- Iohn Boccace. 393
- Iohn Carracciola paramour to Ione Queene of Naples is made graund Seneschall. 399. he is taken prisoner by Alphonsus. 400. and raunsomed by Francis Sforce. 401. he is slaine by the practise of Queene Ione. 402
- Iohn Castriot father to Scanderbeg, his issue. 3. being inuaded by Amurath the great Turke, making peace with him, he deliuereth all his sonnes in hostage. 4. he dieth. 12
- Iohn Castriot sonne to Scanderbeg. 496
- Iohn Cernouitche, nephew to Scanderbeg. 47
- Iohn Comenes Emperour of Trebyzond in league vvith Vsuncassan king of Persia against Mahomet. 386
- Iohn Cosse a Neapolitaine Admirall, to Iohn Duke of Aniow. 401
- Iohn Duke of Aniow, son to Rene Duke of Barre, aided by the Genoways against Ferdinand, king of Naples. 404. he is ouercome in the field by Ferdinand and Scanderbeg. 420. he returneth into France. 421
- Iohn Duke of Calabria. 388
- Iohn Huniades Lieutenant Generall of the Hungarians at the battell of Moraua. 17. he is Despot of Transiluania, and father to Matthias Coruinus king of Hungary. 53. Lieutenant Generall at the battell of Varna. 73. after the losse of the field he flyeth and is imprisoned by the Despot of Seruia. 75
- Iohn Iustinian a Genoway, Lieutenant Generall for the Emperour vvithin Constantinople. 318. he is highly commended by Mahomet. 324. his industrie and vertue. 329. being vvounded, he fainteth and forsaketh his charge. ibidem. his death. 331
- Iohn le Graund, a Germaine. 319. 321
- Iohn Maria of Vincētia, slaue to Mustapha. 254
- Iohn of Sclauonie his honorable death & end. 330
- Iohn Perlat taken prisoner by the Turkes & by Mahomet put to death. 455
- Ione or Iane the first, Queene of Naphes maryed Andrew the yonger son to the king of Hungarie [Page] 389. she procureth his death and taketh a second husband. ibidem. her third and fourth mariage. 390. she is enemy to Pope Vrban, who depriueth her of her kingdome. 392. she flyeth vvith Pope Clement to Auignon. ibid. she adopteth Lewes. the first Duke of Aniow for her heire and so returneth to Naples. 392. she is put to death by Charles Duke of Duraz. 393
- Ione the second Queene of Naples, sister to Ladislaus and daughter to Charles the second of Duraz. 396. her familiaritie vvith Pandolphel Alop. 397. she marieth Iames Count of March. ibid. she entertaineth Iohn Caraecciolle for her minion, and is by the Pope depriued of her kingdome. 399. she disinheriteth Alphonsus, adopteth Lewes the third of Aniow, and is restored to her kingdome. ibidem. she causeth the grand Seneschall, her minion to be slaine. 402. making her will and ordaining Rene Duke of Barre to be her heire, she dyeth. ibidem.
- Iosaphat Barbare Ambassadour for the Venetians to Scanderbeg, and one of his counsell. 473
- Isaac Bassa of Romania sent vvith an armie against Scanderbeg. 354
- Isidore Rutheniam Cardinall, the Popes Legat at Constantinople, prisoner to the Turks, ransomed. 333
- Island of Lissa, in the Adriaticke sea, vppon the coast of Epyre. 47
- Isthmus, or streight of Corinth, what it is. 426
- Isup sent Ambassadour to Scanderbeg. 235
- Iulian Cardinall of S. Angell causeth the king of Hungary to breake his faith and league vvith the Turkes. 63. his miserable end. 75
- Iulius Caesar of Capua taketh Sforce Cotignolle prisoner. 397. he intendeth the death of the Coūt of March, is bewrayeth by Queene Ione, and executed. 398
- Iussumbeg sent against Scanderbeg. 428
- Ladislaus son to Charles of Duraz, king of Naples is crowned king of Naples by Pope Boniface. 399. he is made king of Hungary. ibid. he taketh Rome by force. ibid. he vvarreth vpon the Florentines and is poisoned. 396
- Lech or Luke Dusman. 47. he aideth the Venetians against Scanderbeg. 96
- Lech or Luke Zacharie, Lord of Dayna in Epire. 46. he is murthered by Lech Ducagin. 93
- Legion vvhat it is. 359
- Leon the sage his table of the Emperours of Constantinople. 336
- Leonard Longaske. 319
- Leonidas his valour. 215
- Letters from Francis Albert Cardinall to Vladislaus king of Hungarie. 63
- Letters of Ʋladislaus to Scanderbeg. ibidem. of Scanderbeg in answer to Vladislaus. 69. of Amurath to Scanderbeg. 79. of Scanderbeg to Amurath. 84. of Amurath to Mustapha. 116. of Mahomet to the Gouernour of Sfetigrade to practise the reuolt of Moses from Scanderbeg. 276. of Scanderbeg to Alphonsus king of Naples. 279. of Mahomet to Scanderbeg. 431. 434. 442. of Scanderbeg to Mahomet. 433. of Pope Pius the second to Scanderbeg. 445
- Lewes Duke of Duraz the 3. sonne of Charles the second king of Hungary. 339
- Lewes king of Hungary sonne of Carolobert. 388. he warreth vpon Ione Queene of Naples. 389. He sendeth Charles of Duraz vvith an army against her. 393. he causeth her to be put to death. ibidem. he dieth. 394
- Lewes Prince of Tarent, sonne of Philip husband or paramour to Ione, the first Queene of Naples. 389
- Lewes the first Duke of Aniow, second sonne to Iohn king of France, adopted by Queene Ione. 392. he inuadeth the kingdome of Naples and is ouerthrowen in battell. 393. he is sore hurt and dieth. ibidem
- Lewes the second Duke of Aniow, crowned king of Naples by Pope Clement, and entreth Naples. 395. He is confirmed in the kingdome by Pope Alexander the fift. ibidem. he is ouercome in battell by Ladislaus, and returneth into Fraunce. 396
- Lewes the third Duke of Aniow, adopted by Queene Ione, whom he restoreth to her kingdome of Naples. 401. he dieth. 402
- Liberalitie of Christian Princes, sending great giftes and presentes to Scanderbeg, vppon the death of Amurath. 248
- Liberalitie of Amesa the nephew of Scanderbeg. 266
- Liberalitie of Francis Sforce. 401
- Lassa or Alexia, a citie of Epyre, subiect to the Venetians. 44. 359
- Lyuad a plaine in Macedonie. 431
- Magnanimitie of the Epirotes in the dayes of Scanderbeg. 239
- Mahomet brought vp vnder the gouernement of Haly-Bassa. 87. he is at the siege of Sfetigrade vvith Amurath. 186. and at the siege of Croy. 209. his mortall hatred to the Christians. 213. he voweth the destruction of Scanderbeg, [Page] 215. he is named Emperour of the Turkes. 251. his crueltie, impietie, Atheisme, tyrannie and notable vices. 224. his description. 255. his voyage to Constantinople. 313. he violateth the peace sworne to the Emperour of Constantinople. ibibem. his periurie to the Peratines. 333. he is ouerthrowen by Humades in a battell before Belgrade in Hungarie and wounded, vvith a great slaughter of the Turkes. 353. he seeketh truce vvith Scanderbeg. 375. in two battels he is ouercome by Vsuncassan, but in the third ouerthroweth him. 387. his conquestes in the East during his truce vvith Scanderbeg. 425. 426. he sendeth Ballaban to begin the siege of Croy, and after followeth in person. 475. he maketh a second iourney into Epire. 486. he returneth to Constantinople and craueth Scanderbeg his sword in gift. 497
- Maloncre or Demire king of Persia, sonne to Gampsa Sultan of the Persians slaine in battell by Vsuncassan. 386
- Mamiza daughter to Iohn Castriot and Voisaue. 3. by her brother Scanderbeg giuen in mariage to Musache Thopie. 25. she celebrateth the obsequtes of her husband. 305. her perfections and prayses. 309
- Mara daughter to Iohn Castriot and Voisaue. 3. sister to Scanderbeg & maried to Stephen Cernouitche. 25
- Margaret the vvife of Charles king of Naples, sister to Queene Ione flieth vvith her children to Gaietta. 394
- Margaret the sister of Sforce Cotignolle, her hardinesse and generositie. 397
- Marin Span & Amesa gouernors of Baleza. 107
- Marquise of Crotona ouerthrowen & taken prisoner by Ferdinand. 404
- Marquise d'Est. 405
- Mary daughter to Stephē king of Hungary maried to Charles the second, king of Naples, her issue. 388
- Mary sister to Ione Queene of Naples, vvife to Robert Earle of Arthois, her familiaritie vvith Iohn Boccace. 393. she is put to death by Charles of Duraz. ibidem
- Maurice Cataneo a Genoway. 318
- Messeit a Saniack taken prisoner. 371. he is raunsomed. 377
- Messenger of Amurath reiected by the Croyans. 211.
- Messenger of Perlat to Moses. 276. from Hamur to Scanderbeg. 379. from the Turkish armie to Scanderbeg. 482
- Metopick a Promontory neare Constantinople. 315
- Miliander a place in Constantinople. 318
- Misia, Vide Seruia.
- Modon or Methone in Greece spoiled by Mahomet. 426
- Monticlea. 221
- Morea, Vide Peloponesus.
- Mocrea vvonne by Scanderbeg. 42
- Morsena his prophecie of Constantinople. 338
- Moses Bassa, the murtherer of Tursines, murthered by the mother of the infant. 253
- Moses Goleme of Dibria aideth Scanderbeg, in his reuolt. 24. he is left to continue the siege of Sfetigrade. 33. he goeth disguised as aspie into the Turkes Campe. 164. he is vvounded. 198. his immoderate furie in the heate of fight. 271. his originall and discent. ibidē. his hardie act in the battell of Pologue. 271. 272. his valour & vertue rewarded by Scanderbeg. 273. he reuolteth from Scanderbeg. 278. 302. his goods & liuings are confiscate. 305. he cometh to Andrinople and is honorably entertained. 310. he is sent with an armie against Scanderbeg. 312. 337. he chalengeth Scanderbeg to the combat, yet refuseth him. 344. being ouerthrowen he is in disgrace vvith Mahomet, and in danger of his life. 345. 346. he returneth into Epire, submiteth himselfe to Scanderbeg, is pardoned & restored to his goodes, liuings, and dignities. 347. 348. he is taken prisoner by the Turkes and put to death by Mahomet. 455
- Mount Gargan in Apulia or mount Saint Angell. 410
- Mountaine of Mocrea. 264
- Mountaine of Modrissa. 258. 264
- Musache de Angeline nephew of Scanderbeg son of Vladienne Goleme and nephew to Scanderbeg, by his sister Angeline. 271. he is vvounded. 299. he is taken prisoner by the Turkes and put to death by Mahomet. 455
- Musache de Thopy, the sonne of Mamiza Scanderbegs sister. 25. he is surprised by the Turkes before Belgrade vvhere he maketh a most glorious end. 295. 296. his vertues and prayses. 309
- Mustapha sent against Scanderbeg by Amurath. 89. he is sent the second time. 94. he is taken prisoner by the Albanois. 125. he is raunsomed. 127
- Mynes discouered by a deuise. 230
- Mynes of the Turkes against Constantinople disappointed by countermynes. 321
- Naples kingdome an example of fortunes inconstancy. 387. conquered by Lewes king of Hungarie, restored to Queene Ione. 389. besieged by Philip Duke of Millan and others, and vvon [Page] for Queene Ione. 401. recouered by Rene Duke of Barre besieged & vvon by Alphonsus. 403. taken by Bellisarius from the Gothes. ibidem
- Neapolitanes their humour and disposition. 387. their rebellion against Ferdinand, and confederacie vvith Iohn Duke of Aniow. 404. 405. they are reconciled to Ferdinand, and pardoned by meanes of Scanderbeg. 421
- Natolia or Asia Minor, named Turkie. 6
- Negligence and securitie of the Turkish armie. 163. 366. 367
- Neophite a monke at Constantinople. 324
- Nicholas. Berize. 304. takē prisoner by the Turks or put to death by Mahomet. 455
- Nicholas Ducagin, the sonne of Paule. 46. his valour and prowesse. 89
- Nicholas de Gullelle. 319
- Nicholas Moneta, gouernour of Scutarie. 481
- Nicholas of Naples at enmitie vvith Pope Vrban the sixt, and the cause thereof. 391
- Number of Turkes slaine in the battell against Haly Bassa. 60. in the battell against Fery-Bassa. 175. at the siege of Sfetigrade vnder Amurath. 189. at the siege of Belgrade in Macedonie. 304. at Belgrade in Hungarie. 353. in the battell of Pharsalia. 301
- Number of Christians slaine at the siege of Sfetigrade vnder Scanderbeg. 204. at the battell of Belgrade. 301
- Number of Christians prisoners at the taking of Constantinople. 332
- Number of souldiers in garrison at Constantinople. 314
- Number of Scanderbegs armie against Amurath at the siege of Sfetigrade. 133. at the siege of Croy. 208
- Number of Amuraths army brought to the siege of Sfetigrade. 140. to the siege of Croy. 207
- Oration of Amese to Mahomet. 351
- Oration of Amurath to his counsellers for vvarre to be made against Scanderbeg. 130. to his Chieftains before Croy, reproching their faintnesse and cowardise. 223
- Oration of Andrew Angell, to the Driuastines. 111
- Oration of Carazabeg to Mahomet. 429
- Oration of a common souldier in Sfetigrade. 31
- Oration of Daniell Iurich, Generall of the Venetian armie against Scanderbeg. 98
- Oration of Debreas, encouraging his souldiers against Scanderbeg. 270
- Oration of the Emperour of Constantinople. 327
- Oration of the gouernour of Belgrade to his people. 284
- Oration of Isup to Scanderbeg, persuading him to peace vvith Amurath. 236
- Oration of Mahomet to his Chrieftaines against the Christiās. 445. purposing a iourney against Scanderbeg in proper person. 472
- Oration of Paule Angell Archbishop of Duraz to Scanderbeg, incensing the Epirots against Mahomet. 437
- Oration of Paule Ducagin touching the sending of succours to Vladislaus king of Hungary. 67
- Oration of Perlat to the Dybrians vvithin Sfetigrade, dissuading them from yeelding to Amurath. 183
- Oration of Scanderbeg to the Citizens of Sfetigrade. 137. to Pope Paule the second and his Cardinals at Rome. 478. to the Princes of Epyre, assembled in Parliament at Lissa, 47. to his subiects, to comfort them after that the voyage of the Christians against the Turkes was broken. 450. to the Venetian Ambassadours vpon the conclusion of peace betweene them. 128
- Oration of Zagan counselling Mahomet to continue the siege of Constantinople. 326
- Orations of Scanderbeg to his souldiours.
- 1 At his going to recouer the fortresses of Epyre against the Turkes. 25
- 2 After the recouery of the fortresses of Epyre. 34
- 3 Marching against Haly Bassa. 54
- 4 After the battell vvith Haly Bassa inuiting them to the sacke and spoile of the Turkishe territories. 60
- 5 Consulting to assay Mustapha. 91
- 6 Before the battell betweene him and the Venetians. 99
- 7 Before the battell of Oronichea against Mustapha. 122
- 8 Being to giue a canuazado to the Turkishe Campe. 165
- 9 Persuading thē to proceede in their Conquests against the Turkes. 260
- 10 Before the battell against Debreas. 270
- 11 Marching to the siege of Belgrade. 281
- 12 Before the battell of Oronichea against Moses. 341
- 13 Being to marche against Isaac Bassa. 355
- 14 Encouraging them against the French in Apulia. 411
- 15 Before the battell of Valcala. 453. 24
- 16 Before the second battell of Valcala. 463
- 17 Being ready to marche against Iagup. 466
- 18 Dissuading them from pursuing the Turkes after the reliefe of Croy. 483
- Order obserued by the Turkes in the deuision of their armies. 139
- Ordinaunce cast for the battery of Croy. 211. the authours exclamation against the inuention thereof. 255
- [Page]Originall and antiquitie of the townes in Epyre. 30. of the Turkes. 55. of the city of Duras. 487
- Oronichea, a place in the vpper Dibria. III. 358
- Ottoman the surname of the great Turke. 4
- Paleologus brethren Thomas and Demetrius, Lords of Peloponnesus, but depriued therof by Mahomet. 426
- Pandolphel Alop a Neapolitane Count, the paramour of Ione Queene of Naples beheaded. 397.
- Parliament of all the Lordes and Princes of Epire to consult with Scanderbeg for the warre against the Turkes. 44. 45
- Parthinia now called Praese, a towne in Epyre, her originall. 208. was ruinated by Iulius Caesar. ibidem.
- Passages of Abruzza freed by Ferdinand and Scanderbeg. 412
- Paul Angell Archbishop of Duras, a neere friend to Scanderbeg. 408. his discent & vertues. 436 he commeth as Ambassadour from the Venetians to Scanderbeg. 437. he is one of Scanderbegs chiefest Councellors. 473
- Paul Ducagin his religiousnesse, 46. his praises and commendations. 69
- Paul Manassey. 120. rewarded by Scanderbeg. for killing of Caragusa. 122. assayled by the Turkes. 124
- Paul Troylus Bouchardes. 318
- Paysants of Albany surprised by the Turkes. 362
- Peace betwene Amurath and the Hungarians. 40. betwene Mahomet and Scanderbeg. 435. violated. ibidem. betwene Scanderbeg and the Venetians. 127. 128
- Peloponnesus or Morea a countrie in Greece, the commendation thereof. 426. vide Morea.
- Peneropole or Persair a towne in Thrace. 69
- Pera or Galata, a citie neere to Constantinople. 315, voluntarily yeelded to Mahomet. 333
- Periurie, see Infidelitie and crueltie.
- Peter Dusmam Lord of the Peonians, Pelagonians and Sardicians people of Epire. 47
- Peter Lewes Borgias nephew to Pope Eugenius, is a competitor with Ferdinand for the kingdome of Naples. 388
- Peter Perlat goueruour of Sfetigrade. 137. his prouidence and prudence. 149. his good deserts for the defence of Sfetigrade. 188. he is rewarded by Scanderbeg and made an Abbot. ibidem.
- Peter Span or Spaniard and his sonnes. 47. he aydeth the Venetians against Scanderdeg. 96
- Petralba a towne in Epire and the description thereof. 29. yeelded to Scanderbeg. 30
- Petrella besieged by Scanderbeg, and yeelded by the Turkes. 28. the situation thereof. ibid.
- Phare a tower and lanterne at the entrie into the hauen of Constantinople. 315
- Philip Prince of Tarentum, the fourth sonne of Charles the second king of Hungarie. 389
- Picenin Generall of an armie for Duke Iohn of Aniow against Ferdinand. 405. he moueth parlie with Scanderbeg. 413. his dishonest practise against Scanderbeg. 414. which discouered he is challenged by Scanderbeg. 415. he dislodgeth secretly. ibid. his praise and commendation. 420. his pitifull death and end. 421
- Piec Manuell. 146. 363. 449. he is Lieutenant to Scanderbeg in the battell of Valcala. 463
- Plombine in Thuscan besieged by Alphonsus. 344
- Poast sent by Sebalias to certifie the Belgradians of succours. 292
- Poasts of Turkie what their order is. ibid.
- Policie of Count Picenin. 413. of Ione the second Queene of Naples. 398. of Perlat within Sfetigrade. 151
- Policie and prudence of Amurath before Sfetigrade. 158
- Policie of Scanderbeg in causing counterfeit letters to be written to the gouernor of Croy for the deliuerie of the towne to him. 18. in marching with his armie. 163. in giuing a canuazado to the Turkish armie before Croy. 221. in a set battell to aime at the death of the enemies Generall. 272
- Policie vsed by the Turkes to oppresse the Christians. 232. vsed by the Turkes vvithin Sfetigrade. 201
- Pologue, a countrie in Epire or a part of Macedonie and Bulgarie. 3. the description thereof. 268. 269.
- Pope Calixtus the fourth, claimeth the kingdome of Naples by escheate. 388
- Pope Pius the second perswadeth the Christians to make a voiage against the Turkes. 442. his birth, death, and commendation. 449. 450
- Port S. Roman at Constantinople. 316
- Port imperiall at Constantinople. 319
- Poysoning and a strange kind thereof. 396
- Praier of Scanderbeg going to the aide of Ferdinand. 409
- Precepts of Scanderbeg for his sonne, comprehending the institution of a Prince. 493
- Priests, their diuerse orders and estates in the Turkish religion. 5
- Princes of Tarent, Beseignan and Salerne with others rebell against Ferdinand. 405
- Princes and Nobles of Naples partakers with Ferdinand. ibidem.
- Prisoners Christians taken at Belgrade. 301. put to extreame torments. 310. beheaded by [Page] Mahomet. 321
- Prisoners Turkes feasted by Scanderbeg. 264
- Prisoners Venetians freely set at libertie by Scanderbeg. 107
- Prognostications foreshewing the future greatnes of Scanderbeg. 3. foreshewing the great slaughter in the battell betwene Scanderbeg and Isaac Bassa. 363
- Prophesies foreshewing the ruine of Constantinople. 336
- Prouerbe. 399. 340
- Prouerbe vsed by Scanderbeg. 190
- Prouerbe of Princes children. 252
- Prouidence and care of Scanderbeg to preuent surprises. 236. 456
- Prouidence of Amesa in the warres. 361
- Punishment inflicted vpon spies. 149
- Pyramet king of Caramania ouercome by Mahomet. 426
- Quarrell betwene two priuate souldiers for their bootie. 373
- Question betweene Musache and a Turke his prisoner, decided by Scanderbeg. 274
- Ragusa the description thereof. 407
- Rebellion of Amesa against Scanderbeg. 349. of Moses Goleme against Scanderbeg. 302. of the Neapolitans against Ferdinand. 404
- Redd plaine in Epire. 236
- Redona a countrie in Epire. 349
- Rene Duke of Barre, brother to Lewes the third of Aniow ordained heire to the kingdome of Naples by Queene Ione, & is prisoner in Burgundie. 402. being deliuered he gaineth Naples, which he looseth againe, and is forced to for sake the kingdome. 403
- Reposius sonne of Iohn Castriot. 3. by the Turks named Caragusa and poisoned. 18
- Retraite of Scanderbeg from the armie of Isaac Bassa and Amesa. 358
- Reuenues of Scanderbeg. 51
- Rewardes giuen by Scanderbeg to Perlat. 188. also to the citizens, souldiers, and inhabitants of Croy. 247
- Road into the Turkish frontiers by Scanderbeg. 36. 442. 445. 470. into the dominions of Scanderbeg by the Turkes. 435. into the Venetian territories by the Turkes. 435. 495
- Robert king of Naples, sonne to Charles the second, his wisedome. 388. his will and death. 389
- Roislaue the wife of Musache Goleme, and the mother of Goleme Ariamnite, the auncester of Moses. 271
- Riuer of Aoe, or Aeas, or Vauisa in Epire. 45
- Riuer of Cydrus and Barbiza. 315
- Riuer of Isme. 222
- Riuer of Mathia. 366
- Riuer of Scombine in Epire. 486
- Saying of Scanderbeg. 453. touching the often remouing of an armie. 42. touching surprises by enemies. 163. touching the cutting off the Generall of an armie in battell. 272. touching the obstinacie of Moses in the battel of Oronichea 343. touching incontinencie of souldiers. 349
- Saying of Amurath touching Scanderbeg. 214
- Saying of Hanniball touching Fabius Maximus and Varro. 355
- Saying of Mahomet touching the marriage of Scanderbeg. 258
- Saying of the Epirots to Scanderbeg. 449
- Saying of Fabius Maximus. 453
- Saying of Philip of Macedon to his sonne Alexander. 494
- Saint Nicholas de la Pierre a mountaine in Epire 51
- Saint Angellor mount Gargan a towne in Apulia giuen to Scanderbeg by Ferdinand. 423
- Saint Iohn de Ronde a towne in Apulia giuen to Scanderbeg by Ferdinand. ibid.
- Sallie made by the Driuastines vpon Amesa. 112
- Sallie by the Sfetigradians vpon the Turkes. 159
- Sallie by the Croians vpon the Turkes. 224. 228. 275
- Sallie by the Belgradians vpon Tanusee. 305
- Saniacque a Turkish Colonell of horsemen. 139
- Saura a plaine in Epire. 486
- Scanderbeg his disposition and education vnder Amurath, his first seruices and preferment. 6. he is made a Saniacque. ibid. he is made Generall of an armie in Asia. 7. he is enuied, slandered, and suspected in the court of Amurath. 14 he is sent against the Despot of Seruia, & conquereth his countrie. ibid. He is sent against the Hungarians with Carambeg. 47. he reuolteth from the Turkes. ibidem. he is chosen Generall of the warres against the Turkes by the Princes of Epire. 50. he is chosen king of Epire. 51. he is made free of the citie of Venice, and Lieutenant generall of the Venetian territories in Epire. 130. he is perswaded to mariage by his Nobles. 192. he offendeth in ouermuch courtesie. 202. he goeth disguised as a spie into the Turkes campe before Croy. 164. and a [...] a spie vnto Sfetigrade. 205. he is in hazard of his life. 214. 459. 462. he is maried. 257. he goeth on progresse with his Queene. 258. his prouident order for the sudden arming of his [Page] subiects, & the speedie raising of an armie. 268 he vseth the aide of Italians in his warres. 278 his strange qualitie in the heate of fight and in his anger. 296. his retrait at the battell of Belgrade. 300. he is felled vpon his horse crouper 343. he is receaued at Ragusa. 407. he embarketh himselfe for Italie to the aide of Ferdinand. 409. he is honored with ambassades & presents from the Pope and all the Princes of Italie. 423. he restoreth Ferdinand to his kingdome. 421. he hath certaine townes in Apulia giuen him by Ferdinand. 423. he returneth out of Apulia into Epire. 424. he cōmeth to Rome to the Pope to craue aide against the Turkes. 478. he is ill succoured by the Christians. 480. he sickneth and maketh his last will & testament. 489. he dieth. 495. he is buried at Lissa 496. his bodie is taken out of his sepulchre & highly reuerenced by the Turkes. ibid. his priuate acts and exploites most rare and memorable. ibid.
- Sclauonie. 43. deuided from Epire by the riuer Drinon. 47
- Sclauonian tongue verie ample. 185
- Scopia a chiefe towne in Macedony. 269. 428
- Schisme in the Church of Rome the motiue and occasion thereof. 390
- Scouts of Scanderbeg surprised by the Turkes. 295
- Scouts of the Turks surprised by the Epirots. 362
- Scouts placed by Scanderbeg to obserue the passing of the Turkish armie. 363
- Scutarie or Scodra a citie of Epire subiect to the Venetians. 47. besieged by the Turkes. 218
- Scutarians their exploit against Baleza. 117
- Sea of Propontide. 315
- Sea of Bosphore or Thrace. ibid.
- Sebalias Lenrenese sent by Amurath to begin the siege of Croy. 207. to diuert Scanderbeg from troubling the Turkish campe. 224. to raise the siege of Belgrade. 291. he surpriseth the armie of Scanderbeg before Belgrade. 294. his ouersight. 297 he is put to the retyre in the battel of Belgrade. 300. his returne to Andrinople and his triumph. 310
- Securitie, vide negligence.
- Secrecie of the Ottomans in cōcealing their councels. 132
- Selit a mountaine in Epire. 51
- Seraill a place where the great Turke vseth to keepe his Concubines. 254
- Seremet sent against Scanderbeg. 214. 445. his sonne is taken prisoner in the battell of Alchria. 449. he is put to flight by Scanderbeg. ibid.
- Seruia alias Bosnia or Rascia, or Misia called by the Turkes Segoria. 14. restored to the Despot by Amurath vpon peace made betweene him and the Hungarians. 40
- Sfetigrade besieged by Scanderbeg and described 30. it is yeelded to Moses. 51. fortified by Moses. 137. besieged by the Turkes. 141. the naturall strength and situation of it. 160. battered. 154. 160. Assaulted. 155. 167. 169. yeelded to Amurath. 185. fortified by Amurath. 187. besieged by Scanderbeg. 194. the suburbs thereof assaulted & burnt by Scanderbeg. 195 assaulted by the Epirots. ibid. 197. 200. 203
- Sforce Cottignole Lieutenant of the Popes forces 395. 396. he is made prisoner. 397. he is deliuered. 398. he is sent to the aide of the Pope by Queene Ione of Naples, & is ouerthrowen by Braccio, the Queene depriueth him of all authoritie. 399. he is reconciled to the Queene 400. he deliuereth her from the siege of Alphonsus, and getteth a victorie of the Spaniards in Naples, and dieth. 401
- Sibilla Erithrea. 336
- Siege of Dayna giuen ouer by Scanderbeg. 129
- Siege of Sfetigrade giuen ouer by Scanderbeg. 204
- Siege of Scutarie by the Turkes. 218
- Siege of Croy giuen ouer by Mahomet. 246. 475 488. and giuen ouer by the Turkes after the death of Ballaban. 482
- Siege of Belgrade raised by Sebalias. 297
- Siege of Constantinople the manner of it. 316
- Siege of Barie or Barlet in Apulia raised by Scanderbeg. 410
- Siege of Duras giuen ouer by Mahomet. 488
- Simeon Volcathagne. 102. prisoner to Scanderbeg. 107
- Simeon de Nemague king of the Misians and Sclauonians. 113
- Skirmish betweene the Turkes and Epirots. 143. betwene the Turkes garrison within Sfetigrade, and the garrison of the Epirots in Dibria. 193. betwene the French and the Epirots in Apulia. 412
- Souldiers of seuerall Nations serue vnder Scanderbeg. 194
- Souldiers of Scanderbeg terrified at a tempest. 269
- Souldiers of diuerse Nations Christians serue vnder Mahomet at the siege of Constantinople. 313
- Souldiers of Scanderbeg the kinsemen of Ballaban corrupted by him to betray Scanderbeg. 456
- Souldiers of Scanderbeg murmure against him about pursuing of the Turkes after the siege of Croy. 485
- [Page]Spachi, or Sulastari, or Vlufagi, Turkish horsemen guarding the pauilion of the great Turke. 140
- Spaniardes their intollerable pride and enuie. 400
- Speeches of Scanderbeg to his subiects excepting against the making of peace with Amurath and the Turkes. 82. to certaine of his souldiers touching the securitie of the Turkishe armie. 163. to the Dibrians. 187
- Speeches also of Scanderbeg to his Nobles concerning the estate of the married life. 192. to Moses reprehending his ouer much hardinesse. 271. to Musache and a Turke deciding a controuersie betweene them. 274. to his Nobles vpon the reuolt of Moses. 307 to his Nobles touching the rebellion of Amesa. 350
- Speeches moreouer of Scanderbeg to two souldiers quarrelling together. 373. to Fusian. 422. to his souldiers encouraging them against Iussumbeg. 428. to his Nobles touching Carazabeg. 430. to his Chiefetaines aduising them to giue an onset vppon Ballaban. 463. to his neighbours and allies seeking their aide for the reliefe of Croy. 477. to the Epirots touching the flight of Ballaban. 469. to his Princes and Nobles vpon his death bedde. 489. to his sonne vppon his death bedd. 492. to his Chiefetaines vppon his death bed, vppon an alarme giuen by the Turkes. 495
- Speeches of Amurath to the Turkes vppon the receipt of Scanderbeg his letters, 86. to his souldiers reproaching them for flying from Scanderbeg. 159
- Speeches also of Amurath to his souldiers encouraging them to a newe assault of Sfetigrade. 168. to the Turkes concerning Scanderbeg. 230. to his sonne Mahomet vpon his death bed. 234
- Speeches of the Turkish Chiefetaines and Councellours to Feribassa, disswading him from the combat with Scanderbeg. 173. to Amurath perswading him to renue the assault of Croy. 219. to Mahomet calling for an assault to be giuen against Constantinople. 326
- Speeches of Mahomet to Amurath, perswading him to violate his faith with the Sfetigradians. 186. to his Courtiers animating him against Scanderbeg. 275. to his Bassaes perswading him not to leaue his voiage to Constantinople for Belgrade. 290. betwene him and Moses. 312
- Speeches also of Mahomet to the Turkes in commendation of Iohn Iustinian. 324. to himselfe vppon the inuasion of his territories by the Epyrots. 442. to himselfe vpon the hearing of the taking of Moses and other Nobles of Epire. 455
- Speeches of Mahomet to Ballaban vrging him to the destrustion of Scanderbeg. 460. to Scanderbeg by a messenger, by whom he returned his sword vnto him. 497
- Speeches of the Nobles of Epire to Scanderbeg, disswading him from the combat vvith Feribassa. 173. perswading him to marriage. 192. perswading him to graunt truce to the Belgradians. 286
- Speeches of Moses to the Turkish messenger. 278. to Scanderbeg in dissembling with him. 279. to his friendes perswading them to reuolt with him from Scanderbeg. 303. to the Turkes his souldiers, after his ouerthrow by Scanderbeg. 345
- Speeches of Amesa to the Epirots vppon the rebuke giuen him by his Ʋncle. 114. to Scanderbeg vpon his deliuerie out of prison. 383
- Speeches of Vranocontes gouernour of the citie of Croy, to the Ambassadour of Amurath. 232. 234
- Speeches of Vranocontes and Tanusee, touching the oration of Scanderbeg to them and the citizens of Croy. 357
- Speech of Ariamnites offering him selfe tributary to Scanderbeg. 51
- Speeche vsed by a paysaunt vnto Scanderbeg. 91
- Speech of Marin Span to Amesa, nephew to Scā derbeg. 108
- Speech of a Turke, called Caragusa to Paule Manassey. 121
- Speech of Paule Manassey to the Turkes flying from the battell. 125
- Speech of a Turke of Sfetigrade desiring a parley and truce. 201
- Speeches of the Christians subiectes of the great Turke, to the Christians their enemies at the siege of Scutarie. 218
- Speech of the Gouernour of Belgrade to the citizens. 283
- Speech of Sebalias deryding and reproaching the Christians. 298
- Speech of the souldiers of Scanderbeg desiring that their fellowes slaine at Belgrade might be buried. 308
- Speeches of Demetrius and others to Scanderbeg comforting him after his great misfortunes. 306
- [Page]Speeches of the Ambassadours of diuerse Princes to Scanderbeg touching his losse at Belgrade. 311.
- Speeches of Ahemaz to Moses desiring leaue to fight a combat. 338
- Speeches betwene Ahemaz and Zachary Groppe 339
- Speech of maister Nicholas of Naples touching the disgrace offered vnto him by the Pope. 391
- Speech of Ladislaus King of Naples of the battell betwene him and Lewes the second of Aniow. 396
- Speech of Count Picenin vsed vnto Scanderbeg. 414.
- Speech of Assambeg a Chiefetame of the Turkes to Scanderbeg. 428
- Speechs vsed by Ballaban to Mahomet excusing his ouerthrow by Scanderbeg. 459. 460
- Speech of Iagup of the fortune of Scanderbeg. 468
- Speech of Lech Ducagin bewayling the death of Scanderbeg. 496
- Speech of Scanderbeg to a Scithian before his combat with him. 8
- Speech of Zampsa a Persian to Amurath challenging his Courtiers to the combat. 9
- Speech of Amurath to Scanderbeg animating him to vndertake the combat against two Persians. 10
- Speech of Scanderbeg touching the oration made by a souldier Turke within Sfetigrade. 33
- Speech of the citizens of Sfetigrade to Scanderbeg. 41
- Speech of Haly Bassa touching the order obserued by Scanderbeg in setting of his battels. 58
- Speech of the Despot of Seruia to Frier Iohn Capistran. 71
- Speech of Iohn Huniades to Vladislaus King of Hungarie in the battell of Varna. 74
- Spies their punishment. 149
- Sponderbeg Prince of Penderacia. 253
- Stellusa a towne in Epire described, it is yeelded to Scanderbeg. 30
- Stephen Cernouiche husband of Mara the sister of Scanderbeg aideth him against the Turkes 35. his issue. 47
- Stephen King of Hungarie. 388
- Stratagemes of Scanderbeg against Haly Bassa. 57. against the Turkes before Sfetigrade. 142. in the often remouing of his campe. 160 in retyring from the Turkes. 359. in the battell of Pharsalia. 367
- Stratageme vsuall with the Turkes against the Christians. 140
- Stratageme of Amurath to diuert Scanderbeg from troubling his army during the assault of Croy. 224
- Stratagemes or strange enterprises of the Turks against Constantinople to get the hauen. 317 and in building a bridge. ibidem.
- Stratageme of Mahomet to surprise Chidna. 476.
- Streezes their familie. 46. the nephewes of Scanderbeg. 25
- Subassides a Turkish leader of horsemen. 139
- Subiectes of Scanderbeg, vvilling to haue peace vvith the Turkes. 82
- Succours sent by Alphonsus king of Naples to Scanderbeg. 280. by the Venetians and others to Scanderbeg for the reliefe of Croy. 480
- Superstition of the Dibrians most straunge. 181. causeth the losse of Sfetigrade. ibidem
- Synam sent vvith an armie to defend the Turkish frontiers. 377. 378. sent vvith an armie to inuade Epire. 426. surprised and ouerthrowen by Scanderbeg. 427
- Synope the countrey of Mithridates. 426
- Talasmans a kind of Priests among the Turkes. 5.
- Tanusee Thopie. 45. inuadeth the Turkish camp before Croy. 229. sent to begin the siege of Belgrade. 282. his valure in the battell of Belgrad. 296. he is sent with an army to burie the Christians slaine at Belgrade. 308. he spoileth and burneth all the countrie about Belgrade. 305 he is appointed to keepe the frontiers of Epire against Sinam and the Turks. 379. he is Scanderbegs Lieutenant at the battell of Valcala. 463
- Theodore Caristin a Greeke, a good archer. 318
- Theodore Corona Lord of Belgrade in Bulgary. 282
- Theophilus Paleologus. 318. his honourable end and death. 330
- Thuraca, Saniacke of Romania councellour to Mahomet. 326
- Timariot a Turkish horseman. 139
- Townes in Apulia giuen to Scanderbeg by Ferdinand. 423
- Trana a citie in Apulia vsurped by Fusian against Ferdinand, 421. yeelded to Scanderbeg and by Ferdinand giuen vnto him. 422. 423
- Trechery intended by Amurath to corrupt some of the garrison of Sfetigrade. 180
- Treacherie intended by Mahomet to corrupt some of Scanderbegs friends. 275. 276
- Treason of Anell a Mason betraying Naples to Alphonsus. 403
- [Page]Treason of certain souldiers seruing vnder Scanderbeg. 461
- Treason of a labourer corrupted by Amurath to betray Sfetigrade. 180. the manner thereof. 181 rewarded by Amurath. 186. the end and estimate of it. ibid.
- Trebizond besieged and won by Mahomet. 476
- Triballians people of Misia. 19. enhabite the vpper Dibria. 181. they holde of the Greeke Church. ibidem.
- Truce graunted by Scanderbeg to the Turkes within Sfetigrade. 202
- Truce for sixteene daies graunted by Scanderbeg. to the Belgradians. 287
- Truce betweene Scanderbeg and Mahomet. 407
- Triumphes and generall ioy of the Christians for the death of Amurath. 247
- Triumphs in Epire for the ouerthrow & death of Amurath. 249. for the victory against Moses. 344. for his returne and reconciliation. 348
- Triumph of Scanderbeg for the ouerthrow of Amesa and the Turkes. 373. after his victorie of Iagub and Ballaban. 470
- Triumph of Sebalias after his returne from relieuing Belgrade. 310
- Tumenist a amountaine in Epire foure miles from Croy. 208
- Turkes massacred within Croy. 20. their obstinacie. 22. they make head against Scanderbeg and are put to the sword. 24. their deuise in their ensignes. 125. within Belgrade they doubt of the faith of the citizens. 283. their wonderfull care to preserue their conquests. 291. they cut off the heads of the Christians slaine at Belgrade. 301. Their opinion of the Epirots. 310. they honour vertue and valure euen in their enemies. 346
- Turkes conspiring the death of Scanderbeg are executed. 474
- Tursines brother to Mahomet drowned. 253
- Tyranna the greater a towne in Epire. 28
- Tyranna the lesser in Epire. 208
- Tyre the lesser in Epire. 45
- Valachia the countrey of Huniades. 72
- Valley of Mocrea. 88
- Valley called the fayre Valley. 167
- Valley of Valcala. 453
- Valmes a citie in Epire. 271. reedified by Mahomet. 486
- Varietie of opimons touching Amuraths religious life. 86
- Varna or Dionisiopolis a citie neer to Romania 73
- Venetians aide Scanderbeg in his wars vvith supplues of money. 205. in peace and amitie vvith the Turkes. ibidem. their subiects relieue the Turkes before Croy vvith victuals. 227
- Viziers counsellers to the great Turke. 330
- Vlach Poastes of Turkie. 292
- Vladien Goleme de Ariamnite, father to Goleme Ariamnite or Musache de Angeline. 271
- Vladislaus king of Hungary craueth aid of Scanderbeg against the Turkes. 63. he marcheth against the Turkes. 72. his rashnesse or ouer great hardinesse. 74. he is slaine. ibidem
- Vlaica daughter to Iohn Castriot and Voisaue, sister to Scanderbeg. 3
- Vlixians a people of Epyre. 45
- Voyage of the Christians against the Turkes broken. 449
- Ʋoyage of Scanderbeg into Italie. 477
- Voysaue the mother of Scanderbeg dieth. 12
- Vranocontes. 58. made gouernour of Croy. 361. his praise and commendations. 209. he is by Scanderbeg made Duke of Emathia. 247
- Vrban the sixth created Pope. 390. enmitie betwene him and master Nicholas of Naples. 391 he is besieged within Nocera by Charles of Duras king of Naples. 394
- Vsuncassan king of Capadocia, Armenia, and Persia, his discent. 386. his acts and mariage. ibidem. in two battels he ouercommeth Mahomet, but in the third is himselfe ouercome by Mahomet in the battell of Arsengua. 387
- VVarre determined by Amurath against Scanderbeg. 79
- VVarre betwene the Turkes and the Hungarians. 62. betwene Scanderbeg & the Venetians. 94. betwene Mahomet and the Persians. 386
- Warre renued betweene Mahomet and Scanderbeg. 442
- Waters of Albulae. 366
- Winter wars most discōmodious & hurtfull. 262
- Xabiac a towne in Epyre vnder the dominion of Stephen Cernouitch. 47
- Zacharie Groppe. 196. 197. he desireth leaue of Scanderbeg to answere the chalenge of Ahemaze. 333. he is in pay vvith the French in Italie. 415. he is Lieutenant to Scanderbeg at the two battels of Valcala. 463
- Zadrime a coūtrey in Epire, vpon the riuer Drine, belonging to the familie of the Ducagines. 46
- Zagan a counseller to Mahomet. 326
- Zemalda eldest sonne to Vsuncassan king of Persia slaine in the battell of Arsenuag. 387