A NOTABLE HISTORIE containing foure voyages made by certayne French Captaynes vnto FLORIDA: Wherein the great riches and fruitefulnes of the countrey with the maners of the people hitherto con­cealed are brought to light, written all, sauing the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained there himselfe as the French Kings Lieuetenant a yere and a quarter: Newly translated out of French into English by R. H. In the end is added a large table for the better finding out the principall matters contayned in this worke.

AT LONDON, Imprinted by Thomas Dawson 1587.

AMORE ET VIRTVTE.

TO THE RIGHT WOR­thie and Honorable Gentleman, Sir Walter Ralegh knight, seneschal of the Duchies of Corne­wall and Exeter, and L. Warden of the stannaries in Deuon and Cornewall. R. H. wisheth true felicitie.

SIR, after that this historie, which had bene conce­led many yeeres, was lately committed to print and published in France vnder your name by my lear­ned friende M. Mar [...]ine Basanier of Paris, I was easilie enduced to turne it into English, vnderstan­ding that the same was no lesse gratefull to you here, then I know it to be acceptable to manie great & worthie per­sons there. And no maruell though it were verie welcome vnto you, & that you liked of the translation thereof, since no historie hetherto set foorth hath more affinitie, resemblance or conformitie with yours of Virginea, then this of Florida. But calling to minde that you had spent more yeares in France then I, and vnderstande the french better then my selfe, I foorth with perceiued that you ap­proued mine endeuour, not for any priuate ease or commoditie that thereby might redounde vnto you, but that it argued a singu­ler and especiall care you had of those, which are to be employed in your owne like enterprise, whom, by the reading of this my translati­on, you woulde haue forewarned and admonished aswell to beware of the grosse negligence in prouiding sufficiencie of victuals, the securi­tie, disorders, and mutinies that fell out among the french, with the great inconueniences that thereupon ensued, that by others mishapsOther men [...] mis­fortune ought to be our warning. they might learne to preuent and auoyde the like, as also might bee put in minde, by the reading of the manifolde commodities & great fertilitie of the places herein at large described & so nere neighbors vnto our colonies, that they might generally be awaked and stirred vp vnto the diligent obseruation of euerie thing that might turne to the aduancement of the action, whereinto they are so cheerefully entred. Manie speciall pointes concerning the commodities of these parts, the accidentes of the French-mens gouernment therein, the causes of their good or bad successe, with the occasions of their abandoning one of their fortes, and the surprise of the other by the [Page] enimies are herein truely and faithfully recorded: Which because they be quoted by me in the margents, and reduced into a large al­phabeticall table, which I haue annexed to the ende of the worke, it shalbe needlesse to recken vp againe. And that the rather, because the same with diuers other things of chiefest importance are liuely drawen in coulours at your no smale charges by the skilfull painter Iames Morgues, yet liuing in the Blacke-fryers in London (whomThe chiefe things worthie obserua­tion in Florida are drawne in co­lours by la [...]es Morgues painter yet liuing in the Blacke Friers in London. Monsieur Chastillon then admirall of France sent thither with Laudonniere for that purpose) which was an eye-witnesse of the goodnes & fertilitie of those regions, & hath put downe in writing many singularities which are not mentioned in this treatise: which he meaneth to publish together with the purtraitures before it be long, if it may stand with your good pleasure & liking. These foure voiages I knew not to whom I might better offer thē to your selfe, & that for diuers iust considerations. First, for that as I haue said before, they were dedicated vnto you in french: secondly because now foure times also you haue attempted the like vpon the selfe same cost neere adioy­ning: thirdly in that you haue persed as farre vp into the maine & discouered no lesse secretes in the parts of your aboad, then the french did in the places of their inhabiting: lastly considering you are now also readie (vpon the late returne of Captayne Stafforde and good newes which hee brought you of the safe arriuall of your last colonie in their wished hauen) to prosecute this action more throughly then euer. And here to speake somewhat of this your enterprise, I af­firme, that if the same may speedily and effectually be pursued, it will prooue farre more beneficiall in diuers respects vnto this our relme, then the worlde, yea manie of the wiser sort, haue hitherto ima­gined: The particuler commodities whereof are well knowen vntoA collection of the commodities of Virginea. your selfe and some fewe others, and are faithfully and with great iudgement committed to writing, as you are not ignorant, by one of your followers, which remayned there a full tweluemonth with your worshipfully lieutenant M. Raph Lane in the diligent serch of the secretes of those countries. Touching the speedie and effectuall pursuing of your action, though I wote well it woulde demanude a a princes purse to haue it throughly followed without lingring, yet am I of opinion, that you shall drawe the same before it bee long to be profitable and gamefull aswell to those of our nation there re­maining [...]s to the marchants of England that shall trade hereafter [Page] thither, partly by certaine secrete cōmodities already discouered byMeanes to raise benefit in newe discoueries vsed by the Spaniards and Portugals. your seruants, & partly by breeding of diuers sorts of beasts in those large & ample regions, & plainting of such things in that warme climat as will best prosper there, & our realme standeth most in need of. And this I find to haue bene the course that both the Spaniards and Portugals tooke in the beginnings of their discoueries and con­questes. For the Sp [...]niards at their first entrance into Hispaniola found neither suger-canes nor ginger growing there, nor any kind of our cattel: But finding the place fit for pasture they sent kine & buls & sundry sorts of other profitable bestes thither, & transported the plants of suger-canes, & set the roots of ginger: the hides of which oxen, with suger & ginger are now the chiefe marchandise of that Iland. The Portugals also at their first footing in Madera, as Iohn Barros writes in his first Decade, found nothing there but mightie woodes for timber, whereupon they called the Ilande by that name. Howbeit the climate being fauourable, they inriched it by their own industrie with the best wines and sugers of the world. The like ma­ner of proceeding they vsed in the Isles of the Assores by sowing therin great quantitie of Woad. So delt they in S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctial, & in Brasil & sondry other places. And if our men will follow their steps, by your wise direction I doubt not but in due time they shall reape no lesse commoditie and benefit. Moreouer there is none other likelihoode but that her Maiestie, which hath Christned and giuen the name to your Virginea, if neede require, will deale after the maner of honorable godmothers, which, seeing their gos­sops not fully able to bring vp their children themselues, are wont to contribute to their honest education, the rather if they finde any towardlines or reasonable hope of goodnes in them. And if Eli­zabethThe great [...]eale of Elizabeth queene of Castile and Ar­ragon in aduan­sing of newe dis­coueries tending to Gods glorie.Queene of Castile and Arragon, after her husband Fer­dinando & shee had emptied their cofers and exhausted their trea­sures in subdueing the kingdome of Granada & rooting the Mores, a wicked weed, out of Spayne, was neuerthelesse so zealous of Gods honour, that (as Fernandus Columbus the Sonne of Christopher Columbus recordeth in the historie of the deeds of his Father) she layde part of her owne Iewels, which she had in great accompt, to gage, to furnish his Father foorth vpon his first voyage, before any foot of land of al the West Indies was discouered, what may we ex­pect [Page] of our most magnificent & gratious prince ELIZABETH of Eng­lande, into whose lappe the Lord hath most plentifully throwne his treasuries, what may we, I say, hope of her forwardnes & bountie in aduancing of this your most honourable enterprise being farre more certaine then that of Columbus, at that time especially, and tending no lesse to the glorie of God then that action of the Spaniards. For as you may read in the verie last wordes of the relation of Newe Mexico extant now in english, the maine lande, where your last co­lonie meane to seate themselues, is replenished with many thousands of Indians, Which are of better wittes then those of MexicoThe aptnes of the people in the mayne of Virgi­nea to embrace Christianitie.and Peru, as hath beene found by those that haue had some triall of them: whereby it may be gathered that they will easi­lie embrace the Gospell, forsaking their idolatrie, wherein at this present for the most part they are wrapped & intangled. A wise Philosopher noting the sundry desires of diuers men, writeth, that if an oxe be put into a medow he will seeke to fill his bellie with grasse, if a storke be cast in she will seeke for snakes, if yee turne in a hound he will seeke to start an hare: So sondrie men entring into these discoueries propose vnto themselues seuerall ends. Some seeke authoritie and places of commandement, others experience by see­ing of the worlde, the most part worldly and transitorie gaine, & that often times by dishonest and vnlawfull meanes, the fewest number the glorie of God and the sauing of the soules of the poore & blinded infidels. Yet because diuers honest and well disposed persons are entred already into this your busines, and that I knowe you meane hereafter to sende some such good Churchmen thither, as may true­ly saie with the Apostle to the Sauages, We seeke not yours but2. Cor. 12. 14.you: I conceaue great comfort of the successe of this your action, ho­ping that the Lord, whose power is wont to be perfected in weakenes, will blesse the feeble foundations of your building. Onely bee you of a valiant courage and faint not, as the Lorde saide vnto Iosue,I [...]sne 1. 6. exhorting him to proceede on forwarde in the conquest of the lande of promise, and remember that priuate men haue happily wilded and waded through as great enterprises as this, with lesser meanes then those which God in his mercie hath bountifully bestowed vpon you, to the singuler good, as I assure my selfe, of this our common wealth wherein you liue. Hereof we haue examples domesticall and for­reine. [Page] Remember I pray you, what you finde in the beginning of the Chronicle of the conquest of Ir [...]de newlie dedicated vnto yourselfe.The good successe in Ireland of Richarde Strangbowe exle of Chep­stowe. Read you not that Richard Strangbowe the decayed earle of Chepstowe in Monmuthshire, being in no great fauour of his Soueraigne, passed ouer into that Iland in the yeere 1171. and ac­cōpanied only with certaine of his priuate friends had in short space such prosperous successe, that hee opened the way for king Henrie the second to the speedie subiection of all that warlike nation to this crowne of Englande: which so continueth to this present day? The like conqueste of Brasilia and annexing the same to the king­dome of Portugal was first begunne by meane and priuate men, as Don Antonio de Castillio, Ambassadour here for that realme, & by his office keeper of all the records and monuments of their disco­ueries, assured me in this citie within these sixe yeeres. Now if the greatnes of the maine of Virginea, and the large extension thereof, especially to the West, should make you thinke that the subduing of it, were a matter of more difficultie then the conquest of Irelande, first I answere, that, as the fresh experience of that happie and sin­gulerThe happie l [...]te discouerie to the northwest of captaine Dauies. skilfull pil [...]tte and Captaine M. Iohn Dauis to the northwest▪ (towarde which his discouerie your selfe haue thrise contributed with the forwardest) hath shewed a great part to bee maine Sea, where before was thought to bee mayne lande, so for my part I am fully perswaded by Or [...]elius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulfe of California that the land on the backe part of Virginea extendeth nothing so farre westward as is put downe in the mappes of those partes, and that before two yeeres come to an ende, God blessing the foresaide Captaine Dauis endeuours, he will put vs out of that doubt and manie others. Moreouer it is not to bee denied, but that one hundred men will doe more nowe among the naked and vnarmed people in Virginea, then one thousande were able then to doe in Irelande against that armed and warrelike nation in those daies. I say further, that these two yeares last experience hath plainely shewed that wee may spare tenne thousand able men with­out any misse. And these are as manie as the kingdome of Portugal had euer in all their garrisons of the Assores, Madera, Cape verde, Guinea, Brasill, Mozambique, Melinde, Zocotora, Ormus, Diu, Goa, Mallacca, the Moluccoes, Amacan, and Macao vpon the cost [Page] of China. Yea this I say by the confession of singuler expert men ofTh [...]kings of Por­tugal had neuer aboue ten thou­sand of their na­tural subiectes in all their n [...]w con­quered dom [...]s. their owne natiō (whose names I suppresse for certaine causes) which haue beene personally in the East Indies, and haue assured mee that their kings had neuer aboue ten thousand natural borne Portugals (their slaues excepted) out of their kingdome remaining in all the aforesaid territories. Which also this present yeere I sawe confirmed in a secrete extract of the particuler estate of that kingdome and of euerie gouernment and office subiect to the same, with the seuerall pensions thereunto belonging. Seeing therefore we are so farre from want ef people, that retyring dayly home out of the Lowe Countries they go idle vp & downein swarmes for lacke of honest intertainmēt, I see no fitter place to employ some part of the better sort of them trayned vp thus long iu seruice, thē in the inward parts of the firme of Virginea against such stubborne Sauages as shall refuse obedience to her Maiestie. And doubtlesse many of our men will be glade & faine to accept this condition, when as by the reading of this present treatie they shall vnderstand the fertilitie and riches of the regions confining so neere vppon yours, the great commodities and goodnesse whereof I trust you will suffer to come shortly to light. In the meane season I humbly commende my selfe and this my translation vnto you, and your selfe, and all those which vnder you haue taken this en­terprise in hand to the grace & good blessing of the Almightie, which is able to build further, and to finish the good worke which in these our dayes he hath begunne by your most Christian and charitable endeuour.

Your L. humble at commandement R. H.

The preface.

THere are two thinges, which according to mine opinio [...] haue been the principall causes in consideration whereof aswell they of auncient times, as those of our age haue been enduced to trauell into farre and remote regions. The first hath beene the naturall desire which we haue to serch out the commodities to liue happely, plentifully, and at ease: be it whether one abandon his naturall cuntrie altogether, to dwell in a better, or bee it that men make voiages thither, there to serch out and bring from thence such thinges as are there to bee found, and are in greatest esti­mation and in most request in our cuntries. The second cause hath beene the multitude of people too frutefull in generation, which, being no longer able to dwell in their natiue soyles, haue entred vppon their neighbours limites, and oftentimes passing further haue pearced euen vnto the vttermost regi­ons. After this sorte the north climate, a frutefull father of so many nations, hath oftentimes sent foorth this way and that way his valiant people, and by this meane hath peopled infinite countries: so that most of the nati­ons of Europe drawe their original from these partes. Contrariwise the more southern regions, because they be too barraine by reason of their insupporta­ble heate which raigneth in them, neede not any such sending foorth of their in habitances, and haue beene oftentimes constrained to receaue other peo­ple more often by force ofarmes then willingly. All Africke, Spaine, and Italie, can also testifie the same, which neuer so abounded with people that they had neede to send them abroode to inhabite else where: as on the contra­ry Scythia, Norway, Gotland, and France haue done. The posterite of which nations remaineth yet not only in Italie, Spaine and Affricke, but also in frute­full and faire Asia. Neuerthelesse I find that the Romains proceding farther, or rather adding vnto these two chiefe causes aforesayd, (as being most curi­ous to plant not only their ensignes and victories, but also their lawes, cust­omes, and religion in those provinces which they had conquered by forcePlanting of colonies. ofarmes) haue oftentimes by the decree of their soueraine Senate sent forth inhabitantes, which they called colonies, (thinking by this way to make their name immotall), euen to the vnfurnishing of their owne countrye of the forces which should haue perserued the same in her perfection: a thing which hindred them much more, then advanced them to the possession of the vni­versall monarchie, where vnto their intention did aspyre. For it came to passe that their colonies here and there being miserably sacked by strang people [Page] did vtterly ruine and ouerthrowe their empire. The brinkes of the riuer of Rine are yet red, those of Danubius are noe lesse bloodie, and our France be came fatte with their blood which they lost. These are the effectes and re­wardes of al such as being pricked forward with this Romaine and tirannicall ambition will goe aboute thus to subdue strange people: effectes, I say, con­trarie to the profitte which those shall receaue, which only are affectioned to the common benefitte, that is to say, to the generall pollicie of all men, and endeuour to vnite them one with another as well by trasicke and forraine con­uersations, as also by militarie vertues, and force of armes, whenas the sauages wil not yeeld vnto their endeuours so much tending vnto their profite.

For this cause princes haue sent foorth out of their dominions certaine men of good actiuitie, to plante themselues in strang countries, there to make their profite to bring the countrie to ciuilitie, and, if it might be, to reduce the inhabitantes to the true knowledg of our God: an end so much more commédable, as it is farre from all tiranicall and cruell gouernement: and so they haue alwayes thriued in their enterprises, and by lyttle and little gained the hartes of them which they haue conquered or wonne vnto them by any meanes. Here of we may gather that sometimes it is good, yea very expedient to send foorth men to discouer the pleasure and commoditie of strang countries: But so, that the country out of which these companies are to passe remayneTwo conditiō required in cō quests of countries newe discouered. Nota. not weakned, nor depriued of her forces: And againe in such sorte that the companie sent forth be of so iuste and sufficient number, that it may not bee defeited by strangers, which euery foote endeuour nothing else but to surprise the same vpon the suddaine. As within these fewe dayes past the french haue proued to my great greife, being able by no meanes possible to withstand the same, considering that the elementes, men, and al the fauours which might be hoped for of a faithful and Christian alliance fought against vs: which thing I purpose to discouer in this presēt historie with so euident truth, that the kings maiestie my souerainge prince shall in parte be satisfied of the diligence which I haue vsed in his seruice, and myne aduersaries shall find themselues so disco­uered in their false reportes, that they shall haue no place of refuge. But be­fore I beginne, I wil brefely set downe the situation and description of the land where vnto we haue failed and where we haue inhabited from the yeare 1561 vnto sixtie fiue, to the ende that those thinges may the more easily be borne a way, which I meane to describe in this discourse.

¶ The description of the West Indies in generall, but chiefly and particularly of Florida.

THat part of the earth which at this day wee call the fourth part of the world or America, or theAmerica vn­knowen to all antiquitie. West India, was unknowen vnto our aunce­stors by reason of the great distance thereof. In like manner all the Westerne Ilandes and for­tunate Isles were not discouered but by those of our age. Howbeit there haue beene some which haue said that they were discouered in the time of Augustus Caesar, and that Virgil hath made mention thereof in the sixt booke of his Aeneidos, when he saith, That there is a lande beyond the starres, and the course of the yeere and of the sunne, where Atlas the Porter of heauen sustaineth the pole vpon his shoulders: neuerthelesse it is easie to iudge that he meaneth not to speake of this land, whereof no man is founde to haue written before his time, neither yet aboue a thousand yeeres after. Christopher Colon did first light vpon thisChristopher Colon or Co­lumbe. lande in the yeere 1492. And fiue yeeres after Americus went thi­ther by the commaundement of the king of Castile, and gaue vnto it his owne name, wherevpon afterward it was called America. Americus Ve­spucius of whom Ameri­ca tooke the name. This man was very well seene in the Arte of Nauigation and in Astronomie: whereby be discouered in his time many landes vn­knowen vnto the auncient Geographers. This countrey is na­med by some, the land of Bresill, and the lande of Parots. It stret­cheth it selfe according vnto Postel from the one pole to the other, sauing at the straight of Magelan, wherevnto it reacheth, three andThe first ge­nerall part of America. fiftie degrees beyonde the equator. I will deuide it for the better vnderstanding into three principall partes. That which is toward the pole Articke or the North, is called newe Fraunce, because that in the yeere 1524, Iohn Verarsana a Florentine was sent by king Frauncis the first, and by Madam the Regent his mother vnto these newe regions, where he went on land, and discouered all the Coste which is from the tropicke of Cancer, to witte, from the eight and twentith vnto the fiftith degree, and farther to the North. Hee planted in this Countrey the ensignes and armes of the king of [Page] Fraunce: so that the Spaniardes themselues, which were there af­terward, haue named this Countrey Terra Francesca. The same then extendeth it selfe in Latitude from the 25. degree vnto the 54, toward the North: and in Longitude from 210. vnto 330. The Easterne part thereof is called by the late Writers the lande of Norumbega, which beginneth at the Bay of Gama, which se­parateth it from the Isle of Canada, whither Roberuall and Ia­ques Carter sayled the yeere 1535. About the which there are ma­ny Ilands, among which is that which is named Terra de Labra­dor stretching toward Groneland. In the Westerne parte there are many knowne countries, as the Region of Quiuira, Ceuola, Astatlan, and Terlichichimici. The Southerne part is called Florida, because it was discouered on Palmesunday, which the Spaniards call Pascha Florida. The Northerne part is altogether vnknowen.

The second part of all America is called Newe Spaigne. ItThe 2. general part of Ame­rica. extendeth from the tropick of Cancer in the 23. degrees and a half, vnto the nienth degree. In the same is scituated the citie of Themi­stitan, and it hath many regions, and many Ilandes adioyned vnto it, which are called the Antilles, whereof the most famous and re­nounced are Hispaniola and Isabella, with an infinite number of o­thers. All this land together with the Bay of Mexico, and all the Islandes aforesaide haue not in longitude past seuentie degrees, to wit, from the 240. vnto three hundreth and ten: it is also long and narrow as Italie. The third part of America is called Peru, it isThe 3. general part of Ame­rica. very great, and extendeth it selfe in latitude from the tenth degree vnto the 53. beyond the equator, to wit, as I haue saide before vnto the straite of Magelan. It is made in fashion like to an egge, and is very well knowne vppon all sides. The parte where it is largest hath threescore degrees, and from thence it waxeth narrower and narrower toward both the endes. In one part of this land Ville­gagnon planted right vnder the tropicke of Capricorne, and he cal­led it Fraunce Antarticke, because it draweth toward the pole An­tarticke, as our Fraunce doth toward the Articke.

New Fraunce is almost as great as all our Europe. HowbeitFlorida with an ample de­scription ther­of. the most knowne and inhabited parte thereof is Florida, whether many Frenchman haue made diuerse voyages at sundry times, in so much that now it is the best known countrie, which is in al this [Page 2] parte of new Fraunce. The Cape thereof is as it were a long head of land streatching out into the Sea an hundred leagues, and run­neth directly toward the South, it hath right ouer against it 25. leagues distant the Isle of Cuba otherwise called Isabella, toward the East the Isles of Bahama & Lucaya, and toward the West the Bay of Mexico. The Countrie is flat, and deuided with diuers ri­uers, and therefore moyst, and is sandie towards the Sea shore. There groweth in those parts great quantitie of Pynetrees whichThe trees of Florida, haue no kernels in the Aples which they beare. Their Woods are full of Oakes, Walnuttrees, blacke Cherietrees, Mulbury trees, Lentiskes, and Chestnut trees, which are not naturall as those in Fraunce. There is great store of Ceders, Cypresses, Bayes, Palme trees, Hollies, and wilde Uines, which clime vp along the trees and beare good Grapes. There is there a kind of Medlers, the fruit whereof is better then that of Fraunce, and bigger. There are also Plum trees, which beare very fayre fruite, but such as is not very good. There are Raspisses, and a little bearie which we call among vs Blues, which are very good to eate. There growe in that Countrie a kind of Roots which they call in their language Hatseh whereof in necessitie they make bread. There is also there the tree called Esquiue which is very good against the Pocks andThe beastes of Florida. other cōtagious diseases. The Beasts best known in this Country are Stags, Hinds, Goats, Deare, Beares, Leopards, Owneces, Luserns, diuers sortes of Wolues, wilde Dogs, Hares, Cunnies, and a cretaine kind of beast that differeth little from the Lion of Affrica. The Foules are Turkeycockes, Partridges, Parrots,The foule of Florida. Pigions, Ringdoues, Turtles, Blackbirds, Crowes, Tarcels, Faulcons, Laynerds, Herons, Cranes, Storkes, wild Geese, Ma­lards, Cormorans, Egrepts white, red, blacke and gray, and an in­finite sorte of all wilde foule. There is such aboundance of Croco­dilesCrocodiles. that often times in swimming men are assayled by them, of Serpents there are many sortes. There is found among the Sa­uages good quantitie of Gold and Siluer, which is gotten out ofGold & siluer. the Ships that are lost vpon the cost, as I haue vnderstood by the sauages themselues. They vse traffick therof one with another. And that which maketh me the rather beleeue it, is, that on the cost to­ward the Cape, where commonly the Ships are cast away, there is more store of siluer, then toward the North. Neuerthelesse they say [Page] that in the Mountaynes of Appalatcy there are mines of Copper, which I thinke to be golde. There is also in this Countrey greatThe moun­taines of Ap­palatcy. Store of dyes and colours. The dispositiō and maners of the Floridians. store of graynes and herbes, whereof might bee made excel­lent good dyes and paintings of all kind of colours. And in truth the Indians which take great pleasure in painting of their skins know very well how to vse the same. The men are of an Oliue co­lour, of great stature, fayre without any deformitie, and well pro­portioned. They couer their priuities with the skin of a stagge wel dressed. The most part of them haue their bodies, armes, & thighes painted with very fayre deuises: the paynting whereof can neuer be taken away, because the same is pricked into their flesh. Their haire is very blacke and reacheth euen downe to their hippes,The wearing of their haire. howbeit they trusse it vp after a fashion that becometh them very well. They are great dissemblers and traytors, valiant of their per­sons and fight very well. They haue none other weapons but their Bowes and Arrowes. They make the string of their bow of a gutte of a stagge or of a stagges skinne, which they know how to dresse as well as any man in Fraunce and with as many different sorts of coloures. They head their arrowes with the teeth of Fishes and stone which they work very fine and handsomly. They exercise their yong men to run wel, and they make a game, among thēseluesTheir exercise and pastime▪ runnig for games. Shooting. Playing at the Ball. Hunting Fishing. Their forme of warre. which he winneth yt hath the longest breath. They also exercise thē ­selues much in shooting. They play at the ball in this maner. They set vp a tree in the middest of a place which is eight or nine fathom high, in the toppe wherof there is set a square matte made of reedes or Bulrushes which whosoeuer hitteth in playing thereat, winneth the game. They take great pleasure in hunting and fishing. The kinges of the Countrie make great warre one against the other, which is not executed but by surprise, and they kill all the men that they can take: afterward they cut of their heads to haue their haire, which returning home they carry away, to make thereof their tri­umph when they come to their houses. They saue the women and children and nourish them and keepe them alwayes with them. Being returned home from the warre they assemble all their sub­iectes, and for ioy three dayes and three nights they make good cheere, they daunce and sing, likewise they make the most auncientTheir tri­umphes after the victorie. women of the Countrie to daunce holding the haires of their eni­mies in their hands: and in dauncing they sing prayses to the Sun, [Page 3] ascribing vnto him the honour of the victory. They haue no know­ledgethey worship the Sunne and Moon. Their pristes are both Ma­gicions and Phisitions. of GOD, nor of any religion, sauing of that which they see, as the Sunne and the Moone. They haue their Priestes to whome they giue great credit because they are great Magiciās great south­sayers, and callers vpon Diuels. These Pristes serue them in steed of Phisitions and Chirurgions. They carry alwayes about them a bagge full of herbes and drugs to cure the sicke diseased which for the most part are sicke of the Pocks, for they loue women and may­dens exceedingly which they call the daughters of the Sunne: andTheir maria­ges. some of them are Sodomites. They mary, and euery one hath his wife: and it is lawfull for the king to haue two or three: yet none but the first is honored and acknowledged for Queene: and noneThe paineful­nes of the wo­men. but the children of the first wife inherite the goods and authoritie of the father. The women doe all the busines at home. They keep not house with them after they know they be with child. And they eate not of yt which they touch as long as they haue their flowers. There are in all this Countrey many Hermaphrodites, which take allMany Hermo­phodites which haue the nature of both sexes. Their food & prouisiō for warre. Their dressing their flesh and fish ouer the smoake. Their order in marching to the warre. Their consul­tations. the greatest paine and beare the victuals when they goe to warre. They paint their faces much, and sticke their haire full of feathers or downe that they may seeme more terrible. The victuals which they carry with them, are of bread, of hony, and of meale [...] [...]ade maiz parched in the fire, which they keepe without being marred a long while. They carrie also sometimes fishe, which they cause to be dre­ssed in the smoke. In necessitie they eate a thousand rifraffes, euen to the swallowing downe of coales, and putting sand into the pot­tage which they make of this meale. When they goe to warre their king marcheth first, with a clubbe in the one hand, and his bow in the other, with his quiuer full of arrowes. All his men follow him, which haue likewise their bowes and arrowes. While they fight they make great cries and exclamations. They take no enterprise in hand but first they assemble oftentimes their council together, and they take very good aduisement in any matter before they groweTheir assem­blies. to a resolution. They meete together euery morning in a great common house, whither their kinge repayreth and setteth him downe vppon a seate which is higher than the seates of the o­ther: where all of them one after another come and salute him:Their saluting of their kings. and the most auncient begin their salutations lifting vp both their handes twise as high as their face, saying, ha, he, ya, and the rest [Page] answeare ha, ha. Assoone as they haue done their salutation euerie man sitteth him downe vppon the seates which are rounde about in the house. If there be any thing to intreate of, the king calleth the Iawas, that is to say, their Priestes, and the most auncient men, and asketh them their aduise. Afterward he commaundeth CassineThe drinking of Cassine be­fore they goe to battell. to bee brewed, which is a drinke made of the leaues of a certaine tree: They drinke this Cassine very hoat, he drinketh first, then he causeth to bee giuen thereof to all of them one after another in the selfe same boule, which holdeth wel a quart measure of Paris. They make so great account of this drinke, that no man may taste there­ofThe honor ex­hibited vnto men of valure aboue other. The excellen­cie of Cassine. in this assemblie, vnlesse he hath made proofe of his valure in the warre. Moreouer this drinke hath suche a vertue, that assoone as they haue drunke it, they become all in a sweate, which sweate be­ing past, it taketh away hunger and thirst for 24. houres after. When a king dieth they burie him verye solemnly, and vppon his graue they set the cup wherein he was wont to drinke: and roundeTheir manner of the buriall of kinges. Their fasts at the burial of their kings. Their cutting of more than halfe their haire. about the sayde graue, they sticke many arrowes, and weepe and fast three dayes and three nightes together without ceassing. All the kinges which were his friendes make the like mourning: and in token of the loue which they bare him, they cut of more than the one halfe of their haire as well men as women. During the space of sixe moones (so they reckon their moneths) there are certain wo­men appointed which bewayle the death of this king, crying with a loude voyce thrise a day, to wit, in the morning, at noone, and at Euening. All the goods of this king are put into his house, and af­terwarde they set it one fire, so that no thing is euer more after to be seene. The like is done with the goods of the pristes, and besidesThe buriall of their Priests. Sowing twise in 6. moneths Their corne is ripe in three monethes. they burrie the bodyes of the pristes in their houses, and then they set them on fire. They sowe their maise twise a yeere, to witte, in March and in Iune, and all in one and the same soyle. The saide maise from the time that it is sowed vntill the time that it be ready to be gathered is but three monethes on the grounde. The other sixe monethes they let the earth rest. They haue also faire Pumpi­ons,Faire pumpiōs Goodly beans Instrumentes wherwith they til their ground. and very good beanes. They neuer doung their land, onlie whē they would sowe, they set the weedes on fire, which grewe vp du­ring the sixe monethes, and burne them all. They digge their ground with an instrument of wood which is fashioned like a broad mattocke wherewith they digge their Vines in Fraunce, they put [Page 4] two graines of maise together. When the lande is to bee sowed the king commaundeth one of his men to assemble his subiectes euerie day to come to labour, during which labour the king causeth store of that drink to be made for them, wherof we haue spoken. At the timeThe bringing of all the crop into a commō house. Their prouisi­on of corne for 6. months only Their manner of liuing in the Winter. when the maise is gathered it is al carried into a common house, where it is distributed to euery man according to his quality. They sowe no more but that which they thinke will serue their turnes for sixe monethes, and that very scarcely. For during the Winter, they retire themselues for three or foure monethes in the yeere in­to the woods, where they make little cottages of palme boughes for their retraite, and liue there of maste, of fishe which they catch, of Oi­sters, of Stagges, of Turkiecockes, and other beastes which they take. They eate all their meate broyled on the coales, and dressed inThe dressing of their meat in the smoake. the smoake, which in their language they call Boucaned. They eate willingly the flesh of y Crocodil: & in deed it is faire and white: and were it not that it sauoureth too much like muske we would of­tentimes haue eaten thereof. They haue a custome among them,Their manner of curing dis­cases. that when they find themselues sicke, where they feele the payne, whereas we cause our selues to be let blood, their Phisitions sucke them vntill they make the blood follow.

The women are of the like disposition, & great, and of the same co­lourTheir womens disposition & manners. that the men be of, painted as the men be: Howbeit whē they are borne they be not so much of an oliue colour, and are farre whi­ter. For the chiefe cause that maketh them to be of this colour, proceedes of annointings of oyle which they vse among them: andOile in Florida Women great swimmers. they doe it for a certaine ceremonie which I could not learne, & be­cause of the sun which shineth hotte vpon their bodies. The agilitie of the women is so great that they can swin [...]ne ouer the greate ri­uers bearing their children vppon one of their armes. They climbe vp also very nimbly vppon the highest trees in the Coun­trey.

Beholde in briefe the description of the Countrey, with the na­ture and customes of the inhabitantes: which I was verie willing to write, before I entred anie further into the discourse of my histo­rie, to the end that the Readers might the better be prepared to vn­derstand that which I meane hereafter to entreate of.

[Page]MY Lord Admiral of Chastillion, a noble man more destrous of the publike than of his priuate benefite, vnderstanding the pleasure of the king his prince, which was to discouer new & strāge countries, caused vessels fitte for this purpose to bee made readie with all diligence, and men to be leuied meet for such an enterprise: Among whom he chose Captaine Iohn Ribault, a man in truth ex­pert in Sea causes: which hauing receiued his charge set himselfThe first voy­age of Iohn Ribault to Flo­rida 1561. to Sea the yeere 1561. the eighteenth of Februarie accompa­nied onelie with two of the kinges shippes, but so well furnished with Gentlemen, (of whose number I my selfe was one) and with olde Souldiers, that he had meanes to a [...]chieue some notable thing and worthy of eternall memorie. Hauing therefore sayled two mo­nethes, neuer holding the vsuall course of the Spaniardes, he arri­ued in Florida, landing neere a Cape or Promontorie, which is no high lande, because the coste is all flatte, but onelie rising by rea­son of the high woods, which at his arriuall he called Cape Fran­çois in honour of our Fraunce. This Cape is distant from the e­quatorCape Frāçois in 30. degrees. about 30. degrees. Coasting from this place towardes the North, he discouered a very fayre and great riuer, which gaue him occasion to cast anker that he might search the same the next day ve­ry early in the morning: which being done, by the breake of day, ac­companied with Captaine Fiquinuille and diuers other souldiers of his shippe, he was no sooner arriued on the brinke of the shore, but straight he perceiued many Indians men and women, which came of purpose to that place to receiue the Frenchmen with all gentle­ues & amity, as they wel declared by the Oration which their king made, and the presents of Chamoys skins wherwith he honored ourA piller ser vp. captaine, which the day following caused a piller of hard stone to be planted within the saide riuer, and not farre from the mouth of the same vppon a little sandie knappe, in which Piller the armes of Fraunce were carued and engraued. This being done he imbar­ked himself again to the end alwaies to discouer the cost toward the North which was his chief desire. After he had sayled a certain time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer, and then in the pre­sence of certaine Indians which of purpose did attende him, hee commaunded his men to make their praiers, to giue thankes toPraier and thankes to God. GOD, for that of his grace he had conducted the French nation into these straunge places, without anye perill or daunger at all. [Page 5] The prayers being ended, the Indians which were very attentiue to harken vnto them, thinking, in my iudgement, that we worship­ped the sunne, because wee alwayes had our eyes lifted vp towarde heauen, rose all vp and came to salute the Captaine Iohn Ri­bault, promising to shewe him their king, which rose not vp as they did, but remayned still sitting vppon greene leaues of bayes and Palmetrees: toward whom the Captaine went and sate downe by him, and heard him make a long discourse, but with no great plea­sure, because he coulde not vnderstand his language, and much lessePresents giuen to Ribault. his meaning. The king gaue our Captain at his departure a plume or fan of Egrepthes feathers died in red, and a basket made of palm boughes after the Indian fashion, and wrote verye artificially, with a great skinne paynted and drawne throughout with the Pic­tures of diuers wilde beastes so liuely drawen and portraide that nothing lacked but life. The Captain to shew himself not vnthank­ful gaue him pretie tinne braselets, a cutting hook, a looking glasse, & certaine kniues: wherevpō the king shewed himselfe to bee very glad, and fully contented. Hauing spent the most part of the day with these Indians, the captaine imbarked himselfe to passe ouer to the other side of the riuer, whereat the king seemed to be very so­rie. Neuerthelesse being not able to stay vs, he commaunded, that with all diligence they should take fishe for vs: which they did with all speede. For being entred into their parkes or inclosures made ofTheir fish [...] parkes. reedes and framed in the fashion of a labyrinth or maise, they loaded vs with troutes, greate mullets, plaise, turbuts, and marueilous store of other sortes of fishes altogether different from ours. ThisThey passe o­uer the riuer. done, wee entered into our Barkes and went towarde the o­ther shore. But before we came to the shore wee were saluted with a number of other Indians, which entring into the water to their armepittes, brought vs manie little baskets full of maise, and goodlie Mulberies both redde and white: Others offeredGoodly mul­beries white and redde. them selues to beare vs on shore, where being landed we perceiued their king sitting vpon a place dressed with boughes and vnder a litle arbour of Cedars & Bay trees somwhat distant from the wa­ters side. He was accompanied with two of his sonnes which were e [...]ceeding faire and strong, & with a troupe of Indians who had all their bowes & quiuers ful of arrowes in marueilous good order. His 2. sonnes receiued our Captaine very graciously: but the king their [Page] father, representing I w [...]tte not what kind of grauitie, did nothing but shake his head a little: then the Captaine went forward to sa­lute him, and without any other mouing of himselfe he retayned so constant a kinde of grauitie, that he made it seeme vnto vs that by good and lawfull right he bare the title of a king. Our Captaine knowing not what to iudge of this mans behauiour thought he was ielous because we went first vnto the other king, or els, that he was not wel pleased wt the piller or colume which he had planted. While thus he knew not what hereof to think, our captaine shewed him by signes, that hee was come from a far countrey of purpose to seeke him, to let him vnderstand the amity which he was desirous to haue with him: for the better confirmation whereof, he drew out of a but­chet certaine trifles, as certaine braselets couered as it were with siluer and guilt, which he presented him withall, and gaue his sons certaine other trifles. Wherevpon the king began very louingly to intreate both our Captaine and vs. And after these gentle inter­tainments, we went our selues into the woods, hoping there to dis­couer some singularities: where were great store of mulbeary trees white and redde, on the coppes whereof there was an infinite num­berGreat store of silkewormes. of silke wormes. Following our way we discouered a fayre and great medowe, deuided notwithstanding with diuers marishes, which constrained vs, by reason of the water which enuironed it about to returne backe againe toward the riuers side. Finding not the king there, which by this time was gone home to his house, we entred into our boates and sayled toward our shippes: where after we arriued, we called this Riuer the riuer of May, because weThe riuer of May. discouered it the first daye of the saide moneth. Soone after wee were returned to our shippes, we weighed our ankers and hoysed our sayles to discouer the coste farther forward, along the which we discouered another fayre Riuer, which the Captaine himselfe was minded to search out, and hauing searched it out with the king and inhabitants thereof, he named it Seine, because it is very like vntoThe riuer of Seine. the Riuer of Seine in Fraunce. From this riuer we retired toward our ships, where being arriued, we trimmed our sailes to saile fur­ther toward the North, and to descry the singularities of the coste. But we had not sayled anye great way before wee discouered ano­ther very fayre Riuer, which caused vs to cast anker ouer against it, and to trimme out two Boates to goe to searche it out. [Page 6] We found there an Ile and a king no lesse affable then the rest,The Riuer of Somme. The Riuer of Loyre. The Riuers of Cherente, Garonne, Gironde, Belle, Grande. afterward wee named this Riuer Somme. From thence wee sayled about sixe leagues, after wee discouered another Riuer, which after we had vewed was baptised by vs by y name of Loyre. And consequently we there discouered fiue others: whereof the first was named Cherente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the fourth Belle, the fifte Grande: which being very well disco­uered with such things as were in them, by this time in lesse then y space of threescoare leagues we had foūd out many singularites a longe nine riuers. Neuerthelesse not fully satisfied we sailed yet far­ther toward the North, following the course that might bring vs to the Riuer of Iordan, one of the fayrest Riuers of the North, and hol­ding our wonted course, great fogs and tempestes came vpon vs which constrayned vs to leaue the cost to beare toward the mayne Sea, which was the cause that we lost the sight of our Pinisses a whole day and a night, vntill the next day in the morning, what tune the weather waxing fayre and the Sea calme wee discoue­redThe riuer Bel­le a veoir. a Riuer which we called Belle a veoir. After we had sayled three or foure leagues, we began to espie our Pinisses which came straight towardes vs, and at their ariuall they reported to the Captayne, that, while the foule weather and fogges endured, they harbored themselues in a mightie Riuer which in bignesse and beautie exceeded the former: wherewithall the Captayne was ex­ceeding ioyfull, for his chiefe desire was to finde out an Hauen to harboure his Shippes, and there to refresh our selues for a while. Thus making thitherwarde wee ariued a thwarte the said RiuerThe Riuer of Port Royall in 32 degrees of latitude. (which because of the fayrenesse and largenes thereof we named Port Royal) wee strooke out sayles and cast Anker at ten fathom of water: for the depth is such, namely when the Sea beginneth to flowe, that the greatest Shippes of Fraunce, yea, the Arguesses of Venice may enter in there. Hauing cast Anker the Captayne with his Souldiers went on shore, and hee himselfe went first on land: where we found the place as pleasant as was possible, for it was all couered ouer with mightie high Okes and infinite store of Cedars, and with Lentisques growing vnderneath them, smelling so sweet­ly that the very fragrant odour only made the place to seeme excee­dingTurkey cockes Partridges gray & redde. pleasant. As we passed throw these woods we saw nothing but Turkeycockes flying in the forrests, Partridges gray and redde, [Page] litle different from ours, but chiefly in bignesse. Wee heard also within the Woods, the voyces of Stagges, of Beares, of Luserns, of Leopards and of diuers other sorts of Beasts vnknown vnto vs. Being delighted with this place we set our selues to fishing withFish in abun­dance. net [...]es, and we caught such a number of fishe, that it was wonder­full. And amongst other we tooke a certayne kind of fish which we call Sallicoques, which were no lesse then Creuises, so that two draughts of the net were sufficient sometimes to feede all the com­pany of our two Shippes for a whole day. The Riuer at the mouthThe Riuer 3. leagues at the mouth. thereof from Cape to Cape is no lesse then three french leagues broad: it is deuided into two great armes, whereof the one runneth toward the West, the other towards the North. And I beleeue in my iudgment that the arme which stretcheth toward the North runneth vp into the Countrey as farre as the riuer of Iordan, the o­therA passage by a riuer into the South Sea. arme runneth into the South Sea, as it was knowen and vn­derstood by those of our company, which were left behind to dwell in this place. These two armes are two great leagues broad: and in the middest of them there is an Ile, which is poynted towardes the opening of the great riuer, in which Ilande there are infinite numbers of all sorts of strange beasts, There are Simples grow­ingStore of rare simples. there of so rare proprieties, and in so great quantitie, that it is an excellent thing to behold them. On euery side there is no­thing to be seene but Palmetrees and other sortes of trees bea­ring blossoms and frute of very rare shape and very good smel. But seeing the euening approch, and that the Captayne determined to returne vnto the shippes, we prayed him to suffer vs to passe the night in this place. In our absence the Pilots and chiefe mari­ners aduertised the Captayne that it was needfull to bring the Shippes farther vpwithin the Riuer, to auoyde the daungers of the windes which might anoy vs by reason of our being so neere to the mouth of the Riuer: and for this cause the Captayne sent for vs. Being come to our Shippes wee sayled three great leagues farther vp within the Riuer, and there wee cast Anker. A little while after, Iohn Ribault accompanied with a good number ofRibault say­leth 12. leagues vp the riuer. souldiers imbarked himselfe desirous to sayle further vp into the arme that runneth toward the west, and to search the commodities of the place. Hauing sayled twelue leagues at the least wee per­ceaued a troupe of Indians, which as soone as euer they espied the [Page 7] Pinnisles, were so afrayd that they fledde into the woods, leauing behind them a young Lucerne which they were a turning vpon a spitte: for which cause the place was called Lucerne Cape: procee­dingLucerne cape. foorthon our way, we found an other arme of the riuer, which ranne toward the East, vp which, the Captain determined to sayle & to leaue the great currant. A little while after they began to espie diuerse other Indians both men & womē half hiddē within y woods: whoknowing not y wee were such as desired their friendship, were dismayed at the first, but soone after were embouldned, for the Cap­tayne caused store of marchandise to be shewed thē openly, wherby they knew y we ment nothing but wel vnto thē: & then they made a signe y we should come on land, which we would not refuse. At our comming on shore diuerse of thē came to salute our Generall accor­ding to their barbarouse fashion. Some of them gaue him skins ofChamoyes. Chamoys, others little baskets made of Palme leaues, some pre­sented him with perles, but no great number. Afterwards they wentPerles. about to make an arbour to defend vs in y place from the parching heate of the sunne. But we would not stay as then. Wherefore the Captayn thanked them much for their good wil, & gaue presents to eche of them: where with he pleased them so well before hee went thence, that his suddaine departure was nothing pleasaunt vnto them. For knowing him to be so liberall they would haue wished him to haue stayed a little longer, seking by all meanes, to giue him occasion to stay, shewing him by signes that he should stay but that day onely, and that they desired to aduertise a great Indian Lord which had perles in great aboundance, and siluer also, allStore of perles and siluer. which things should be giuen vnto him at y kings ariual: saying far ther y in the meane while y this great Lord came thether they wold lead him to their houses, & shew him there a thousand pleasures in shooting & seeing the Stag killed, therfore they prayed him not to deny thē their request. Notwithstanding we returned to our ships, wher after we had been but one night the captayne in the morning cōmaunded to put into y Pinnisse a pillour of hard stone fashioned like a columne wherin y armes of the king of Fraunce were grauē, to plant the same in the fayrest place that he could finde. This done we imbarked our selues and sayled three leagues towards the west: where we discouered a litle riuer, vp which we sayled so long, that in the ende we found it returned into the great currant, and [Page] in his returne to make a litle Iland separated from the firme land, where we went on shore: and by commaundement of the Cap­tayne, because it was exceeding fayre and plea [...]t, there we plan­ted the Pillour vppon a hillocke open round about to the vew, andA Pillour of free stone wherein the armes of Fraūce were grauen, set vp in an Iland in the riuer of Port Royal. The Riuer of Liborne. enuironed with a lake halfe a fathom deepe of very good and sweete water. In which Ilande wee sawe two Stagges of exceeding bignesse, in respect of those which we had seene before, which wee might easily haue killed with our harguebuses, if the Captayne had not forbidden vs. moued with the singular fayrenes and bignesse of them. But before our departure we named the lit­tle Riuer which enuironed this Ile the Riuer of Liborne. After­ward we imbarked our selues to search another Ile not farre di­stant from the former: wherein after we had gon a land we found nothing but tall Ceders, the fayrest that were seene i [...] this Coun­trey. For this cause we called it the Ile of Ceders: so we returnedThe Ile of Ce­ders. into our Pinnisse to goe towards our Shippes. A fewe dayes af­terward Iohn Ribault determined to returne once againe toward the Indians which inhabited that arme of the Riuer which runneth toward the West, and to carry with him good store of souldiers. For his meaning was to take two Indians of this place to bring them into Fraunce, as the Queene had commaunded him. With this deliberation againe we tooke our former course, so farre foorth that at the last we came to the selfesame place where at the first weTwo Indians taken away. found the Indians, from thence we tooke two Indians by the per­mission of the king, which thinking that they were more fauoured then the rest thought themselues very happie to stay with vs. But these two Indians seeing we made no shew at all that we would goe on land, but rather that we followed the middest of the courrant, began to be somewhat offended, and would by force haue lepte into the water, for they are so good swimmers that immediately they woulde haue gotten into the forrestes. Neuerthelesse being ac­quainted with their humour, wee watched them narrowly and sought by all meanes to appease them: which wee could not by any meanes doe for that time, though wee offered them thinges which they much esteemed, which thinges they disdayned to take, and gaue backe againe whatsoeuer was giuen them, thinking that such giftes should haue altogether bound them, and that in restoring them they shoulde bee restored vnto their [Page 8] libertie. In fine, perceiuing that all that they did auayled themThe dolefull songs of the Indians. nothing, they [...]yed vs to giue them those thinges which they had restored, which wee did incontinent: then they approched one toward the other, and beganne to singe, agreeing so sweet­ly together, that in hearing their songe it seemed that they la­mented for the absence of their friendes. They continued their songes all night without ceassing: al which time we were constrai­ned to lie at anker by reason of the tide which was against vs, but wee hoysed sayle the next day very early in the morning, and retur­ned to our ships. Assoone as we were come to our shippes euery one sought to gratifie these two Indians, & to shew thē the best counte­naunce that was possible: to the intent that by such curtesies they might perceiue the good desire and affectiō which we had to remain their friends in time to come. Then we offered them meate to eate, but they refused it, and made vs vnderstande that they were accu­stomed to wash their face, and to staye vntill the sunne were set be­foreThe Indians eat not before the sun be set. they did eate, which is a ceremonie common to al the Indians of new Fraunce. Neuerthelesse in the ende they were constrayned to forget their superstitions, and to apply thēselues to our nature, which was somewhat strange vnto them at the first. They became therefore more ioconde, and euery houre made vs a thousande dis­courses, being marueilous sorie that we could not vnderstand thē. A few dayes after they began to beare good wil toward me, so heartie good will I say, that, as I thinke, they would rather haue perished with hunger and thirst then haue taken their refection at any mans hand but mine. Seing this their great good will, I sought to learn some Indian wordes, and began to aske them questions, shewing them the thing whereof I desired to know the name, how they cal­led it. They were very glad to tell it me, and knowing the desire that I had to learne their language, they incouraged me afterward to aske them euerye thing. So that putting downe in writing theLaudonniers putting downe in writing the wordes and phrases of the Indiās speech. wordes and phrases of the Indian speech, I was able to vnderstand the greatest part of their discourses. Euery day they did nothing but speake vnto me of the desire that they had to vse me well, if we re­turned vnto their houses, and cause me to receiue all the pleasures that they coulde deuise, aswell in hunting as in seeing their verye strange and superstitious ceremonies at a certaine feast which theyThe feast of Toya. call Toya. Which feast they obserue as straightly as wee obserue [Page] the sunday. They gaue me to vnderstand, that they would bring me to see the greatest Lord of this countrey which they called Chiquo­la, Chiquola or Chiquora a king of greate stature. which exceedeth them in height (as they tolde me) a good foote and a halfe. They said vnto me that he dwelt within the land in a very large place and inclosed exceeding high, but I coulde not not learne wherewith. And as farre as I can iudge, this place,The first proof that Chiquola should be a ve­ry faire citie. whereof they spake vnto me, was a very faire citie. For they sayde vnto me that within the inclosure there was greate store of houses which were built very high, wherein there was an infinite number of men like vnto themselues, which made none account of golde, ofGold, siluer, & pearles in a­boundance. The rich citie of king Chi­quola is tow­ard the North of [...]ort royall. This history is recorded in the second & third chapters of the seuenth Decade of Pe­t [...]r Martyr. siluer, nor of pearles, seeing they had thereof in aboundance. I be­gan then to shew them al the parts of heauen, to the intent to learne in which quarter they dwelt. And straightway one of them stret­ching forth his hand shewed me that they dwelt toward the North, which maketh mee thinke that it was in the riuer of Iordan. And now I remember, that in the reigne of the Emperour Charles the fift, certaine Spaniardes inhabitants of Saint Domingo, (which made a voyage to get certaine slaues to worke in their mynes) stole away by suttletie the inhabitants of this riuer, to the number of for­tie thinking to carry them into their new Spaine. But they lost their labour: for in despite they died all for hunger, sauing one that was brought to the Emperour, which a little while after he caused to be baptised, and gaue him his owne name & called him Charles of Chiquola, because he spake so much of this Lorde of Chiquola, whose subiect he was. Also, (as men woorthy credite haue assuredThe second proofe. The third proofe. me) he reported continually, that Chiquola made his abode within a very great inclosed citie. Besides this proofe, those which were left there in the first voyage haue certified me, that the Indians she­wed them by euident signes, that farther within the land on y fore­saide part toward the North, there was a great enclosure or Citie, and within the same manye faire houses, wherein Chiquola dwelt. But not to digresse from my matter, I wil returne to the Indian, which took so great delight in speaking to me of this Chiquola, that there neuer passed anie one day, wherein hee did not discourse of some rare thing concerning the same. After they had stayed a while in our shippes, they beganne to be sorie, and still demaun­ded of me when they shoulde returne. I made them vnderstande that the Captaines will was to sende them home againe, but that [Page 9] first he would bestow apparrel of them, which few dayes after was deliuered vnto them. But seeing he would not giue them licence to depart, they resolued with themselues to steale away by night, and to get a little boate which we had, and by the helpe of the tide, to sayle homeward towarde their dwellinges, and by this meanesThe 2. Indians escape away. to saue thēselues. Which thing they failed not to doe, and put their enterprise in execution, yet leauing behind them the apparel which the Captaine had giuen them, and carrying away nothing but that which was their owne, shewing wel hereby that they were not void of reason. The Captaine cared not greatly for their departure, considering they had not beene vsed otherwise then well: and that therefore they woulde not estrange themselues from the French­men. Captaine Ribault therefore knowing the singular fairenesse of this riuer desired by all meanes to encourage some of his men to dwell there, well foreseeing that this thing might bee ofThe benefit of planting. greate importaunce for the Kinges seruice, and the reliefe of the common wealth of Fraunce. Therefore proceeding on with his in­tent, he commaunded the ankers to be weighed and to set things in order to returne vnto the opening of the riuer, to the end that if the winde came faire he might passe out to accomplish the rest of his meaning. When therefore we were come to the mouth of the riuer, he made them cast anker, whervpon we stayed without discouering any thing all the rest of the day. The next day he commaunded that all the men of his ship should come vp vppon the decke, saying that he had somewhat to say vnto them. They all came came vp, and immediately the Caytaine beganne to speake vnto them in this manner. I thinke there is none of you that is ignoraunt of howeThe oration of Ioh. Ribault to his companie.greate consequence this our enterprise is, and also howe accep­table it is to our young king. Therefore, my friends, as one desi­ring your honour and benefite, I woulde not fayle to aduertise you all of the exceeding greate good happe which shoulde fall to them, which, as men of valure and worthy courage, would make tri­all in this our first discouerie of the benefites and commodi­ties of this newe lande: which should be, as I assure my selfe, the greatest occasion that euer could happen vnto them, to arise vnto the title and degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous to propose vnto you and set downe before your eies the eternall memorie which of right they deserue, which forgetting both [Page] their parentes and their countrey haue had the courage to enter­prise a thing of such importance, which euen kinges themselues vnderstanding to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnani­mitie and increase of their maiesties, doe not disdaine so wel to re­garde, that afterwardes employing them in matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make their names immortal for euer. How beit, I woulde not haue you perswade your selues, as manie do, that you shall neuer haue such good fortune, as not being knowen, nei­ther to the king nor the Princes of the Realme, and besides descen­ding of so poore a stock, that few or none of your parents, hauing euer made profession of armes, haue beene knowen vnto the great estates. For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my self haue applied al my industry to follow them, & haue hazarded my life in so many dangers for the seruice of my Prince, yet could I neuer at­taine thervnto, (not that I did not deserue this title and degree of gouernment,) as I haue seen it happen to many others, only bicause they descended of a noble race, since more regarde is had of their birth than of their vertue. For well I knowe that if vertue were re­garded, there would more be found better to deserue the title, and by good right to be named noble and valiant. I will therfore make sufficient answeare to such propositions and suche thinges as you maye obiect against mee, laying before you the infinite examples which we haue of the Romaines: which concerning the point of honour were the first that triūphed ouer the world. For how many find we among them, which for their so valiant enterprises, not for the greatnesse of their parentage, haue obtayned the honour to triumph. If we haue recourse vnto their auncesters, wee shall finde that their parentes were of so meane condition, that by labouring with their handes they liued verie basely. As the father of Aeli­usAelius Perti­nax descen­ding from base parētage became Em­peror of RomePertinax, which was a poore artisant, his Grandfather like­wise was a bond man, as the historiographers do wituesse: and ne­uerthelesse, being moued with a valiant courage, he was nothing dismayed for al this, but rather desirous to aspire vnto high things, he began with a braue stomacke to learne feates of armes and pro­fited so well therein, that from steppe to step he became at length to be Emperour of the Romaines For all this dignitie he despised not his parentes: but contrariwise, and in remembrance of them, hee caused his fathers shoppe to bee couered with a fine wrought [Page 10] marble, to serue for an example to men descended of base & poore linages, and to giue them occasion to aspire vnto high things, not withstanding the meannes of their auncesters. I will not passe ouer in silence the excellencie and prowes of the valiant and renoumed Agathocles the sonne of a simple potter, and yet forgeting the cō ­temptible Agathocles a potters sonne became king of Sicilie. estate of his father, he so applied himselfe to vertue in his tender yeeres, that by the fauour of armes he came to be king of Sicilie: and for all this title he refused not to be counted the sonne of a Potter. But the more to eternise the memorie of his parents and to make his name renowmed, he commaunded that he should be serued at the Table in Vessels of gold and siluer and others of earth: declaring thereby, that the dignitie wherein he was placed came not vnto him by his parents, but by his owne vertue onely. If I shal speak of our time, I will lay before you onely Rusten Bassha, which may be a sufficient example to all men: which Rusten Bassha of an heard­mans sonne through his valure became the great Turkes sonne in lawe. though he were the sonne of a poore heardman, did so apply his youth in all vertue, that being brought vp in the seruice of the great Turke he seemed so to aspire to great & high matters, in such sorte that growing in yeeres he increased also in courage, so farre foorth, that in fine for his excellent vertues he married the daugh­ter of the great Turke his Prince. How much then ought so many worthy examples to moue you to plant here? Considering also that hereby you shalbe registred for euer as the first that inhabi­ted this strange countrey. I pray you therefore all to aduise your selues therof▪ and to declare your minds freely vnto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your names in the kings eares, and the other princes, that your renowme shall hereafter shyne vn­quenchable through our Realme of Fraunce. He had scarcely en­ded his Oration, but the greatest part of our souldiers replyed, that a greater pleasure could neuer betide them, perceiuing well the ac­ceptableThe [...]diers au [...]re to Riba [...]ts Ora­tions.seruice which by this meane they should doe vnto their prince: besides that this thing should be for the increase of their honors: therefore they besought the Captayne before he depar­ted out of the place to beginne to build them a Fort, which they hoped afterward to finish, and to leaue them munition necessary for their defence, shewing as it seemed that they were displea­sed, that it was so long▪ in doing, Whereupon Iohn Ribault be­ing as glad as might be to see his men so well willing, determined [Page] the nextday to search the most fit and conuenient place to be inha­bited. Wherefore he embarked himselfe very early in the morning and commaunded them to follow him that were desirous to inha­bite there, to the intent that they might like the better of the place. Hauing sayled vp the great riuer on the north side, in costing an Ile which endeth with a sharpe point toward the mouth of the riuer, and hauing sayled a while, he discouered a small riuer, which entred into the Ilande, which hee would not fayle to search out. Which done, and finding the same deepe inough to harbour there­in Gallies and Galliots in good number, proceeding further, hee found a very open place, ioyning vpon the brinke thereof, where he went on land, and seeing the place fit to builde a for­tresse in, and commodious for them that were willing to plant there, he resolued incontinent to cause the bignes of the fortificati­on to be measured out. And considering that there stayed but sixeThe length & bredth of the Forte, taken by Laudonni­er & Cap­tayne Salles. and twentie there, hee caused the Forte to bee made in length but sixteene fathome, and thirteene in breadth, with flankes according to the proportion thereof. The measure being taken by me and Captaine Salles, we sent vnto the Shippes for men, and to bring Shouels, Pickaxes and other instruments neces­sary to make the fortification. We traueiled so diligently thatA Fort builte in port Roy all by Ribault. in a shorte space the Fort was made in some sorte defensible. In which meane time Iohn Ribault caused victualles and warre­like munition to be brought for the defence of the place. After he had furnished them with all such thinges as they had neede of, he determined to take his leaue of them. But before his depar­tureRabaults speech to Captayne Albert. he vsed this speach vnto Captayne Albert, which hee lefte in this place: Captayne Albert, I haue to request you in the pre­sence of all men, that you would quite your selfe so wisely in your charge, and gouerne so modestly your small company which I leaue you, which with so good cheere remayneth vnder your o­bedience, that I neuer haue occasion but to commend you, and to recount vnto the king, as I am desirous, the faithfull seruiceHis speeche to the souldi­ers.which before vs all you vndertake to doe him in his new Frauuce: And you companions, quoth hee to the the Souldiers, I beseech you also to esteeme of Captayne Albert as if it were my selfe that stayed here with you, yeelding him that obedience which a souldier oweth vnto his Generall and Captayne, liuing as bre­thren [Page 11] one with another, without all dissention: and in so doing God will assist you and blesse your enterprises. Hauing cnded his exhortation wee tooke our leaues of eche of them, and sayled towarde our Sippcs, calling the Forte by the name of CharlesThe foresaid Fort was cal­led Charles Fort.Forte, and the Riuer by the name of Chenonceau. The next day wee determined to depart from this place being as well con­tented as was possible that wee had so happily ended our busi­nesse, with good hope, if occasion would permitte, to discouer perfectely the Riuer of Iordan. For this cause we hoysed our sayles about ten of the clocke in the morning: after wee were ready to depart Captaine Ribault commaunded to shoote of our Ordinance to giue a farewell vnto our Frenchmen, which fay­led not to doe the like on their parte. This being done wee say­led towarde the North: and then wee named this Riuer PortePort Royal.Royall, because of the largenesse & excellent fayrenesse of the same. After that wee had sayled about fifteene leagues from thence wee espied a Riuer, wherevppon we sent our Piunesse thether to discouer it. At their returne they brought vs word that they found not past halfe a fathome water in the mouth thereof.The Riuer Base. 15. legue [...] Northward of Port Royal▪ Which when wee vnderstood, without dooing any thinge else, wee continued our way, and called it the Base or Shallowe Ri­uer. As wee still went on sounding, we founde not past fiue or sixe fathome water, although wee were sixe good leagues from the Shore: at length wee found not past three fathoms, which gaue vs occasion greatly to muse. And without making any farther way we stroke our sayles, partely because wee wanted water, and partly because the night approched: during which time Captayne Iohn Ribault bethought with himselfe, whether it were best for him to passe any farther, because of the eminent daun­gers which euery houre wee sawe before our eyes: or whether hee should content himselfe with that which hee had certaynely discouered, and also left men to inhabite the Countrey. Be­ing not able for that time to resolue with himselfe, he referred it ouer vntill the next day. The morning being come he proposed to all the company what was best to bee done, to the end that with good aduisement euery man might deliuer his opinion. Some made aunsweare, that according to their iudgement hee had occasion fully to content himselfe, considering that hee [Page] cold doe no more: laying before his eyes, that he had discouered more in sixe weekes, then the Spaniardes had done in two yeeres in the conquestes of their new Spaine: and that he should doe the king very great seruice, if he did bring him newes in so short a time of his happie discouerie. Other shewed vnto him the losse & spoyle of his victualles, and on the other side the inconuenience that might happen by the shallow water that they found continually along the cost. which things being well and at large debated, we resolued to leaue the cost, forsaking the North, to take our way toward the Easte, which is the right way and course for our Fraunce, whereTheir ariual in Fraunce 1561. the 20. of Iuly. we happily arived the twenteth day of Iuly the yeere a thousand fiue hundred sixtie and one.

The state and condition of those which were left behinde in Charles Forte.

OUr men after our departure neuer rested, but night and day did fortifie themselues, being in good hope that after their fort was finished, they would beginne to discouer farther vp within the Riuer. It happened one day, as certayne of them were in cutting of rootes in the Coppises, that they espyed on the sodayne an Indian that hu [...]ted the Deere, which finding himselfe so neere vpon them, was much dismayed, but our men began to draw neere vnto him and to vse him so courteously, that he became assured and followed them to Charles Fort, where euery man sought to do him pleasure. Captayne Albert was very ioyfull of his comming, which after he had giuen him a shert and some other trifles, hee asked him of his dwelliug: the Indian answered him that it was farther vp withinKing Audusta. the Riuer, and that he was vassel of king Audusta: he also shewed him with his hand the limites of his habitation. After much other talke the Indian desired leaue to departe, because it drewe toward night, which Captayne Albert graunted him very willingly. Cer­tayne dayes after the Captayne determined to sayle toward Audu­sta, where being ariued, by reason of the honest intertaynmentNote. which he had giuen to the Indian, he was so courteously receiued, that the king talked with him of nothing else, but of the desire which he had to become his friend: giuing him besides to vnder­stand that he being his friend and allie, he should haue the amitie of foure other kings, which in might and authoritie were able to [Page 12] doe much for his sake: Besides all this, in his necessitie they might be able to succour him with victualles: One of these kings was called Mayon, another Hoya, the third Touppa, and the fourthMayon. Hoya. Touppa. Stalame. Stalame. He tolde him moreouer, that they woulde bee very glad, when they shoulde vnderstand the newes of his com­ming, and therefore he prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them. The Captayne willingly consented vnto him for the desire that he had to purchase friendes in that place. Therefore they departed the next day very early in the morning, and first ariued at the house of king Touppa, and afterward went vnto the other kings houses, except the house of king Stalame. He receiued of eche of them all the amiable curtesies that might be: they shewed themselues to be as affectioned friendes vnto him as was possible, and offered vnto him a thousand small presents. After that he had remained by the space of certayne dayes with these strange kinges, he determined to take his leaue, and being come back to the house of Audusta, he cōmaunded al his men to goe abord of their Pinnesse: for he was minded to goe toward the countries of king Stalame, which dweltThe Countrey of king Stala­me 15. leagues Northward of Charles Fort. towarde the North the distance of fifteene great leagues from Charles Fort. Therefore as they sayled vp the riuer they entred into a great Courrant, which they followed so far till they came at the last to the house of Stalame: which brought him into his lod­ging, where he sought to make them the best cheere he colde de­uise. He presented immediately vnto Captayne Albert his bow & arrowes, which is a signe and confirmation of aliance betweeneChamoys skins. them. He presented him also with Chamoys skins. The Captaine seing the best parte of the day was nowe past tooke his leaue of king Stalame to returne to Charles Fort, where hee ariued the day following. By this time the friendship was growne so great between our men & king Audusta, that in a maner all things were commen betweene him & them: in such sorte that this good Indian king did nothing of importance, but he called our men thereunto. For when the time drew neere of the celebrating their feastes of Toya, which are ceremonies most strange to recite, hee sentThe feast of Toya largely described. Ambassadours vnto our menne to request them on his behalfe to be there present. Whereunto they agreed most willingly for the desire that they had to vnderstand what this might be. They [Page] embarked themselues therefore and sayled towarde the kinges house, which was already come foorth on the way towards them to receaue them curteously, to bid them welcome and bring them to his house, where he sought to entreate them the best hee might. In the meane while the Indians prepared themselues to celebrate the feast the morrow after, & the king brought them to see the place, wherin the feast should be kept: where they saw many womē round about which laboured by all meanes to make the place cleane and neate. This place was a great circuit of ground with open pro­specte and rounde in figure. On the morrowe therefore early in the morning, all they which were chosen to celebrate the feast, being paynted and trimmed with riche fethers of diuers colours,The Indians trimming of themselues with rich fe­thers put themselues on the way to goe from the kings house toward the place of Toya: whereunto when they were come they sette themselues in order, and followed three Indians, which in pain­ting and in gesture were differing from the rest: ech of them bare a Tabret in their hand, daunsing and singing in a lameutable tune when they began to enter into the middest of the rounde circuit, be­ing followed of others which answered them agayne. After that they had song, daunsed, and turned three times, they fell on run­ning like vnbridled horses, through the middest of the thickest woods. And then the Indian women continued all the rest of the day in teares as sad and wofull as was possible: and in such a rage they cut the armes of the yonge gerles, which they lanced crutlly with sharpe shelles of muskels, that the blood followed, which they flang into the ayre, crying out three times, He Toya. The king Audusta had gathered all our men into his house, while the feast was celebrated, and was exceedingly offended when he saw them laugh. This he did because the Indians are very angry when they are seene in their ceremonies. Notwithstanding one of our men made such shifte that by subtile meanes hee gatte out of the house of Audusta, and secretly went and hid himselfe behinde a very thicke bush, where at his pleasure, he might easily discry the ceremonies of the feast. They three that began the feast are named Iawas: and they are as it were three Priestes of the Indian lawe: to whome they giue credite and beliefe, partely becauseIawas are their Priests. that by kinred they are ordayned to bee ouer their Sacrifices, [Page 13] and partely also because they bee so subtile Magicians that anyMaigicians. thing▪ that is lost is straightway recouered by their meanes. A­gayne they are not onely reuereuced for these thinges, but also be­causePhisitions. they heale diseases by I wotte not what kinde of knowe­ledge and skill they haue. Those that ran so through the woods returned two dayes after: after their returne they began to daunce with a cheerefull courage in the middest of the fayre place, and to cheere vp their good olde Indian fathers, which either by reason of their too great age, or by reason of their naturall indis­position and feeblenesse were not called vnto the feast. When all these daunces were ended, they fell on eating with such a greedinesse, that they seemed rather to deuour their meate then to eate it, for they had neither eaten nor drunke the day of the feast nor the two dayes following. Our men were not forgotten at this good cheere, for the Indians sent for them all thither, shewing themselues verye glad of their presence. While they remay­ned certayne time with the Indians a man of ours got a yonge boy for certaine trifles, and enquired of him what the IndiansInuocations of the Iawas or Pristes vn­to Toya. did in the wood during their absence: which boy made him vn­derstand by signes that the Iawas had made inuocations to Toya, and that by Magicall Characters they had made him come that they might speake with him and demaund diuers strange thinges of him, which for feare of the Iawas hee durst not vtter. They haue also many other ceremonies, which I will not here re­hearse for feare of molesting the reader with a matter of so small importance. When the feast therefore was finished our men returned vnto Charles Forte: where hauing remayned but aTheir victuals fayle them. while their victualles began to waxe shorte, which forced them to haue recourse vnto their neighbours, and to pray them to succour thē in that their necessitie: which gaue them part of al the victuals which they had and kepte no more vnto them selues then wouldeThe Indians maner of li­uing in the Winter time of Mast and rootes. King Couexis mightie and reuowmed. serue to sowe their fieldes. They tolde them farther that for this cause it was needefull for them to retire themselues into the woodes, to liue of Mast and rootes vntill the time of Haruest, being as sory as might bee that they were not able any farther to ayd them. They gaue them also counsel to goe toward the coun­tries of king Couexis a man of might & renowne in this preuince, [Page] which maketh his aboad toward the South abounding at all sea­sons and replenished with such quantitic of mill, corne, and beanes that by his onely succour they might be able to liue a very longKing Ouade. time. But before they should come into his territories, they were to repayre vnto a king called Ouade the brother of Couexis, which in Mill, Beanes, and corne was no lesse welthy, and withall is very liberall, and which would bee very ioyfull if hee might but once see them. Our men perceauing the good relation which the Indians made them of those two kings resolued to goe thither; for they felt already the necessitie which oppressed them. Therefore they made request vnto king Maccou, that it would please him to giue them one of his subiectes to guide them the right way thi­ther:King Maccou. whereunto he condiscended very willingly, knowing that without his fauour they should haue much adoe to bring their en­terprise to passe. Wherefore after they had giuen order for all thinges necessary for the voyage, they put themselues to Sea, and sayled so farre that in the end they came into the countrey of Ouade, which they founde to bee in the Riuer Belle. BeingOuades coun­trey in the ri­uer Belle. there ariued they perceaued a company of Indians which assone as they knew of their being there came before them. Assone as they were come neere them, their guides shewed them by signes that Ouade was in this company, wherefore our men set for­warde to salute him. And then two of his sonnes which were with him, being goodly and strong men saluted them agayne in very good sorte, and vsed very friendly intertainment on their parte. The kinge immediately beganue to make an Oration in his Indian language of the great pleasure and contentment which hee had to see them in that place, protesting that he would become so loyall a friend of theirs hereafter, that hee would bee their faithfull defendour against all them that woulde offer to bee their enimies. After these speeches hee ledde them towarde his house, where hee sought to intreate them very courteously. His house was hanged about with Tapistrie of feathers of di­uerseTapistrie of feathers. White couer­lets edged with red fringe. coulours the height of a pike. Moreouer the place where the kinge tooke his rest was couered with white Couerlettes embroydered with deuises of verye wittie and fine workeman­shippe, and fringed round about with a Fringe dyed in the cou­lour of Skarlate. They aduertised the kinge by one of the [Page 14] guides which they brought with them, howe that (hauing heard of his greate liberalitie) they had put to the Sea to come to beseech him to succour them with victuals in their great want and necessitie: and that in so doing, he should binde them all hereafter to remaine his faithfull friendes and loyall defenders a­gainst all his enemies. This good Indian assoone readye to doe them pleasure, as they were to demaund it, commaunded his sub­iectes that they should fill our Pinnesse with mil and beanes. After­wardThe liberalitie of king Ouade he caused them to bring him sixe pieces of his tapistry made like little couerlets, and gaue them to our men with so liberall a minde, as they easily perceyued the desire which he had to become their friend. In recompence of all these giftes our men gaue him two cutting hookes and certaine other trisses, wherewith he helde himself greatly satisfied. This being done, our men took their leaue of the king, which for their farewell, sayd nothing else but that they should returne if they wanted victuals, and that they might assure themselues of him, that they should neuer want any thing that was in his power. Wherefore they embarked themselues, and sailed to­wards. Charlesfort, which from this place might be some fiue andOuades coun­trie 25. leagues Southward frō Charlesfort. twenty leagues distant. But as our men thought thēselues at their ease, and free from the dangers whereinto they had exposed them­selues night and day in gathering together of victuals here & there: Loe, euen as they were asleepe, the fire caught in their lodgings with such furie, being increased by the wind, that the great roomeThe fort set on fire by casual­tie. that was built for them before our mens departure, was consumed in an instant, without being able to saue any thing sauing a very lit­tle of their munition. Whervpon our men being farre from all suc­cours, found themselues in such extremitie, that without the ayde of almighty God, the onely searcher of the heartes and thoughtes of men, which neuer forsaketh those that seeke him in their afflic­tions, they had byn quite and clean out of all hope. For the next day betimes in the morning the king Audusta and king Maccou came thither, accōpanied wt a very good cōpanie of Indians, which know­ing the misfortune, were very▪ sory for it. And then they vttered vn­to their subiects the speedy diligence which they were to vse in buil­ding another house, shewing vnto them that the Frenchmen were their louing friendes, and that they had made it euident vnto them by the giftes and presents which they had receiued: protesting that [Page] whosoeuer put not his helping h [...]d vnto the work withal his might, shoulde bee esteemed as vnprofitable, and as one that had no good part in him, which the Sauages feare aboue all thinges. This was the occasion that euerie man beganne to endeuour himselfe in such sorte, that in lesse than twelue houres, they had begun andThe fort ree­dified▪ by the Sauages in the space of 12▪ houres. finished a house which was very neere as great as the former. Which being ended, they returned home fully contented with a fewe cutting hookes, and hatc [...]ets which they receiued of our men. Within a small while after this mischance, their victuals began to waxe short: and after our men had taken good deliberation, thought and bethought them selues againe, they founde that there was no better way for them then to returne agayne vnto King Ouadé and Couexis his brother. Wherefore they resolued to send thither some of their companie the next day following: which with an Indian Canoa sayled vp into the countrey about tenne leagues: afterwarde they founde a very fayre and great riuer of fresh water, which they fayled not to search out: they found therin a great number of Crocodils, which in greatnesse passe those of theCrocodiles. riuer Nilus: moreouer, all along the bankes thereof, there growe mighty high Cypresses. After they had stayed a small while in thisCypresses. place, they purposed to followe their iourney, helping themselues so well with the tides, that without putting themselues in dan­ger of the continuall perill of the Sea, they came into the Coun­trey of Ouadé, of whom they were most curteously receyued.Their second iourney to the countrey of Ouadé. They aduertised him of the occasion, wherefore they came againe to visite him, and tolde him of the mischance, which happened vn­to them since their last voyage: howe they had not onelie lost their housholde stuffe by casualtie of fire, but also their victuals which hee had giuen them so bountifully: that for this cause they were so bolde as to come once againe vnto him, to beseech him to vouchsafe to succour them in such neede and necessitie. Af­ter that the king had vnderstood their case, he sent messengers vn­to his brother Couexis, to request him vppon his behalfe to sende him some of his mill and beanes: which thing he did: and the next day early in the morning, they were come againe with vic­tualles, which the king caused to be borne into their Canoa. Our men would haue taken their leaue of him finding themselues more than satisfied with this liberalitie. But for that day he [Page 15] woulde not suffer them, but retayned them, and sought to make them the best cheere he coulde deuise. The next day very early in the morning, hee tooke them with him to shewe them the place where his corne grewe, and saide vnto them that they shoulde not want as long as all that mill did last. Afterwarde he gaue them a certaine number of exceeding faire pearles, and two stones of fineExceeding faire pearles fine Christall, siluer oare. The place where christal groweth in ve­ry good quan­tity ten dayes iourney from the riuer Belle. Note. Christall, and certayne siluer oare. Our men forgot not to giue him certaine trifles in recompence of these presents, and inquired of him the place whence the siluer [...]are and the christall came. Hee made them aunsweare, that it came tenne great dayes iourney from his habitation vp within the countrey: and that the Inhabitauntes of the Countrey did digge the same at the foote of certaine high mountaines, where they founde of it in very good quantitie. Be­ing ioyfull to vnderstande so good newes, and to haue come to the knowledge of that which they most desired, they tooke their leaue of the king, and returned by the same way, by which they came. Beholde therefore howe our men behaued themselues ve­ry well hitherto, although they had endured many great mishaps. But misfortune or rather the iust iudgement of God would haue it, that those which coulde not be ouercome by fire nor water, shoulde be vndone by their owne selues. This is the common fashion of mē, which cannot continue in one estate, and had rather to ouerthrowe themselues, than not to attempt some new thing daily. We haue in­finite examples in the auncient histories, especially of the Romanes vnto which number, this litle handful of men, being far from their countrey, and absent frō their countriemen, haue also added this pre­sent example. They entred therfore into partialities and dissentions which began about a souldier named Guernache, which was a drū ­merMutinye a­gainst the cap­taine, and the causes therof. of the Frenchbands: which, as it was told me, was very cruelly handged by his owne Captaine, and for a small fault: which Cap­taine also vsing to threaten the rest of his souldiers which staied be­hind vnder his obedience, and peraduenture, as it is to be presumed, were not so obediēt vnto him as they should haue bin, was the cause that they fell into a mutiny, because that many times hee put his threatnings in execution: whervpon they so chased him, that at the last they put him to death. And the principall occasion that moued them therevnto, was because hee degraded another souldier [Page] named La chere, (which he had banished) and because he had not per­formed his promise: for he had promised to send him victuals from eight dayes to eight daies, which thing he did not, but saide on the contrarie, that he would be glad to heare of his death. He said more­ouer that hee woulde chastice others also, and vsed so euill sounding speeches, that honesty forbiddeth me to repeate them. The souldiers seeing his madnes to increase from day to day, and fearing to fallCaptaine Al­bert slaine by his owne soul­diers. into the dangers of the other, resolued to kil him. Hauing executed their purpose, they went to seeke the Souldier that was banished, which was in a small Iland distant from Charlesfort about three leagues, where they found him almost halfe dead for hunger. When they were come home againe, they assembled themselues together to choose one to be gouernour ouer them, whose name was NicolasNicolas Barré chosen Cap­taine.Barré, a man worthy of commendation, and one which knew so well to quite himselfe of his charge, that all rancour and dissention ceassed among them, and they liued peaceably one with another, Du­ring this time, they beganne to builde a small Pinnesse, with hope to returne into Fraunce, if no succours came vnto them as they ex­pected from day to day. And though there were not a man among them that had any skill, notwithstanding necessitie, which is the maistresse of all sciences, taught them the wayes to builde it. AfterA new Brigā ­tine built in Florida. that it was finished, they thought of nothing else sauing how to fur­nish it with all thinges necessary to vndertake the voyage. But they wanted those thinges that of all other were most needfull, as cordage and sailes, without which the enterprise could not come to effect. Hauing no meanes to recouer these thinges, they were in worse case then at the first, and almost ready to fall into despayre. But that good God, which neuer forsaketh the afflicted, did succour them in this necessity. As they were in these perplerities, king Au­dusta and Maccou came to them, accompanied with two hundred Indians at the least, whom our Frenchmen went foorth to meete withal, and shewed the king in what neeede of cordage they stood, who promised them to returne within two dayes, and to bring so much as should suffice to furnish the Pinnesse with tackling. Our men being pleased with these good newes and promises bestowed vpon them certaine cutting hookes and shirtes. After their depar­ture our men sought all meanes to recouer rosen in the woodes, wherein they cut the Pine trees round about, out of which they [Page 16] drew sufficirut reasonable quantitie to bray the vessel. Also they ga­theredRosen to bray ships. Mosse to calke ships. a kind of mosse which groweth on the trees of this countrey, to serue to calke the same withall. There now wanted nothing but sayles, which they made of their owne shirtes and of their sheetes. Within few dayes after, the Indian kinges returned to Charles­fort Cordage for tackle. with so good store of cordage, that there was found sufficient for tackling of the small Pinnesse. Our men as glad as might bee, vsed great liberality towards them, and at their leauing of the coū ­trey, left them all their marchandise that remayned, leauing them thereby so fully satisfied that they departed from them with all the contentation of the world. They went forward therefore to finishe the Brigandine, and vsed so speedie diligence, that within a shorte time afterwarde they made it readie furnished with all thinges. In the meane season the winde came so fit for their purpose that it see­med to inuite them to put to ehe Sea: which they did without de­lay after they had set all their thinges in order. But before they departed they embarked their artillarie, their forge, and other mu­nitions of warre which Captaine Ribault had left them, and then as much mill as they coulde gather together. But being drunken with the too excessiue ioy, which they had conceiued for their re­turning into Fraunce, or rather depriued of all foresight and con­sideration, without regarding the inconstancie of the winds, whichThey put to the sea with­out sufficient victuals. change in a moment, they put themselues to sea, and with so slen­der victualles, that the end of their enterprise became vnlucky and vnfortunate. For after they had sayled the third parte of their way, they were surprised with calmes which did so much hinder them, that in three weeks they sayled not aboue fiue and twentie leagues. During this time their victuals cōsumed, and became so short, that euery man was constrained to eate not past twelue graines of mill by the day, which may be in value as much as twelue peason. YeaTheir victuals vtterly consu­med. and this felicitie lasted not long: for their victuals failed them al­together at once: and they had nothing for their more assured refuge but their shoes and leather ierkins which they did eate. Touching their beuerage, some of them dranke the Sea water, others didThey drinke their vrine for want of fresh water. drinke their owne vrine: and they remayned in such desperate ne­cessitie a very long space, during the which, parte of them died for hunger: besides this extreeme famine, which did so grieuously op­presse them, they fell euery minute of an houre out of all hope euer [Page] to see Fraunce againe, in so much that they were constrayned to cast the water continually out that on all sides entred into their Barke. And euery day they fared worse and worse: for after they had eaten vp their sho [...]es and their letherne Ierkins, there arose so boysterous a winde and so contrary to their course, that in the tur­ning of a hande the waues filled their vessell halfe full of water and brused it vpon the one side. Being nowe more out of hope then euer to escape out of so extreame perill they cared not for ca­sting out of the water which nowe was almost readie to drowne them. And as men resolued to die, euery one fell downe backeward, and gaue themselues ouer altogether vnto the will of the waues. When as one of them a little hauing taken hart vnto him declared vnto them how little way they had to sayle, assuring them that, if the winde held, they should see land within three dayes. This man did so incourage them, that after they had throwne the water out of the Pinnesse they remayned three dayes without ea­ting or drinking, except it were of the Sea water. When the time of his promise was expired they were more troubled then they were before, seeing they could not discry any lande. Wherefore in this extreme despaire certayne among them made this motion, that it was better that one man onely should dye, then that so many men should perish: they agreed therefore that one should dye to sustaine the others. Which thinge was executed in the person of La Chere, Extreeme fa­mine. of whom we haue spoken heretofore, whose fleshe was deuided e­qually amongst his fellowes: a thing so pitifull to recite, that my pen is loth to write it. After so long time and tedious trauels God of his goodnesse vsing his accustomed fauour changed their sorrow into ioy, and shewed vnto them the sight of lande. Whereof they were so exceeding glad y the pleasure caused thē to remayne a long time as men without sense: whereby they let the Pinnesse flote this and that way without holding any right way or course. But a smalThe French succoured by an English Barke. English barke boarded y vessel, in which there was a Frenchman which had been in the first voyage into Florida, who easily knewe them, and spake vnto them, & afterward gaue them meat and drink. Incontinently they recouered their naturall courages, & declared vnto him at large al their nauigation. The English men consulted a long while what were best to be done: and in fine they resolued to put on land those that were most feeble, and to carry the rest vnto the [Page 17] Queene of Englande, which purposed at that time to sende intoIt seemeth he meaneth the [...] voyage intended by Stukley Florida. Thus you see in briefe that which happened vnto them which Captaine Iohn Ribault had left in Florida▪ And nowe will I goe forwarde with the dis­course of mine owne voyage.

The ende of the first voyage of Iohn Ribault into Florida.

The second voyage vnto Florida, made and written by Captaine Laudonniere, which fortified and inhabited there two Sommers and one whole VVinter.

AFter our arriuall at Diepe, at our comming home, from our first voyage (which was the twentieth of Iuly a thousand fiue hundred sixtie and one) weeThe ciuil wars the cause why the Frenchmē were not sup­plied, which were left behinde in their first voy­age. found the ciuill warres begun, which was in parte the cause why our men were not succoured, as Cap­taine Iohn Ribault had promised them: whereof it followed that Captaine Albert was killed by his souldiers, & the coūtrey abādoned, as heretofore we haue sufficiētly discoursed, & as it may more at large bee vnderstood by those men which were there in person. After the peace was made in Fraunce, my Lord Admiral de Chastillon, shewed vnto the king, that he heard no newes at all of y men which Captaine Iohn Ribault had left in Florida, & that it were pity to suffer them to perish. In which respect the king was content he should cause three ships to be furnished, y one of sixe score tuns, the other of a 100. and the third of 60. to seeke them out, and to succour them. My Lorde Admirall therefore, being well infor­med of the faithful seruice which I had done, aswel vnto his maiesty as to his predecessors kings of Fraūce, aduertised the king how able I was to do him seruice in this voyage, which was the cause that he made me chief captain ouer these 3▪ ships, & charged me to depart wt diligence to perform his cōmandement, which for mine own part I would not gainsay, but rather thinking my self happy to haue beene chosē out amōg such an infinit number of others, which in my iudg­mentLaudonniers second voyage to Florida with 3. ships the 22. of April 1564. were very wel able to haue quited thēselues in this charge, I embarked my self at new hauē the 22. of April 1564. & sayled so, y we fel neere vnto the coast of England: And then I turned towards the South, to sayle directly to the fortunate Ilands, at this present called the Canaries, one of which called the Ile Sauage (because as I thinke it is altogether without inhabitantes) was the first thatThe Ile of Te­neriffe or the Pike. our shippes passed. Sayling therefore on forwarde, wee landed the next day in the Isle of Teneriffe, otherwise called the Pike, because that in the middest thereof there is an exceeding high moū ­taine, [Page] neere as high as that of Etna, which riseth vp right like a pike, into the top wherof no man can go vp but from the middest of May vntill the middest of August, by reason of the ouer great colde which is there all the rest of the yeere: which is a woonderfull strange thing, considering that it is not past seuen and twentie de­grees and a halfe distaunt from the Equator. We sawe it all couered ouer with snowe, although it were then but the fifte of May. The inhabitantes in this Isle being heretofore pursued by the Spaniardes, retired themselues into this mountaine, where for a space they made warre with them, and woulde not submit them­selues vnto their obedience, neither by foule nor faire meanes, they disdayned so much y losse of their Iland. For those which went thi­ther on the Spaniards behalfe, left their carkases there, so that not so much as one of them returned home to bring newes. Notwithstā ­ding in the end, the inhabitants, not able to liue in that place accor­ding to their nature, or for want of suche thinges, as were neces­sarie for the commoditie of their liuelihoode, did all die there. After I had furnished my selfe with some freshe water, very good and excellent, which sprang out of a rocke at the fo [...]t of this moun­tayne, I continued my course towarde the West, wherein the windes fauoured me so well, that fifteene dayes after our shippes arriued safe and sounde at the Antilles: and going on land at the Isle of Martinica one of the first of them, the next day wee arriuedThe Isle of Martinica. Dominica an Iland. at Dominica, twelue leagues distant from the former. Dominica is one of the fairest Ilandes of the West, full of hilles, and of ve­ry good smell. Whose singularities desiring to know as we passed by, & seeking also to refresh our selues wt fresh water I made y ma­riners cast anker, after we had sayled about half along y cost therof. As soone as wee had cast Anker, two Indians inhabitantes of that place sayled toward vs in two Canoaes full of a fruit of great ex­cellencie which they call Ananas. As they approched vnto ourAnanas a fruite of great excellencie. barke, there was one of them which being in some misdoubt of vs, went backe againe on land, and fled his way with as much speede as he could possibly. Which our men perceiued, and entred with di­ligence into the other Canoa, wherein they caught the poore Indi­an & brought him vnto me. But the poore fellow became so astonied in beholding vs, that he knew not which way to behaue himselfe, because that (as afterward I vnderstood) hee feared that he was [Page 19] fallen into the Spaniard hands, of whom he had beene taken once before, and which, as he shewed vs, had cut of his stones. At length this poore Indian was assured of vs, and discoursed vnto vs of many things, wherof we receaued very smal pleasure, because we vnder­derstood not his mind but by his signes. Thē he desired me to giue him leaue to depart, & promised me y he would bring me a thousād presents, whereunto I agreed on condition that hee would haue patience vntill the next day when I purposed to goe on land, where I suffered him to depart after I had giuen him a shirte, and certain small trifles, wherewith he departed very well content with vs. The place where we went on shore was hard by a very hie Rocke out of which there ran a litle riuer of sweet and excellent good wa­ter: by which riuer we stayed certayne dayes to discouer the things which were worthy to bee seen, & traficked dayly with the Indians: which aboue all thinges besought vs that none of our men should come neere their lodgings nor their Gardens, otherwise that we should giue them great cause of ielosie, and that in so doing wee should not want of their fruit which they call Ananas, whereof they offered vs very liberally, receiuing in recompence certaine things of small value. This notwithstanding it hapned on a day that cer­taine of my men, desirous to see some new things in these strange countries, walked through the woods: and following still the little riuers side, they espied two Serpents of exceeding bignesse, which went side by side ouerthwarte the way my soldiers went before them, thinking to let them from going into the woods: but the ser­pents nothing at all astonished with these gestures glaunced into the bushes with fearefull hissings, for all which my men drewe their swordes and killed them, and found them afterward nine great foote long, and as bigge as a mans legge. During this com­bate, certaine others more vndiscreete went and gathered their A­nanas in the Indians Gardens, trampling through them without any discretion: and n [...]t therewithall contented they went toward their dwellings, whereat the Indians were so much offended, that without regarding any thing they rushed vpon them and dischar­ged their shot so that they hit one of my men named Martin Cha­ueau, which remayned behinde. Wee coulde not knowe whe­ther hee were killed on the place, or whether he were taken pri­soner: for those of his company had inough to doe to saue them­selues [Page] without thinking of their companion. Whereof Mon­sur de Ottigni my Lieuetenant being aduertised, sent vnto me to know whether I thought good that he shuld lay an ambush for the Indians which had either taken or killed our man, or whether hee should goe directly to their dwellinges to knowe the truth. I sent vnto him, after good delebration hereupon, that hee should not at­tempt any thing and that for diuers occasions: but contrariwise that he should embarke himself with all diligence, and consequent­ly all they that were on land: which hee did with speede. But as he sayled toward our shippes he perceiued a long the shore a great number of Indians which beganne to charge them with their Ar­rowes: he for his part discharged store of shotte against them, yet was not able to hurte them, or by any meanes to surprise them: for which cause he quite forsooke them, & came vnto our ship. Where staying vntill the next day morning we sette sayle following our wonted course, and keeping the same, we discouered diuerse Iles conquered by the Spaniards, as the Iles of S. Christopher, & of ye Saintes, of Monserrada, and la Rotonda: Afterward we passed be­tweene Languilla aad la Negada, sayling toward New Fraunce, His ariuall in Florida the 22 of Iune 1564. where we ariued fifteene dayes afterward, to witte on a Thurse­day the two and twenteth of Iune about three or foure of the clock in the morning, and landed neere vnto a little Riuer which is thir­tie degrees distant from the Equator, and ten leagues aboue CapeCape Fran­çois being be­tweene the riuer of Dol­phins and the riuer of May maketh the distance thirty leagues about, which is but ten leagues ouer land.François drawing toward the South, and about thirtie leagues aboue the Riuer of May. After we had strooken sayle and cast An­ker a thwart the Riuer, I determined to goe on shore to discouer y same. Therefore beiug accompanied with Monsur de Ottigny, with Monsur de Arlac mine Ensigne, & a certaine number of Gen­tlemen and souldiers I embarked my selfe about three or foure of the clocke in the euening. And being ariued at the mouth of the Riuer I caused the Chanell to be sounded, which was found to be very shallow, although that farther within the same y water was there found reasonable deepe, which separateth it selfe into two great armes, whereof one runneth toward the South and the other toward the North. Hauing thus searched the Riuer I went on lande to speake with the Indians which wayted for vs vpon the shore which at our comming on land, came before vs, crying with a loud voyce in their Indian language, Antipola, Bonassou, which [Page 20] is as much to say, as, brother, friend, or some such like thing. After they had made very much of vs, they shewed vs their Paracoussy, that is to say, their king and gouernour, to whom I presented cer­taine toyes wherewith he was wel pleased. And for mine own part I praise God continually, for the great loue which I haue found inThe great loue & curtesie of the Floridians▪ these Sauages, which were sory for nothing, but that the night ap­proched, and made vs retire vnto our shippes. For though they en­deuoured by all meanes to make vs tarry with them, and that they shewed by signes the desire they had to present vs with some rare things, yet neuerthelesse for many iust and reasonable occasions I would not stay on shore all night: but excusing my selfe for al their offers, I embarked my selfe againe and returned toward my ships, Howbeit, before my departure, I named this riuer, the riuer ofThe riuer of Dolphins, cal­led Seloy by the Sauages▪ Iune 23. Dolphines, because that at mine arriuall, I sawe there a greate number of dolphines which were playing in the mouth thereof. The next day the three and twentieth of this moneth (because that to­ward the South I had not found any cōmodious place for vs to in­habite, and to build a fort) I gaue commaundement to weigh an­ker,Their arriuall at the riuer of May, the 22▪ of Iune. and to hoyse our sayles to sayle towarde the riuer of Maye, where we arriued two dayes after, and cast anker, afterwarde go­ing on land, with some number of Gentlemen and Souldiers to knowe for a certaintie the singularities of this place, wee espyed the Paracoussy of the countrey, which came towards vs (this was y very same y we saw in the voiage of Captaine Iohu Ribault) which hauing espied vs, cried very farre of, Antipola, Antipola, and being so ioyful that he could not containe himselfe, he came to meet vs ac­companied then with two of his sonnes, as faire & mighty persons as might be found in all the world, which had nothing in their mouthes but this word, Amy, Amy: that is to say, friend, friend: yea and knowing those which were there in the first voyage, they went principally to them to vse this speech vnto them. There was in their trayne a great number of men and women, which still made very much of vs, and by euident signes made vs to vnderstand how glad they were of our ariual. This good entertainment past, ye Paracoussy prayed me to go to see the piller which we had erected in the voyage of Iohn Ribault (as we haue declared heretofore) as a thing which they made great account of. Hauing yeelded vnto him and being come to the place where it was set vp we found [Page] the same crowned with crownes of Bay, & at the foote therof manyThe piller set vp before by Ribault crow­ned with gar­lands of Lau­rell and inui­roned with small paniers full of corne worshiped by the saua­ges. Paracoussy Satourioua. litle baskets ful of Myl which they call in their language Tapaga Tapola. Then when they came thither they kissed the same wt great reuerēce & besought vs to do the like, which we would not deny thē, to ye end we might draw them to be more in frendship with vs. This done ye Paracoussy tooke me by the hand, as if he had desire to make me vnderstand some great secrete, and by signes shewed me very well vp within the riuer the limits of his dominion, & said that he was called Paracussy Satorioua, which is as much as king Satouri­oua. His children haue the selfe same title of Paracoussy▪ The el­dest is named Athore, a man, I dare say, perfect in beautie, wisdom, and honest sobrietie, shewing by his modest grauitie that he deser­ueth the name which he beareth besides that he is gentle and trac­table. After we we had soiourned a certayne space with them, the Paracoussy prayed one of his sonnes to present vnto me a wedge ofA Wedge of siluer. siluer, which hee did and that with a good will: in recompence whereof I gaue him a cutting hooke & some other better present: wherewith he seemed to be very well pleased. Afterward we tooke our leaue of them, because the night approached, and then returned to lodge in our ships. Being allured with this good entertainment I fayled not the next day to embarke my selfe agayne with my Lieuetenaunt Ottigni and a number of souldiers to returne toward the Paracoussy of the Riuer of May, which of purpose wayted for vs in the same place, where the day before we conferred with him. We found him vnder the shadow of an Arbour accompanied with fourescore Indians at the least, and apparelled at that time after the Indian fashion, to witte, with a great Hartes skin dressed like Chamoys and painted with deuises of strang and diuers colours, but of so liuely a portrature and representing antiquitie with rules so iustly compassed, that there is no painter so exquisite that could finde fault therewith: the naturall disposition of this straunge people is so perfect and well guided, that without any ayde and fauour of artes, they are able by the helpe of nature onelie to con­tent the eye of artizans, yea euen of those which by their industrie are able to aspire vnto thinges most absolute. Then I aduertised Paracoussy Satourioua, that my desire was to discouer farther vp into the riuer, but that this shoulde bee with such diligence that I would come againe vnto him very speedily: wherwith he was con­tent, [Page 21] promising to stay for me in the place where hee was: and for an earnest of his promise, he offered me his goodly skinne, which I refused then, and promised to receiue it of him at my returne. For my part I gaue him certaine small trifles, to the intent, to retayne him in our frendship. Departing from thence, I had not sayled three leagues vp the riuer, stil being followed by ye Indians, which costed me along the riuer, crying still, Amy, Amy, that is to say, friend, friend: but I discouered an hill of meane height, neere which I went on land, hard by the fields that were sowed with mil, at one corner whereof there was an house builte for their lodging, which keepe and garde the mill: for there are such numbers of CornisheGrosle [...]. thoughts in this countrey, which continually deuour and spoile the mill, that the Indians are constrained to keep & watch it, otherwise they should be deceaued of their haruest. I rested my selfe in this place for certayne howers, & commanded Monsur De▪ Otignie andMonsur de Ottigni. my sergeant to enter into the woods to search out the dwellings of the Indians: where, after they had gone a whyle, they came vnto a Marish of Reeds, where finding their way to be stopped, they rested vnder the shadow of a migtie Bay tree to refresh themselues a litle, and to resolue which way to take. Then they discouered, as it were on the sodaine, fiue Indians halfe hidden in the woods, which seemed somewhat to distrust our men, vntill they said vnto them in y Indian language Antipola Bonassou, to the end that vnderstan­ding their speech, they might come vnto vs more boldly, which they did incontinently, But because they sawe, that the foure that went last bare vp the traine of the skin wherewith hee that went foremost was apparelled, our men imagined that the foremost must needs be some man of greater qualitie then the rest, seeing that withall they called him Paracoussy, Paracoussy, wherefore some of our compa­nie went towardes him, and vsing him courteouslie shewed him Monsur De Ottigny their lieuetenāt, for whom they had made an arbour with Bay and Palme boughes after y Indiā fashiō, to ye end y by such signes y sauages might think yt the Frēchmen had cōpaniedThe curtesie of the Floridi­ans to the French. wt such as they at other times. The Indiā Paracoussy drew neer to y Frēch, & begā to make him a long oratiō, which tended to no o­ther end, but y he besought y Frēchmen very earnestly to come & see his dwelling & his parents, which they graunted him, & straight for pledge of better amity, hee gaue vnto lieuetenant Ottigni, the very [Page] skinne, that he was clad withall. Then he tooke him by the hande, leading him right toward the marishes, ouer which the Paracoussy, Monsieur Ottigni, and certaine other of our men were borne vpon the Indians shoulders: and the rest which could not passe because of the mire and reedes, went through the woods, and followed stil a narrow path which led them forth vntil they came vnto the Para­coussyes dwelling: out of which there came about fiftie Indians to receiue our men gallantly, and to feast them after their manner. Af­ter which they brought at their entraunce a great vessell of earth, made after a strange fashion full of fountaine water cleere and very excellent. This vessel was borne by an Indian, and there was another younger which bare of this water in another little vessell of wood, and presented thereof to euery one to drinke, obseruing in doing the same, a certaine order and reuerence, which hee made to each of them, to whom he gaue drinke. Our thirst well quenched by this meane, and our men being sufficiently refreshed, the Para­coussy brought them to his fathers lodging, one of the oldest men that liued on the earth. Our men regarding his age, began to make much of him, vsing this speech, Amy, Amy, that is to say, friend, friende, whereat y old fier shewed himselfe very glad. Afterwarde they questioned with him concerning the course of his age, whervn­to he made answeare, shewing y he was the first liuing originall, frō whence 5. generations were descēded, as he shewed vnto thē by ano­ther old mā that sate directly ouer against him, which far exceeded him in age. And this man was his father, which seemed to be rather a dead carcasse then a liuing body. For he had his sinewes, his veins his artiers, his bones, and other parts, appearing so cleerely thorow his skin, that a mā might easely tel thē, & discern them one from ano­ther. Also his age was so great, that y good man had lost his sight, & could not speak one onely word but wt exceeding great paine. Mon­sieur de Ottigni hauing seen so strāge a thing, turned to the yoūger of these 2. old men, praying him to vouchsafe to answere him to that which he demāded touching his age. Then the old man called a cō ­pany of Indians, and striking twise vpon his thigh, and laying his hande vpon two of them, he shewed him by signes, that these two were his sons: againe smiting vpon their thighes, he shewed him of others not so old, which were yt childrē of the 2. first, which he cōtinu­ed in the same manner vntil the fifte generation. But though this [Page 22] old man had his father aliue more old than himselfe, and that both of them did weare their haire very long and as white as was possi­ble: yet it was tolde them, that they might yet liue thirtie or fortie yeeres more by the course of nature: although the younger of them both was not lesse then two hundred and fiftie yeeres olde. AfterSauages in Florida of 250. yeeres old. Eagles in Flo­rida. hee had ended his communication, hee commaunded two young Egles to be giuen to our men, which he had bred vp for his plea­sure, in his house. He caused also little Paniers made of Palme leaues full of gourds red and blew to be deliuered vnto them. For recompence of which presents he was satisfied with French toyes. The two old men caused our men to bee guided backe againe to the place from whence they came, by the young Parracoussy which had brought them thither. And hauing taken leaue of the Paracoussy they came and sought me out in the place where I stayed, and re­hearsed vnto me all that they had seene, praying me also that I would reward their guide, which so frankly and heartily had re­ceiued them into his house, which I would not fayle to doe by any meanes. Now was I determined to search out the qualities of the Hill. Therfore I went right to the top therof, where we found no­thingCeders, Palmes, bayes exceeding sweete. else but Cedars, Palme, and Baytrees of so soueraine odour, y Baulme smelleth nothing like in comparison. The trees were en­uironed roūd about wt Vines bearing Grapes in such quantity that the number would suffice to make the place habitable. Besids this fertilitie of the soyle for vines, a man may see Esquine wreathed about the shrubbes in great quantitie. Touching the pleasure ofEsquine drugge excel­lent against the pocket. the place, the Sea may be seene plaine and open from it, and more then sixe great leagues of, neere the riuer Belle a man may beholde the medowes, deuided asunder into Iles and Islets enterlacing one another: briefly the place is so pleasant, that those which are melancholike would be enforced to change their humour. After I had stayed there a while, I embarked againe my people to sayle to­wardes the mouth of the Riuer, where we found the Paracoussy which according to his promise wayted for vs. Wherefore to con­tent him we went on shore and did him that reuerence that on our part was requisite: Then he gaue me the skin so richly painted, & I recompensed him with somewhat of our marchandise. I forgat not to demaund of him the place whence the wedge of siluer came which he had giuen me before: whereunto he made me a very sud­dayne [Page] aunsweare, which notwithstanding I vnderstood not, which he well perceiued. And then hee shewed me by euident signes thatSyluer certayn dayes iournie vp within the riuer of May. all of it came from a place more within the riuer by certayne dayes iournies from this place, and declared vnto vs that al y which they had thereof they gat it by force of armes of the inhabitants of this place named by them Thimogoua, their most auncient and n [...]tu­rallThimogoua mortal eni­mies to Satou­rioua. enimies, as hee largely declared. Whereupon when I sawe with what affection he spake, when he pronounced Thimogoua, I vnderstood what hee would saye. And to bring my selfe more into his fauour I promised him to accompany him with all my force, if he would fight against them: which thing pleased him in such sorte that from thence foorth, he promised himselfe the vic­torie of them, and assured me that he would make a voyage thither within a short space, would cause store of Mill to be prepared, and would commaund his men to make ready their bowes, and furnish themselues with such store of arrowes, that nothing should be wan­ting to giue battayle to Thimogoua. In fine he prayed me very earnestly not to fayle of my promise, and in so doing, hee hoped to procure me gold and siluer in such good quantitie that my affayres should take effecte according to mine own and his desire. The mat­ter thus fully resolued vpon, I tooke my leaue of him to returne vn­to my ships, where after we had rested our selues all the night fol­lowing we hoysed sayles the next day very early in the morning, and sayled toward the Riuer of Seine, distant from the Riuer ofThe riuer of Seine. The riuer of Some. May about foure leagues: and there continuing our course toward the North, we ariued at the mouth of Some, which is not past sixe leagues distant from the Riuer of Seine: where we cast Anker, and went on shore to discouer that place, as we had done the rest. ThereThe curtesie of the Paracoussi of the riuer of Some. we were gratiously and courteously receiued of the Paracoussy of the countrey, which is one of the tallest men and best proportio­ned that may bee founde. His wife sate by him, which besides her Indian beautie, wherewith she was greatly endewed, had so vertuous a countenance & modest grauitie, that there was not one amongst vs but did greatly commend her, she had in her trayne fiue of her daughters of so good grace and so wel brought vp, that I ea­sily perswaded my selfe that their mother was their Mistresse, and had taught them wel and straightly to preserue their honestie. After that ye Paracoussy had receiued vs, as I haue said, he commaunded [Page 23] his wife to present me with a certaine number of bullets of siluer,Bullets of sil­uer. for his owne parte he presented me with his Bowe and his Ar­rowes, as he had done vnto Captayne Iohn Ribault in our first voyage, which is a signe of perpetuall amitie and aliance with those which they honour with such a kinde of present. In our dis­coursing with one another wee entred into speech as touching the exercise of armes. Then the Paracoussy caused a Corselet to be set on end, and prayed me to make a proofe of our Harkubusies and their bowes: but this proofe pleased him very little, for assoone as he knew that our Harkubuses did easily perce that which al the force of their bowes could not hurte, he seemed to be sorie, musing with himselfe how this thing might be done. Neuerthelesse going about to dissemble in his mind, that which his coūtenance could not doe by any meanes, he began to fall into another matter, and pray­ed vs very earnestly to stay with him that night in his house or lodging, affirming that no greater happinesse could come vnto him then our long aboad, which he desired to recompence with a thousand presents. Neuerthelesse we cold not graunt him this poynt, but tooke our leaue of him, to returne to our ships: WhereLaudonieres consultation with his com­pany where it might be best for them to plant. soone after I caused al my company to be assembled with the mai­sters and Pilots of my shippes to consult together of the place whereof we should make choyse to plant our habitation. First I let them vnderstand, how none of them were ignorant, that the parte which was towarde the Cape of Florida, was altogether a marish Countrey, and therefore vnprofitable for our inhabitati­on: A thing which cold yeeld neither profit to the king nor any contentment or pleasure to vs, if peraduenture we would inhabite there. On the other side if we passed farther towarde the North to seeke out Port Royall, it would bee neither verye profitable nor conuenient: at the least if wee would giue credit to the reporte of them which remayned there a long time, although the Hauen were one of the fayrest of the West Indies: but that in this case the question was not so much of the beautie of the place, as of thinges necessary to sustayne life. And that at our first inhabi­ting it was muche more needefull for vs to plant in places plentifull of victualle, then in goodly Hauens, fayre deepe and pleasant to the vewe, In consideration whereof that I was of opinion, if it seemed good vnto them to seate our selues [Page] about the riuer of May: seing also that in our first voyage we found the same onely among all the rest to abound in Maiz and corne, be­sides the gold and siluer that was found there: a thing that putGold and sil­uer found at the riuer of May. me in hope of some happie discouery in time to come. After that I had proposed these things euery one gaue his opinion thereof: and in fiue all resolued, namely those which had beene with me in the first voyage, that it was expedient to seate themselues rather on the riuer of May, then on any other, vntill they might heare newes out of Fraunce. This point thus being agreed vpon wee sayled toward the riuer, and vsed such diligence, that with the fa­uour of the windes we arriued there the morrow after about the breake of day, which was on a Thurseday the 29. of the moneth ofIune the 29. Iune. Hauing cast Anker, I embarked al my stuffe and the soldiers of my company, to sayle right toward the opening of the ri­uer: wherein we entred a good way vp, and found a creake of a resonable vignesse, which inuited vs to refresh our selues a little, while we reposed our selues there. Afterward we went on shore to seeke out a place plaine without trees, which wee perceiued from the creeke. But because we found it not very commodious for vs to inhabite there: we determined to returne vnto the place which we had discouered before, when we had sayled vp the Riuer. This place is ioyning to a mountayne, and it seemed vnto vs more fit and commodious to builde a fortresse, then that where we were last. Therefore we tooke our way towards the forests being gui­ded therein by the young Paracoussy which had led vs before vn­to his fathers lodging. Afterward we found a large plaine couered with high pinetrees distant a little one from ye other: vnder which we perceiued an infinite number of Stagges which braied amidst the plaine, a thwarte the which we passed: then we discouered a little hil adioyning vnto a great vale very greene and in forme flat: wherein were the fayrest medowes of the world and grasse to feed cattell. Moreouer it is inuironed with an infinite number of brooksThe vale of Laudonniere. of fresh water, and high woods, which make the vale more delec­table to the eye. After I had taken the vewe thereof at mine ease▪ I named it at the request of our souldiers the val [...]of Laudonniere. An Hermo­phrodite. Thus we went forwarde. Anon hauing gon a little forward, wee met an Indian woman of tall stature, which also was an Hermo­phrodite who came before vs with a great vessel full of cleere foun­taine [Page 24] water, wherwith she greatly refreshed vs. For we were excee­ding fainte by reason of the ardent heate which molested vs as we passed through those high woods. And I beleeue that without the succour of that Indian Hermaphrodite, or rather if it had not been for the great desire which we had to make vs resolute of our selues we had taken vp our lodging all night in ye wood. Being therfore refreshed by this meane, we gathered our sprites together, & mar­ching with a cheerefull courage, we came to the place which wee had chosen to make our habitation in: whereon at that instant neere the Riuers brinke we strowed a number of boughes & leaues to take our rest on them the night following, which we found ex­ceeding sweete, because of the payne which the day before we had taken in our trauell. On the morrow about the breake of day I commaunded a trumpet to be sounded, that being assembled weThey began their planting with prayer to God. might giue God thankes for our fauorable and happie arriuall. There we sange a Psalme of thanksgiuing vnto God, beseeching him that it would please him of his grace to continue his accusto­med goodnesse toward vs his poore seruants, and ayde vs in al our enterprises, that all might turne to his glorie, & the aduauncement of our king. The prayers ended euery man began to take courage. Afterward hauing measured out a piece of ground in forme of a tri­angle wee endeuored our selues of all sides, some to bring earth some to cut Fagots, and others to rayse and make the rampyre, for there was not a man that had not either a shouel, or cutting hook, or hatchet aswel to make the ground plaine by cutting down the trees, as for the building of the Fort, which we did hasten with such cheerefulnesse that within few dayes the effect of our diligence was apparant: In which meane space the Paracoussy Satourioua our neerest neighbour, and on whose ground we built our fort, came vsually accompanied with his two sonnes and a great number of Indians to offer to do vs al curtesie. And I likewise for my part be­stowed diuers of our trifles frākly on him to thend he might know ye goodwil which we bare him, & therby make him more desirous of our friēdship, in such sort y as ye dayes increased so our amity & friēdship increased also: After yt our fort was brought into forme, I begā In Florida they couer their house with palme leaues. to build a grange to retire my munition, & things necessary for y de fence of y fort: praying y Paracoussy yt it would please him to com­mannd his subiects, to make vs a couering of palme leaues, & this to thend y when that was done I might vnfreight my ships, & put [Page] vnder couerture those thinges that were in them. Sodainely the Parracoussy commaunded in my presence all the Indians▪ of his cō ­pany to dresse the next day morning so good a number of Palme leaues, that the grange was couered in lesse then two dayes: so that businesse was finished. For in the space of those two dayes, the Indians neuer ceased frō working, some in fetching Palme leaues, others in enterlacing of them: in such sorte that their kings com­maundement was executed as he desired. Our fort was built inThe forme of the Fort Ca­roline The West side. forme of a triangle▪ The side toward the West, which was toward the land, was encl [...]sed with a litle trench and raysed with turues made in forme of a Battlement of nine foote high: the other side which▪ was toward the Riuer was enclosed with a Pallisado of planckes of timber after the maner that Gabions are made. On ye south side there was a kind of bastion within which I caused anThe South side. house for the munition to be built: it was all builded with Fagots and sand, sauing about two or three foote high with turues wher­of the battlements were made. In the middest I caused a great court to be made of eighteene pases long and broad, in the middest whereof on the one side drawing toward the South I builded a Corpes de gard, and an house on the other side toward the North, which I caused to be raysed somwhat to high: for within a shoreHigh building is not good for this coun­trey. while after the winde beat it downr: and experience taught me, that we may not build with high stages in this countrey, by rea­son of the winds whereunto it is subiect. One of the sides that inclosed my court, which I made very fayre and large, reached vnto the grange of my munitions: and on the otherside towards the Riuer was mine own lodging, round about the which were galleries all couered. The principall doore of my lodging was in the midest of the great place, and the other was towards the Riuer. A good di­stance from the Fort I built an Ouen, to auoyd the daunger of fi­er, because the houses are of Palme leaues, which will soone beeNota. burnt, after the fier catcheth hold of them, so that with much adoe a man shall haue leasure to quench them. Loe here in breefe the de­scription of our Fortresse, which I named Caroline in the honourCaroline. of our Prince king Charles. After we were furnished with yt which was most necessary, I would not lose a minute of an houre, with­out employing of the same in some vertuous exercise: therefore I charged Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieuetenant, a man in truth worthy all honour for his honestie and vertue, to search vp within [Page 25] the riuer what this Thimogoua might be, whereof the Paracoussy Satourioua had spoken to vs so often at our comming on shore. For execution hereof the Paratoussy gaue him two Indians for his guides, which taking vpon them to lead him in this voyage seemed to goe vnto a wedding, so desirous they were to fight with their enemies. Being embarked they hoysed sayle and hauing sayled aboutThe first voy­age twentie leagues twentie leagues, the Indians which still looked on this side and that side to espie some of their enimies, discouered three Canoes. And immediately they began to crie Thimogoua, Thimogoua, and spake of nothing else but to hasten forward to goe to fight wt them: which the Captayne seemed to be willing to doe, to content them. When they came to boorde them, one of the Indians gat holde of an Halbert, another of a Coutelas in such a rage that hee would haue lept into the water to haue fought with them alone. Neuer­thelesse Ottigny would not let them doe it, for while he differed to abord them he gaue the others respit to turne the prooes of their Canoes toward the shore and so to escape into the woods. Againe the meaning of Ottigny was not to make warre vpon them of Thi­mogoua▪ but rather to make them friendes; and to make them thencefoorth to liue in peace one with another if it were possible, hoping by this meane to discouer daily some new thing, & especially the certayne course of the Riuer. For this purpose hee caused the barke to retire wherein were the two Indians his guides, & went with his toward the Canoes which were on the Riuers side. Be­ing come vnto them, he put certaine trifles into them, and then re­tired a goodway from them, which thing caused the Indians which were fled away to rerurne to their Boates, and to vnderstand by this signe, that those of our barke were none of their enimies, but rather come onely to trafficke with them. Wherefore being thus assured of vs they called to our men to come neere vnto them: which they did incontinently and set foote on lande, and spake freely with them, with diuerse ceremonies ouer long to recount. In the end Ottigni demaunded of them by signes if they had gold or siluer among them. But they told him they had none as then: and that if he would send one of his men with thē, they would bring him with­out daunger into a place where they might haue some. Ottigni see­ing them so willing, deliuered them one of his men which seemed very resolute to vndertake this voyage: this fellow stayed with thē vntill ten of the clocke the next day morning, so that Captayne Ot­tigny [Page] somewhat offended with his long staye, sayled tenne greatTen leagues farther. leagues farther vp the riuer: although he knew not what way hee should goe, yet he went so farre vp that he espied the boate wherein his souldier was: which reported vnto him that the Indians would haue carried him three great dayes iourney farther, & told him that a king named Mayrra rich in gold and siluer dwelt in those quar­ters,Mayrra a king rich in gold & siluer. and that for small quantitie of marchandise inough might be had of him: yet that he would not hazard himself without his leaue, and that he brought but a very litle gold. This being done our men returned toward our fort Caroline after they had left the souldier with the Indians to enforme himselfe more and more of such things as he might discouer more at leasure. Fifteene dayes after this voy­age to Thimogoua, I dispatched Captaine Vasseur and my ser­geantThe second voyage. also, to returne againe into this countrey and to seeke out the souldier which remayned there in y former voyage. Being therfore imbarked they sayled two whole dayes: and before they came to the dwelling of the Indians, they found two of them on the riuers side, which were expressely sent vnto that place to discry whether any of their enimies were come to that parte, with intention to surprise them, as they did vsually. When they perceiued Captaine Val­seur they knewe incontinently that he was none of their enimies, & therefore made no difficultie to come neere vnto the barke, and she­wed him by signes that the souldier which they sought was not in that place, but was at that present in the house of king Molloua King molloua. which was vassell vnto another great king named by them Olata Ouae Vtina: and that if the Captayne would sayle thytherward,Olata Ouae Vtina a great king. he should come thither very quickly, wherewith he was content, & caused his men to rowe to that part which the Indians shewed him: wherat they were so glad that they ran quickly before by land to declare his arriuall, which was at the lodging of king Molloua, after that he had rowed not past halfe a league. While king Mol­loua had ended intertayning Captayne Vasseur and his men, the souldier came in with f [...]ue or sixe pounds weight of siluer which he had trucked and traffiked with the Indians. This king caused bread to be made, and fishe to be dressed after the Indian fashionFiue or sixe pound weight of siluer. to feast our men: to whom, while they were at meat, hee made a discourse of diuers other kinges his friendes and allies recko­ning vp to the number of nine of them by name, to witte [Page 26] Cadecha, Chilili, Eclauou, Enacappe, Calany, Anacharaqua, Omittaqua, Aequera, Moquoso: al which with him vnto the num­ber of more then fortie, he assured vs to be the vassals of the most re­nowmedFortie kinges vassals to Vti­na. Olata Ouae Vtina. This done, he went about likewise to discouer the enemies of Ouae Vtina, in which number he placed as the first the Paracoussy Satourioua monarch of the confines of the riuer of May, which hath vnder his obeysace thirty other Paracous­sies, whereof there were ten which were al his brethren, and that therefore he was greatly esteemed in those parties: then he named three others no lesse puissant than Satourioua, whereof the first dwelt two dayes iourney from his Lord Olate Oure Vtina, and or­dinarily made warre vpon him, whose name was Potanou, a manKing Potanou. cruell in warre, but pitiful in the execution of his furie. For he took the prisoners to mercy, beeing content to marke them on the left arme, with a great marke like vnto a seale, and so imprinted as if it had beene touched with an hoate yron, then he let them goe with­out doing them any other hurt. The two others were named Ona­theaqua, An exceeding rich place. and Houstaqua, being great Lordes, and abounding in ri­ches, and principally Onatheaqua, which dwelt neere vnto the high mountaines, wherein there was aboundance of many rare thinges, and infinite quantitie of a kinde of slate stone, wherwith they made wedges to cleaue their wood. The occasion which (as he sayde) moued Potanou to wage war against Olata Ouaé Vtina, was the feare that hee had, least hee and his companions shoulde get of that hard stone in his countrey, wherewith they headed their arrowes, and coulde not get it in any neerer place. Besides all this, Mollo­ua recited to Captaine Vasseur, that the kinges alies the vassals of great Olata, armed their breastes, armes, thighes, legges, andLarge plats of golde and filuer. foreheades with large plates of golde and siluer: and that by this meanes the arrowes that were discharged vpon them could do them no manner of hurt at all, but rather were broken against them. Heerevpon Captaine Vasseur inquired whether the kinges Ona­theaqua and Honstaqua were like vnto vs. For by the description that they made of them, hee beganne t [...] doubt whether theySome paint their faces with blacke, & some with [...]ed. were Spaniards or no: but Molloua tolde him that they were not, but that they were Indians like the rest, sauing that they payn­ted their faces with blacke, and that the rest as Moloua painted it with redde. Then my Lieuetenaunt Vasseur, and my sergeant [Page] promised him that one day I shold march with my foroes into those countries, and that ioyning my selfe with his Lord Olata, I would subdue the inhabitants of the highest of those mountaines. Hee was very glad of this speech, and answered that the least of these kings which he had named, should present vnto the generall of these suc­cours the height of two foot of gold & siluer, which by force of arms they had already gotten of those two kings, Onatheaqua, and Hou­staqua. The good cheere being done, and the discourses ended, my men embarked themselues againe with intention to bring me those good newes vnto the fort Caroline. But after they had sayled a ve­ry long while downe the riuer, and were come within three leagues of vs, the tide was so strong against them, that they were constray­ned to goe on land, and to retire themselues because of the night vn­to the dwelling of a certain Paracoussy named Molona, which she­wedKing Molona. himselfe very glad of their arriual: for he desired to know some newes of Thimogoua, and thought that the French men went thi­ther for none other occasion but for to inuade them. Which captain Vasseur perceiuing dissembled so wel, that he made him beleeue y he went to Thimogoua, wt none other intentiō, but to subdue them, & to destroy them with the edge of y sword without mercy, but that their purpose had not such successe as they desired, because y the peo­ple of Thimogoua being aduertised of this enterprise, retired into y woods, & saued themselues by flight: y neuerthelesse they had taken some as they were flying away which carried no newes therof vnto their fellowes. The Paracoussy was so glad of this relation, that he enterrupted him, and asked Vasseur of the beginning & maner of his execution, & praied him that he would shew him by signes how all things passed. Immediatly Frauncis la Caille the sergeant of my band took his sword in his hand, saying that with the point thereof he had thrust through two Indiās which ran into the woods, & y his cōpaniōs had done no lesse for their parts. And that if fortune had so fauoured them, that they had not bin discouered by the mē of Thi­mogoua, they had had a victorie most glorious & worthy of eternall memory. Herevpon the Paracoussy shewed himselfe so wel satisfied, that he could not deuise how to gratifie our men, which he caused t [...] come into his house to feast thē more honorably: & hauing made cap­taine Vasseur to sit next him, and in his own chaire (which the In­dians esteeme for the chiefest honour) & then vnderneath him two of [Page 27] his sonnes, goodly and mighty fellowes, he commanded al the rest to place thēselues as they thought good. This done, y Indians came according to their good custom, to present their drink Cassine to the Paracoussy, & then to certaine of his chiefest friends, & the French­men. Then he which brought it set the cup aside, & drew out a little dagger which hung stucke vp in the roofe of the house, & like a mad man he lift his head aloft, & ran apace, & went and smote an Indian which sate alone in one of the corners of the hall, crying with a loud voyce, Hyou, the poore Indian stirring not at al for the blow, which he seemed to eudure paciētly. He which held the dagger went quick­ly to put the same in his former place, & begā again to giue vs drink, as he did before: but he had not long continued, & had scarcely giuen 3. or 4. thereof, but he left his bowle againe, tooke the dagger in his hand, & quickly returned vnto him which he had stroken before, to whom he gaue a very sore blow on the side, crying Hyou, as he had done before: then he went to put the dagger in his place, and set him self down among the rest. A litle while after, he y had bin stroken fel down backwards, stretching out his armes and legs as if he had bin ready to yeld vp the latter gaspe. And then the younger sonne of the Paracoussy apparrelled in a long white skin, fel down at the feet of him that was fallen backward, weeping bitterly halfe a quarter of an houre: after two other of his brethren clad in like apparel, came about him that was so stricken, & began to sigh pitifully. Their mo­ther bearing a litle infant in her armes came from another part, and going to the place where her sonnes were, at the first she vsed infinit numbers of outcries, then one while lifting vp her eies to heauen, an other while falling down vnto the groūd, she cried so dolefully, that her lamentable mournings would haue moued the most hard & sto­nie heart in the world with pity. Yet this sufficed not, for there came in a company of young gyrles which did neuer lyn weeping for a long while in the place where the Indian was fallē down, whō af­terward they took, & with the saddest gestures they could deuise, ca­ried him away into another house a little way of from the great hal of the Paracoussy, & continued their weepings & mournings by the space of two long houres: in which meane while the Indians ceas­sed not to drink Cassine, but wt such silence that one word was not heard in the parler. Vasseur beeing grieued that hee vnderstood not these ceremonies, demaunded of the Paracoussy what these thinges meant: which answered him slowly, Thimogoua, Thimogoua, with [Page] out saying any more. Beeing more displeased then he was before with so slight an answeare, he turned vnto another Indian the Pa­racoussyes brother, who was a Paracoussy as well as his brother, called Malica, which made him a like answere as he did at the first,King Malica. praying him to aske no more of these matters, and to haue patience for that time. The subtile old Paracoussy praied him within a while after to shew him his sword, which he would not deny him, thinking that hee would haue behelde the fashion of his weapons: but he soone perceiued that it was to another end: for the old mā holding it in his hand, beheld it a long while on euery place to see if he could find any blood vpon it which might shew that any of their enemies had bin killed: (for the Indians are woont to bring their weapons wherwith their enemies haue bin defeated with some blood vpō thē, for a token of their victories.) But seeing no signe thereof vpon it, he was vpon the point to say vnto him, that he had killed none of the mē of Thimogoua, whē as Vasseur preuēting that which he might obiect, declared & shewed to him by signes y maner of his enterprise, adding that by reason of the 2. Indiās which he had staine, his sw [...]r [...] was so bloudy, that he was inforced to wash & make it cleane a long while in the riuer: which the old man beleeued to be like to be true, and made no maner of reply therevnto. Vasseur, la Caille, and their other companions went out of the hall to go into the roome whitherTapistry made of small reeds. they had carried the Indian: there they found the Paracoussy sitting vpon tapistries made of smal reeds, which was at meat after y In­dian fashion, & the Indian that was smitten hard by him, lying vpō the selfsame tapistry, about whom stood the wife of the Paracoussy, with all the young damsels which before bewailed him in the hall: which did nothing els but warme a great deale of mosse in steede ofThey lappe mosse about their woundes and vse it in­steed of nap­kins. A ceremonie to cal to mind the death of their ancesters slaine by their enimies. napkins to rub the Indians side. Herevpō our men asked the Para­coussy again, for what occasiō the Indian was so persecuted in his presēce: he answered, y this was nothing els but a kind of ceremony whereby they would cal to mind y death & persecutiōs of y Paracous­sies their ancestors executed by their enemy Thimogoua: alledging moreouer, that as oftē as he himself, or any of his friends & alies re­turned frō the countrey, without they brought the heads of their eni­mies, or without bringing home some prisoner, he vsed for a perpetu­al memory of al his predecessors, to beate the best beloued of all his children, with the selfsame weapons, wherewith they had bin killed in times past: to the ende that by renewing of the wounde their [Page 28] death should be lamented afresh. Now when they were thus in­formed of those ceremonies they thanked the Paracoussy for their good entertainement which they had receiued, and so setting saile came to me vnto the fort: where they declared all vnto me as I haue recited it heretofore. The eight and tweentieth of Iu­lieThe returne of their ships to­ward France the 28. of Iuly our shippes departed to returne into France. And with in a while, about two monethes after our arriuall in Florida, the Paracoussy Satourioüa sent certaine Indians vnto me to know whether I would stand to my promise which I had made him at my first arriuall in that countrie, which was that I would shew my selfe friend to his friendes and enemie vnto his enemies, and also to accompanie him with a good number of Hargabushes, when he should see it expedient, and should finde a fit occasion to goe to warre: nowe seeing he rested vpon this promise, he pray­ed me not to deferre the same: seeing also that making accompt thereof he had taken such good order for the execution of his en­terprise, that he was readie, and was furnished with all thinges that were necessarie for the voyage. I made him aunswere that for his amitie I would not purchase the enmitie of the other, and that albeit I would, yet notwithstanding I wanted meanes to doe it. For it behooued me at that present to make prouision of victuals and munitiō for the defence of my fort. On the otherside that my Barkes were nothing readie, and that this enterprise woulde require time: moreouer that the Paracoussy Satourioua might holde himselfe readie to depart within two monethes, and that then I would thinke of fulfilling my promise to him. The Indians carried this answere to their Paracoussy, which was li­tle pleased withit, because he could not deferre his execution or expedition, aswell because all his victuals were readie, as also because tenne other Paracoussies were assembled with him for the performance of this enterprise. The ceremonie which thisThe ceremo­nie which they vse be­fore they goe to warre. sauage vsed before hee embarked his armie deserueth not to bee forgotten. For when hee was set downe by the riuers side, be­ing compassed about with tenne other Paracoussies he comman­ded water to be brought him speedily. This done, looking vp in­to heauen hee fell to discourse of diuerse thinges with gestures that shewed him to bee in exceeding great cholere, which made him one while shake his head hither and thither, and by and by [Page] with I wote not what furie to turne his face towarde the coun­trey of his enemies, and to threaten to kill them. He often times looked vpon the sonne praying him to graunt him a glorious victorie of his enemies: Which when he had done by the space of halfe an howre, he sprinkled with his hand a little of the water which he held in a vessell vpon the heads of the Paracoussies, and cast the rest as it were in a rage and despite into a fire which was there prepared for the purpose. This done he cried out thrise, He Thimogoüa, and was followed with fiue hundred IndiansSatourioua followed with fiue hū ­dred Indians. at the least, which were there assembled, which cried all with one voyce, He Thimogoüa. This ceremonie, as a certaine Indian tolde me familiarly, signified nothing else, but that Satourioüa besought the sonne to graunt vnto him so happie a victorie that he might shed his enemies bloud, as he had shed that water at his pleasure: moreouer that the Paracoussies which were sprink­led with a part of that water, might returne with the heades of their enimies, which is the onely and chiefe triumph of their vic­tories. The Paracoussy Satourioüa had no sooner ended his ce­remonies and had taken a viewe of all his companye, but he em­barked himselfe, and vsed such diligence with his Almadies or boates, that the next daye two houres before the sonnes set, hee arriued on the territories of his enemies aboute eight or ten leages from their villages: Afterward causing them all to goe on lande he assembled his counsel, wherein it was agreed that fiue of the Paracoussies shoulde saile vp the riuer with halfe of theConsultation before they assault their enemies. troupes and by the breake of daye should approch vnto the dwel­ling of their enemie: for his owne parte that he woulde take his iorney through the woodes and forests as secretly as hee coulde: that when they were come thither, as wel they that went by wa­ter as he which went by land shoulde not faile by the breake of the daye to enter into the village, & cut them all in peeces except the women and little children. These things which were thus agreed vppon were executed with as greate furie as was possible: whichHow they vse their enimies which they take in warre. when they had done they took the heades of their enemies which they had slaine and cut of their heire round about with a piece of their skuls: they tooke also foure and twentie prisoners, which they led awaye, and retired themselues immediatlye vnto their boates which waited for them: being come thither they beganne [Page 29] to sing prayses vnto the sunne to whome they attributed their victorie. And afterwardes put the skins of their heades on the end of their iauelinges, and went altogether toward the territo­ries of Paracoussy Omoloa, one of them which was in the com­panie:King Omoloa being come thither they deuided their prisoners equallie to ech of the Paracoussies, & left thirtéene of them to Satourioüa, which straightway dispatched an Indian his subiecte, to carrie newes before of the victorie to them which staied at home to gard their houses, which immediatly beganne to wéepe: But assone as night was come they neuer left dancing and playing a thou­sande gambols in honour of the feast. The next day the Para­coussy Satourioüa came home, who before he entred into his lodging caused al the heirie skuls of his enemies to be set vp beforeThe maner of triumphe. his doore and crowned them with branches of Lawrell, shewing by this glorious spectacle the triumph of the victorie which hee had obtayned. Straightway beganne lamentation and mour­ninges, which assoone as the night began were turned into plea­sures and dances. After that I was aduertised of these things, I sent a soldier vnto Satourioüa praying him to sende me two of his prisoners: which hee denied me, saying that hee was nothing beholding vnto me, and that I had broken my promise, against the oath which I had sworne vnto him at my arriuall. Which when I vnderstoode by my soldier, which was come backe with speéde, I deuised howe I might be reuenged of this sauage, and to make him knowe howe dearely this bolde brauado of his shoulde cost him: therefore I commanded my sergiant to prouide me twentie soldiers to goe with mee to the house of Satourioüa: Where after I was come and entered into the hall without any manner of salutation, I went and sate mee downe by him and stayed a long while without speaking any worde vnto him, nor shewing him any signe of friendship, which thing put him deépe­ly in his domps: besides that certaine soldiers remained at the gate, to whome I had giuen expresse commandement to suffer no Indian to goe foorth: hauing stoode still about halfe an houre with this countenaunce, at length I demaunded where the prisoners were, which hee hadde taken at Thomogoua, and commaunded them presentlie to be brought vnto mee. Where­vnto the Paracoussy angrie at the hearte and astonyed won­derfully [Page] stoode a long while without making any answere, not­withstanding at last he answered me verie stoutly that being af­fraide to seé vs comming thither in such warrelike manner they fled into the woods, and that not knowing which way they were gone they were not able by any meanes to bring them againe, Then I seemed to make as though I vnderstoode not what hee saide, and asked for his prisoners againe, and for some of his principall allies. Then Satourioüa commanded his sonne A­thore to seéke out the prisoners, and to cause them to be broughtAthore. into that place, which thing he did within an houre after. After they were come to the lodging of the Paracoussy, they humblie saluted me, & lifting vp their handes before me, they would haue fallen downe prostrate as it were at my feét: but I would not suf­fer them, and soone after led them away with mee vnto my owne force. The Paracoussy, being wonderfully offended with this brauado, bethought himselfe by all meanes how he might be re­uenged of vs. But to giue vs no suspition thereof, and the bet­ter to couer his intention, he sent his messengers oftentimes vn­to vs bringing alwaies with them some kinde of presentes. A­mong others one day hee sent threé Indians, which brought vsExcellent Pompions. two baskets full of great Pompions, much more excellent then those which we haue in France, and promised me in their kinges behalfe that during mine aboade in that countrie I shoulde neuer want victuals: I thanked them for their kings good will, and sig­nified vnto them the great desire which I had, aswell for the be­nefit of Satourioüa, as for the quiet of his subiectes, to make a peace betweéne him and those of Thimogoüa: which thing could not choose but turne to their great benefite, seeing that being alli­ed with the kings of those partes, he had an open passage against Onatheaqua his auncient enemie, which otherwise he coulde not set vpon: Moreouer that Olata Oaüe Vtina was so mightie a Paracoussy, that Satourioüa was not able to withstande his forces: but being agreed together they might easily ouerthrowe all their enemies, and might passe the confines of the farthest ri­uers that were towards the South. The messengers praied me to haue patience vntill the morrowe, at what time they woulde come agayne vnto mee to certifie mee of their lordes inclination: which they fayled not to doe, aduertising mee that Paracoussy [Page 30] Satourioua was the gladdest man in the worlde to treate of this accorde (although in deede he was quite contrarie) and that hee besought me to be diligent therein, promising to obserue & per­forme whatsoeuer I should agreé vpon with those of Thimogoü­a: which thinges the messengers also rehearsed vnto the priso­ners which I had led away. After they were departed I resolued within two dayes to sende backe againe the prisoners to Olata Ouae Vtina, whose subiectes they were: but before I embarked them, I gaue them certaine smale trifles, which were litle kniues or tablets of glasse, wherein the image of King Charles the ninth was drawen verie liuely, for which they gaue mee verie great thankes, as also for the honest entertainment which was giuen them at the fort Caroline: after this they embarked them­selues, with captaine Vasseur, & with monsur De Arlac mine en­signe which I had sent of purpose to remaine a certaine time with Ouae Vtina, hoping that the fauour of this great Para­coussy would serue my turne greatly to make my discoueries in time to come. I sent with him also one of my sergeantes, and sixe gallant soldiers. Thus things passed on this manner, and the hatred of Paracoussy Satourioua agaynst me did still conti­nue, vntill that on the 29. of August a lightning from heauenA wonderfull lightning the 29. of August. fell within halfe a league of our forte, more worthie I beleéue, to be wondred at, & to be put in writing, then all the strang signes which haue beéne seéne in times past, and whereof the histories haue neuer written. For although the medowes were at that season all greéne, and halfe couered ouer with water, neuerthe­lesse the lightning in one instant consumed aboue fiue hundred acres therewith, and burned with the ardent heate thereof all the foules which tooke their pastime in the medowes, which thing continued for threé dayes space, which caused vs not a little to muse, not able to iudge whereof this fire proceéded: for one while wee thought that the Indians had burnt their houses, and abandoned their places for feare of vs: another while wee thought that they had discouered some ships in the sea, and that according to their custome they had kindled many fires here and there to signifie that their countrie was inhabited: neuerthelesse being not assured, I determined to sende to Paracoussy Serra­nay King Sarra­nay. to know the trueth thereof. But euen as I was vppon the [Page] point to sende one by boate to discouer the matter, sixe IndiansKing Allima­cany. came vnto meé from Paracoussy Allimacany, which at their first entrie made vnto meé a long discourse, and a verie large and ample oration (after they had presented mee with certaine basketes full of Maiz, of Pompions and of Grapes,) of the louing amitie which Allimacany desired to continue with meé, and that hee looked from day to day when it would please meé to employ him in my seruice. Therefore considering the seruice­able affection that he bare vnto mee, hee founde it very strange, that I thus discharged myne ordinance against his dwelling,The sauages thinke the lightning to be dischar­ging of the Christians ordinance. which had burnt vp an infinite sight of greéne medowes, and con­sumed euen downe vnto the bottome of the water, and came so neére vnto his mansion that heé thought heé sawe the fire in his house: wherefore heé besought meé most humblie to commaunde my men that they woulde not shoote any more towardes his lod­ging, otherwise that hereafter heé should beé constrayned to aban­don his countrey, and to retyre himselfe into some place more farther of from vs. Hauing vnderstood the foolish opinion of this man, which notwithstanding could not choose but beé very profi­table for vs, I dissembled what I thought thereof for that time, and aunswered the Indians with a cheérefull countenaunce, that the relation, which they made vnto meé of the obedience of their Paracoussy, did please meé right well, because that before heé had not behaued himselfe in such sort towardes meé, especially when I sommoned him to sende meé the prisoners of great Olata Ouae Vtina which heé detained, whereof notwithstanding hee made no great accompt, which was the principall cause where­fore I had discharged myne ordinaunce against him: not that I meant to reach vnto his house, as I might haue done easily, if itLaudonnlere vsed the pre­sent occasion to his profite. had pleased meé, but that I was content to shoote the halfe waye to make him knowe my force: assuring him furthermore, that on condition that heé would continue in his good affection, no more ordinance shoulde be discharged against him hereafter: and be­sides that I would become his faithfull protectour against his greatest enimies. The Indians contented with myne aunswere returned to assure their Paracoussy, which notwithstanding the assurance withdrew himselfe from his dwelling tweéntie or fiue and twentie leages off, and that for the space of more then two [Page 31] moneths. After that threé dayes were expired the fire was quite extinguished. But for two dayes after there followed such an ex­cessiueA wonderfull heate. heate in the ayre, that the riuer néere vnto which we plan­ted our habitation, became so hoate, that I thinke it was almost ready to seéth. For there died so great aboundance of fishe, and that of so many diuerse sorts, that in the mouth of the riuer one­ly there were founde deade ynough to haue loaden fiftie Cartes,Fiftie cart lode of fish dead in the riuer with this heat. whereof there issued a putrefaction in the ayre which bred ma­ny dangerous diseases amongest vs, in so much that most of my men fell sicke, and almost ready to end theyr dayes. Yet not­withstanding it pleased our mercifull God so to prouide by his prouidence that all our men recouered theyr health without the losse of any one of them. Monsieur De Arlac, Captayne Vasseur, The third vi­age the tenth of September. and one of my sergeants being embarked with theyr tenne sol­diers about the tenth of September, to cary backe the prisoners vnto Vtina, sayled so farre vp the riuer, that they discouered aMayarqua a place eightie leages vp the riuer of May. place called Mayarqua distant from our fort about fourescore leages, where the Indians gaue them good entertaynement, and in many other Villages which they found. From this place they rowed to the dwelling of Paracoussy Vtina, which after he had feasted them according to his abilitie and power, prayed monsi­eur De Arlac and all his soldiers to stay a whyle with him, to ayde and assist him in battayle against one of his enimies calledKing Patanou Potanou, whervnto monsieur de De Arlac consented willingly. And because he knewe not howe long heé might haue occasion to stay in these partes, hee sent mee Captayne Vasseur and the barke backe agayne, which brought home onely fiue soldiers with him. Now because the custome of the Indians is alwayesThe Indians maner of war. to wage warre by surprise, Vtina resolued to take his enimie Potanou in the morning by the breake of the day: to bring this to passe heé made his men to trauayle all the night, which mightTwo hundred Indians. beé in number two hundred persons, so well aduised, that they prayed our french shoote to beé in the fore fronte, to thende (as they saide) that the noyse of theyr pieces might astonishe their enemies: notwithstanding they coulde not march so se­cretely, but that those of the village of Potanou, distant from the dwelling of Vtina aboute fiue and twentie leages, were ware of them: which sodenly employed and bestowed [Page] all their endeuour to defende their village enclosed all with treés,A village en­closed with trees. and issued out in great companies: but finding themselues char­ged with shot, (a thing wherewith they neuer had beéne acquain­ted) also beholding the captayne of their band fall downe deade in the beginning of their skirmish with a shot of an Hargubuse which stroke him in the forehead, discharged by the hand of mon­sur De Arlac, they left the place: and the Indians of Vtina gate into the village, taking men, women, and children prisoners. Thus Paracoussy Vtina obtayned the victorie by the aide of ourVtina getteth the victorie of Potanou by the helpe of the french. men, which slew many of his enemies, and lost in this conflict one of their companions, wherewith Vtina was verie much greéued. Eight or tenne dayes after I sent Captayne Vasseur backe a­gaine with a barke to fetch home monsur De Arlac and his sol­diers, which at their returne brought me certaine presents from Vtina, as some syluer, a smale quantitie of golde, painted skins,Siluer, & gold, and paynted skins. and other thinges, with a thousande thankes, which the Para­coussy gaue me, which promised that if in any enterprise of im­portance I shoulde haue neede of his men, he would furnish meé with threé hundred & aboue. While I thus trauailed to purchase friendes and to practise one while with one here, an otherwhile with an other there, certayne soldiers of my companie were sub­orned vnder hand by one named la Roquette of the countrie ofLa Roquettes conspiracie. Perigorte, which put in their heads that hee was a great ma­gicion, and that by the secretes of art magicke he had discouered a Mine of golde and siluer farre vp within the riuer, whereby, vpon the losse of his life, euery souldier should receiue in readie buillion the valure of ten thousand crownes, beside and aboue fif­teéne hundred thousand which should be reserued for the Kinges Maiestie: Wherefore they allied themselues with La Roquette and another of his confederates, whose name was Le Geure, inMounsur de Geure. whom not withstanding I had great affiance. This Geure excae­ding desirous to enrich himselfe in those partes, and seéking to be reuenged, because I would not giue him the carriage of the Paquet into France, secretly enformed the souldiers that were already suborned by La Roquette, that I would depriue them of this great gaine, in that I did set them dayly on worke, not sending them on euery side to discouer the Countreyes: there­fore that it were a good deéde, after they had made me vnderstand [Page 32] so much, to seéke meanes to dispatch me out of the way, and to choose another Captaine in my place, if I would not giue themGieures mes­sage to Lau­doniere in the soldiers name. victuals according to their disordinate appetite. He also brought me worde hereof himselfe, making a large discourse vnto me of the good affection of the souldiers, which all besought mee that I would conduct them to the countreys where the Mine was: IHis answere. made him answere that all could not goe thither, and that it was necessarie before their departure to settle our fortresse in such estate, that those which were to stay at home behind shoulde re­maine in securitie against the Indians which might surprise them. Furthermore that their manner of proceéding seémed strange vnto me, for that they imagined, that the Kinges Ma­iestie was at the charges of our voyage for none other ende but to enrich them at their first arriuall, in as much as they shewed themselues much more giuen vnto couetousnesse the [...] vnto the seruice of their Prince: But seeing mine answere tended vnto none other ende but to make our fortresse strong and defensible, they determined to trauell in the worke, and made an ensigne of olde lynen, which ordinarily they bare vpon the ramparte when they went to worke, alwayes wearing their weapons, which I thought they had done to incourage themselues to worke the better: But as I perceiued afterwardes, and that by the con­fessionA dangerous practise a­gainst the captaine and his liuetenant. of Gieure sent me in letters which he writ to me of that matter, these gentle souldiers did the same for none other ende, but to haue killed me, and my lieuetenant also, if by chaunce I had giuen them any harde speéches. About the twentieth of Sep­tember as I came home from the woods and Coppises to finish the building of my fort: and that according to my manner, I marched first to giue encouragement vnto my souldiers, I cha­sed my selfe in such sort that I fell into a sickenesse, whereof ILaudounieres sickenes. thought I should die. During the which I called Le Gieure of­ten vnto me, as one that I trusted aboue all others, and of whose conspiracies I doubted not any whit at all. In this meane while assembling his complices, sometime in his chamber and some­time in the woods to consult with them, he spake vnto them to choose another Captaine besides me, to the intent to put me to death: but being not able by open force to execute his mischie­nous intention, he gate him vnto mine Apothecarie, praying him [Page] instantly to mingle in my medicine, which I was to receiue oneLaudonniers Apothecarie. or two dayes after, some drug that should make me pitch ouer the perche, or at the least that he would giue him a litle arse [...]ike or quicke siluer which he himselfe woulde put into my drinke. But the apothecary denied him, as did in [...]ke manner maisterThe master of the fire workes. S. which was maister of the fire workes. Thus wholely disap­poynted of both his meanes, he with certayne others resol­ued to hide a litle barrel of gunne-powder vnderneath my bed, and by a trayne to set it on fire. Uppon these practises a gen­tleman which I had dispatched to returne into Fraunce, being about to take his leaue of me, aduertised mee that Gieure had giuen him a booke full of all kinde of lewde inuectiues and slaunders against mee, against Monsieur De Ottigny, and against the principall of my companie: vpon which occasion I assembled all my souldiers together, and captaine Bourdet Captaine Bourdet arri­ued in Florida the fourth of September. with all his, which on the fourth of September arriued in the rode, and were come into our riuer. In their presence I caused the contentes of the booke to be reade alowde, that they might [...]eare recorde of the vntruths that were written against me. Gieure, which had gotten him into the woods for feare of be­ing taken, where he liued for a while after with the sauages by my permission, writ vnto me often, and in many of his let­ters confessed vnto me that he had deserued death, condem­ning himselfe, so farre foorth that he referred all to my mercie and pitie. The seauenth or eighth of Nouember, after I hadThe fourth voiage the seuenth of Nouember. caused sufficient prouision of such victuals as were neédefull to be made, I sent two of my men, to wit, La Roche Ferriere, and an other toward king Vtina, to discouer euery day more and more of the countrey: where he was the space of fiue or sixe moneths, during which he discouered many villages, and among others one named Hostaqua, the king whereofHostaqua a village. desiring my friendshippe sent me a quiuer made of a Luserns skinne full of arrowes, a couple of bowes, foure or fiue skinnes paynted after their manner, and a cheyne of siluerA chaine of syluer. weying about a pounde weight. In recompence of which presentes I sent him two whole sutes of apparell with cer­tayne cutting hookes or hatchettes. After these things there­fore in this sorte passed, about the tenth of this moneth cap­taine [Page 33] Bourdet determined to leaue me to returne into Fraunce. Then I requested him, yea rather was exceéding importu­nate with him, to carrie home with him some sixe or seauen souldiers whome I coulde not trust by any meanes: which he did for my sake, and would not charge him selfe with Gieure, which offered him a great summe of money, if it woulde please him to carrie him into France: he transported him onely to the other side of the riuer. Threé dayes after his departure thir­teene mariners which I had brought out of France, suborned by certayne other mariners which captaine Bourdet had left me, stole away my barkes in manner following. These mariners of captayne Bourdet put mine in the heade, that if they hadOne of his Barkes stolne away by his mariners. suche barkes as mine were, they might gaine verie muche in the Isles of the Antilles, and make an exceéding profitable voyage. Herevppon they beganne to deuise howe they might steale away my barkes, and consulted that when I shoulde commande them to goe vnto the village of Sarauahi distant a­boueThe village of Sarrauahi. a league and an halfe from our sort, and scituated vppon an arme of the riuer (whither according to my manner I sent them dayly to seéke clay, to make bricke and morter for our houses) they would returne no more, but would furnish them­selues with victuals as well as they might possiblie: and then would embarke themselues all in one vessell and woulde goeAnother of his barkes stolne away by two car­penters. their way: as in déede they did. And that which was woorse, two Flemmishe carpenters, whiche the sayde Bourdet had left me, stole away the other barke, and before their depar­ture cut the cables of the barke and of the shippe Boate, that it might goe away with the tyde, that I might not pursue them: so that I remayned without either barke or boate, which fell out as vnluckily for me as was possible. For I was readye to imbarke my selfe with all speéde, to disco­uer as farre vp our riuer, as I might by any meanes. Nowe my mariners, as I vnderstoode afterwardes, tooke a barke that was a passenger of the Spaniardes neére the Isle of Cuba, wherein they founde a certayne quantitie of golde and siluer, which they seased vppon: And hauing this bootie they lay a while at sea, vntill their victuals beganne to sayle them: whiche was the cause that oppressed with fa­mine [Page] they came vnto Hauana the principall towne of the isleOne of these mariners na­med Francis Iean betrayed his ovvne coū ­trie men to the Spaniards and brought them into Florida. of Cuba: whereupon proceéded that mischiefe which hereafter I will declare more at large. When I sawe my Barkes retur­ned not at their wonted howre, and suspecting that which fell out in deéde, I commaunded my Carpenters with all diligence to make a little boate with a flat bottome, to serch those riuers for some newes of these Marriners. The boate dispatched within a day and a night, by reason that my Carpenters found planks and timber readie sawed to their handes, as commonly I cau­sedA savve mill necessary here my Sawyers to prouide it, I sent men to seéke some newes of my thieues: but all was in vaine. Therefore I determined to cause two great Barkes to be built, each of which might bee thirtie fiue or thirtie sixe foote long in the keele. And nowe the worke was verie well forward which I set my workemen about, when ambition & auarice, the mother of all mischiefe, tooke roote in the heartes of foure or fiue soldiers which could not away with the worke and paines taking: and which from hence forward, namely one Foueneaux, and one La Croix, and another calledThe thirde sedition. Steuen le Geneuois, the threé principall authors of the sedition, beganne to practise with the best of my troupe, shewing them that it was a vile thing for men of honest parentage, as they were, to moyle them selues thus wich abiect and base worke, see­ing they had the best occasion of the worlde offered them to make themselues all rich: which was to arme the two Barkes which were in building and to furnish them with good men: and then to saile vnto Peru, and the other Isles of the Antilles, where euerieBy Peru the French meane the coste of Carthagena and Nombre de Dios. soldier might easily enrich himselfe with ten thousand crownes. And if their enterprise shoulde bee misliked with all in France, they shoulde bee alwayes able, by reason of the great wealth that they should gaine, to returne themselues into Italie, vntill the heate were ouer passed, and that in the meane season some warre would fall out which would cause all this to bee quite forgotten. This worde of riches sounded so well in the eares of my soldiers, that in fine, after they had oftentimes consulted of their affaires, they grew to the number of threé score and fixe: which to colour their great desire which they had to goe on stealing, they caused a request to be presented vnto mee by Francis la Caille sergeant of my companie, containing in summe a declaration of the smale [Page 34] store of victuals that was left to mayntayne vs, vntill the time that shippes might returne from France: for remedie whereof they thought it necessarie to sende to Newe Spaigne, to Peru, and all the Iles adioyning, which they besought meé to bee con­tent to grant. But I made them answere▪ that when the barkes were finished, I woulde take such good order in generall, that by meanes of the kinges Marchandise, without sparing myne owne apparell, weé woulde get victuals of the inhabitantes of the countrey: seéing also that wee had ynough to serue vs for foure monethes to come. For I feared greatly, that vnder pre­tence of serching victuals they woulde enterprise somewhat a­gainst the kings of Spaynes subiectes, which in time to come might iustly be layde to my charge, considering that at our de­partureThe captaines charge at his setting forth. out of France, the Queéne had charged me very expres­ly, to do no kinde of wrong to the king of Spaines subiects, nor any thing whereof he might conteyne any ielosie. They made as though they were content with this answere. But eight daies after, as I continued in working vpon our fort, & on my barkes, I fell sicke. Then my seditious companions forgetting all ho­nour and duetie, supposing that they had found good occasion to execute their rebellious enterprise, began to practise afresh their former designes, handling their busines so well, during my sick­nes, that they openly vowed that they woulde sease of the corps de gard, and of the [...]ort, yea and to force me also, if I would not consent vnto their wicked desire. My lieuetenant being hereof aduertised, came and tolde me that he suspected some euill prac­tise: and the next day in the morninge I was saluted at my gate with men in complet harnes, what time my soldiers were about to plaie me a shrewde tricke: then I sent to seeke a couple of gen­tlemen, whome I most trusted, which brought me word that the soldiers were determined to come to mee to make a request vnto me: But I told them that this was not the fashiō to present a re­quest vnto a captaine in this maner, & therefore they should send some fewe vnto mee to signifie vnto me what they woulde haue. Herevpon the fiue thiese authours of the sedition armed with Corslets, their Pistolles in their handes alreadie bent, prest in­to my Chamber, saying vnto mee, that they woulde goe to New Spaine to seéke their aduenture. Then I warned them to beé [Page] well aduised what they meant to doe: but they foorth with re­plyed, that they were fully aduised alreadie▪ and that I must graunt them this request: seéing (then quoth I) that I am en­forced to doe it, I will send Captayne Vasseur and my sergeant, which will make aunswere and giue meé an accompt of euerie thing that shall beé done in this voyage: and to content you I thinke it good that you take one man out of euery chamber, that they may accompanie Captayne Vasseur and my sergeant: wherevpon, blaspheming the name of God▪ they answered that they must goe thither: that there lacked nothing, but that I should deliuer them the armour which I had in my custodie, for feare least I might vse them to their disaduantage (beéing so villanously abused by them:) wherein notwithstanding I would not yelde vnto them: But they tooke all by force, and carried it out of my house, yea and after they had hurte a gentleman in my Chamber, which spake agaynst their doinges, they laide handes on me, and carried mee verie sicke as I was prisoner into a shippe which rode at ancre in the middest of the riuer, whereinLan [...]o [...]niere kept 15. dayes prisoners by his ovvne sol­diers. I was the space of fifteene dayes attended vppon with one man onely without permission for any of my seruauntes to come to visite me: from euery one of whom as also from the rest that tooke my part they tooke away their armour. And they sent mee a passe port to signe, telling me playnely after I had denied them, that if I made anie difficultie, they woulde all come and cutte my throate in the ship: Thus was I constrayned to signe their passe port, and foorth with to grant them certayne mariners,Thenchant a skilfull pilot. with Trenchant an honest and skilfull Pilot. When the barkes were finished they armed them with the kinges munition, with pouder, with bullets, and artilerie asmuch as they neéded, and chose one of my sergeautes for their Captaine, named Bertrand Conferrent, for their ensigne one named La Croix. They com­pelled Captayne Vasseur to deliuer them the flagge of his ship. Then hauing determined to sayle vnto a place of the Antilles Leauguaue o­uer of the An­tiles. called Leauguaue, belonging vnto the king of Spayne, & there to goe on lande on Christmasse night, with intention to enter in­to the Church while the Masse was saide after midnight, and to murder all those that they founde there, they set saile the eight of December. But because the greatest part of them by thisDecember 8. [Page 35] time repented them of their enterprise, and that nowe they be­ganne to fall into mutinies among themselues, when they came foorth of the mouth of the riuer the two barkes diuided themselues, the one kept a long the coast vnto Cuba, to dou­ble the Cape more easily, and the other went right foorth to passe athwart the Isles of Lucaya: by reason whereof they met not vntill sixe weékes after their departure: during which time the barke that tooke her way a long the coast, wherein one of the chiefe conspiratours named De Orange was captayne, and Trenchant was pilote, neére vnto a place called Archaha tooke a Brigantine laden with a certayne quantitie of Cassaua, Cassaua bread made of roots which is a kinde of breade made of rootes, and yet neuerthelesse is verie white and good to eate, and some little Wine, which was not without some losse of their men. For in one assault that the inhabitantes of Archaha made vppon them, two of their men were taken, to witte Steuen Gondeau, and one na­med Grand Pré, besides two more that were slayne in the place, namely Nicolas Master & Doublet: yet neuerthelesse they tooke the brigantine, wherein they put all their stuffe that was in their owne barke, because it was of greater burthen and better of sayle then their owne: afterwarde they sayled right vnto the Cape of Santa Maria neére to Leauguaue, where they went on lande to calke and bray their shippe which had a great leake. In this meane while they resolued to sayle to Baracou, which is aBaracou a vil­lage in the Isle of Iamai­ca. village of the Isle of Iamaica: where at there arriuall they found a Carauele of fiftie or threéscore tunnes burden, which they tooke without any bodie in it, And, after they had made good chere in the village the space of fiue or sixe daies, they embarked them­selues in it, leauing their second shippe: then they returned to the Cape of Tiburon, where they met with a patach, which they tokeThe cape of Tiburon. by force after a longe conflicte. In this Patache the gouernour of Iamaica was taken with greate store of riches aswell of gold and siluer, as of marchandise and wine and manye other things:The gouerno [...] of Iamaica taken. wherewith our sedicious companions not content determined to seeke more in their Carauell, and their gouernour of Iamai­ca also. After they were come to Iamaica, they missed of another Carauell which did saue it selfe in the Hauen. [Page] The gouernour being fine and subtile, séeing himselfe brought vnto the place which he desired and where he commanded, obtai­ned so much by his fayre wordes that they which had taken him let him put two litle boyes which were taken with him into a li­tle cocke boate and sende them to his wife into the village to ad­uertise her that she should make prouision of victuals to send vn­to him. But in stéede of writing vnto his wife, he spake vnto the boyes secretly that with all diligence she should send the vessels that were in the hauens néere that place to suecour and rescue him. Which she did so cunningly, that on a morning about the breake of the day as our seditious companions were at the ha­uens mouth (which reacheth aboue two leagues vp within the lande) there came out of the hauen a Malgualire which makethMalgualire a kinde of ves­sel that will saile forward & backward. sayle both forward and backwarde, and then two great shippes, which might be ech of them of fourescore or an hundred tunnes a piece with good store of ordinance and well furnished with men: at whose comming our mutinous fellowes were surprised, being not able to sée them when they came, aswel because of the darke­nesse of the weather, as also by reason of the length of the hauen, considering also they mistrusted nothing. True it is that fiue or sixe and twéentie that were in the Brigantine discouered these ships when they were néere them, which, séeing themselues pressed for want of leasure to weigh their ancer, cut their cable, and the trumpetter which was in it aduertised the rest: wherevpon the Spaniardes, séeing them selues descryed, discharged a voley of Canon shot against the Frenchmen, which they followed by the space of thrée leages and recouered their owne ships: the brigan­tineThe Cape of S. Antonie in Cuba. which escaped away passed in the sight of the Cape des Ai­grettes, and the Cape of S. Anthonie situate in the Isle of Cuba, & from thence passed within the sight of Hauana. But TrenchantHauana. their Pilot, and the trompetter, and certayne other mariners of this brigantine which were led away by force in this voyage (as else where wee haue declared) desired nothing more then to re­turne to me: wherefore the so men agréed together, (if peraduen­ture the [...]i [...] serued them well) to passe the chanell of Bahama, The Chanel of Bahama. while their seditious companions were a sléepe: which they did accomplish with such good successe, that in the morning toward the breake of the day about the fiue and twentith of March they [Page 36] arriued vpon the cost of Florida: where knowing the fault which they had committed, in a kinde of mockerie they counterfaited the iudges: But they played not this prancke vntill they had tippled well of the wine which remayned yet in their prise. One counterfayted the iudge, an other presented my person: one o­ther, after he had hearde the matter pleaded, coucluded thus: make you your causes as good as it pleaseth you, but if when you come to the fort Caroline the Captayne cause you not to bée hanged, I wil neuer take him for an honest man: others thought that my choler being passed I woulde easily forget this matter. Their saile was no sooner descried vpon our coast, but the king ofKing Patica. the place named Patica, dwelling eight leagues distant from our fort, and being one of our good friends, sent an Indian to aduer­tise me that he had descried a shippe vpon the coast, and that hee thought it was one of our Nation. Herevppon the Brigantine oppressed with famine came to an ancre at the mouth of the ri­uer of May: when at the first blush wee thought they had beene shippes come from France: which gaue vs occasion of great ioy. But after I had caused her to bee better viewed, I was aduerti­sedThe returne of part of Laudonieres sedi­tious soldiers. that they were our seditious companious that were returned. Therefore I sent them word by Captaine Vasseur and my Ser­geant, that they should bring vp their Brigantine before the for­tresse, which they promised to doe. Now there was not aboue two leagues distance from the mouth of the riuer where they cast ancre vnto the fortresse. The next daie I sent the same Captaine and Sergeant with thirtie souldiours, because I saw they much delaied their comming. Then they brought them, and because certaine of them had sworne at their departure, that they would neuer come againe within the fort, I was wel pleased they should kéepe their oath. For this purpose I waited for them at the ri­uers mouth, where I made my barkes to be built, and comman­ded my Sergeant to bring the foure chiefe authours of the mu­tinie on shore. Whom I caused unmediately to be put in fetters: for my meaning was not to punish the rest, considering that they were suborned, and because my counsell, expressely assembled for this purpose, had concluded that these foure onely shoulde die,Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous sol­diers. to serue for an example to the rest. In the same place I made an Oration vnto them in this maner. My friendes, you knowe [Page] the cause why our king sent vnto this countrie: you knowe that hee is our naturall Prince, whome wee are bounde to o­bey according to the commandement of God, in such sorte that wee ought neither to spare our goods nor liues to doe those thinges, that concerne his seruice: yee knowe, or at least you can not be ignorant, that besides this generall and naturall obligation, you haue this also ioyned thereunto, that in receyuing of him reasonable paye and wages, you are bounde to followe those, whome hee hath established ouer you, to bee your gouernors, and to commaunde you in his name, hauing for this purpose giuen him an othe of fidelitie, which you cannot by any meanes reuoke for any faire appa­rence which you haue to doe the contrarie: for this is rea­son that seeing you liue vppon his charges on this conditi­on, (this is reason I saye,) that you shoulde bee faithfull vn­to him. Notwithstanding you haue had more regarde vnto your vnbridled affections, then vnto vertue, which in­uited you to the obseruance of your othe, in such sort that being become contemners of all honestie, you haue passed your bonds, and thought that all things were lawful for you. Whereupon it is fallen out, that while you thought to escape the iustice of men you coulde not auoide the iudgement of God: which as a thing by no meanes to bee auoided hath ledde you, and in spite of you hath made you to arriue in this place, to make you to confesse, how true his iudgementes are, and that he neuer suffreth so foule a fault to escape vnpu­nished. After that I had vsed vnto thē these or the like speaches, following that which wee had agreed vppon in counsaile, in re­spect of the crimes which they had committed, aswell against the kinges Maiestie, as against mée which was their Captaine, I commaunded that they shoulde bee hanged. Seeing thereforeThe sentence of death. that there was no starting hole nor meanes at all to saue them­selues from this arrest, they tooke themselues vnto their praiers. Yet one of the foure thinking to rayse a mutinie among my sol­diers, sayd thus vnto them: What, brethren & companions, will you suffer vs to die so shamefully? And taking the word out of his mouth, I said vnto him, that they were not companiōs of authors of sedition & rebels vnto the kings seruice. Hereupon the soldiers [Page 37] besought me not to hang thē, but rather let them be shot through▪ and then afterward if I thought good, their bodies might beExecution. hanged vpon certaine gibbets along the Hauens mouth: which I caused presently to bee put in execution. Loe heere what was the and of my mutinous soldiers, without which I had alwaies liued peaceably and enioyed the good desire which I had to make an happie and quiet voyage. But because I haue spoken of nothing but their accidentes and aduentures which happened vnto them after their departure, without making any mention of our fort,The continu­ation of the historie. I will returne to the matters from which I digressed: to declare that which fell out after their departure. First I began to consi­der, to the ende I might confirme and make my selfe more con­stant in mine affliction, that these murmurours coulde not ground their sedition vpon want of victualls. For from the time of our arriuall, euery soldier daily vnto this day and besides vn­til the eight and twentith of February had a loaf of bread weigh­ing two and twenty ounces. Againe I recounted with my selfe that all newe conquests by sea or by land are ordinarily troubledNevve con­quests subiect to rebellions and mutinies. with rebellions, which are easie to be raised aswel in respect of the distance of place, as in respect of the hope that the souldiers haue to make their profite, as we may bee well informed both by aun­cient histories, & also by the troubles which lately happened vnto Christopher Columbus, after his first discouery, to Francis Pi­zarro, & Diego de Almagro in Peru, and to Fernand Cortes. An hundred thousand other thinges came vnto my minde, to incourage and confirme me. My Lieuetenaunt Ottigny and my Sergeaurunt of my band came to seeke me in the shippe, where I was prisoner, and carried me from thence in a barke, assoone as our rebels were departed. After I was come vnto the fort, ILaudonniere setteth things in order after his returne out of prison to the fort. caused all my companye that remained to bee assembled in the middest of the place before the corps de garde, and declared vnto them the faultes which they which had forsaken vs had committed, praying them to beare them in memorie, to beare witnesse thereof when neede shoulde require. Forthwith I or­dained newe Captaines to commaund the troupes, and pre­scribed them an order, according where-vnto they were to gouerne themselues from thence forwarde, and to en­ter into their watch, for the greatest parte of the souldyers [Page] of whome I had the best opinion, were gone away with them. My declaration ended, they promised me all with one accorde to obey me most humblie, and to doe whatsoeuer I shoulde com­maunde them, though it were to die at my féete for the kinges seruice: wherein assuredly they neuer after fayled: So that I dare say after the departure of my mutinous companions I was as well obeyed as euer was Captayne in place where hee com­maunded. The next day after my returne vnto the fort, I as­sembled my men together agayne, to declare vnto them that our fort was not yet finished, and that it was néedefull that all of vs shoulde put thereto our helping handes, to assure our selues a­gainst the Indians. Wherein hauing willingly agréed vnto me,Reperation of the vvest side of the fort. Carpenters. they raised it all with turfes from the gate vnto the riuer, which is on the west side. This done I set my Carpenters on worke to make another barke of the same bignesse that the others were of: I commanded the sawiers that they should prepare plancks,Savviers. Smithes. Coleyers. the Smithes to prepare yron and Nayles, and certayne o­thers to make coales: so that the barke was finished in eightéene dayes. Afterwarde I made an other lesser then the first the bet­ter to discouer vp the riuer. In this meane space the Indians visited me and brought me daily certaine presents, as fish, deare, Turkicockes, Leopards, little Beares, and other things accor­ding to the place of their habitation. I recompensed them with certayne hatchets, kniues, beads of glasse, combes, and looking-glasses. Two Indians came vnto me one day to salute me on theKing Marra­cou. behalfe of their king whose name was Marracou, dwelling from the place of our fort some fortie leagues toward the South, and tolde me that there was one in the house of King Onathaqua which was called Barbu or the bearded man, and in the house ofKing Ona­thaqua. King Mathia­ca. king Mathiaca another man whose name they knew not, which was not of their nation: wherupon I conceiued that these might be some Christians. Wherefore I sent to all the kinges my neighbours to pray them, that if there were any Christian dwel­ling in their countries, they would finde meanes that hee might be brought vnto me, and that I woulde make them double re­compence. They, which loue rewardes, tooke somuch payne, that the two men, whereof wee haue spoken, were brought vnto the fort vnto mee. They were naked, wearing their heires [Page 38] long vnto their hammes as the sauages vse to doe: and wereTvvo Spani­ards brought vnto Laudon­niere by the sauages. Spaniards borne, yet so well accustomed to the fashion of the countrie, that at the first sight they found our manner of appa­rell straunge. After that I had questioned of certayne matters with thē, I caused them to be apparelled and to cut their heire, which they would not loose, but lapped it vp in a lynen cloth, say­ing that they woulde carie it into their countrey to be a testimo­nie of the miserie that they had indured in the Indies. In the heire of one of them was founde a little golde hidden, to the va­lue of fiue and twentie Crownes, which hée gaue vnto me. And examining them of the places, where they had beene, and howe they came thither, they answered mee that fiftéene yeares past, thrée shippes, in one of which they were, were cast away ouer a­gainstCalos a place The Flattes called the Martyrs neere the Cape of Florida. a place named Calos vppon the Flates which are called The Martyrs, and that the king of Calos recouered the greatest part of the riches which were in the saide shippes, traueiling in such sort that the greatest part of the people was saued and ma­ny women, among which number there were thrée or foure wo­men married, remaining there yet, and their children also, with this king of Calos. I desired to learne what this king was:The King of Calos. they answered me, that he was the goodliest and the tallest Indi­an of the countrey, a mightie man, a warrier, and hauing many subiectes vnder his obedience. They tolde me moreouer, that hee had great store of golde and syluer, so farre foorth that in aGreat quanti­tie of gold & syluer. certayne village hée had a pit full thereof, which was at the least as high as a man, and as large as a tunne, all which wealth the Spaniards fully perswaded themselues that they coulde cause me to recouer, if I were able to marche thither with an hundred shotte, besides that which I might get of the common people of the countrie, which had also great store thereof. They further also aduertised me, that the women going to daunce did we arePlates of gold as broad as a savvcer. about their girdles plates of golde as broade as a sawcer, and in such number that the weight did hinder them to dance at theyr ease, and that the men ware the like also. The greatest part of these riches was had, as they sayde, out of the Spanish [...]ppes which commonly were cast away in this straight, and the rest, by the traficke which this king of Calos had with the other kings [Page] of the countrie, finallie that hée had in great reuerence of his subiectes, and that hee made them beléene, that his sorceries and charmes were the causes that made the earth bring foorth her fruite, and that hee might the easier perswade them that it was so, he retyred himselfe once or twise a yeare to a certaine house, accompanied with two or thrée of his most familier friendes, where hee vsed certayne inchauntmentes, and if any man intru­ded himselfe to goe to sée what they did in this place, the king immediately caused him to bee put to death. Moreouer theyOne of these Spaniardes names was Martin Go­mes. tolde mee, that euery yeare in the time of haruest this sauage king sacrificed one man, which was kepte expressely for this purpose, and taken out of the number of the Spaniardes, which by tempest were cast away vppon that coste. One of these two declared vnto mee that hee had serued him a long time for a messenger: and that oftentimes by his commaundement hee had visited a king named Oathcaqua, distant from Calos foureKing Oath­caqua or Ho­uathcha. or fiue dayes iourney, which alwayes remayned his faithfull friende: but that in the midway there was an Ilande situate in a great lake of freshwater, named Sarrope, about fiue leagues inSarrope an Ilande. Aboundance of Dates. A roote of great price to make bread of bignesse, abounding with many sortes of fruites, specially in Dates which growe on the palme trées, whereof they make a wonderfull traficke, yet not so great as a kinde of roote, whereof they make a kinde of meale so good to make bread of, that it is vn­possible to eate better: and that, for fifteene leagues about, all the countrie is fed therewith. Which is the cause that the in­habitantes of the Isle gaine of their neighbours great wealth and profite: for they will not depart with this roote without they he well payed for it: besides that they are taken for the most warrelike men of all that countrie, as they made good proofe when the king of Calos, hauing made alliance with Oathca­qua, was depriued of Oathcaquaes daughter which hee had promised to him in marriage. Hee tolde mee the whole mat­ter in this sorte. As Oathcaqua well accompanied with his people carried one of his daughters, excéeding beawtifull, ac­cording to the coulour of the countrey, vnto king Calos, to giue her vnto him for his wife, the inhabitantes of his Isle ad­uertised of the matter, layde an ambush for him in a place where [Page 39] hee should passe, and so behaued themselues, that Oathcaqua was discomfited, the betrothed young spouse taken, and all the Damoselles that accompanied her, which they carried vnto theirThe greatest victorie a­mong the Flo­ridians. Isle, which thing in all the Indians countrey they esteeme to be the greatest victorie: for afterwarde they marrie these virgins, and loue them aboue all measure. The Spaniarde that made this relation, tolde me that after this defeite he went to dwell with Oathcaqua, and had béene with him full eight yeares, e­uen vntil the time that hee was sent vnto mee. The place ofThe situation of Calos. Calos is situate vppon a riuer which is beyond the Cape of Flo­rida fortie or fiftie leagues towardes the Southwest: and the dwelling of Oathcaqua is on this side the Cape towarde the North in a place which we call in the Carte Caignaueral, whichCaiguaueral in 28. degrees. is in eight and twentie degrées. About the fiue and twenteth of Ianuarie Paracoussy Satourioüa my neighbour sent me cer­tayne presentes by two of his subiectes, to perswade me to ioyne with him, and to make warre vppon Ouae Vtina which was my friende: and farther besought mee to retyre certayne of my men which were with Vtina, for whome if it had not béene hee had oftentimes set vppon him and defeited him, he besought me herein by diuers other kinges his allies, which for thrée weekes or a monethes space sent messengers vnto mee to this ende and purpose. But I woulde not graunt vnto them that they should make warre vppon him, yea rather contrariwise I endeuoured to make them friendes: wherein they condiscended vnto mee, so farre foorth that they were content to allowe of any thing that I would set downe: whereupon the two Spaniardes which of long time knew well the nature of the Indians, warned me that in any case I should not trust vnto them: because that when theyThe Floridi­ans great trai­tors and dis­emblers. shewed good countenance and the best chéere vnto men, then was the time that they woulde surprise and betraye them: and that of their nature they were the greatest traitours and most deepe dissemblers of the worlde. Besides I neuer trusted them but vpon good ground, as one that had discouered a thousand of their craftes and subtilties, aswel by experience as by reading of the histories of late yeares. Our two barkes were not so soone finished, but I sent Captayne Vasseur to disconer a long the coste lying towarde the Northe, and commaunded him to [Page] saile vnto a riuer the king wherof was called Audusta, which was lord of that place, where those of the yeare 1562. inhabites. I sent him twoe sutes of apparel, with certaine hachats, kniues, and other smale trifles, the better to insinuate my selfe into his friendshippe. And the better to win him I sent in the barke with captaine Vasseur a soldier called Aimon, which was one of them which returned home in the firste voyage, hoping that king Au­dusta might remember him. But before they were embarked I commanded them to make inquirie what was become of another called Rouffi, which remained alone in those parts, when Nico­lasNicalas Masson. Masson and those of the firste voyage embarked themselues to returne into France. They vnderstood at their arriual there, that a barke passing that waye had caried awaye the same soldi­er: And afterward I knew for a certaintie, that they were Spa­niardes which had carried him to Hauana. The kinge Audusta sent mee backe my barke ful of mill, with a certaine quantitie ofKing Audu­stas great hu­manitie. Perles burned beanes, twoe stages, some skins painted after theire maner, and certaine pearles of small value, because they were burnt: and sent me worde that if I woulde dwel in his quarters, he woulde geue me a greate countrye: and that after hee had gathered his mil, he would spare me as much as I would haue. In the meane while there came vnto our forte a flocke of stocke voues in soPeter Martyr vvrites cap. 1. decad. 7. that the like flocks of Pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayes. greate nomber, and that for the space of seuen weekes together, that euery daye wee killed with hargubuse shot twoe hundred in the woods aboute our forte. After that captaine Vasseur was re­turned I caused the two barkes to be furnished againe with sol­diers and mariners, and sent them to carrie a present from mee vnto the widow of king Hioacaia, whose dwelling was distanteThe vvidovve of King Hioa­caia, or Hi­houhacara. from our forte about twelue leages northward. Shee curteously receaued our men, sent me backe my barks full of mil and acorns with certaine baskets full of the leaues of Cassine, where with they make their drinke. And the place where this widowe dwel­leth is the most plentiful of mil that is in all the coaste and theThis Quenes name vvas Nia-Cubaca­ni. moste pleasant. It is thought that the queene is the most beauti­ful of al the Indians, and of whome they make most accompt: yea and her subiects honour her so much, that almost continualy they beare her on their shoulders and wil not suffer her to go on foote. With in a few daies after the return of my barks, she sent to visit me [Page 40] by her Hiatiqui, which is as much to saye as her interpreter. Nowe while I thought I was furnished with victuals vntill the time that our shippes might come out of France, (for feare ofThe fift voi­age vp the ri­uer of May. keeping my people idle) I sent my two barkes to discouer along the riuer and vp toward the head thereof, which went so farre vp that they were thirtie leagues good beyonde a place named Ma­thiaqua, Mathiaqua. The discoue­rie of a migh­ty lake on the one sid vvher­of no land can be seene. and there they discouered the entrance of a lake vpō the oneside whereof no land can bee seene, according to the reporte of the Indians, which had oftentimes climed on the hiest trees in the country to see land, and notwithstanding could not discerne any: which was the cause that my men went no further, but re­turned backe, and in comminge home went to see the Ilande ofThe Isle of E­delano. Edelano situated in the midst of the riuer, as faire a place as a­ny that may be seene through the world. For in the space of some three leagues, that it may containe in length and breadth, a man maye see an exceeding riche countrie and marueilou fly peopled. At the comming out of the village of Edelano to go vnto the ri­uers side a man must passe through an allie aboute three hundred pases long and fiftie paces broade: on both sides whereof greate trees are planted, the boughes whereof are tied together like anAn excellent vvorke of na­ture. arche, and meete together so artificiallye that a man woulde thinke it were an arboure made of purpose, as faire I saye, as any in all christendome, although it be altogether naturall. OurEneguape, Chilily, Patica, Coya. men departing from this place rowed to Eneguape, then to Chi­lily, from thence to Patica, & lastly they came vnto Coya: where leuing their barks in a little creeke of the riuer with men to gard them, they went to visit Vtina, which receaued them very cour­teously: and when they departed from his house, hee entreated them so earnestly, that sixe of my men remained with him, of which nūber there was one gentleman named Groutauld, which after he had aboade there aboute two monethes and taken great paines to discouer the countrie, with another which I had left a great while there to that intent, came vnto mee to the fort, andThe king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or foure thou­sand sauages, to the field. tolde mee that he neuer sawe a fairer countrie. Amonge other thinges he reported vnto me that he had sene a place named Hos­taqua, & that the king thereof was so mightie, that he was able to bring three or foure thousand sauages to the field: with whom if I would ioine & enter in to league, we might be able to reduce [Page] all the rest of the inhabitants vnto our obedience: Besides thatThe moūtaine of Apalassy. this king knewe the passages vnto the mountaine of Apalassi, which the French men desired so greatly to attaine vnto, and where the enimie of Hostaqua made his abode, which was easie to be subdued, if so be wee woulde enter into league together. This king sent me a plate of a mynerall that came out of this mountayne, out of the foote whereof there runneth a streame of golde or copper, as the sauages thinke, out of which they diggeThere is a Mine of golde or rich copper in the moun­taine of Apa­lassi. vp the sande with an holow and drie cane of a reéde vntill the cane be full, afterwarde they shake it, and finde that there are manie small graines of copper and syluer among this sande: which gi­ueth them to vnderstande that some rich myne must neéds be in the Mountaine. And because the mountaine was not past fiue or sixe dayes iourney from our fort lying toward the northwest, INote. determined, assone as our supplie should come out of France, to remoue our habitation vnto some riuers more toward the north, that I might be neérer therunto. One of my soldiers whose namePeter Gamby slaine. The village of Edelano. Golde and syluer. was Peter Gamby, which had remained a long space before in this countrie to learne the languages and trafficke with the In­dians, at the last came to the village of Edelano, where hauing gotten together a certaine quantitie of gold and syluer, & purpo­sing to returne vnto me, he prayed the king of the village to lend him a Canoa (which is a vessell made of one whole piece of wood which the Indians vse to fish with al and to row vpon the riuers) which this lorde of Edelano graunted him. But being greédy of the riches which he had, he commanded two Indians, which heé had charged to conduct him in the Canoa, to murder him & bring him the marchandise & the gold which he had. Which y two trai­tors villanously executed: for they knockt him in the head with an hatchet, as he was blowing of the fire in the Canoa to seéth fishe. The Paracoussy Vtina sent certayne dayes afterward, to prayVtinasendeth to I audonni­ere for his helpe. me to lende him a dosen or fifteéne of my shot, to enuade his eni­mie Potanou, & sent me word that this enimie once vanquished, he would make me passage, yea and would conduct mee vnto the mountains, in such sort that no man should be able to hinder me. Then I assembled my men to demaunde theyr aduice, as I was wont to doe in all mine enterprises. The greater part was ofA good note. opinion, that I shoulde doe well to sende succour vnto this Pa­racoussy, [Page 41] because it would be harde for mee to discouer any far­ther vp into the countrie without his helpe: and that the Spa­niardsA special note when they were employed in their conquestes, did alwaies enter into alliance with some one king to ruine another. Not­withstanding, because I did alwayes mistrust the Indians, and that the more after the last aduertisement that the Spaniards had giuen me, I doubted least the small number which Vtina de­maunded might incurre some danger: wherefore I sent him thir­tie shot vnder the charge of Lieuetenant Ottigny: which stayed not aboue two dayes with Vtina, while he prepared victuals for his voyage, which ordinarily and according to the custome of the countrie are carried by women and yong boyes, and by Herma­phrodites. Vtina setting forward with threé hundred of his sub­iectes,Thre hundred Indians. hauing ech of them their bowe and quiuer full of arrowes, caused our thirtie shot to be placed in the forewarde, and made them march all the day vntill that the night approching, and hauing not gone past halfe the way, they were enforced to lie al­night in the woodes, neére a great sake, and there to encampe themselues: they seperated themselues by sixe and sixe, making ech of them a fire about the place where their king lay, for whose garde they ordayned a certayne number of those archars, in whome hee put most confidence. As soone as daye was come, the campe of the Indians marched within threé leagues of Pota­nou: There king Vtina requested my Lieutenant to graunt him foure or fiue of his men to goe and discouer the countrey: which departed immediately, and had not gone farre but they percey­uedA lake three leages distant from the vil­lage of Pota­nou. vpon a lake, distant about threé leagues from the village of Potanou, three Indians which fished in a Canoa. Nowe the cu­stome is that when they fishe in this lake, they haue alwayes a companie of Watchmen, armed with Bowes and Arrowes to garde the fishers. Our men being hereof aduertised by those of the companie, durst not passe any further, for feare of falling into some ambushe. Wherefore they returned towardes Vtina, which suddenly sent them backe with a greater company to sur­prise the fishers, before they might retyre and aduertise their king Potanou of the comming of his enimies. Which they coulde not execute so politikely but that two of them escaped: [Page] the third also did the best he could to saue himselfe by swimming, in which meane while hee was staied with shotte of arrowes, and they drew him starke dead vnto the bankes side, where our Indi­ans fleade of the skinne of his head, cut of both his armes in the high way, reseruing his haire for the triumphe which their king hoped to make for the defeate of his enimie. Vtina fearing least Potanou aduertised by the Fishers which were escaped, shoulde put himselfe in armes to withstand him valiantly, asked counsellIávva, signifi­eth their Priest or ma­gician. of his Iawa, which is asmuch to say in their language as his Ma­gician, whether it were best to goe any farther. Then this Magi­cian made certaine signes hidious and fearefull to beholde, and vsed certaine wordes, which being ended, he sayd vnto his king,Potanou ac­companied vvith tvvo thousand In­dians. that it was not best to passe any farther, & that Potanou accom­panied with two thousand Indians at the least staied in such and such a place for him, to byd him battaile: and besides this, that all the sayd Indians were furnished with coards to binde the pri­soners which they made full accompt to take. This relation cau­sed Vtina to be vnwilling to passe any farther: Whereupon my Lieuetenant being as angry as euer he might be, because he had taken so great paines without doing any thing of accompt, sayd vnto him, that he would neuer thinke well of him nor of his peo­ple, if he would not hazard himselfe: and that if he would not doe it, at the least that he would giue him a guide to conduct him and his small companye to the place where the enimies were encam­ped. Hereupon Vtina was ashamed, and seeing the good affecti­onThe predicti­on of the ma­gician found true. on of Mountieur de Ottigny determined to goe forward. And he failed not to find his enimies in the very place which the Magici­an had named: where the skirmish began, which lasted three long houres: wherein without doubt Vtina had beene defeated, vn­lesse our harquebusiers had not borne the burthen & brunt of all the battaile, and slaine a great number of the souldiers of Pota­nou, vpon which occasion they were put to flight. Wherewithall Vtina being content for the present, caused his people to retire & returne homewarde to the great discontentment of Mounsieur de Ottigny, which desired nothing more, then to pursue his vic­torie. After he was come home to his house he sent messagers toVtina hath eighteene or tvventie kings to his Vassals. eighteen or twenty villages of other kings his vassals, and sum­moned them to be present at the feasts and dances which he pur­posed [Page 42] to celebrate because of his victorie. In the meane while Mounsieur de Ottigny refreshed himselfe for two daies: and then taking his leaue of the Paracoussi, and leauing him twelue of his men, to see that Potanou, bethinking himselfe of his late losse, should not come to burne the houses of Vtina, hee set forward on his way to come vnto me vnto our fort, where he vp and told me howe euery thing had passed: and withall that hee had promised the twelue souldiers that hee woulde come backe againe to fetch them. Then the kinges my neighbours all enemies to Vtina, be­ing aduertised of the returne of my Lieuetenaunt, came to visite me with presents and to enquire how things had passed, praying mee all to receiue them into my fauour, and to become enimy to Vtina, which notwithstanding I would not graunt them for ma­ny reasons that moued mee.

The Indians are wont to leaue their houses and to retireA custome of the Indians to leaue their houses for three or foure monthes and to liue in the vvoods. themselues into the woods, the space of three moneths, to witte Ianuary, February, & March: during which time by no meanes a man can see one Indian. For when they goe on hunting, they make little cottages in the woodes, whereunto they retire them­selues, liuing vpon that which they take in hunting. This was the cause that during this time, we could get no victuals by their meanes: and had it not beene that I had made good prouisionThey looke for succour out of France by the end of April at the vttermost. thereof, while my men had store, vntill the ende of Aprill (which was the time, when at the vttermost, we hoped to haue had suc­cour out of France) I should haue beene greatly amazed. This hope was the cause that the souldiers tooke no great care to look well vnto their victuals, although I deuided equally among thē that which I could get abroad in the countrey, without reseruing vnto my selfe any more then the least souldyer of all the company. The moneth of May approching and no manner of succour com­men out of France, we fell into extreame want of victuals, con­strained to eate the rootes of the earth and certaine sorrell which we found in the fieldes. For although the sauages were retour­ned by this time vnto their villages, yet they succoured vs with nothing but certaine fish, without which assuredly wee had peri­shed with famine. Besides they had giuen vs before the greatest part of their maiz and of their beanes for our marchandise. ThisExtreeme fa­mine for sixe vveekes space [...] famine held vs from the beginning of May, vntill the middest of [Page] Iune. During which time the poore souldyers and handycraftes­men become as féeble as might be, and beeing not able to worke, did nothing but goe one after another in centinel vnto the clift of an hill, scituate very néere vnto the fort, to sée if they might disco­uer any French shippe. In fine beeing frustrated of their hope, they assembled altogether, and came to beséech me to take some order that they might returne into France, considering that if we let passe the season to embarke our selues, we were neuer like to sée our countrie, where it coulde not bee chosen but that some troubles were fallen out, séeing they had broken their promisePromise bro­ken. made vnto vs, and that no succour was come from thence. Ther­vpon it was consulted and resolued by all the companye that the barke Breton should be trimmed vp, whereof Captaine Vasseur had charge. But because the shippe was not bigge inough to re­ceaue vs all, some thought good to builde the Brigantine two deckes higher, which our mutinous soldyers had brought backe, and that 25. men should hazard themselues to passe there­in into France. The rest being better aduised said that it shoulde be farre better to builde a faire shippe vpon the kéele of the gali­ote which I had caused to be made, promising to labour couragi­ously there vpon. Then I enquired of my shipwrights to know in what space they coulde make this shippe readie. They assured the whole company that being furnished with all things necessa­rie, they would make it ready by the eighth of August. Immedi­ately I disposed of the time to w [...]rke vppon it, I gaue charge to Mounsieur de Ottigny my Lieuetenant to cause tymber neces­sarye for the finishing of both the vessels to bee brought, and to Mounsieur de Arlac my standart bearer to goe with a barke a league of from the fort to cut downe trees fit to make planckes, and to cause the sawiers which he carried with him to saw them: and to my Sergeaunt of the companye to cause fiftéene or sixtéene men to labour in making coales: and to Master Hance keeper of the artillery, and to the gunner to gather store of rosen to braye the vessels: wherein he vsed such diligence, that in lesse then threeTwo hogs­heads of rosen wéekes he gathered two hogsheads of the same together. There remained now but the principal, which was to recouer victuals to sustaine vs while our worke endured: which I vndertooke to do with the rest of my company and the Mariners of the shippe. To this end I embarked my selfe making vp y thirtieth in my great [Page 43] barke to make a voyage of fortie or fiftie leagues, hauing with vs no prouision at all of victuals: whereby it may easily be gathe­red howe simply those of our fort were prouided. True it is that certaine souldyers being better husbandes then the rest, and ha­uing made some prouision of mast, solde a little measure thereof for fiftéene and twenty sous vnto their companions. During our voyage we liued of nothing else but raspices, of a certaine round graine, little and blacke, and of the rootes of palmites which we gate by the riuer sides, wherein after wee had sayled a long time in vaine, I was constrained to returne to the fort: where the sol­dyers beginning to bee wearie of working because of the ex­treame famine which did consume them, assembled themselues, & declared vnto me, that séeing we could get no victuals of the In­dians, it was expedient for the sauing of their liues, to sease vp­on the person of one of the kinges of the countrie: assuring them­selues that being taken, the subiects woulde not suffer our men to want victuals. I made them aunswere that this enterprise was not rashly to be attempted. But that wee ought to haue good re­garde vnto the consequence that might insue thereof. Hereupon they replyed vnto me, that séeing the time was past of our succour from France, and that we were resolued to abandon the countrie, that there was no danger to constraine the sauages to furnish vs with victuals: which for the present I would not graunt vnto thē but promised them assuredly that I would send to aduertise y In­dians that they shoulde bring me victuals for exchaunge of mar­chandise and apparel: which they also did for the space of certain daies, during which they brought of their mast and of their fish,The vile na­ture of the In­dians. which these Indians being trayterous, & mischieuous of nature, & knowing our excéeding strange famin, sold vs at so déere a price that for lesse then nothing they had gotten frō vs all the rest of our marchandise which remained. And which was worse, fearing to be forced by vs & séeing that they had gottē al from vs, they came no nearer to our fort then the shot of an Harquebuse. Thither they brought their fish in their little boats, to which our poore soldiers were constrained to go, & oftentimes (as I haue séen) to giue away the very shirtes from their backes to get one fish. If at any time they shewed vnto the sauages the excessiue price which they tooke,A cruell an­svvere of the sauages. these villains would answer thē rughly & churlishly: if thou make so great account of thy marchandise, eat it, & we wil eat our fish: [Page] then fell they out a laughing and mocked vs with open throate. Whereupon our souldyers vtterly impatient, were oftentimes ready to cutte them in pieces, and to make them pay the price of their foolish arrogancie. Notwithstāding considering the impor­tance hereof, I tooke paines to appease the impatient souldier: for I would not by any meanes enter into question with the saua­ges, and it sufficed mee to delay the time. Wherefore I deuised to sende vnto Vtina to praye him to deale so farre forth with his subiects, as to succour me with mast and maiz: which he did ve­ry sparingly, sending me twelue or fifteéne baskets of mast, andPinocke a cer­taine kinde of fruite as big as cheries. two of pinockes, which are a kinde of little greéne fruites which growe among the weédes in the riuer, and are as big as cheries: yea & this was not but by giuing of them in exchaunge twise as much marchandise and apparell as they were worth. For the subiectes of Vtina perceiued euidently the necessitie wherein wee were, and began to vse the like speach vnto vs as the others did: as it is commonly seéne that neede altereth mens affections. While these thinges were in dooing a certaine breathing space presented it selfe: for Vtina gaue me to vnderstand that there was a king his subiect whose name was Astina, which he determinedAstina a king. to take prisoner, and to chastise him for his disobedience: that for this cause, if I would giue him aid with a certaine number of my souldiers, he woulde bring them to the village of Astina, where there was meanes to recouer mast and maiz. In the meane season he excused himself vnto me because he had sent me no more maiz, and sent me word that the little store that he had left, was scarce­ly sufficient for his seede-corne. Nowe being somewhat relieued, as I thought, by the hope which I had of this offer, I would not fayle to send him the men which he desired of me, which neuer the lesse were very euill intreated: for he deceiued them, and in steéde of leading them against Astina, he caused them to march against his other enimies. My Lieuetenant which had the charge of this enterprise with Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeaunt was de­termined to be reuenged of Vtina and to cutte him in pieces and his people: and had it not beene that they feared to doe any thing against my will, without all doubt they would haue put their en­terprise in execution. Therefore they would not passe any farther without aduertising me thereof. Wherefore being come backe a­gayne [Page 44] vnto the fort, angry and pricked deépely to the quicke for being so mocked, they made their complaints vnto me, declaring vnto me that they were almost dead for hunger. They tolde the whole matter to the rest of the souldyers, which were very glad that they had entred into that action, and resolued, assembling themselues agayne together, to let mee vnderstand that they did persist in their first deliberation, which was, to punish the bold­nes and maliciousues of the sauages, which they could no longer endure, and were determined to take one of their kings prisoner: which thing I was enforced to graunt vnto them, to the ende to auoid a greater mischiefe, & the sedition which I foresaw would ensue, if I had made refusall thereof. For, sayd they, what occasion haue you to deny vs, considering the necessitie wherein we are, & the small account that they make of vs. Shall it not be lawful for vs to punish them for the wrongs which they do vnto vs, besides that we know apparantly how little they respect vs? Is not this sufficient although there were no necessitie at all, since they thus delude vs, and haue broken promise with vs? After I had there­fore resolued with them to sease on the person of Vtina, which be­sides that he had giuen vs occasion hereof, was also most able to helpe vs to recouer victuals, I departed with fiftye of my best souldyers all embarked in two Barkes and wee▪ arriued in the dominions of Vtina, distant from our fort about fortye or fiftye leagues: then going on shoare wee drewe towardes his villageVtina taken prisoner in his village by Laudoniere and 50. of his souldyers. scituated sixe great leagues from the riuer, where wee tooke him prisoner, how be it not without great cryes and alarmes, and led him away in our barkes, hauing first signyfied vnto hys Father­in lawe and his chiefe subiectes, that in that I had taken hym, it was not for any desire that I had to doe him any harme, but onely to relieue my necesiitie and want of victuals which op­pressed me, and that in case they woulde helpe me to some, I woulde finde meanes to set him agayne at libertie: that in the meane space I woulde retire my selfe into my Barkes (for I feared least they woulde there assemble themselues together, and that some mischief might thereof insue) where I would stay for him two dayes, to receaue his aunswere: notwithstanding that my meaning was not to haue any thing without exchaunge of marchaundise. Thys they promised they woulde doe. And [Page] in verye deéde the verye same euening, hys wyfe accompanyed withall the women of the village came vnto the Ryuers brincke, and cryed vnto meé to enter into the barke, to seé her husband and her sonne, which I helde both prisoners. I discouered theFiue or sixe hundred Indi­ans. next daye fiue or sixe hundred Indyans Archers, which drewe neére vnto the Ryuers side, and came to meé to signyfie vnto meé howe that duryng the absence of their kyng, their enemye Potanou beéyng thereof aduertised, was entred into their vyl­lage,The deepe dis­sembling of the Indians. and had set al on fire. They prayed meé that I woulde suc­cour them: neuerthelesse in the meane while they had one parte of their troupe in ambush, wyth intent to sette vpon meé if I had come on lande, which was easie for meé to discerne. For seéyng that I refused so to doe, they greatly doubted that they were discouered, and sought by all meanes, to remooue out of my mynde that euill opinion whych I had conceaued of them. They brought meé therefore fish in their little boates and of their meale of Mast, they made also of their drinke which they call cassine, which they sent to Vtina and meé. Nowe albeit I had gotten thys poynt of them, that I helde their king prysoner, yet ne­uerthelesse I could not gette any greate quantitye of victuals for the present: the reason was, because they thought, that after I had drawne victuals from them, I woulde put their Kynge to death. For they measured my will accordyng to their custome,The Indians kil al the men prisoners that they take in warre. whereby they put to death all the men prysoners that they take in Warre. And thus beéing out of all hope of hys libertye, they assembled themselues in the great house, and hauing called all the people together they proposed the election of a newe Kyng, at which time the Father in lawe of Vtina set one of the KyngesThe election of a new king. young Sonnes vpon the royal throne: and tooke such paynes that euerye man dyd hym homage by the Maior parte of the voyces. This election had lyke to haue beéne the cause of great troubles amonge them. For there was a kinsman of a Kyng neére adioy­ning which pretended a tytle to the Kyngdome, and in deéde heé had gotten one parte of the Subiectes: notwithstandyng thys enterpryse coulde not take effecte, for asmuch as by a common consent of the chiefe, it was consulted and concluded, that the Sonne was more meéte to succeéde the Father then anye other. Nowe all thys whyle I kepte Vtina with meé, to whome I had [Page 45] giuen some of myne apparell to cloath hym, as I had lykewise done vnto hys Sonne. But his Subiectes which before had an opinion that I woulde haue killed hym, beeing aduertysed of the good entertaynement which I vsed towardes him, sent two men which walked alonge the Ryuer, and came to visite hym, and brought vs some victuals. These two men at their comming were receaued by me with all curtesie, and entertained according to the victuals which I had. Whyle these thinges thus passed there arriued from all quarters many sauages of the countriesThe hatred a­mong the sa­uage kings of Florida. adioyning, which came to seé Vtina, and sought by all meanes to perswade me to put him to death, offering that if I would doe so, they woulde take order that I shoulde want no victuals. There was also a king my neighbour whose name was Saturioüa, a subtile and craftie man, and one that shewed by proofe that heéNote. was greatly practised in affaires. This king sent ordinarily messengers vnto mee, to pray me to deliuer Vtina vnto him: and to win me the more easily, hee sent twise seuen or eight baskets of Maze or of mast, thinking by this way to allure me, and to make me come to composition with him: In the ende notwithstanding when he sawe he lost his time he ceased to visite me with ambassa­ges and victuals: and in the meane whyle I was not able with the small store of victuals which I had so well to proportion out the trauaile vppon the shippes which wee built to returne into France, but that in the ende wee were constrayned to endure extreame famine, which continued amonge vs all the moneth of Maye: for in this latter season, neither Maiz nor Beanes,Note. nor Mast was to beé founde in the villages, because they had em­ployed all for to sowe their fieldes, insomuch that weé were con­strayned to eate rootes, which the most part of our men punned inRoots. the morters which I had brought with meé to beate gunnepow­der in, and the grayne which came to vs from other places: some tooke the wood of Esquine, beate it, and made meale there­of,Esquine. which they boyled with water, and eate it: others went with their harquebusies to seéke to kill some Foule. Yea this mi­serie was so great, that one was founde that gathered vp a­monge the filth of my house, all the Fish bones that heé coulde find, which heé dryed and beate into powder to make bread there­of. The effectes of this hidious famine appeared incontinently [Page] among vs, for our bones eftsoones began to cleane so néere vnto the skinne, that the most part of the souldyers had their skinnes pearced thorough with them in manye partes of their bodyes: in such sorte that my greatest feare was, least the Indyans woulde ryse vp agaynst vs, considering that it would haue béene verye harde for vs to haue defended our selues in such extreame decaye of all our forces, besides the scarsitye of all victuals, which fayled vs all at once. For the verye Ryuer had not such plenty of fish as it was wont, and it séemed that the lande and water dyd fight agaynst vs. Now as we were thus vpon termes of dispayre, about the ende of the moneth of Maye, and the be­ginningNevv corne by the ende of May in Flori­da. of Iune, I was aduertised by certayne Indyans that were my neighbours, that in the high countrie vp aboue the ry­uer, there was newe maiz, and that that countrye was most for­ward of all. This caused me to take vpon me to goe thither with a certayne number of my men, and I went vp the ryuer to a place called Enecaque: where I met the sister of Vtina in a vil­lageThe village of Enecaque. where shee made vs verye good cheare and sent vs fish. We found that which was tolde vs to bee true: for the maiz was now rype: but by this good lucke one shrewde turne happened vnto me. For the most part of my souldyers fell sicke wyth eating more of it then their weakened stomackes coulde digest. We had also béene the space of foure dayes, since wee departed from our fort, without eating anye thyng sauyng little pinockes, and aA little green fruite that grovveth in the ryuers as bigge as che­ries. The Isle of E­delano. little fish, which wée gate of the Fyshers, whych wée mette some­tymes along the ryner. And yet thys was so lyttle that certayne souldyers eate priuylye lyttle whelpes which were newly whel­ped. The next day I purpdsed to goe into the Isle of Edelano to take the kyng which had caused one of my men to bée slayne, as I haue mentioned before: but béeyng aduertysed of my depar­tyng out of my Fort, and of the waye which I tooke vp the Ry­uer, hée feared that I went foorth wyth a purpose to bée reuen­ged of the euil turne which hée had played: so that when I came thither, I founde the houses emptye: for hée was retyred a lyttle before wythall hys people: and I could not by any meanes keep my soldiers, being angrie because they had lost one of their companions, from setting the village on fire. At my departure from thence I passed backe againe by Enecaque, where I ga­thered [Page 46] as much maiz as I could possibly: which with great dili­gence I conueyed to our fort, to succour my poore men, which I had left in great necessitie. They therefore seeing me a farre off comming ranne to that side of the riuer where they thought I would come on lande: for hunger so pinched them to the hearte, that they could not staye vntill the victuals were brought them to the fort. And that they well shewed, assoone as I was come, and that I had distributed that little maiz among them, which I had giuen to ech man, before I came out of the barke: for they eate it before they had taken it out of the huske. But seeing my selfe in this extreeme néede, I tooke paynes daye by daye to seeke some villages, where there was some foode. And as I tra­uailedTwo Carpē ­ters killed for gathering the Indians maiz. this way and that way, it happened that two of my Car­penters were killed by the two sonnes of king Emola, and by one whose name was Casti, as they went on walking to the vil­lage called Athore. The cause of this murder was, because theyThe village Athore. could not refraine themselues as they walked through the fields from gathering a little maiz, which as they were doing they were taken in the manner: whereof I was presently aduertised by an Indian which a little before had brought me a present fromNia-Cubaca­ny a queene. Nia-Cubacani Queene of a village, and neighbour to our forte. Uppon receipt of this aduertisment, I sent my sergeant with a number of soldiers, which founde nothing else but the two dead corpses, which they buried, & returned without doing any other exploite, because the inhabitantes were fled away fearing they shoulde be punished for such a foule facte. As these thinges thus passed, & that by this time we had almost driuen out the moneth of May, two subiectes of king Vtina came vnto mee with an Hermaphrodite, which shewed me that by this time ye maiz was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters. Whereupon Vtina signified vnto mee that in case I woulde carrie him home to his house, he woulde take such good order that I shoulde haue plen­tie of maiz and beanes: and withall, that the fielde which he had caused to be sowed for mee, shoulde be reserued to my vse. I con­sulted with my men concerning this matter, and founde by the aduice of all my companie, that it was best to graunt him his request, saying, yt he had means to succour vs with food sufficient to serue our turnes for our embarkement, and that therefore I [Page] might do well to carrie him home. Wherefore I caused the two barkes forthwith to be made readie, wherein I sayled to Patica, Patica a village. a place distant from his village eight or nine leagues, where I founde no body: for they were gotten into the woods, and would not shewe themselues, albeit Vtina shewed himselfe vnto them, for asmuch as they imagined that I shoulde be constrayned to let him goe. But séeing no body to shewe themselues I was con­strayned to hazarde one of my men, which had béene acquainted with the state of the countrey, to whome I deliuered the young sonne of Vtina, and commaunded him to goe with diligence to the village of Vtina, vnto his father in lawe and his wife, to ad­uertise them that if they woulde haue their king agayne, they shoulde bring me victuals vnto the side of the little riuer whither I was gone. At my mans comming euerie one made much of the litle child, neither was there a man that thought not himselfe well appaide to touch him. His father in law & his wife hearing of these newes came presently towards our barkes, and brought bread which they gaue vnto my soldiers, they held me there thrée dayes, & in the meane while did all y they could to take me: which presently I discouered, & therfore stood diligently vpon my gard. Wherefore perceyuing they could not haue their purpose, & that they were already discouered, they sent to aduertise mee y as yet they could not helpe me to victuals, & that the corne was not yet ripe. Thus I was constrained to returne & to carry backe Vtina home, where I had much a do to saue him frō y rage of my soldi­ers: which perceiuing y maliciousnes of the Indians, went about to haue murdred him. Moreouer it séemed they were content that they had gotten y son, & that they cared notgreatly for the father. Now my hope fayling me on this side, I deuised to send my men to the villages, where I thought y maiz was by this time ripe: I went to diuers places, & continued so doing fiftéene dayes after, when as Vtina besought me againe to send him vnto his village, assuring himselfe that his subiectes would not sticke to giue mee victuals: & that in case they refused so to do, he was cōtent that I shuld do what I thought good with him. I vndertoke this voiage the second time with the two barkes furnished as before. At my comming vnto the litle riuer, we found his subiects there, which failed not to come thither, with some quantitie of bread, beanes, [Page 47] and fish, to giue my soldiers. Neuertheles returning agayne toDesire of re­uenge rooted in the sauages their former practise they sought almeanes to entrap me, hoping to cry quittance for the imprisonmēt of their king, if they might haue gotten the victory of me. But after that they saw the small meanes, which they had to annoy me, they returned to intreaties & offered that if I woulde giue them their king with certaine of my soldiers, they would conduct them vnto the village, & that the subiects séeing him, would be more willing to giue vs victuals. Which thing notwithstanding I would not grant vnto thē (mi­strusting their subtiltie, which was not so couerte, but that one might espie day at a little hole) vntil they had first giuen me two mē in pledge with charge y by the next day they should bring me victuals. Which thing they granted, & gaue me two men, which I put in chaines, for feare they should escape away, as I knewe well they were instructed to do. Foure dayes were spent in these conferences, at the end whereof they declared vnto me, that they could not fully and wholy performe their promise: & that the vt­termost that they could do for the present was to cause ech subiect to bring his burthen of myl. To conclude they were content to do so on condition that I would send them their two pledges with­in ten daies. As my lieuetenant was ready to depart, I warnedA necessarie admonition. him aboue all things, to take heede hee fell not into the Indians hands: because I knew them to be very subtill and craftie to en­terprise & execute any thing to our disaduantage. He departed therefore with his troupe, & came to the smal riuer whereinto we were accustomed to enter to approch as néere as we coulde vnto the village of Vtina, being sixe french leagues distant frō thence. There he went on shore, put his men in good array, and drewe streight towards the great house that was the kinges, where the chiefe men of y countrie were assembled, which caused very great store of victuals to be brought now one & then another, in doing wherof they spent notwithstanding thrée or foure dayes: in which meane while they gathered men together to set vpon vs in our re­treite. They vsed therfore many means to hold vs still in breath.The Floridi­ans subtilties. For one while they demanded their pledges, another while (sée­ing my liuetenant would not yeld to thē, vntill such time as they had brought the victuals vnto the boats, according to the agree­ment [Page] passed betweene vs) they signified vnto him that the wo­men and yong children were affraide out of all measure to see fire in their matches so neere their harquebuses: and that there­fore they most earnestly besought them to put them out, that they might more easily get people ynough to carrie the victuals, and that they for theyr partes woulde leaue their bowes, and arrowes, and woulde be contented that their seruantes shoulde carrie them. This seconde request was as flatly denied them as the former: For it was an easie matter to smell out their in­tention. But while these thinges were thus in handling, Vtina by no meanes was to be seene, but hid and kept himselfe secrete in a little house a part, where certayne chosen men of mine went to see him, shewing thēselues agreeued with him, for the long de­layes of his subiectes: whereunto hee answered, that his sub­iects were so much incensed against vs, that by no meanes pos­sible he was able to keepe them in such obedience, as he willing­ly woulde haue done, and that hee coulde not holde them from waging of warre against Monsieur De Ottigny. That he also called to mind, that euen while he was prisoner, at what time our men ledde him into his countrie to obtaine some victuals, hee saw along the high waies arrows stucke vp, at the ends whereofA certaine signe of vvarre long haires were fastened, which was a certayne signe of open warre proclaimed, which arrowes the captaine also carried with him to the fort. He saide further that in respect of the good will he bare the Captaine, he forewarned his Lieuetenant that his sub­iectes were determined to cut downe the trees, and cause them to fall a thwhart the little riuer, where the boates were, to keepe them from departing thence, that they might fight with them at their ease, and that if it thus fell out, hée assured him for his part he woulde not be there to meddle in the matter. And that which much more augmented the suspicion of warre was, that as my messengers departed from Vtina, they hearde the voyce of one of my men, which during the voyage had alwayes beene among the Indians, and whome as yet they woulde neuer render, vntil they had gotten their pledges home. This poore fellowe cryed out a mayne, because two Indians would haue carried him into the woods to haue cut his throate: whereupon hee was succoured [Page 48] and deliuered. These admonitions being well vnderstoode, and after ripe deliberation thereof Mounsieur, de Ottigny resolued to retire himselfe the seauen and twentieth of Iuly. Wherefore he set his soldiers in order, and deliuered to ech of them a sacke full of myl: and afterward he marched toward his barkes, thin­king to preuent the enterprise of the sauages. There is at theAn alley of three or foure hundred pa­ses long. comming foorth of the village a great alley about threé or foure hundred pases long, which is couered on both sides with great trees. My lieutenant disposed his men in this alley and set them in such order as they desired to march: for hee was well assured that if there were any ambush, it woulde be at the comming out of the treés. Therefore he caused Mounsieur De Arlac myne ensigne to march somwhat before wt eight harquebusiers to dis­couer whether there were any danger: besides he commanded one of my sergeants and corporalles to march on the out side of the alley with foure harquebusiers while hee himselfe conducted the rest of his companie through it. Nowe as he suspected, so it fell out: for Mounsieur de Arlac mette with two or thrée hundred In­dians at the ende of the alley, which saluted him with an infiniteA skirmish tvveene the Sauages & the French. number of their arrowes, and with such furie that it was easie to sée with what desire they sought to charge vs. Howbeit they were so wel sustayned in the first assault which mine ensigne gaue them, that they which fell downe deade, did somewhat abate the choler of those which remayned aliue. This done my lieuete­nant hasted to gaine grounde in such sort as I haue already said.A second fresh charge of Sa­uages. After he had marched about foure hundred pases, hee was char­ged afresh with a newe troupe of sauages which were in number about threé hundred, which assayled him before, while the rest of the former set vppon him behinde. This seconde assault was so valiantly sustained, that I may iustly say that Monsieur De Ot­tigny so well discharged his duetie, as was possible for a good Captaine to doe. And so it stoode them vpon: for he had to deale with such kinde of men, as knew well how to fight & to obey their heade which conducted them, and which knewe so well to behaue themselues in this conflict, as if Ottigny had not preuented their practise, he had beéne in danger to haue beéne defeated.The Floridi­ans maner of fight. Their manner in their fight was, that when two hundred had shotte, they retyred themselues and gaue place to the rest that [Page] were behinde, and all the while had their eye and foote so quicke and readie, that assoone as euer they sawe the harquebusie layde to the cheeke, so soone were they on the ground, and eftsone vp to answere with their bowes, and to flie their way, if by chance they perceyued we went about to take them: for there is nothing that they feare so much, because of our swordes and daggers. ThisThe Floridi­ans chiefe feare. conflict continued and lasted from nine of the clocke in the mor­ning, vntill the night departed them. And if Ottigny had not bethought himselfe to cause his men to breake the arrows which they founde in the waye, and so to depriue the sauages of the meanes to beginne agayne, without all doubt he should haue had very much to do: for by this meane they lacked arrowes, and so were constrayned to retyre themselues. During the time of the conflict they cryed and made signes that they were the captaines and lieutenants friendes: and that they fought for none other cause but to be reuenged on the soldiers, which were their mor­tall enimies. My lieutenant being come vnto his boates tooke a reuewe of his company, and found two men wanting which wereTvvo slaine. killed, of whome the one was called Iames Sale, and the others name was Mesureur. He founde moreouer two and twentie ofTvvo & tvven­tie vvounded. them wounded, which with much adoe he caused to bee brought vnto the boates. All the mill that he found among his company came but to two mens burthens, which hee deuided equally a­mong them. For assoone as the conflict beganne, euery man was constrained to leaue his sacke to put his hande vnto his weapon. In this meane while I remayned at the forte, and caused euery man diligently to trauell, hoping that my Lieutenant woulde bring vs victuals. But seéing the time consume away, I began to suspect the crueth of that which fell out, whereof I was as­sured immediately after at their returne. Seéing therefore minePraier and thankes vnto God for their deliuerance. hope frustrate on that side, I made my prayer vnto GOD, and thanked him of his grace which he had shewed vnto my poore sol­diers which were escaped: Afterward I thought vppon newe meanes to obtayne victuals, aswell for our returne into France, as to driue out the time vntill our embarking. I was aduerti­sed by certayne of our companie, which vsually went on hunting into the woodes and through the villages, that in the villageThe village Sarauhi. Sarauahi situated on the other side of the riuer and two leagues [Page 49] distant from the fort, and in the village Emoloa there wereThe village Emoloa. fieldes wherein the mil was very forwarde, and that there was thereof in those partes in great aboundance. Wherefore I cau­sed my boates to be made readie, and sent my Sergeant thither with certayne soldiers, which vsed such diligence, that wee had good store of myl. I sent also to the riuer which the Sauages calThe riuer of Iaracana cal­led by Ribault the riuer of Somme. Iracana named by captaine Ribault the riuer of Somme, where Captayne Vasseur and my sergeant arriued with two boates and their ordinarie furniture, and founde there a great assemblie of the Lordes of the countrey, among whom was Athore the sonne of Satourioua, Appolou, and Tacadocorou, which were there assembled to make merrie: because that in this place are the fai­rest maides & women of al the countrey. Captaine Vasseur in myCurtesie and liberalitie the best meanes to deale vvith the sauages. name gaue certaine smal trifles to all the Lords, to the Quéene, to the maydes and women of the villages. Whereupon the boates were foorth with laden with myl, after they had made our men as good cheére as they could deuise. The Queéne sent mee two small Mats so artificially wrought as it was vnpossible toMost artificial mattes. make better. Now finding our selues by this meane sufficiently furnished with victuals, we began ech of vs in his place, to tra­uaile & vse such diligence, as the desire to seé our natiue countrie might moue vs. But because two of our Carpenters were slaine by the Indians (as heretofore I mentioned) Iohn de Hais, Ma­ster carpenter, a man very worthie of his vocation, repaired vn­to me, and tolde me that by reason of want of men hee was not a­ble to make me vp the ship against the time that hee had promi­sed mee: which speach caused such a mutinie among the soldiers that verie hardly he escaped killing: howbeit I appeased them aswell as I could, and determined to worke no more from thence foorth vpon the shippe, but to content our selues to repaire the Brigantine which I had. So we beganne to beate downe allThe beating dovvne of the houses vvith­out the fort, & the palisade. the houses that were without the forte, and caused coales to be made of the tymber thereof: likewise the soldiers beate downe the pallisade which was towarde the waters side, neither was I euer able to keepe them from doing it. I had also determined to beate downe the fort before my departure and to set it on fire, for feare least some newe-come gueste shoulde haue enioyed and possessed it. In the meane while there was none of vs to [Page] whome it was not an extreéme griefe to leaue a countrey, where­in we had endured so great trauailes and necessities, to discouer that which we must forsake through our owne countriemens default. For if we had beéne succoured in time and place, and ac­cordingThe cause vvhy the French lost Florida. to the promise that was made vnto vs, the warre which was betweéne vs and Vtina, had not fallen out, neither shoulde we haue had occasion to offend the Indians, which with al paines in the world I entertayned in good amitie, aswell with marchan­dise and apparell, as with promise of greater matters, and with whome I so behaued my selfe, that although sometimes I was constrayned to take victuals in some fewe villages, yet I lostEight kinges Laudonniers friendes and allies. The principal scope of plan­ters in strange countries. not the alliance of eight kings and Lords my neighbours, which continually succoured and ayded me with whatsoeuer they were able to afford. Yea this was the principall scope of all my pur­poses, to winne and entertaine them, knowing howe greatly their amitie might aduance our enterprise, and principally while I discouered the commodities of the countrey, and sought to strengthen my selfe therein. I leaue it to your cogitation to thinke how neere it went to our heartes, to leaue a place aboun­dingFlorida a rich countrie. in riches (as we were throughly enformed thereof) in cō ­ming whereunto, and doing seruice vnto our Prince, we left our owne countrie, wiues, children, parentes, and friendes, and pas­sed the perils of the sea, and were therein arriued, as in a plen­tifull treasure of all our heartes desire. As ech of vs were much tormented in minde with these or such like cogitations, theAug. 3. 1565. thirde of August I discryed foure sayles in the sea, as I walked vppon a little hill, whereof I was exceeding well appaide: I sent immediately one of them which were with mee to aduertise those of the fort thereof, which were so glad of those newes, that one would haue thought them to bee out of their wittes to see them laugh and leape for ioy. After these shippes had cast ancre, we discried that they sent one of their ship boates to lande: where­upon I caused one of mine to be armed with diligence, to send to meete them, and to know who they were. In the meane while fearing least they were Spaniards, I set my soldiers in order & in readines, attending the returne of Captaine Vasseur and my lieutenant, which were gone to meete them, which brought mee word that they were Englishmen: & in truth they had in their cō ­panie [Page 50] one whose name was Martine Atinas of Diepe, which at that time was in their seruice, which on the behalfe of MaisterMaster Iohn Havvkins the English gene­rall. Iohn Hawkins their generall came to request meé that I woulde suffer them to take fresh water, whereof they stood in great neéde, signifiyng vnto me that they had beene aboue fifteéne daies on the coast to get some. He brought vnto me from the generall two fla­cons of wine, and bread made of wheate: whichich greatly refre­shed me, forasmuch as for seuen moneths space I neuer tasted a droppe of wine: neuerthelesse it was all diuided among the grea­test part of my souldyers. This Martine Atinas had guided the Englishmen vnto our coast, wherewith he was acquainted: for in the yeare 1562. he came thither with mee, and therefore the ge­nerall sent him to mee. Therefore after I had graunted his re­quest, he signified the same vnto the generall, which the next day following caused one of his small shippes to enter into the ryuer, and came to seé me in a great shipboate, accompanied with gen­tlemen honourably apparelled, yet vnarmed. Hee sent for great store of bread and wine, to distribute thereof to euery one: On my part I made him the best cheére I could possibly, and caused cer­taineSheepe and Poultrie car­ried into Flo­rida. sheépe and poultry to bee killed, which vntill this present I had carefully preserued hoping to store the countrie withall. For, notwithstanding all the necessities and sicknes that happened vn­to me, I would not suffer so much as one chicking to be killed: by which meanes in a short time I had gathered together aboue an hundred Pullets. Now threé dayes passed, while the English ge­neral remayned with me, during which tyme the Indyans came in from all parts to see hym, and asked me whether hee were myAn aduantage vvisely taken. brother: I told them he was so, and signified vnto them, that heé was come to seé me and ayde me with so great store of victuals, that from thence forward I should haue no neéde to take any thing of them. The bruite hereof incontinently was spread ouer all the countrie, in such sort as Ambassadours came vnto me from all parts, which on the behalfe of the kings their masters desired to make alliance with mee: and euen they, which before sought to make warre against me, came to offer their friendship and ser­uice vnto mee: Whereupon I receaued them and gratified them with certayne presentes. The generall immediately vnderstoode the desire & vrgent occasion which I had to returne into France: [Page] Whereupon he offred to transport me and al my company home: whereunto notwithstanding I woulde not agreé, being in doubt vpon what occasion hee made so large an offer. For I knewe not howe the case stoode betweéne the French and the English: and al­though he promised me on his faith to put me on land in France, before he would touch in England, yet I stoode in doubt least heThe French mistrusted that the En­glishmen vvould plant in Florida. would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistresse. Wherefore I flatly refused his offer: whereupon there rose a great mutiny among my Souldiers, which sayd that I sought to destroy them all, and that the Brigantine, whereof I spake be­fore, was not sufficient to transport them, considering the season of the yeare wherein we were. The bruite and mutinye increased more and more: for after that the Generall was returned to his ships, he told certaine gentlemen and souldiers which went to see him, partly to make good cheére with him, he declared, I say, vn­to them, that he greatly doubted that hardly we should bee able to passe safely in those vessels which we had: & that in case we should enterprise the same, we shoulde no doubt bee in great ieopardye: notwithstanding if I were so contented, hee would transport part of my men in his shippes, and that hee woulde leaue me a small shippe to transport the rest. The Souldyers were no sooner come home, but they signified the offer vnto their companyons, which incontinently consented together that in case I woulde not accept the same they woulde embarke themselues with hym and forsake me, so that he would receaue them accordyng to his pro­mise. They therefore assembled themselues altogether and came to seeke me in my Chamber, and signified vnto me their intenti­on, whereunto I promised to aunswere within one houre after. In which meane space I gathered together the principall mem­bers of my company, which after I had broken the matter with them, answered me all with one voice, that I ought not to refuse this offer, nor contemne the occasion which presented it selfe, and that they could not thinke euill of it in France, if being forsaken, as we were, we ayded our selues with such meanes as God had sent vs. After sundry debatinges of this matter, in conclusion I gaue mine aduise, that wee ought to deliuer him the price of the shippe which hee was to leaue vs, & that for my part I was con­tentSyluer found in Florida. to giue him the best of my stuffe, and the siluer which I had [Page 51] gathered in the Country. Whereupon notwithstanding it was determined that I shoulde keépe the siluer, for feare, least the Queéne of England seeing the same▪ shoulde the rather be encou­ragedNote. to set footing there, as before sheé had desired: that it was farre better to carry it into France, to giue encouragement vntoThe great im­portance of this enter­prise. our Princes not to leaue of an enterprise of so great importance for our common wealth, and that, seéing we were resolued to de­part, it was farre better to giue him our Artillerye, which other­wise we should bee constrained to leaue behind vs, or to hide it in the ground, by reason of the weakenes of our men, being not able to embarke the same. This point being thus concluded and resol­ued on, I went my selfe vnto the English Generall, accompanied with my Lieutenant, and Captaine Vasseur, Captaine Verdier, and Trenchant the Pilot, and my Sergeant, all men of experi­ence in such affaires and knowing sufficiently how to driue such a bargaine. We therefore tooke a viewe of the shippe which the Ge­nerall would sell, whom we drewe to such reason, that he was con­tent to stand vnto mine owne mens iudgement, who esteémed it to be worth seuen hundred crowns, wherof we agreéd very friendly. Wherfore I deliuered him in earnest of the summe, two bastards, two mynions, one thousand of iron, and one thousand of powder. This bargaine thus made▪ he considered the necessity wherein we were, hauing for all our sustenance but myl & water: whereuponThe great hu­manitie and bountie of Master Iohn Havvkins to the French. being moued withpitie, he offred to relieue me with twenty bar­rels of meale, six pipes of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and a hun­dred of waxe to make candels. Moreouer forasmuch as he sawe my Souldyers goe barefoote, hee offered me besides fifty payres of shoes, which I accepted and agreéd of a price with hym, and gaue hym a byll of mine hand for the same, for which vntill this present I am indebted to hym. He did more then this: for parti­cularly he bestowed vppon my selfe a great iare of oyle, a iare of Uynagre, a barill of Olyues, and a great quantitye of Ryce, and a barill of white Biscuit. Besides hee gaue diuerse pre­sents to the principall Officers of my companye accordyng to their qualities: so that I may saye that wee receaued as manye courtesies of the Generall, as it was possible to receiue of any man liuing. Wherein doubtlesse hee hath wonne the reputation of a good and charitable man, deseruing to be esteémed asmuch of [Page] vs all as if hee had saued all our liues. Incontinent after hisThe depar­ture of the English Ge­nerall departure I spared no payne to hasten my men to make biscuits of the meale which hée had left mée, and to hoope my Caske to take in water néedefull for the voyage. A man may well thinke what diligence wée vsed, in respect of the great desire wée had to depart, wherein mée continued so well, that the fiiftéenth day of August the biscuit, the greatest part of our water, and all theAugust. 15. Souldyers stuffe was brought aborde: so that from that daye forwarde wée dyd nothing but stay for good windes to driue vs into France: which had fréed vs from an infinite number of mis­chiefes which afterwarde wée suffered, if they had come as wée desired: but it was not Gods good pleasure, as shall appeare hereafter. Being thus in a readynes to sette Sayle, wée be­thought our selues that it woulde doe well to bringe certayne men and women of the countrye into France, to the ende, that if thys voyage shoulde bee taken in hande agayne, they might declare vnto their Kynges, the greatnesse of our Kyng, the ex­cellencye of our Princes, the goodnesse of our Countrye, and the manner of liuyng of the Frenchmen: and that they might al­so learne our language to serue our turnes thereby in tyme to come. Wherein I tooke so good order, that I had found meanes to bring away with me the goodlyest persons of all the Countrye, if our intentions had succéeded, ad I hoped they woulde haue done. In the meane season the Kynges my neighbours came often to sée and visite mée: which, after that they vnderstoode that I woulde returne into France, demaunded of mée whether I meant to returne agayne or no, and whether it shoulde bée in short tyme. I signyfied vnto them that within tenne Moones (so they call their Moneths) I woulde visite them agayne withThe Floridi­ans measure their moneths by the reuolu­tions of the Moone. such force, that I woulde bée able to make them Conquerours ouer all their enimies. They prayed mée that I woulde leaue them my house, that I woulde forbidde my Souldyers to beate downe the fort and their lodginges, and that I woulde leaue them a boate to ayde them withall in their warre against their e­nemies. Which I made as though I would graunt vnto them, to the end I might alwaies remaine their friend vntil my last de­parture.

The end of the second voyage.

THE THIRD VOYAGE of the French men made by Cap­tayne IOHN RIBAVLT vnto FLORIDA.

AS I was thus occupied in these conferences, theThe arriual of Captain Iohn Ribault at the fort the 28. of August. 1565. winde and the tyde serued well to set soyle, which was the eight and twentieth of August, at which instant Captaine Vasseur, which commaunded in one of my shippes, and Captaine Verdier, which was chiefe in the other, now readye to goe foorth, began to discrye certayne sayles at sea, whereof they aduertised me with diligence: whereupon I appointed to arme foorth a beat in good order to goe to descrye and know what they were. I sent also to the centinels, which I caused to be kept on a little knappe, to cause certayne men to clymbe vp to the top of the highest tréesNote. the better to discouer them. They discryed the great beate of the shippes, which as yet they could not perfectly discerne, which, as farre as they could iudge, seemed to chase my boat, which by this tyme was passed the barre of the Ryuer: so that wee coulde not possiblye iudge whether they were enemies which woulde haue carryed her away with them: for it was to great a ken to iudge the truth therof. Upō this doubt I put my men in order & in such aray as though they had béen enemies: & in déed I had great oc­casion to mistrust the same: for my boat came vnto their shippe a­bout two of the clocke in the afternoone, and sent me no newes all that day long to put me out of doubt who they shoulde bee. The next day in the morning about eight or nyne of the clocke I sawe seuen boates (among which mine owne was one) full of souldiers enter into the Ryuer, hauyng euery man his harquebuse and mo­ryon on hys head, which marched all in battayle along the cliffes where my centinels were, to whom they would make no kynd of aunswere, notwithstanding all the demaundes that were made vnto them, in so much as one of my soldyers was constrayned to bestowe a shotte at them without doing hurt neuerthelesse to any of them, by reason of the distance betwéene hym and the boates. [Page] The report hereof being made vnto me, I placed ech of my men in his quarter, with full deliberation to defend our selues, if they had béene enemies, as in truth wee thought them to haue béene: lykewise I caused the two small field pieces which I had left mee to be trimmed in such sort, as if in approching to the fort they had not cryed, y it was Captayne Ribault, I had not fayled to haue discharged the same vpon them. Afterward I vnderstood that the cause why they entered in this manner, procéeded of the false re­portesFalse reportes of Laudon­niere to the Admirall of France. which had béene made vnto my Lorde Admirall by those which were returned into France in the first ships. For they had put in hys head, that I playde the Lord and the Kyng, and that I would hardly suffer that any other saue my selfe shoulde enter in thither to gouerne there. Thus we sée how the good name of the most honest is oftentimes assayled by such, as hauing no meanes to wyn themselues credyt by vertuous and laudable endeuours, thinke by debas [...]ng of other mens vertues to augment the féeble force of their faint courage, which neuerthelesse is one of the most notable daungers which may happen in a common-wealth, andThe daunger of backbiting. chieflye among men of warre which are placed in gouernement. For it is very hard, yea vtterly vnpossible, that in gouerning of a company of men gathered out of diuers places and sundry Na­tions, and namely such as we know them to bee in our warres, it is, I say, vnpossible, but there will be alwaies some of euill condi­tions & harde to be ruled, which easily conceaue an hatred against hym, which by admonitions and light corrections endeuoureth to reduce them to the discypline of warre. For they séeke nothing else, but for a small occasion founded vpon a light pretext to found into the eares of great Lordes that which mischieuously they haue contriued against those, whose execution of iustice is odious vnto them. And albeit I will not place my selfe in the ranke of great and renowmed Captaines, such as liued in times passed, yet wee may iudge by their examples, howe hurtfull backebyters haue béene vnto common-wealths. I will onely take Alcibiades Alcibiades ba­nished by backebyters. for witnes in the common-wealth of the Athenians, which by this meane was cast into banishment, whereupon his Citizens felt the smart of an infinite number of mischiefes: insomuch as in the end they were constrained to call him home againe, and acknow­ledge at length the fault they had committed in forgetting his [Page 53] good seruices, & rather beleeuing a false report, then hauing had regarde vnto so many notable exploytes which in former time he had atchieued. But that I loose not my selfe in digressing so far in this my iustification, I wil returne againe to my first course. Be­ing therefore aduertised that it was Captayne Ribault, I wentLaudonnieres receauing of Captayne Ri­bault. forth of the fort to goe to méete hym, & to doe hym all the honor I coulde by any meanes, I caused hym to bee welcommed with the artillerie, and a gentle voley of my shotte, whereunto he aunswe­red with his. Afterward being come on shore and receaued hono­rably and with ioy, I brought hym to my lodging, reioycing not a little because that in this company I knew a good number of my friendes, which I intreated in the best sort that I was able, with such victuals as I could get in the country, & y small store which I had left mee, with that which I had of the English Generall. Howbeit I maruailed not a little when as all of them with one voice beganne to vtter vnto me these or the like speaches. My Captaine, we praise God that we haue found you aliue, & chiefly because we know, y the reports which haue béen made of you, are false. These spéeches mooued me in such sort, y I would néeds out of hand knowe more, mistrusting some euill. Wherefore hauing accosted Captain Iohn Ribault, & going both of vs aside together out of y fort, he signified vnto me the charge which he had, praying me not to returne into France, but to stay with him my selfe & my company, & assured me that he would make it well thought of at home. Whereupon I replied that out of this place I woulde doe him all seruice: that for the present I could not nor ought not ac­cept this offer, since he was come for no other intent then to occu­pie the place which I before possessed: that I could haue no credit to be there commanded: that my friendes would neuer like of it, and that hee woulde hardly giue me that counsaile, if in good ear­nest I should demaund his aduise therein. He made me aunswere, that he would not commaund me, that we should be companions, and that he would builde another fortresse, & that he would leaue mine owne vnto mee. This notwithstanding I fully aduertised hym, that I coulde not receaue a greater comfort then the newes which he brought me to returne into France: & farther y though I should stay there, yet it must néeds be y one of vs both was to cō ­maund wt title of the kings Lieutenant, y this could not wel agrée [Page] together: that I had rather haue it cast in my teéth to bee the poo­rest begger in the worlde, then to bee commaunded in that place, where I had endured so much to inhabite & plant there, if it were not by some great Lord or Knyght of the order: and that in these respectes I prayed hym verye hartily to deliuer me the Letters which my Lorde Admiral had written vnto mee, which hee per­fourmed.

The contents of those letters was this.

CAptaine Laudonniere, because some of them which are re­turned from Florida speake indifferently of the Countrye,Letters of the Lord Admiral vnto Lau­donniere. the Kyng desireth your presence, to the ende, that according to your tryal, he may resolue to bestowe great cost thereon, or wholy to leaue it: and therefore I send Captaine Iohn Ribault to be Gouernour there, to whom you shall deliuer whatsoe­uer you haue in charge, & informe him of all things you haue discouered. And in a postscript of the letter was thus written. Thinke not, that whereas I send for you, it is for any euill o­pinion or mistrust that I haue of you, but that it is for your good and for your credit, and assure your selfe that during my life you shall find me your good Master.

Chastillon.

Nowe after I had longe discoursed with Captaine Ribault, Captayne la Grange accosted me, and told me of an infinite sight of false reportes which had beéne made of me to my great hinde­raunce: and among other thinges he informed me, that my Lord1. Accusations against him. 2. 3. 4. 5. Admyrall tooke it verye euill that I had carryed a woman with me: likewise that some bodie had tolde hym that I went about to counterfayte the Kyng, and to playe the Tyraunt: that I was to cruell vnto the men that went with mee: that I sought to bee ad­uaunced by other meanes then by my Lord Admiral, & that I had written to many Lords of the Courte, which I ought not to haue done. Whereunto I aunswered, that the woman was a poore Chambermayde, which I had taken vp in an Inne, to ouerseé1. Laudonnieres aunswere thereunto. my houshold busines, to looke to an infinite sort of diuerse beastes, as Sheépe and Poultrye which I carryed ouer with mee to store [Page 54] the countrey withall: that it was not meéte to put a man to attend this businesse: likwise, considering the length of the time that I was to abide there, me thought it should not offende any body, to take a woman with meé, aswel to helpe my soldiers in their sick­nesses, as in mine owne, whereinto I fell afterwarde. And how necessarie her seruice was for vs, ech one at that time might easi­lie perceiue: That all my men thought so well of her, that at one instant there were sixe or seuen which did demaunde her of mee in marriage (as in verie deéde one of them had her after our re­turne.) Touching that which was saide that I plaide the kinge,2. these reportes were made, because I woulde not beare with any thing which was against the duetie of my charge and the kings seruice. Moreouer, that in such enterprises it is necessarie for a gouernour to make himselfe knowen and obeyed, for feare least euery bodie would become a master, perceauing themselues far from greater forces. And that if the tale tellers called this ri­gour,3. it rather proceéded of their disobedience, then of my nature lesse subiect to crueltie then they were to rebellion. For the4. last poynte, that I had not written to any of the Lords of the Court but by the aduice and commaundement of my Lorde Ad­mirall, which willed me at my departure to sende part of such thinges as I shoulde finde in the countrey vnto the Lords of the Counsell: to thende that being moued by this meane they might deale with the Queéne mother for the continuance of this enter­prise: that hauing beéne so small time in the countrey, continual­ly hindred with building of fortresses, and vnlading of my ships, I was not able to come by any newe or rare things to send thē, whereupon I thought it best to content them in the meane while with letters, vntill such time as I might haue longer space to serch out the Countrey, and might recouer something to sende them: the distribution of which letters I meant not otherwise but to referre to my Lorde Admirals good pleasure: that if the bea­rer had forgot himselfe so farre, as that he had broken the coue­ring of the letters, and presented thē himselfe for hope of gaine, it was not my commandement. And that I neuer honoured noble5. man so much, nor did to any more willing & faithfull seruice then to my Lord Admirall, nor euer sought aduancement but by his meanes. You seé how things passed for this day. The next day [Page] the Indians came in from all partes, to know what people these were, to whome I signified that this was hee which in the yeare a thousande fiue hundred sixtie and two arriued in this countrie, and erected the piller whiche stoode at the entrie of the riuer. Some of them knew him: for in truth he was easie to be know­en by reason of the greate bearde whiche hee ware. He receaued many presents of thē which were of the villages neére adioyning, among whom there were some that he had not yet forgotten. The kinges Homoloa, Sarauahi, Alimacani, Malica, and Casti, Fiue Indian kings. came to visite him and welcome him with diuerse giftes accor­ding to their manner. I aduertised them that he was sent thi­ther by the king of Fraunce, to remayne there in my roome, and that I was sent for. Then they demaunded and prayed him, if it might stand with his good pleasure, to cause the marchandise that he had brought with him to be deliuered them, and that in fewe dayes they woulde bring him to the mountaines of Apalas­sy, The montains of Apalassy wherein are mynes of per­fect gold. Sieroa Pira redde metell. whither they had promised to conduct mee, and that in case they performed not theyr promise, that they were content to be cut in peéces. In those mountaines, as they sayde, is founde red copper, which they call in their language Sieroa Pira, which is asmuch to say, as redde mettell, whereof I had a peéce, which at the verie instant I shewed to Captaine Ribault, which caused his gold-finer to make an assay thereof, which reported vnto him that it was perfect golde. About the time of these conferences,Perfect gold. commings and goings of the kings of the countrey, being wea­kened with my former trauaile, & fallen into a melancholie vpon the false reportes that had beéne made of me, I fell into a great continuall feuer, which helde me eight or nyne dayes, during which time Captaine Ribault caused his victuals to be brought on shore, and bestowed the most part thereof in the house which my Lieutenant had built about two hundred pases without the fort: which he did to thende they might bee the better defended from the weather, and likewise to the intent that the meale might be neerer to the bake-house, which I had built of purpose in thatGood meanes to auoide the danger of fire. place, the better to auoide the danger of the fire, as I said before. But loe how oftentimes misfortune doth serch & pursue vs, euen then when we thinke to be at rest! lo seé what happened after that captaine Ribault had brought vp threé of his small ships into the [Page 55] riuer, which was the fourth of September! Sixe great SpanishSeptember. 4. ships arriued in the rode, where foure of our greatest ships re­mained, which cast anker, assuring our men of good amitie. TheyThe Spaniards vndermining and surprising of the French. asked how the chiefe captaines of the enterprise did, & called them all by their names and surnames. I report me to you if it could be otherwise but these men before they went out of Spaine must neéds be enformed of the enterprise and of those that were to exe­cute the same. About ye breake of day they began to make toward our men: but our men which trusted them neuer a deale, had hoi­sed their sayles by night, being ready to cut the stringes that ty­ed them. Wherefore perceiuing yt this making toward our men of the Spaniards was not to do them any pleasure, and knowing well that their furniture was to smal to make head against them, bicause that ye most part of their men were on shore, they cut their Cables, left their ankers, and set saile. The Spaniards seéing thē selues discouered lent thē certaine vol [...]es of their great ordināce, made saile after them, & chased them al day long: but our men got way of them stil toward the sea. And the Spaniardes seéing they could not rech them, by reason that the french ships were better of saile then theirs, and also because they would not leaue the coast, turned backe and went on shore in the riuer Seloy, which we callThe riuer Se­loy or the ri­uer of Dol­phines but eight or ten leagues ouer land from the fort: but it is thirtie dub­ling the cape by sea fol. 19. the riuer of Dolphines eight or ten leagues distant frō the place where we were. Our men therefore finding themselues better of saile then they, followed them to discry what they did, which af­ter they had don, they returned vnto the riuer of May, where cap­taine Ribault hauing discryed thē embarked himselfe in a great boat to know what newes they had. Being at the entrie of the ri­uer he mette with the boat of Captaine Cousets shippe, wherein there was a good number of men which made relation vnto him of all the Spaniards doings: and how the great ship named the Trinitie had kept the sea, and that she was not returned with thē. They told him moreouer yt they had seéne threé Spanish ships en­ter into ye riuer of Dolphins, & the other threé remained in ye rode, farther, yt they had put their soldiers, their victuals & munitiō on land. After he vnderstood these newes he returned to the fortresse, & came to my chamber where I was sicke, & there in the presence of ye captaines, La Grange, S. Marie, Ottigny, Visty, Yonuille, & other gentlemen, he propounded, yt it was necessarie for ye kings seruice, to embark himself with al his forces, & with y threé ships y [Page] were in the rode to seéke the Spanish fleéte, whereupon he asked our aduise. I first replyed, and shewed vnto him the consequence of such an enterprise, aduertising him among other thinges ofDangerous flawes of wind on the cost of Florida in september. the perilous flawes of windes that rise on this coast, and that if it chaunced that he were driuen from the shore, it woulde bee verie harde for him to recouer it agayne, that in the meane while they which shoulde stay in the fort shoulde be in feare and danger. The Captaines, Saint Marie, and La Grange declared vnto him farther, that they thought it not good to put any such enterprise in execution, that it was farre better to keépe the lande, and doe their best endeuour to fortifie themselues: And that after that the Trinitie (which was the principall shippe) were returned, there woulde be much more likelihood to enterprise this voyage. This notwithstanding he resolued to vndertake it, and that which more is, after he vnderstoode by king Emola, one of our neighboursKing Emola. which arriued vppon the handling of these matters, that y Spa­niards in great numbers were gone on shore, which had taken possession of the houses of Seloy, in the most part whereof theyA village and a riuer both of that name. had placed their Negros, which they had brought to labour, and also lodged themselues and had cast diuers trenches about them. Thus for the considerations which hee had, and doubtinge (as hee might well doe) that the Spaniardes woulde encampe themselues there to molest vs, and in the ende to chase vs out of the countrie, hee resolued and persisted in his embarkment, cau­sed a Proclamation to be made, that all soldiers that were vn­der his charge shoulde presently with their weapons embarke them, and that his two ensignes shoulde march: which was put in execution. He came into my chamber, and prayed me to lende him my Lieutenant, mine ensigne, and my sergeant, and to let all my good soldiers, which I had, goe with him, which I denied him, because, my selfe being sicke, there was no man to stay in the fort. Thereuppon he answered me that I neéded not to doubt at all, & that he would returne the morrow after, that in y meane space Monsieur De Lys should stay behind to looke to al things. Then I shewed vnto him that he was chiefe in this countrey, and that I for my part had no farther authoritie: that therefore hee would take good aduisement what he did, for feare least some in­conuenience might ensue. Then he tolde me that he coulde doe [Page 56] no lesse, then to continue this enterprise, and that in the letter which he had receyued from my Lorde Admirall, there was aAn aduertis­ment of my Lord Admiral to Captaine Ribault. postscript, which he shewed me written in these words: Captaine Iohn Ribault, as I was enclosing vp this letter, I receaued a certayne aduice, that Don Pedro Melendes departeth from Spaine to goe to the coaste of Newe Fraunce: see you that you suffer him not to encroch vppon you, no more then he would that you should encroch vpon him. You seé, (quoth he) the charge that I haue, and I leaue it vnto your selfe to iudge if you could doe any lesse in this case, considering the certayne aduertisment that we haue, that they are already on lande, and will inuade vs. This stopped my mouth. Thus therefore confir­med or rather obstinate in this enterprise, and hauing regard ra­ther vnto his particular opinion then vnto the aduertismentes which I had giuen him, & the inconueniences of the time where­of I had forewarned him, hee embarked himselfe the eighth ofCaptaine Ri­baults embarkment Sept. 8. September, and tooke mine ensigne and eight and thirtie of my men away with him. I report me to those that knowe what wars meane, if when an ensigne marcheth any soldier that hath any courage in him will stay behinde, to forsake his ensigne: Thus no man of commaundement stayed behinde with meé, for ech one followed him as chiefe, in whose name, straight after his arriual, all cryes and proclamations were made. Captayne Grange, which liked not very well of this enterprise, was vnto the tenthThe tenth of September. of the moneth with mee, and woulde not haue gone aborde, if it had not beéne for the instant requestes that Captaine Ribault made vnto him, which staid two dayes in the rode attending vn­till La Grange was come vnto him: Who being come aborde they set sayle altogether, and from that time forwarde I neuerA mightie tempest the tenth of Sept. sawe them more. The verie day that he departed, which was the tenth of September, there rose so great a tempest accompanied with such stormes, that the Indians themselues assured me that it was the worst weather that euer was seéne on that coast: where vpon two or threé dayes after, fearing least our shippes might be in some distresse, I sent for Monsieur Du Lys vnto me, to take or­der to assemble the rest of our people to declare vnto them what neéde we had to fortifie our felues: which was done accordingly: and then I gaue them to vnderstande the necessitie and inconue­niences [Page] whereinto we were like to fall, aswell by the absence of our ships, as by the neérenes of the Spaniards, at whose hands we could looke for no lesse then an open and sufficient proclamed warre, seéing they had taken lande and forcified themselues so néere vnto vs. And if any misfortune were fallen vnto our men which were at sea, we ought to make a full accompt with our­selues that we were to endure many great miseries, being in so small number, and so many wayes afflicted as we were. Thus e­uerie one promised me to take paynes: and therefore considering that their proportion of victuals was small, and that so conti­nuing, they would not be able to doe any great worke, I aug­mented their allowance: although that after the arriuall of cap­tayne Ribault my portion of vituacls was allotted vnto mee asLaudonniere hardly vsed by Ribault vnto a common souldier, nether was I able to geue so muche as parte of a bottel of wine to anye man which deserued it: for I was so farre from hauing meanes to doe so, that the Captaine him­selfe tooke two of my boates, wherein the rest of the meale was which was left me of the biscuits which I caused to bee made to returne into Fraunce: so that if I shoulde say that I receaued more fauour at the handes of the Englishmen being strangersLaudonniere & his compa­nie begin to fortifie them­selues. vnto mee, I shoulde say but a truth. Wee began therefore to fortifie our selues and to repaire that which was broken downe, principallie towarde the waterside, where I caused threéscore foote of treés to bee planted, to repaire the Palissado with the plankes which I caused to bee taken of the shippe which I had builded. Neuerthelesse not withstanding all our diligence and trauaile, we were neuer able fully to repaire it by reason of the stormes, which commonly did vs so great annoy, that we could not finish our inclosure. Perceatting my selfe in such extremitie I tooke a muster of the men, which captaine Ribault had left me,A muster of the men left in the fort by Ribault. to seé if there were any that wanted weapon: I found nyne or ten of them whereof not past two or threé had euer drawen sword out of a scabbarde, as I thinke. Let them which haue beene bolde to say that I had men ynough left me, so that I had meanes to de­fende my selfe, giue eare a little nowe vnto mee, and if they haue eyes in their heads, let them se what men I had. Of the nine there were foure but young striplinges, which serued Captaine Ri­bault and kept his dogges, the fift was a cooke: among those [Page 57] that were without the fort, and which were of the aforesaide com­panie of Captayne Ribault, there was a Carpenter of threéscore yeares olde, one a beérebrewer, one olde Crosse-bowe maker, two shoemakers, and foure or fiue men that had their wiues, a player on the Virginals, two seruants of Monsieur Du Lys, one of Monsieur De Beauhaire, one of Monsieur De la Grange, and about fourescore and fiue or sixe in all, counting aswell LackeysFourescore & fiue left in the fort with Laudonniere. as women and children. Beholde the goodly troupe so suffici­ent to defende themselues and so couragious as they haue esteé­med them to be: and for my part I leaue it to others conside­ration to imagine whether Captaine Ribault woulde haue left them with mee to haue borrowed my men, if they had beéne such. Those which were left mee of myne owne companie were about sixteéne or seuenteéne that coulde beare armes, and all of them poore and leane: the rest were sicke and maimed in the conflicte which my Lieutenant had against Vtina. This viewe beéing thus taken, we set our watches, whereof wee made two centi­nels, that the soldiers might haue one night freé. Then we be­thought our selues of those which might bee most sufficient, a­mong whome wee chose two, one of whom was named Monsi­eur Saint Cler, and the other Monsieur De la Vigne, to whom we deliuered candles and Lanterns to go round about the fort to viewe the watch because of the foule and foggie weather. I deli­uered them also a sandglasse or clocke that the centinels might not be troubled more one then the other. In the meane while I ceased not, for all the fowle weather nor my sickenesse which I had, to ouerseé the corps de garde. The night betweene the nine­tenth and twentieth of September La Vigne kept watch with his companie, wherein hee vsed all endeuour although it ray­ned without ceasing. When the day was therefore come, and that hee sawe that it rayned still worse then it did before, hee pitied the centinelles so too moyled and wette: and thinking the Spaniardes woulde not haue come in such a strange time, hee let them depart, and, to say the trueth, hee went himselfe vnto his lodging. In the meane while one which had something to doe without the fort, and my trompet which went vp vnto theThe Spani­ards discryed the 20. of September. rampart perceaued a troupe of Spaniards which came downe from a little knappe. Where incontinently they beganne [Page] to cry alarme, and the trompetter also: Which assoone as euer I vnderstoode, foorthwith I issued out, with my Target and sworde in my hande, and gatte mee into the middest of the Courte, where I beganne to cry vppon my soldiers. Some of them which weee of the forwarde sort went towarde the breach, which was on the south-side, and where the munitions of the artillerie lay, where they were repulsed and slaine. By the selfesame placeThe Spaniards enter the fort. two ensignes entred, which immediatly were planted on the walles. Two other ensignes also entred on the other side toward the West, where there was another brech: and those which were loged in this quarter, and which shewed themselues, were like­wise defeated. As I went to succour them which were defending the breach on the southwest side, I incountred by chaunce a great companie of Spaniardes, which had alreadie repulsed our menFrancis Iean a traitour to his nation. and were nowe entred, which draue mee backe vnto the court of the fort: being there I espied with them one called Francis Iean, which was one of the marriners which stoale away my barkes, & had guided & conducted y Spaniards thither. Assoone as he saw me, he began to say, This is y Captaine. This troupe was led byDon Pedro Melendes captaine of the Spaniards. a captaine whose name, as I thinke, was Don Pedro Melendes: these made certaine pushes at me wt their pikes which lighted on my target. But perceauing y I was not able to withstād so great a companie, & that the court was already wonne, & their ensignes planted on the ramparts, and that I had neuer a man about me, sauing one onely whose name was Bartholomew, I entred into the yard of my lodging, into which they followed me, and had it not beéne for a tent that was set vp, I had beéne taken: but the Spaniards which followed me were occupied in cutting of the Cordes of the tent, and in the meane while I saued my selfe by the breach which was on the west side neére vnto my LieutenantesLaudonniers escape. lodging, and gate away into the woods: where I founde certaine of my men which were escaped, of which number there were threé or foure which were sore hurte. Then spake I thus vnto them: Sirs, since it hath pleased GOD that this mischaunce is happened vnto vs, wee must neédes take the paynes to gette o­uer the Marshes vnto the shippes which are at the mouth of the Riuer. Some woulde neédes goe to a little village which was in the woods, the rest folowed mee thorough the reédes in the [Page 58] water, where being able to goe no farther by reason of my sicke­nes which I had, I sent two of my men which were with mee, which coulde swim well, vnto the ships, to aduertise them of that which had happened, and to send them worde to come and helpe me. They were not able that day to get vnto the ships to certifie them thereof: so I was constrained to stand in the water vp to the shoulders all that night long, with one of my men which woulde neuer forsake me. The next day morning, beeing scarcely able to drawe my breath any more, I betooke mee to my praiers with the souldier which was with me, whose name was Iohn du Chemin: Iohn du Che­min a faithful seruant. for I felt my selfe so feéble, that I was afraid I should dye soden­ly: and in truth if he had not embraced me in both his armes, and so held me vp, it had not beéne possible to saue mee. After wee had made an ende of our praiers, I heard a voice, which in my iudge­mēt was one of theirs which I had sent, which were ouer against the ships and called for the ship boate, which was so in deéde: and because those of the ships had vnderstanding of the taking of the fort by one called Iohn de Hais, master Carpenter, which fled vn­to them in a shallop, they had set sayle to runne along the coast to sée if they might saue any: wherein doubtlesse they did very wellThe diligence of the Mari­ners to saue them that es­caped out of the fort. their endeuour. They went straight to the place where the two men were which I had sent, and which called them. Assoone as they had receiued them in and vnderstood where I was, they came and found me in a pitifull case. Fiue or sixe of them tooke me and carried me into the shallop: for I was not able by any meanes to goe one foote. After I was brought into the shalloppe some of the Marriners tooke their clothes from their backs to lend them me, and woulde haue carried me presently to their ships to giue me a little Aqua vitae. Howbeit I woulde not goe thither, vntill I had first gone with y boat along the reéds, to seéke out the poore soules which were scattered abroad, where we gathered vp eighteene orAmong those was Iaques Morgues painter yet li­uing in the Blacke-Fryers in London. twentye of them. The last that I tooke in was y Nephewe of the Treasurer le Beau. After we were all come to the ships, I com­forted them aswell as I coulde, and sent backe the boate againe with speéde to seé if they coulde finde yet any more. Vpon her re­turne, the Mariners told me how that Captaine Iames Ribault Francis Iean cause of this enterprise. which was in his shippe about two muskets shotte distant from the fort, had parled with the Spaniardes, and that Francis Iean [Page] came vnto his shippe, where he staied a long space, whereat they greatly maruailed, considering that hee was the cause of this en­terprise, how he would let him escape. After I was come into the ship called the Greyhounde, Captain Iames Ribault & Captain Valuot came to see me: and there wee concluded to returne into France. Nowe forasmuch as I founde the shippe vnfurnished of Captaine, Pilot, Master, and Masters-mate, I gaue aduise to choose out one of the most able men among all the Mariners, and that by their owne voices. I tooke also sixe men out of another small shippe, which wee had sunke because it wanted ballast and coulde not be saued. Thus I encreased the furniture of the ship wherein I was my selfe embarked, and made one, which had beéne Masters-mate in the foresaid small shippe, Master of mine. And because I lacked a Pilot, I praied Iames Ribault that heé would graunt me one of the foure men that he had in his shippe, which I should name vnto him, to serue me for a Pilot: he promi­sed to giue me them, which neuerthelesse he did not at the instantThe bad dea­ling of Iames Ribault. when we were readie to depart, notwithstanding all the speéch I vsed to him, in declaring that it was for the Kinges seruice. I was constrained to leaue the ship behinde me which I had bought of the English Captaine, because I wanted men to bring her a­way. For Captain Iames Ribault had taken away her furniture: I tooke away her ordinance onely, which was all dismounted, whereof I gaue nine pieces to Iames Ribault to carrye into France, the other fiue I put into my shippe. The fiue and twen­tieth of September wee sette sayles to returne into France, andOur returne into France the 25. of September 1565. Captaine Iohn Ribault and I kept companye all that daye and the next vntill threé or foure a clocke in the after noone: but be­cause his shippe was better at bowling then ours, he kept him to the wind and left vs the same day. Thus we continued our voy­age, wherein we had maruelous flawes of winde. And about the eight and twentieth of October in the morning at the breake ofOctober. 28. daye wee discried the Isle of Flores, one of the Assores, where im­mediatly vpon our approching to the lande we had a mighty gust of winde which came from the Northeast, which caused vs to beare against it foure daies: afterwarde the winde came South & Southeast, & was alwaies variable. In all the time of our pas­sage wee had none other foode sauing Biscuit and water. About [Page 59] the tenth or eleuenth of Nouember, after wee had sailed a longeNouemb. 10. time, and supposing wee were not farre from lande, I caused my men to sound, where they found threéscore & fifteéne fathoms wa­ter, whereat we all reioysed, & praised God because we had sailed so prosperously. Immediately after I caused them to set sayle a­gaine & so we continued our way: but for asmuch as we had borne to much toward the Northeast we entered into Saint GeorgesThe chanel of Saint George. chanel, a place much feared of all Sailers, and where as many ships are cast away: But it was a faire gift of God that we en­tred into it when the weather was cleare. We sailed al the night, supposing we had beéne shot into the narrow Sea betweene Eng­land and France, & by the next day to reach Diepe, but wee were deceaued of our longing: for about two or three of the clocke after midnight as I walked vpon the hatches, I discried land rounde about me, whereat we were astonied. Immediatly I caused them to strike saile and sound: we found we had not vnder vs past eight fathoms of water, whereupon I commaunded them to staye till breake of day: which being come, and seéing my Mariners tolde me that they knew not this land, I commanded them to approch vnto it. Being neére thereunto I made them cast anker, and sent the boat on shoare to vnderstand in what country we were. Word was brought me that we were in Wales a prouince of England. I went incontinently on land, where after I had taken the ayre, a sickenesse tooke mee whereof I thought I shoulde haue dyed. In the meane while I caused the shippe to bee brought into the bay of a small towne called Swansey, where I found MarchantsLaudonnieres arriuall in Swansey Bay in Glamorgan sheer in South wales. of saint Malo, which lent me money, wherewith I made certaine apparell for my selfe and part of my company that was with me: and because there were no victuals in the shippe I bought two Oxen, and salted them, and a tonne of Beere, which I deliuered into his handes which had charge of the shippe, praying him to carrie it into France, which he promised me to doe: for mine own part I purposed with my men to passe by land, & after I had ta­ken leaue of my Mariners, I departed from Swansey, and came that night with my company to a place called Morgan, where theThe curtesie of one Mastes Morgan, Lord of the place, vnderstanding what I was, stayd me with him for the space of sixe or seuen daies, and at my departure mooued with pittie to see me goe on foote, especially being so weake as I [Page] was, gaue me a little Hackenye. Thus I passed on my iourney first to Bristo, & then to London, where I went to do my duety toBristow. London. Monsieur de Foix Ambas­sadour for the French king in England. Monsieur de Foix, which for the present was the kings Ambassa­dour, & holpe me wt money in my necessitie. From thence I passed to Calis, afterward to Paris, where I was infourmed that ye king was gone to Moulins to sotourne there: incontinently, & with all the hast I could possibly make, I gate me thither with part of my company. Thus briefly you see the discourse of all that happenedThe conclusi­on. in new France since the time it pleased y kings Maiestie to send his subiects thither to discouer those parts. The indifferent & vn­passionate readers may easily weigh the truth of my doings, & be vpright iudges of y endeuour which I there vsed. For mine owne part I will not accuse nor excuse any: it sufficeth me to haue fo­lowed the truth of the history, whereof many are able to beare wit­nes, which were there present. I will plainly say one thing, ThatThe causes why the French lost Florida. the long delay that Captaine Iohn Ribault vsed in his embar­king, & the fifteen daies that he spēt in rouing along the coast of Florida before he came to our fort Caroline, were the cause of the losse that we sustained. For he discouered the coast the fourteénth of August, & spent the time in going from riuer to ri­uer, which had beén sufficiēt for him to haue discharged his ships in, & for me to haue embarked my selfe to returne into France. I wote well that all that hee did was vpon a good intent: yet in mine opinion he should haue had more regard vnto his charge, then to the deuises of his owne braine, which sometimes he printed in his head so deépely that it was very hard to put them out: which also turned to his vtter vndoing: for hee was no sooner departed from vs, but a tempest tooke him, which in fine wrackt him vppon theThe French fleete cast a­way on the coast of Flo­rida. coast, where all his ships were cast away, & he with much adooe es­caped drowning, to fall into their hands, which cruelly massacred him and all his company.

The end of the historie written by Laudonniere.

THE FOVRTH VOYAGE of the French men into Florida, vn­der the conduct of Captaine GOVRGVES, in the yeare, 1567.

CAptaine Gourgues a Gentleman borne in the country neére vnto Bordeaux incited with a de­sire of reuenge, to repaire the honour of his nati­on, borrowed of his friendes and soulde part of his owne goods to set foorth & furnish three ships of indifferent burthen with all things necessarie, hauing in them an hundred and fiftye Souldiers, and fourescore chosen Mariners vnder Captaine Cazenoue his Lieutenant, & Francis Bourdelois Master ouer the Mariners. He set foorth the two and twentieth of August 1567. And hauing endured con­trary windes and stormes for a season at length hee arriued and went on shoare in the Isle of Cuba. From thence he passed to the Cape of Saint Antony at the ende of the Isle of Cuba, about two hundred leagues distant from Florida, where the Captaine disclosed vnto them his intention which hitherto hee had concea­led from them, praying and exhorting them not to leaue him be­ing so neére the enemie, so well furnished, & in such a cause: which they all sware vnto him, and that with such courage that they would not stay the full Moone to passe the chanell of Bahama, butThe chanel of Bahama be­tweene Flori­da & the Isles of Lucayes. speédily discouered Florida, where the Spaniards saluted them with two Canons shotte from their fort, supposing that they had beéne of their Nation, and Gourgues saluted them againe to en­tertaine them in this errour, that he might surprise them at more aduantage, yet sailing by them, and making as though he went to some other place vntill hee had sailed out of sight of the place so that about euening, he landed fifteén leagues from the fort, at the mouth of the Ryuer Tacata courou, which the Frenchmen cal­ledThe French mens landing at the Riuer Tacata courou Seine, because they thought it to bee like Seine in France. Afterward perceiuing the shoare to bee couered with Sauages with their bowes and arrowes, (besides the signe of peace and a­mitie which he made them from his ships) he sent his Trumpet­tour, [Page] to assure them, that they were come thither for none other end but to renue the amitie and auncient league of the French with them. The Trompettour did his message so well (by rea­son he had beéne there before vnder Laudonniere) that he brought backe from king Satourioua, the greatest of al the other kings, a kidde and other meat to refresh vs, besides the offer of his friend­ship and amitie. Afterward they retired daunsing in signe of ioy, to aduertise all the kings Satouriouaes kinsmen to repair thither the next daye to make a league of amitye with the French men. Whereupon in the meane space our generall went about to sound the chanel of the Riuer to bring in his shippes, and the better to trafficke and deale with the sauages, of whom the chiefe the next day in the morning presented themselues, namely the great king Satourioua, Tacatacourou, Halmacanir, Athore, Ha [...]paha,Eight sauage kings.Helmacapé, Helicopilé, Molloua & others his kinsmē & allies, with their accustomed weapons. Then sent they to intreate the French Generall to come on shoare, which hee caused his men to doe with their swords & harquebusies, which he made them leaue behind them, in token of mutuall assuraunce leauing his men but their swordes onely, after that the sauages complaining thereof had left and likewise sent away their weapons at the request of Gourgues. This done Satourioua going to meéte him, caused him to sitte on his right hand in a seate of woode of lentisque co­ueredThe kings seat with mosse made of purpose like vnto his owne. Then two of the eldest of the companye pulled vp the brambles and other weédes which were before them, and after they had made the place very cleane, they all sate round about them on the ground. Afterwarde Gourgues beeing about to speake, Satourioua pre­uented him, declaring at large vnto him the incredibleComplaints of the sauages against the Spaniards.wronges, and continuall outrages that all the sauages, their wiues and children had receaued of the Spaniards since their comming into the country and massacring of the Frenchmen, with their continuall desire if we would assist them throughly to reuenge so shamefull a treason, aswell as their owne parti­cular griefes, for the firme good will they alwaies had borne vnto the Frenchmen. Whereuppon Gourgues giuing them his faith, and making a league betweéne them and him with an oath gaue them certaine presentes of daggers, knyues, looking [Page 61] glasses, hatchets, ringes, belles, and such other thinges trifles vnto vs, but precious vnto these kinges, which moreouer, seéing his great liberalitie, demaunded each one a shirt of him to weare onely on their festiuall daies, and to bee buried in at their death. Which things after that they had receaued, and Satourioua had giuen in recompense to Captaine Gourgues two chaines of sil­uerTwo chaines of siluer giuen to Gourgues. graines which hung about his necke, and each of the kinges certaine Deares skinnes dressed after their manner, they retired themselues daunsing and very iocond, with promise to keépe all thinges secrete, and to bringe vnto the same place good compa­nies of their subiects all well armed to be auenged throughly on the Spaniards. In the meane space Gourgues hauing narrow­ly examined Peter de Bré borne in Newhauen, which being butPeter de Bré had liued a­boue two yeares with Satourioua. a young stripling escaped out of the fort into the woods while the Spaniards murdered the rest of the French, and was afterward brought vp with Satourioua, which at that time bestowed him on our Generall, whose aduise stoode him in great steéde: Whereup­on he sent to discouer the fort and the estate of the eminies by cer­taine of his men, being guided by Olotacara Satouriouaes Ne­phew which he had giuen him for this purpose and for assurance of Estam [...]es a gentleman of Cominges, and others which he sent to discry the state of the enemies. Moreouer he gaue him a sonneThree pledges deliuered to Gourgues by Satourioua. of his starke naked as all of them are, & his wife which he loued best of all the rest of eighteéne yeares olde apparelled with the mosse of treés, which for threé daies space were in the ships, vntill our men returned from discrying the state of the enemie, and the kings had furnished their preparation at the rende-vous. Their marching being concluded, and the sauages rende-vous beeing appointed them beyonde the riuer Salinacani, of our men calledThe Riuer of Salinacani, called Somme by the French. Somme, they all dranke with great solemnity their drinke called Cassine, made of the iuice of certaine hearbes (as they are wont to doe, when they goe to any place of daunger,) which hath such force, that it taketh from them hunger & thirst for foure & twenty houres, & Gourgues was fain to make as though he dranke ther­of for company. Afterwarde they lift vp their handes & sware all that they would neuer forsake him. Olotocara followed him with pike in hand. Being all mette at the riuer of Sarauahi, not with­outThe Riuer of Sarauahi. great trouble, by reason of the raine and places full of water [Page] which they must neédes passe, which hindered their passage, they were distressed with famine finding nothing by the waye to eate, their Barke of prouision beeing not arriued, which was to come vnto him from the shippes, the ouersight and charge whereof hee had left vnto Burdelois with the rest of the Mariners. Now hee had learned that the Spaniards were foure hundred strong, de­uidedThe estate of the Spaniards in Florida. into thrée forts builded and flanked, and well fortified vpon the ryuer of May, the great fort especially begun by the French, and afterward repaired by them: vppon the most dangerous and principall landing place whereof, two leagues lower and neérer towarde the Ryuers mouth, they had made two smaller Fortes, which were defended, the Ryuer passing betweéne them, with sixe score souldiers, good store of artillerie and other munition, which they had in the same. From Saracary vnto these small forts wasThe Ryuer of Saracary, or Sarauahi. two leagues space, which hee found very painefull because of the had waies and continuall raynes. Afterward hee departed from the ryuer Cata couru with tenne shotte, to viewe the first fort, and to assault it the next daye in the morninge by the breake of daye, which he coulde not doe, because of the fowle weather and dark­nes of the nighte. Kinge Helicopile seinge him oute of quiet in that he had failed of his purpose there, assured him to guide him a more easie waye, though it were farther aboute. In somuche as leading him through the woods, he brought him within sighte of the fort, where hee discerned one quarter which was but begun to bee entrenched. Thus after hee had sounded the small riuer that falleth downe thereby he stayed vntill tenne of the clocke in the morninge for an ebbe water that his men might passe [...]uer there, vnto a place where hee had seene a little groue betwene the riuer and the fort (that he might not be seene to passe and set his soul­diers in array) causing them to fastē their flasks to their Mori­ons, and to hold vp their swords and kaliuers in their hands, for feare least y water, which reached vp to their girdles, should not wette them, where they found such aboundance of great oysters▪ & shels which were so sharpe, that many had their legs cut with them, and many others lost their shoes. Notwithstanding assoone as they were passed ouer with a French courage they prepared themselues to the assault on the sonday eue next after Easter day in April 1568. In so much that Gourgues to employ the ardent [Page 62] heat of this good affection, gaue twenty shotte to his Lieutenant Cazenoue, and tenne Mariners laden with pots and balles of wild fier to burne the gate: and then hee assaulted the Fort on anThe assault & taking of the first Fort. other side, after hee had made a short spéech vnto his men of the straunge treasons which the Spaniardes had plaide their com­panions. But beeing discried as they came holding downe their heades within two hundred pases from the fort, the Gunner be­ing vpon the terrace of the fort, after he had cryed, Arme, Arme, these bee French men, discharged twise vppon them a coluerine whereon the Armes of France were grauen, which had béene ta­ken from Laudonniere. But as hee went about to charge it the third time, Olotocara, which had not learned to kéepe his ranke,The valure of Olotocara. or rather mooued with rage, lept on the platte forme, and thrust him through the bodie with his pike and slewe him. Whereupon Gourgues aduanced forward, and after he had heard Cazenoue cry, that the Spaniards which issued out armed at the cr [...] of the alarme, were fled, hee drewe to that part, and so hemmed them in betwéene him and his Lieutenant, that of threéscore there escaped not a man, sauing only fifteén reserued vnto the same death which they had put the French vnto. The Spaniards of the other Fort in the meane while ceased not to play with their ordinance which much annoyed the assailants: although to answere them they had by this placed and oftentimes pointed the foure pieces founde in the first fort. Whereupon Gourgues beeing accompanied withThe assault & taking of the second Fort. fourescore shotte went abourd the barke, which mette him there to good purpose to passe into the wood neér vnto the fort, out of which he supposed the Spaniards woulde issue to saue themselues tho­rough the benefite of the woodes in the great fort, which was not past one league distant from the same. Afterwarde the SauagesThe sauages great swim­mers. not staying for the returne of the barke, lept al into the water hol­ding vp their bowes and arrowes in one hande and swymming with the other, so that the Spaniards seéing both the shoars co­uered with so great a number of men, thought to fleé towards the woods: but being charged by the French, and afterward repulsed by the sauages, toward whom they would haue retired, they were sooner then they would bereft of their liues. To conclude they allThe Spani­ards of the se­cond Fort all slaine. there ended their daies sauing fifteéne of those which were reser­ued to be executed for example of others. Whereupon Captaine [Page] Courgues hauing caused al that he found in the second fort to be transported vnto the first, where he meant to strengthen himselfe to take resolution against the great fort, the state whereof he did not vnderstande: in fine a Sergeaunt of a band one of the priso­ners assured him that they might bee there very neére threé hun­dred well furnished vnder a braue Gouernour, which had fortifi­ed there attending farther succours. Thus hauing obtained of him, the platforme, the height, the fortifications and passages vnto it, and hauing prepared eight good lathers, and raised allNote. the country against the Spaniarde, that hee neither might haue newes, nor succours, nor retraicte on any side, he determined to march forward. In the meane while the Gouernour sent a Spa­niardA notable Spanish sub­tilty. disguised like a Sauage to spie out the state of the French. And though he were discouered by Olotocara, yet he vsed all the cunning he coulde possibly to perswade them y he was one of the second fort, out of which hauing escaped, & seéing none but saua­ges on euery side, he hoped more, as he said, in the Frenchmens then in their mercy, vnto whom he came to yeéld himselfe disgui­sed like a sauage, for feare least, if he should haue béen knowen, he shoulde haue beéne massacred by those Barbarians: But the spie beeing brought face to face with the Sergeaunt of the band, and conuicted to be one of the great fort, was reserued vntill an other time: after that he had assured Gourgues that the bruit was that he had two thousand Frenchmen with him, for feare of whom the two hundred and threéscore Spaniardes which remained in the great fort, were greatly astonied. Whereupon Gourgues being resolued to set vpon them while they were thus amazed, and lea­uing his standerd-bearer and a Captaine with fifteéne shotte to keépe the fort and the entrye of the riuer, he caused the sauages to depart by night to lye in ambush within the woodes on both sides of the riuer, then he departed in the morning, leading the Serge­aunt and the spie fast bound along with him to shewe him that in deéde, which they had onely made him vnderstand before in payn­ting. As they marched Olotocara a resolute sauage which neuer left the Captaine, saide vnto him, that hee had serued him faith­fully and done whatsoeuer he had commaunded him, that he was assured to die in the conflict at the great fort, wherein neuerthe­lesse hee woulde not faile though it were to saue his life: but hee [Page 63] prayed him to giue that vnto his wife, if he escaped not, which heThe cause why the Flo­ridians bury their goods with them. had meant to bestowe on him, that sheé might bury the same with him, that thereby he might be better welcome vnto the village of the soules or spirites departed. To whom Captaine Gourgues aunswered, after he had commended his faithful valure, the loue towarde his wife, and his noble care of immortall honour, that hee desired rather to honour him aliue then dead, and that by Gods helpe he woulde bring him home againe with victorie. Af­ter the discouery of the fort the Spaniards were no niggards of their Canon shotte, nor of two double coluerines, which beeing mounted vppon a bulwarke commaunded all along the Ryuer, which made captain Gourgues to get to the hil couered wt wood, at the foote whereof the Fort beginneth, and the forrest or woode continueth and stretcheth foorth beyond it: so that he had suffici­entNote. couerture to approch thereunto without offence. He purposed also to remaine there vntill the morning wherein hee was resol­ued to assault the Spaniardes by scaling their walles on the side toward the hill where the Trench seémed not sufficiently flanked for the defence of the courtaines, and from whence parte of his men might drawe them that were besieged, which shoulde shewe themselues to defend the rampart while the rest were comming vp. But the Gouernour hastened his vnhappye destinye, causing threéscore shotte to sallie foorth, which passing thorough the Tren­ches aduaunced forwarde to discry the number and valure of the French, whereof twenty vnder the conduct of Cazenoue, getting betweéne the Fort and them which nowe were issued foorth, cutte of their repassage, while Gourgues commanded the rest to charge them in the front, but not to discharge but neére at hande, and so that they might be sure to hitte them, that afterwarde with more ease they might cutte them in pieces with their swords. So that turning their backes assoone as they were charged, and compas­sed in by his Lieutenaunt, they remained all slaine vppon theThe slaughter of the Spani­ards of the third Fort. place. Whereat the rest that were besieged were so astonied that they knewe none other meane to saue their liues, but by fleéing into the Wooddes adioyning, where neuerthelesse beéing en­countred agayne by the Arrowes of the Sauages which lay in waight there for them (whereof one ranne thorough the target and bodie of a Spaniarde, which therewithall fell downe [Page] starke deade) some were constrained to turne backe, choosing ra­ther to die by the hand of the French, which pursued them: assu­ring themselues that none of them could finde any fauour neither with the one nor the other Nation, whom they had alike and so out of measure cruelly entreated, sauing those which were reser­ued to be an example for the time to come. The fort when it was taken was found well prouided of all necessaries: namely of fiueThe taking of the third Fort. double coluerines, and foure mynions, with diuers other small pieces of all sorts, and eighteéne grosse cakes of gunnepowder, all sorts of weapons, which Gourgues caused with speéde to bee em­barked, sauing the powder & other moueables, by reason it was all consumed with fire through the negligence of a sauage, which in seéthing of his fish, sette fire on a traine of powder which was made and hidden by the Spaniardes to haue feasted the French at the first assault, thus blowing vp the store house and the other houses built of pyne treés. The rest of the Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others, after that the General had shew­ed them the wrong which they had done without occasion to all the French Nation, were all hanged on the boughes of the same treés whereon the French hunge: of which number fiue were hanged by one Spaniarde, which perceiuing himselfe in the like miserable estate confessed his fault, and the iust iudgement which God had brought vppon him. But in stéede of the writing which Pedro Melendes had hanged ouer them, emporting these words in Spanish, I doe not this as vnto French men, but as vnto Lutherans, Gourgues caused to bee imprinted with a seéringThe writings hanged ouer the French & Spaniards slain in Florida. iron in a table of Firrewoode, I doe not this as vnto Spaniardes, nor as vnto Mariners, but as vnto Traiters, Robbers, and Mur­therers. Afterward considering hee had not men inough to keépe his Forts which he had wonne, much lesse to store them, fearing also least the Spaniarde which hath dominions neére adioining should renew his forces, or the Sauages should preuaile against the French men, vnlesse his Maiestie would send thither, hee re­solued to raze them. And in deéde, after hee had assembled, and in the end perswaded, all the sauage kinges so to doe, they caused their subiects to runne thither with such affection, that they ouer­threwe all the threé Forts flatte euen with the ground in one day.The three Forts razed. This done by Gonrgues, that hee might returne to his shippes [Page 64] which were left in the Ryuer of Seyne called Tacatacourou, fif­teéne leagues distant from thence, he sent Cazenoue and the artillery by water, afterward with fourestore harquebusiers, armed wt corslets, & matches light, folowed with forty Mariners bearing pikes, by reason of the small confidence he was to haue in so many sauages, hee marched by land alwaies in battaile ray, finding theGreat honour done by the Sauages to Gourgues. waies couered with sauages, which came to honor him with pre­sents & praises, as the deliueret of all the countries round about adioyning. An old woman among the rest said vnto him, that now sheé cared not any more to die, since sheé had seéne the Frenchmen once againe in Florida, & the Spaniards chased out. Briefly be­ing arriued, and finding his shippes set in order, and euery thing readie to set sayle, he counselled the kings to continue in the ami­tie and auncient league, which they had made with the king of Fraunce, which woulde defend them against all Nations: which they all promised, shedding teares because of his departure, O­locotara especially: for appeasing of whom he promised them to returne within twelue Moones (so they count the yeares) and that his king woulde send them an army, and store of knyues forKniues in great estima­tion. presentes, and all other thinges necessarye. So that after he had taken his leaue of them, and assembled his men, he thanked God of al his successe since his setting foorth, and prayed to him for an happy returne. The third of May 1568. all thinges were madeThe third of May. readie, the rende-vous appointed, and the Ankers weighed to sette sayle, so prosperously, that in seuenteene dayes they ranne eleuen▪ hundred leagues, continuing which course they arriuedThe arriuall of Gourgues at Rochel, the sixt of Iune. at Rochell the sixth of Iune, the foure and thirtieth day after their departure from the Ryuer of May, hauing lost but a small Pinnesse and eight men in it, with a fewe gentlemen and others which were slaine in the assaulting of the Forts. After the cheere and good entertainement which hee receaued of those of Rochell, hee sayled to Bordeaux to enfourme Monsieur Monluc of the thinges aboue mentioned, albeit hee was aduertised of eighteene Pinnesses, and a great shippe of two hundred Tunnes full of Spaniardes, which beeing assured of the defeat in Florida, and that he was at Rochell, came as farre as Che-de Bay, the sameChe-de Bay. day that hee departed thence, and followed him as farre as Blay (but he was gotten already to Bordeaux) to make him yeelde an­other account of his voyage, then that where with he made many [Page] Frenchmen right glad. The Catholicke king being afterwarde infourmed that Gourgues coulde not easilye be taken, offered a great somme of money to him that coulde bringe him his heade, praying moreouer king Charles to do iustice on him as of the au­thour of so bloudye an art contrarye to their alliaunce and good leage of friendshippe. In so much as comming to Paris to pre­sent himselfe vnto the king, to signifie vnto him the successe of his voyage, and the meanes which he had to subdue this whole coun­try vnto his obedience, (wherein hee offered to employe his life, and all his goods,) he found his entertainement and aunswere so contrarye to his expectation, that in fine hee was constrained to hide himselfe a long space in the Court of Roan, about the yeare 1570. And without the assistaunce of President Marigny, in whose house hee remained certaine daies, and of the receiuer of Vacquieulx, which alwaies was his faithfull friende, hee had beene in great daunger. Which grieued not a little Dominicke de Gourgues, considering the seruices which hee had done as­well vnto him as to his predecessours kinges of Fraunce. HeeThe birth, life and death of Captaine Gourgues. was borne in Mount Marsan in Guyenne, and employed for the seruice of the most Christian kinges in all the armies made since these twentye fiue or thirtie yeares: at last hee had the charge and honour of a Captaine, which in a place neere vnto Siene, with thirty Souldyers sustained the brunt of a part of the Spanish Army, by which beeing taken in the assault, and hauing all his men cutte in pieces, hee was put into a galcy in token of the good warre and singular fauour which the Spaniarde is wont to shewe vs. But as the galey was going toward Sicil­lie beeing taken by the Turkes, ledde away to Rhodes, and thence to Constantinople, it was shortly afterwarde recouered by Romeguas, commaunder ouer the army of Malta. By this meane returning home, he made a voyage on the coast of Affrica, whence hee tooke his course to Bresil, and to the south Sea. At length being desirous to repaire the honour of Fraunce he sette vpon Florida with such successe as you haue heard. So that be­ing become by his continuall warlike actions both by land and Sea, no lesse valiant Captaine then skilfull Mariner, hee hath made himselfe feared of the Spaniard, and acceptable vnto the Queéne of England for the desert of his vertues. To conclude, he died in the yeare 1582. to the great grief of such as knew him.

FINIS.

A Table of the principall thinges that are con­tained in this historie, after the order of the Alphabet. The letter B. alwayes signifieth the second page.

A
  • Accusations against Laudonniere. 55. b
  • Aduantage wisely taken. 50
  • Ael [...]us Pertinax descēding from base parentage became Emperour of Rome. 9. b
  • Aequara a king. [...]6
  • Agathocles a potters sonne became king of Sicilie. 10
  • Albert left Captain of Charles-fort: Ri­baults speach vnto him. 10. b He is slame by his owne souldiers: the causes why. 15. b
  • Alcibiades banished by backbiters. 52. b
  • An allie of fourehundred pases long. 48
  • Allimacani a king. 30. b and 53. b
  • America vnknowne to all antiquity. 1. the three generall parts thereof. ibidem.
  • Americus Vespucius of whom America tooke the name. ibidem.
  • Anacharaqua a king. 26
  • Ananas a fruite of Great excellency. 18. b
  • Appalassy Mountaines rich in mynes of gold. 2. b. 40. b. and 54. b
  • Assemblies of the Floridians. 3
  • Astina a king rebelleth against Vtina. 43. b
  • Athore the sonne of satourioua. 29. b
  • A village of that name. 46
  • Audusta a king. 11. b. his great humaitie. 39. b
  • Aygles in Florida. 22
B
  • Backbiting dangerous. 52. b
  • Bahama chanel. 35. b
  • Baracou a village in the Isle of Iamai­ca. 35
  • Base a ryuer fifteen leagues Northward of port Royal. 11
  • Bay trees of soueraigne odour. 22
  • Beanes very good. 3. b
  • Bristowe. 59. b
  • Bullets of siluer. 23
  • Bur [...]all of kinges with the manner and strange ceremonies thereof. 3. b
  • Buriall of Priests. ibidem.
  • Burying of goodes with the dead and the cause why the Floridians doe so. 63
C
  • Cadecha a king. 26
  • Caignaueral in 28. degrees. 39
  • Calany a king. 26.
  • Calos a village and a king. 38. his great riches, ibidem▪ the situation of that village. 39
  • Cape Fransois. 4. b
  • Cape [...]userne and why so called. 7
  • Cape Tiburon. 35
  • Cape saint Anthonie. 60
  • Charles-Fort built in port Royal by R [...] ­bault. 10. b. set on fire by casualtie. 14. reedified in twelue houres. 14. b. aban­doned. 16
  • Caroline the French fort built by Lau­donniere in forme of a triangle in the riuer of May. 24. b. beaten down by the French. 49. repaired by the French. 56. b surprised and taken by the spaniardes. 57. b
  • Cassau [...] a roote whereof bread is made. 35
  • Cassine a drinke made of leaues: the ex­cellencie thereof: none may drinke of it but such as haue made proofe of their valure in warre. 3. b
  • Casti a king killed two Frenchmen. 46. and 53. b
  • Causes why the French lost Florida. 49. b and 59. b
  • Cedars. 22
  • Ceremonies vsed by the Floridians be­fore they goe to warre. 28. b
  • Ceremonies to call to minde the death of their auncestours slaine by their ene­mies. 27. b
  • Chamoys skins. 7. and 12
  • Childy a king. 26. a place. 40
  • Chiquola or Chicora a king of great sta­ture. 8. b
  • Chiquola a faire and rich Citie North­warde [Page] of port Royal. 8. b
  • Christopher Cholon or Columb. 1
  • Complaintes of the sauages against the spamardes. 60. b
  • Consultations of the Floridians. 3. & 28. b
  • Consultation of the French where it were best to plant. 23
  • Cordage for tackle found in Florida. 16
  • Corne ripe in three moneths. 3. b
  • Corne equally diuided according to each mans qualitie. 4
  • Couexis a great king. 13
  • Coya a village. 40
  • Cristal, and the place where it groweth in great quantitie. 15
  • Crocodiles exceeding those of Nilus. 14. b
  • Curtesie of the Floridians. 21
  • Cypresses of great heighth 14. b
D
  • Desire of reuenge rooted in the sauages. 47
  • Diligence of the Mariners to saue the French that escaped out of the Fort. 58
  • Diseases & the maner of curing thereof. 4
  • Dominica an Iland and the commenda­tion thereof. 18. b
  • Dominicke Gourgues and his commen­dation. 64
  • Dressing of fish and flesh ouer the smoake called Boucaning. 4
E
  • Eclauou a king. 26
  • Edeland a rich and goodly Iland. 40. & 45. b
  • Election of a new king. 44. b
  • Emoloa a village. 49. Emoloa or Ho­moloa a king 53. b. & 55 b
  • Enacappe a king. 26.
  • Enecaque a village. 4 [...]. b
  • Enegaupe a village. 4 [...]
  • English men succour the French in ex­treame famine. 16. b
  • Enimies taken in warre how vsed by the Floridians. 26. b. & 44. b
  • Epitaphes sette vp ouer the French and Spaniards hanged in Florida. 63. b
  • Esquine a drugge excellent against the French pockes. 22. and 45
  • Execution of foure mutinous souldters. 37
F
  • False reports of Loudonniere. 52. b
  • Famine in great extrenutie. 16. and 42
  • Fier very dangerous in Florida. 24. b
  • Fight and the manner thereof among the Floridians. 48
  • Fish parcks made of reedes in the forme of a labarinth. 5
  • Fish in great aboundance. 6. b
  • Fish to fiftie cart loade kild in the mouth of the Ryuer of May with extreame heate. 31
  • Florida and the description thereof. 1. b the trees, beasts, fowle, gold, siluer, dyes, coulours, and other commodities of Flo­rida. 2. b their manners, wearing of their hayre, exercises, running for games, shooting, playing at bal, hunting, fishing, forme of warre, triumphs, wor­shippe of sunne and Moone. 2. b their treasons. 39. their deepe dissembling. 44. b their subtilties. 47. their chiete feare. 48. b their league with the French. 61
  • Fort beaten downe by the Frenchmen themselues before their departure. 49
  • Francis Iean a Traytour to his owne countrymen. 33. b and 57. b. and [...]8.
  • Frenchmen mistrusted that the English would plant in Florida. 50. b they hidde the siluer which they found in Florida from the English, least the Queene of England shoulde bee encouraged to in­habite there after their departure. [...]1
G
  • Gieure and his message to Laudonniere in the souldiers name. 32. b
  • Gold and siluer founde in the Ryuer of May. 23. b
  • Gold in the mountaines of Apallassy, and the manner howe the sauages resine it. 40. b
  • Gourgues his voiage. 60. his confedera­cie with the sauages. 61. his taking of the two small spanish forts. 62. his ta­king [Page] of the third fort. 63. b his returne to Rochell. 64. his death and commen­dation. 64. b
  • Gouernour of Iamaica taken by the French. 35. his escape. 36
  • Groles or Cornish choughes great de­uourers of the corne in Florida. 22
H
  • Halmacanir a king. 60. b
  • Harpaha a king. 60. b
  • Hauana a towne in Cuba. 35. b
  • Heede to be taken of the Floridians. 47
  • Helicopile a king. 60 b
  • Helmacape a king. 60. b
  • Herinaphrodites common in Florida. 3 their trauaile and paines in carrying of burthens. ibidem. their [...] of [...] ­ture. 23. b
  • Hiatiqui an interpretour. 40
  • High buildings not good in Florida. 24. b
  • Houstaqua a great king. 26. [...]le [...]ing three or foure thousand to the [...]. 40
  • Houstaqua or Hostaqua a village. [...]. b
  • Hoya a king. 12
I
  • Iames Ribault. 58. his bad dealing with Laudonniere. 58. b
  • Iawa the Priest or Magician among the Floridians. 3. b. and 41. his counsaile as [...]ed before they goe to battaile. ibid. his aunsweres are found true. ibid.
  • Indians two taken with consent of their king. 7. b. their dolefull songs [...]. they eate not before the sunne lette. ibidein. their escape 9
  • Indians of Florida vse to trimme them­selues with rich feathers. 12. b
  • Instruments to till the ground like broad mattocks. 3. b
  • Inuocations of the Iawas or Priestes vnto Toya. 13
  • Iohn Hawkins the English Generalis arriuall in Florida. 50. his great hu­manitie and liberalitie to the starued Frenchmen. 51. his departure. 51. b
  • Iohn Ribaults first voyage to florida. 4. b his pithy oration to his company. 9. his building of a fort in port Royal. 10. b. his returne and arriuall in France. 11. b. his second voyage to Florida. 52. howe he was receaued by Laudonniere. 53. an aduertisement vnto him to beware of the spaniardes. 56. his embarkement to followe the spaniardes. 56. his ship­wracke and death. 59 b
  • Iracana a Riuer called by the French the Riuer of somme. 49
  • Isle of Cedars. 7. b
K
  • Kings of Florida at hatred one with ano­ther. 45
  • The king of Edelano caused Peter Gam­by to be murthered for his riches. 40. b
L
  • La Chere a French souldyer eaten of his companions for hunger. 16 b
  • A Lake discouered in Florida from the one side whereof the land cannot be seen to the other. 40
  • A Lake three leagues distant from the village of Potanou. 41
  • Letters of Admiral Chastillon to Iohn Ribault. 56
  • Letters of Admiral Chastillon to Lau­donniere. 53. b
  • Laudonniere was in the first voyage of Ribault vnto Florida. 4 b. he putteth downe in writing the words and phra­ses of the Floridians speach. 8.
  • Laudonnieres seconde voyage to Florida. 18. his arriual there. 19. conspiracie a­gainst hun in his sicknes. 32. his dan­ger of beeing empoysoned. 32. b. his fif­teene daies unprisonment by his owne company. 34. b. his oration to his muti­nous souidiers. 36. his intention to re­mooue his seate more Northward to be neerer the rich mountains of Apalassy. 40 b. hee is hardly vsed by Iohn Ri­bault. 56. b. he had but [...]5. men left in his fort when the spaniardes surprised it. 57. his escape out of their hands. 57. b [Page] his arriual in swansey Bay in Glamor­ganshiere in south Wales. 59. his cur­teous entertainement by one M. Mor­gan. ibidem. his passing by Bristow to London. 59. b. his visiting of Monsieur de Foix the French Ambassador there, his passing ouer into Fraunce to the Court at Moulins. ibidem.
  • Liberality and curtesie are the best means to deale with sauages. 49
  • Lightinng exceeding straunge. 30. it is thought by the sauages to bee ye dischar­ging of the Christians ordinaunce. 30. b
  • Loue and curtesie of the Floridians. 20
M
  • Maccou a king. 13. b
  • Malica a king 27. b. and 53. b
  • Malgualire a kind of vessel that can saile forward and backward. 3 [...]. b
  • Mariages & the slate thereof in Florida. 3
  • Maracou a southerne king. 37. b
  • Martinica an Iland. 18. b
  • Martyres certaine dangerous flats neere the Cape of Florida. 38
  • Mathiaca a king. 37. b. a village of the same name. 40
  • Mattes very artificial. 49
  • Mayarqua a place fourescore leagues vp the riuer of May. 3
  • Mayou a king. 12
  • Mayrta a rich king. 25. b
  • Medlers excellent good. 2
  • Molloua a king. 25. b
  • Molona a king. 26. b
  • Moneths reckoned by Moones in Flori­da. 51. b. and 64
  • Moquoso a king. 26
  • Mosse vsed by the french to calke ships. 16
  • Mosse vsed in s [...]eede of napkins. 27. b. and in steede of apparel. 61
  • Mulbury trees. 2
  • Mulburies white and redde. 5
  • Mutiny against Captaine Albert, and the causes thereof. 15
N
  • Newe Conquests subiect to rebellion and mutinies. 37
  • Newe Corne ripe by the ende of Maye in Florida. 45. b
  • Nicolas Barre chosen in Captaine Al­berts roome. his good gouernment. 15. b
O
  • Oathcaqua a king. 38. b
  • Olata O [...]ae Vtina a great king. 25. b. forty other Kings his vassals. 26
  • Olocotara a King. 62. his valure. ibidem.
  • Omittaqua a King. 26
  • Omoloa a King. 29
  • Onathaqua a King. 37. b
  • Onatheaqua a great King and his rich dwelling. 26
  • Ottigni Laudonnieres Lieutenaunt. 21. commendation of his valure. 48
  • Ouade a King. 13. his rich tapistry made of feathers, and couerlets finely wrote with redde fringe. 13. b. his great libe­ralitie. ibidem.
  • Oile, and the vse thereof in Florida. 4
P
  • Palmes. 22. their leaues serue to thatch houses in Florida. 24
  • Paracoussy signifieth a King and Gouer­nour. 20
  • Partridges grey and redde. 6
  • Passage by the Riuer of port Royall into the south sea. 6. b
  • Patica a King. 36. a village also of that name. 40. and 46. b
  • Painting of faces with blacke and red. 26
  • Pedro Melendes Captaine of the spani­ards in Florida. 57. b
  • Pearles 7. pearles exceeding faire. 15. pearles burnt. 39. b
  • Phisitions and Chirurgions in Florida. 3 they are called Iawas. 12 b
  • Pigeons in strange flocks in Florida. 39. b
  • Piller with the Armes of France thereon set vp. 4. b. and 7. b. it was worshipped by the sauages. 20. b
  • Pinocks a certaine kind of fruit as big as cherries. 43. b. and 45. b
  • Planting in straunge countryes, and the [Page] benesite thereof. 9
  • Planters in strange countries, and their principall scope. 49. b
  • Plates of gold and siluer. 26. and 38
  • Plumes of Egrepthes feathers dyed in redde. 5
  • Pompions very faire. 3. b and 29. b
  • Potanou a great King and his dwelling. 26. hee is enemie to Vtina. 31 hee was accompanied to the warre with two thousand Indians. 41. b
  • Prayer and thankes giuen to God by the French for their safe arriual in Florida. 4. b. and 24
  • Prouision of corne for sixe moneths onely among the floridians. 4
Q
  • Queen Nia-cubacani a woman of singu­ler beauty. 39. b shee is wonderfully ho­noured of her subiectes. ibidem. shee sendeth presents to Laudonniere. 46
R
  • Riuers of May, seine, somme, Loire, Cha­rēte, Garonue, Gironde, Belle, Grande, Belle a veoir, port Royal, Liborne. 6
  • Roots of great price to make bread of. 38. b
  • Roquettes conspiracie. 31. b
  • Rosen to bray ships. 16. and 42. b
  • Rusten Basha of an heardmans sonne be­came the great Turkes sonne in law. 10
S
  • Saint Georges chanel. 5 [...]
  • Sal [...]nacani called by the French the Ri­uer of somme. 61
  • Salutations of Kings. 3
  • Sarauahi a village. 33. and 48. b. a King 54. b
  • Sarrope a rich Iland. 30. b
  • Satourioua Monarch of the confines of the Riuer of May, hauing thirty Kings vnder him. 26. followed with 500. In­dians. 28. b. his subtilty. 45
  • Sauage Isle. 18
  • Sauages in Florida two hundred and fiftie yeares old. 22. their vile nature. 43 their cruel aunsweres. ibidem.
  • Sedition against Laudonaiere the third time. 3. b
  • Seloy a Riuer called by the French the Riuer of Dolphins. 20. and 55. and a village of that name. 55. b
  • Sheepe & Poultry carryed into florida. 50
  • Serranay a King. 30
  • Siertoa phira redde mettal or gold. 54. b
  • Simples of rare vertue. 6. b
  • Skirmish betweene the French and the sauages. 48
  • Sowing of Corne twise in six months. 3. b
  • Spaniardes brought to Laudonniere by [...]e sauages. 38
  • Spaniards in their Conquests enter into allyance with one King to ruine another 41 they vndermine the French. 55. they are discryed. 17. they surprise the French fort. 57. b spamards slaine. 63
  • Spanish subtilty. 62. b
  • Stalame a King 12. his countrey distant fifteen leagues from Charles-fort. ibid.
  • Supply not sent in due tune vnto florida by reason of the ciuill warres of france. 18 and 42. and 42. b
  • Swansey Bay in southwales. 59
  • Silke wormes in exceeding great num­ber. 5. b
  • Siluer founde in florida. 50. b. siluer chaines. 32. b and 61
T
  • Tacatacourou a Riuer. 60. a king of that name. 60. b
  • Tapestry made of feathers of diuerse cou­lours. 13. b
  • Tapestry made of small reedes. 27. b
  • Tempest and mighty flawes of winde in september on the coast of florida. 56
  • Teneriffe an Iland. 18
  • Thimogoua signifieth an enemy, and not a place or country. 22. b
  • Touppa a king. 12
  • Toya a spirite worshipped of the Floridi­ans 8. b. a large description thereof. 12
  • Trenchant an honest and skilfull Pilot. [...]4 b.
  • [Page]Triumphs and the maner thereof among the floridiane. 29
  • Turkicocks in aboundance. 6
V
  • Vale of Laudonniere. 23. b
  • Villages enclosed with trees. 31. b
  • Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the helpe of the french. 31. b. he sendeth siluer and golde and painted skinnes to the french. ibidem. he sendeth to Lau­donniere againe for helpe. 40. b. hee is taken prisoner. 44
  • Vrine drunke for want of freshwater. [...]6
W
  • Warrelike marching and the order there­of. 3. and 31
  • Warrelike prouision. 3
  • Warre and the certaine signe thereof. 47 b
  • Wedgeof siluer presēted to the french. 20. b
  • Winter and howe the sauages passe the same in cottage [...] in the woods for three or foure moneths. 4. their liuing of a­cornes and rootes in the winter. 13. & 42
  • Women of florida are painefull. 3. excel­lent in swimming and climbing. 4
  • Winning of Virgins & young women in florida is [...]ted the greatest victory. 39
FINIS.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.