[Page] THE FAMOVS AND MEMORABLE WORKES OF IOSEPHVS, A MAN OF MVCH HONOVR AND LEARNING AMONG THE IEWES. Faithfully translated out of the Latin, and French, by Tho. Lodge Doctor in Physicke. Bernardus Epistola ad Suggerium.
Tune recentia incundius bona clarescunt, cum fuerint malis comparata prioribus.
Printed at the charges of G. Bishop, S. Waterson, P. Short, and Tho. Adams, 1602.
TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE FATHER OF ARTS AND ARMES CHARLES LORD HOVV [...]RD, BARON OF EFFINGHAM, EARLE of Nottingham, High Constable of the Castle and Forrest of Windsore, Lord chiefe Iustice in Eyre of England, Gouernour and Captaine generall of all her Maiesties maritime Forts and Castles, High Admirall of England and Ireland, Lieutenant of Sussex and Surrey, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, and one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie councell.
RIght Honourable, there is a saying in Zenophon most worthie the citing and insight, that matters of worth and consequence are both to be committed and commended to their trust and protection, who know the waight and value thereof, and both can and will defend the same by authoritie and reason: For this cause and vpon this ground, I haue chosen your Honour out for a most noble patron of this most famous and accomplished Historie of the Iewes, which (for dignitie and antiquitie of the subiect, the elegancie and puritie of the stile, the choice proprietie and copie of words, the grauitie and varietie of sentences, the alterations and memorable euents; and lastly for the birth and dignitie of the Author) requireth a spirit of no lesse wisedome, courage, and nobilitie then your selfe, who haue power to defend, and knowledge to discerne the worth thereof. Uouchsafe therefore to leuell the eie of your esteeme vpon the Center of this happy Historie: and as Themistocles was animated to noble actions by beholding Miltiades Trophies, and Alexander in seeing Achilles tombe, did grieuously sigh with an honourable emulation: so let the zeale, magnanimitie, and admirable constancie which euerie where affronteth you in this booke (and rauisheth the best mindes from the boundlesse troubles of this world, and draweth them into the contemplation of true perfection) so settle your honourable loue and affection to emulate the same, that as for glorie in armes; [Page] so for preseruing and protecting artes, you may outstrip your competitors, and amaisse to curious expectation. And in mine opinion the time challengeth no lesse at your hands: for as your transcendent dignitie and courage hath returned vs a happy haruest in our expected and long possessed peace, as by your second care and diligence next vnder her sacred Maiestie we all reape the fruit and felicitie of blessea abundance; so by your example in reading and respecting both learning and the learned, you shall pull downe that Babel, which confused ignorance hath raised to ouerreach industrie; yea you shall strengthen the weakned abilitie of learning which (alas the while) is now adaies like acommoditie without request scarce saileable by the hands of a cunning broker, nothing is more worth money, and lesse in request: onely the worlds blinde creatures (as S. Ierom tearmeth them) the vnlettered take delight in their errors, whose writings (as Plutarch speaketh of Aristophanes poems) are written for no moderate mans pleasure. Let therefore your vpright estimation of this worke (most noble Earle) awaken the dead deuotion of such as contemne Artes, and let no such corrupt drones (as make sale of sinfull thoughts for good merchandise) buz about the hiue of true science: But as Emperors, Kings, and Princes haue euer in their Greeke, Italian, and French with a respectiue acceptance, and bountifull hand entertained this Historie; so let this translation of Iosephus which courteth you now in English, be accepted at your hands, and countenanced by your honour, for whose vnconfined felicitie both I and other of my name haue euer praied, and will neuer cease to study.
TO THE COVRTEOVS READER As touching the vse and abuse of Historie.
IF Historie were as easily conceited and made vse of, as (according to Baldus) it hath true proportion and documents for the gouernment of mans life, I should hold it no sinne so precisely to prescribe a limitation and bound, to such as should enter the List, and consult with example. For what more pleasing to our selues; or profitable for societies could euer befall vs, then in this theatre of mans life, (wherein Historie affordeth all sorts of actors) to sit and learne preuention by other mens perils, and to grow amplie wise by forraine wreckes; al which being traduced to our priuate vses; we may either as partners in what we haue past, or obseruers of future casualties; by presedent euents, tie ages to our memories: and preuent our escapes, by suruew of other mens repentance, briefly beget experience by sight, or foresight of worldly casualties, and forme a mirror of forepassed errors, to foreiudge our future calamities. But for that it behoueth vs to enter this worldly Academie, the more prepared, the more that Historie is fraught and fulfilled with plentiful fruite, and whereas the difficultie and difference is a like, to yeeld an vpright verdict both of a mans owne, and other mens life, neither may any man rightly examine another (how wise so euer he be) except in equall ballance he weigh his own imperfections; it must necessarily follow on both sides, that with the more wisedome, and the greater obseruation wee ought to entertaine Historie, least our mind like the wind should wander vncertainely, and our deuotion should preuent our resolution; our esteeme our knowledge. For as in an ample and well furnished and affluent banquet, although some things, (and they to few men) seeme pleasant, othersome to other are without taste and seeme tart, and euerie one iudgeth his meate not by proofe, but by the pallate; yet notwithstanding there is a certaine mean, which either natures ordinarie, or the defined kind of nutriment (being simple and incorrupt) hath fashioned and fixed for most aptest for the body; from which whosoeuer varieth, or either beyond measure, or without iudgment, followeth his foolish appetite, and glutting himselfe beyond discretion, reapeth more in commoditie then pleasure by these pleasures: So in the diuersitie of mans life, although a thousand formes, a thousand similitudes bee offered, and that euerie man fashioneth other mens manners to his mind, yet is their but one true path that vertue walketh in, which whosoeuer tracketh with [Page] iudgement, doth truly know the vse of life; whereas they that sit in a plentifull banquet, in affecting all things, can make vse of nothing. Now how many are there, I pray you, that in respect either of their owne, or other mens acts & words (according to the rule of vertue) can be more choise in iudging minds, as meats, and that in this matter seemeth not sufficiently instructed? wherein I wonder that men espie not their errors, whereas they imagine that Historie is the instructor of such as read the same, whereas it onely yeeldeth matter of instruction, euen as the banquet ministreth meat according to euerie mans affection. Some therefore are seduced with the sweetnes of the stile, and in seeking their pleasure, lose their profit; who reape no other fruit of Historie, then to beguile time, and beget officious idlenes, laughing away houres, and nourish repent: others in reading glorie, hunt it in a shadow, where if they could make vse of it in proportion, they could not fall to repent it. And whereas no man can aspire to true glorie without true vertue, neither no wise man will hope further, yet see we many men, that because they haue read many excellent works, will be Capricious and pretend wisedome; resembling those tragedians, who will after they haue discharged themselues of their parts, and apparrell wherein they counterfaited the Emperour, yet retaine his royall and princely manners: Some triuiall and light witted, that make an Eclipse of a shadow, make more of the embleme, then the worke; the habit then the Doctor: So admirable effects worketh history in mens mind. Now whereas it is the most exact and chiefest intent of historie to awaken mans idlenes, and arme them against casualties, and the whole bent of example hath no other issue, it falleth out thorow mens securitie (who suppose that their neighbours perils concerneth them not) that whatsoeuer is of note, is ouerslipt with a deafe and sleeping iudgement, and things that memorie should best loue, are lost in her. To conclude, there are some that will haue euerie mans shooe fitted on their owne last, & tie all mens pens to their own pleasures: For which cause partly by reason of this secret, partly thorow this ill ordered, confused, and rash method of reading, as of corrupt humours, so is there growen a certaine [...] of iudgement and resolution: and as in intemperate bodies, meat yeeldeth verie little profit; so reape they no fruit or benefit by their reading. By this good reader thou maist easily conceiue, how a historie ought to be read: how mens liues ought in them selues be examined: finally how equal a proportiō is required in both. And truly in my opinion the chiefest ground of this difficultie, is the peruersnes of our iudgements, which is the cause we the rather respect our own inclinations what they are, then the true life and force of example. Furthermore this is no lesse miserie then the former, that such as write set downe such things as are acted, not onely for their profit sake, but to feed their owne humours: and like to certaine Architects (by interposing their iudgements) doe vainely praise some things, supposing that our imitation should betied to their pleasure; where if they performed what they ought to do, the reader should incounter with no such distractions: but now in like manner as Cookes who rather expect their masters pleasurable taste, then his profit; would God the Historiographer did not affect flatterie. It therefore appeareth that in two sorts (first in our owne iudgement; and next to the preiudice of those that write) we are circumuented; in that [Page] they set not downe such euents as passe, in their owne nature and as they are. For he that writeth an Historie is the interpretor of those things that are past, whose iudgement being depraued, it fareth with him as with the purest & most richest wine, which waxeth mustie by reason of that vessel wherein it is inclosed, or is by sophistication corrupted, which is the greatest folly, & most intolerable deceit that may befal men. They therfore, who negligētly vndertake a historiy, (or suppose that life were to be past rashly, and without an exact obseruance of all offices) are no lesse deceiued then certaine countrey pesants in the last troubles of France (of whose folly I drewe some example) who attempting and entring vpon a citie not farre off from them, & lighting into an Apothecaries shop furnished with all kind of drugs and dainties, and being allured by the pleasure, odors and delight of the confections they tasted; and supposing all to be of the same kind, deuoured, tasted, and swallowed downe euery thing: whereupon some fell sicke of feauers, some grew phrensie, and manie lost their liues to please their appetites, at leastwise he that scaped best, gaue occasion of laughter to the lookers on. For as life, so Historie (the image of life) is fraught with pleasure, and displeasure; and onely in the vse of life, the wisedome of life consisteth. Fare well, vse this, and my selfe as two twinnes borne for thy profit.
THE TITLES OF ALL SVCH BOOKES AS ARE CONTAINED IN THIS HISTORIE
- 1. A Historie in twentie bookes, wherein the Antiquitie of the Iewes is discouered.
- 2. Seuen bookes of the Warres of the Iewes.
- 3. Two bookes against Apion the Gramarian, in Iustification of the Antiquitie of the Iewes.
- 4. A booke as touching the memorable martyrdome of the Machabees.
- 5. Iosephus Life. Written by himselfe all.
A briefe computation of time, verie profitable and necessarie in the vnderstanding of this Historie.
- FRom-Adam vntill the Deluge, there were—1656
- From the Deluge vntill Abrahams time—292
- From Abraham vntill the departure out of Aegypt—500
- From the departure out of Aegypt, vntill the building of the temple by Salomon—480
- From the building of the temple, vntill the captiuitie in Babylon—410
- From the returne from the captiuitie, vntill the Machabees time—432
- From the Machabees time, vntill Herods—134
- From Herods time, vntill the finall and fatall destruction of Ierusalem—103
The Iewes haue two sorts of yeeres: the Politique sort which beginneth in September, and the Sacred or Ecclesiastique which beginneth in March.
They haue twelue Moneths or Moones, euerie third yeere hath a thirteenth Moneth of 22. daies, and the fourth yeere hath a thirteenth moneth of 23. daies.
Before the captiuitie of Babylon, they accounted the moneths successiuely by 1. 2. 3. &c. since their returne they haue named them rather after the maner of the Chaldees then Hebrewes.
The Hebrew. | The English. | The Greeke. |
Nisan | March | Andimen |
Ziu or Iar | Aprill | Leritien |
Sluan | May | Distre |
Tamaz | Iune | Xantique |
Ab | Iuly | Arthemisien |
E [...]ul | August | Desien |
Ethanin or Tisrij | September | Paneme |
Bul or Markesuan | October | Loïe |
Casleu | Nouember | Gorpian |
Thebet | December | Hiperberet [...] |
Sebath | Ianuarie | Dien |
Adar. | Februarie. | Apelleen. |
- Moyses
- Iosuah
- Othoniel
- Aod
- Baruc and Debora
- Gedeon
- Abimelech
- Thola
- Iair
- Ieptha
- Absan
- Elon
- Abdon
- Sampson
- Eli
- Samuel.
- Saul
- Dauid
- Salomon
- Roboam
- Abia
- Asa
- Iosaphat
- Ioram
- Ochozias
- Athalia
- Ioas
- Amasias
- Ozias
- Ioathan
- Achaz
- Ezechias
- Manasses
- Amon
- Iosias
- Ioachas
- Eliachim
- Ioachin
- Sedechias.
- Zorobabel
- Rhesa
- Iehan Ben Resa
- Iudas Hyrcanus
- Ioseph
- Abner
- Heli
- Mahat
- Nagge
- Haga [...]eli
- Naum
- Amos
- Mat [...]hathias
- Ioseph Arses
- Iannes Hyrcan [...]
- Mattathias.
- Iudas
- Ionatha [...]
- Simon
- Iohn Hyrcanus.
- [Page]Aristobulus 1.
- Iohn Alexander
- Alexandra
- Aristobulus 2.
- Hyrcanus.
- Aristobul [...] the son of Arist.
- Aristobulus 3.
- Hyrca [...]us.
- Antipater
- Herod the great
- Archelaus the great
- Agrippa the son of Agrippa
- Aaron
- Eleaz [...]
- Phinees
- Abi [...]a
- Busqui
- Oses
- Heli
- Achitob
- Achimelech
- Ab a [...] ha [...]
- Sadoc
- Achimaas
- Azarias.
- Iora [...]
- Ioses
- Axioram
- Sudeas
- Ioathan
- Urias
- Nerias
- Odeas
- Sellum
- Helcias.
- Sar [...]ia
- Iosedech
- Ios [...]
- Ioacim
- Eliasib
- Eleazar
- Manasses
- Onias 2.
- Simon 2.
- Onias 3.
- Ioiada
- Ionatha [...]
- Iadus
- Onias 1.
- Simon 1.
- Iason
- Onias 4.
- Lysimachus
- Alcimus.
- Simon B [...]thus
- Ioseph 1.
- Ioseph 2.
- Ioazar
- Eleazar
- Iosuah the son of Sias
- Ioazar
- A [...]us
- [...]
- Theoph [...]
- S [...]
- Mattathias
- Elion
- Ioseph 3.
- Ananias
- Ismael
- Ioseph
- Annas
- Eleazar
- Simon
- Ioseph Caiphas
- Ionathan
- Iosuah the son of Da [...]eus
- Iosuah the son of G [...]liel
- Matthias
- Phinees or Pa [...]s.
- Ieroboam 1.
- Nadab
- Baasa
- Ela
- Zamri
- Amri
- Achab
- Ioram
- Iehu
- Ioacha [...].
- Ioas
- Ieroboam 2.
- Zacharie
- Manahem
- Pecha the son of Manahem
- Pecha the son of Romelia
- Oseas
- Phulhelechus
- Phulassar
- Salmanassar
- Sennacherib
- Assaradon
- Berodach Benmerodach
- Nabuchodonosor 1.
- Nabuchodonosor the great
- Euilmerodach
- Neriglossorar
- Labosardach
- Baltassar.
- Cyrus
- Cambyses
- Smerdes Magus.
- Darius the son of Hystaspis
- Zerxes the son of Darius
- Artabanus the tyrant
- Artaxerxes wt a long hand
- Zerxes
- Sogdianus
- Darius the bastard
- Artaxerxes Mnemo [...]
- Artaxerxes Ochus
- Arsames
- Darius the son of Arsames
- Seleucus Nicanor
- Antiochus Soter
- Antiochus surnamed God
- Seleucus Callinicus
- Seleucus Cerau [...]s
- Antiochus the great
- Seleucus Philopator.
- Antiochus Epiphanes
- Antiochus Eupator
- Demetrius Soter
- Alexander Epiphanes
- Demetrius Nic [...]nor
- Antiochus Sedetes
- Demetrius Nicanor
- Alexander Zebina
- Antiochus Gryphus
- Antiochus Cyzicen [...]
- Seleucus Gryphius
- Antiochus Pius.
- Ptolomey Soter
- Philadelphus
- Euergetes
- Philopator
- Epiphanes
- Philometor
- Euergetes Phiscon.
- Lathyrus
- Alexander
- Auletes
- Cleopatra.
- Abibalus
- Hiram
- Belastartus
- Abdastartus
- Astartus
- Astarimus
- Phelletes
- Ithoballus
- Badezor
- Mett [...]
- Pigm [...]lion.
For the better vnderstanding of the Coines and measures, whereof there is some mention made in this Historie; obserue I pray you that which followeth.
Sath was a measure containing about some seuen pintes French.
The Epha contained three Saths.
The Core or Homer contained ten Ephas, that is to say thirtie Saths, and was the same measure both in drie and liquid things.
The Log contained a French pinte in measure.
The Hin contained twelue Logs.
The Bath contained as much as the Epha.
The Cad was a kinde of pitcher containing such a quantitie as a young maiden might well carrie.
The common Sicle contained the waight of foure ounces, whether it were of gold, siluer, or of any other mettall.
The sacred or holy Sicle waied halfe an ounce of any mettall whatsoeuer.
The common Sicle of siluer was valued at about some shilling of our money.
The holy Si [...]e of siluer was valued at about some two sh [...]llings.
The common Drachme was the eight part of an ounce.
The sacred Diachme was the fou [...]th part of an ounce.
The Pound waied twelue ounces.
The ordinarie Tale [...] contained fiftie foure pounds, eight ounces, and a quarter of Troy waight in any mettall: yet was it not currant money, but a masse made vp after the manner of an ingot.
The sacred Talent contained one hundreth pounds.
Furthermore note this for your better knowledge, that when as Iosephus quoteth the Olympiades without any specification of the yeeres therein contained, he orderly comprehendeth the space of foure yeers compleat.
Furthermore, where the Latin word Stadium hath diuers Significations amongst both Greekes and Latins (as the [...] betweene P [...]ie and Diodorus Siculus may well testifie) and for that diuers of our English translators haue somenmes called it a Stade, other whi [...]e a Stound, and otherwhiles improperly, a Fu [...] long; I pray you in reading this Historie wheras any of these words occurre, suppose them for one and the same measure of ground, and according to the Greekes account (which I suppose Iosephus most respected in this Historie) conclude it to be either of 600. foote as the Olympique, that is of 120. paces, or as the Pyr [...]hique, which contained 1000. foote, that is 200. paces. As for the furlong, either multiply him 8. times to make him a Stade, or as an ouersight in the printing, let it passe with the Errata.
GEntle reader, let it stand with thy patience I beseech thee, to correct those errors that shall occurre in this historie, as fauourablie as wee haue ouerslipt them vnwillinglie; and count it no lesse virtue in thee to wincke at them with discretion, as for mee to let them passe thorowe ouer-sight: if thou doe this, hope better: for thy sufferance shall make me circumspect, if not according to that in Plautus: Quod dedi non datum vellem; quod reliquum est non dabo.
Errata.
Fol. 4. line 3. for who, read which. f. 21. l. 14. for s [...]aightes read straightes. Ibidem l. 50. for Sara read Rebecca. f. 37. l. 42. for thou read you. f. co [...]. l. 45. for thou read you. f. 134. l. 51. for deliuer them from those, read deliuer those f. 261. l. 40. for Babylon read Ierusalem. f. 274. l. 39. for be began read beg [...]n. f. 279.l. 38. for compassion read composition. f. 299. l.57. read for ould ould yeares, ould yeares. f. 361. l. 36. read for I [...]dea, Iudaea. f. [...]80. l. 40. for 15 read 50. f. 63 [...]. l. 1. for aide read warre.
THE FIRST BOOKE A B OF THE MOST AVNCIENT HISTORIE OF THE IEWES:
A most excellent Preface, containing the causes which induced the Author to write this Historie, together with the contents and intents of the same. C
CHAP. I.
THEY that indeuour themselues to write Histories, seeme not (in my opinion) to haue one and the same intent and motiue, but diuers and verie different causes of their labours: for some of them are addicted to this studie, vnder pretence to exemplifie their eloquence, and vnder hope to purchase glorie thereby; other some to the end to giue them content, whose worthy actions they couch and commend D in their writings, haue intermitted no time nor (to their power) spared no labour. Some there are that hauing beene present in person, and eie witnesses in the execution of great affaires, haue necessarily beene inforced to reduce and digest the same in writing: neither wanted there some, who seeing occurrences of high and necessarie consequence (which otherwise had beene buried in ignorance) haue beene incited (in respect of common good) to imploy both hand and head, in the publishing thereof: now of these forenamed causes; the two last are they that incited me to the like. For the warre which we had with the Romaines, and the accidents and issues on both parts, (all which in person I beheld, and to my perill E I haue learned) do compell me to declare the same, and the rather for that there are some, who in their writings, haue depraued and peruerted the truth. I haue therefore taken this worke in hand, for that in my opinion the knowledge thereof, will be both pleasing and profitable to the Graecians: for it shal containe the antiquitie of our whole nation, their forme of common-weale, both translated and gathered out of the Antiquities and Chronicles of the Hebrewes. Truth tis, that heretofore, and at such time also as I composed the Historie of the foresaid warre, I had pr [...]ected and purposed with my selfe, to lay open to the world, how and whence the Iewes had their first originall, what alterations in fortune they had falne into, by what law-maker they had beene instructed in pietie, and incited to the exercise of vertue: how many warres they haue sustained by long and diuers times, and finally how against their will they haue beene intangled in this last F warre, which they waged against the Romaines. But for that the content of this matter, was too ample and copious, I haue separated it apart, assigning thereunto this treatise accomplished from the beginning euen vnto the end: afterwards in processe of time (as it vsually hapneth to those that attempt matters of mightie consequence) I was surprized with a certaine delay, and slothfulnesse that withdrew me from the translation of so waightie a matter, in an vnfamiliar and forraine language. Yet some there were, who inflamed with a desire of knowledge, animated me in this [Page 2] action; and especially Epaphroditus, a man enamoured of all learning, and who in especial, tooke G it for a pleasure, to take knowledge of the diuers occurrences of common-weales: as he that had beene agent, in diuers affaires of importance, and sundrie accidents; in all which he hath shewed, a marua [...]lous magnanimitie of courage, with an vnmoueable resolution to follow vertue. Being thus perswaded by him, who is accustomed to incourage those vnto good actions, whome hee perceiueth to be apte and prepared to performe things profitable and honest: and (that which is more) being ashamed in my selfe, that I should rather take delight to follow idlenesse, than addict my selfe to any laudable exercise; I inforced my se [...]fe more couragiously then before time; and (besides all that which hath beene spoken) I haue effectually considered with my selfe, that our auncestors haue thought good to communicate and publish the knowledge of our Histories to the Grecians, if so be that any of them were curious to vnderstand the same: I haue found therfore H that Ptolomey king of Egypt the second of the name, (highly affectioned to good letters, and desirous to store and gather bookes) was earnestly desirous, that our lawe and the rules thereof, and the prescript forme of ou [...] liuing should be translated into the Greeke tongue. And as touching the hie Priest Eleazar (who hath not been second in vertue to any other whatsoeuer) he refused not to make the said King partaker of the effect of his desire: to which he had wholy contradicted, had it not beene the ordinarie course of our auncestors, not to conceale from other men, what thing soeuer was honest. For which cause I haue helde it a matter no waies vndecent for me, to follow the vertuous courage of that same great sacrificer, and the rather for that at this day (onely in as much as concerned learning) I supposed many also to be no lesse affected to good letters then the king: for he vndertooke not to haue all the writings I which we had, but those translators who were sent vnto him to Alexandria, did onely communicate that vnto him which was in our lawe. But those things that are found written in the sacred bookes of holy Scripture are infinite, being such as containe in them, the Historie of fiue thousand yeares, in which diuers vnexpected chances, sundry fortunes of warre, and many changes of politike estates are discouered. In some, if any one haue a desire to reade this Historie, he shall principally learne and apprehend, that all things fall out happily, and beyond their expectation to those men, who obserue the will of God; and are affraid to transgresse the lawes of his commandements; and that God hath prepared for such the crowne and reward of felicitie. Contrariwise, if they shall depart from the diligent obseruance thereof, that which is easie, shall be made impossible, and their indeuours in their opinion good, shall end in incurable K calamities. For which cause I exhort all those that shall reade these bookes, to fix their mind vpon God, and that they approue our law-maker, if (as it worthely deserued) he hath considered the diuine nature; and attributed to the same such actions as are alwaies agreeable to his power, and hath kept and continued his narration, free from the vanitie of fables, wherwith others are poisoned: although in respect of the length of time, and the antiquity of things, he might without controule faine and imagine whatsoeuer vanities: for hee was borne more then two thousand yeeres ago, which is a continuance of ages, to which the Poets neither durst referre the original of their Gods; neither the deedes or lawes of men, whereof they make mention. But in pursuit of our Historie, the sequell of our discourse, shall declare all things exactly, and in conuenient order. For in compiling this worke, I haue promised to adde nothing, neither L to pretermit any thing: and for that all whatsoeuer we shall declare, doth almost wholy depend, on the wisedome of our law-maker Moses; It is necessarie before all other things, that I speake somewhat of himselfe, least perhaps any man should wonder how this labour hauing been enterprised, to discouer the words and workes of certaine persons, is also employed for the greatest part in describing and discouering things that are naturall. We ought therefore to know, that Moses thought it most especially necessarie, either for him that will rightly dispose his life, or impose lawes to other men, that first and in especiall he haue the knowledge of the nature of God; to the ende that conceiuing in his mind the greatnes of his workes; he might as much as in him lieth, imitate his most vnequall example; and follow him with all diligence. For it is impossible, that a law-maker being voide of this contemplation, should M haue good sence; or that his writings should be of any moment to induce them vnto vertue, who should receaue those lawes, except before all things they should learne, that God who is the Father and Lord of all, and that seeth all, giueth happie life vnto those that follow him; and contrariwise inuironeth them with great calamities, who forsake the way of vertue and righteousnesse: Moses therefore intending to instruct his Citizens in this doctrine, began not his ordinances with the treatise of contracts, and couenaunts, which we practise one with another, as [Page 3] other law-makers were accustomed to doe: but he hath lifted their spirits on high, to the ende A they might thinke on God, and on the ornament of this world made by him, perswading that the most accomplished worke among all those things which God had made in the world, was the creation of vs men: After that he had made them capable of things concerning pietie; then might he more easily perswade them in the rest. Whereas other law-makers, addicting themselues vnto fables, haue in their discourse imposed on their Gods the infamie of sinnes committed by men, and by that meanes haue brought to passe, that the wicked sort are yet more wicked and addicted to euill doing. But as touching our law-maker, after he had declared that God had in himselfe all vertue pure, and vnspotted, he hath thought good that men also should endeuour themselues to be partakers of the same, and on those that neither conceiue nor belicue those thing [...], he inflicteth a grieuous and inexorable punishment: I exhort the reader therfore B to examine our writings according to this Maxime: for to those that consider after this maner, nothing shal seeme either absurd, or vnworthy the magnificence of God; by reason that all things haue their disposition conformable to the vniuersall nature, which our Law-maker hath declared sometimes obscurely, sometimes in conuenient allegories grauelie; and otherwise expressing that manifestly, and publishing that in plaine words, which he ought openly to make knowne. The causes whereof if any man would search, he might find a most deepe and verie Philosophicall contemplation; which I ouerslip at this present, without longer staying thereon: but if God shall giue me time I will inforce my selfe to compose it in a volume as soone as I shal haue finished this worke. For this present then I will apply my selfe, to expose those thinges which haue beene done, beginning at the creation of the world, according as Moses hath spoken C and I haue found it written in the holy scriptures, which testifie and intreat to this effect a [...] followeth.
CHAP. II.
The Creation of the world.
IN the beginning, God created heauen and earth: now the earth, not being subiect to A [...] [...], 1. before the [...] of Christ, 3963. Gen [...]sis 1. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 1. The creation of the world▪ The first day. sight, but couered with thicke darkenesse, and trauersed with an ayre comming from high: God commanded that there should be light; and after the light was made hauing considered the vniuersall matter, he seperated the light from the darkenesse, and named the darknesse D Night, and the light Day; calling the Morning the beginning of the day, and the Euening the time wherein we cease from trauell, and this was the first day which Moses in his language called a day, whereof at this present I could giue a sufficient reason: but for that in a particular discourse I haue promised to write the generall causes of all; I will referre the declaration thereof, to his conuenient time and place. After this, the second day, he placed [...]he heauen aboue all the The second day. world, and hauing separated it from other things, he thought good to giue it a place apart; and making it firme by the meanes of a Christalline matter, he endowed it with a qualitie moist and rainy, and did harmoniously accord the earth with it, to the end the increase thereof should be watred by dewes. The third day, he firmly established the earth, spreading the sea round about The third day. the same; and the same day, he with a word caused all plants and seedes to spring vpon the face of E the earth. The fourth day, he embellished the heauens with the Sunne, the Moone, and Starres, The fourth day. ordaining them their motions and cou [...]ses by which the seasons orderly ensuing, might be distinguisht. In the fift day, he made all kinde of liuing creatures which dwell vpon the face of the The fift day. earth, as well they that swimme in the deepest waters, as those that flie in the ayre; vniting them togither by couples and paires, to the end that each in their kinde, might increase and multiply. The sixt day, he made all four-footed beasts, & distinguisht them into male and female: and in the The sixt day same day, he formed man. So that Moses saith, that the world and all that is therein was made in six whole daies, and that on the seuenth day, God tooke rest and ceased from his labours. By reason whereof we likewise desist from trauell on that day which we call Sabath, which is to say, Repose. Sabbat [...].
After the seuenth day, Moses began to describe the originall of man and the manner of his F Creation in these tearmes: God framed man of the dust of the earth, and powred into him a spirit and soule, which man was called Adam, an Hebrew worde signifying ruddie, because he Hedio & Ru [...] finus, chap G [...]es. [...] [...]entor [...]sicke. was made of e [...], tempered with redde or yeallow: for the earth which is rightly called a virgin, that is to say, earth not remooued but elementarie, is of that colour. Then brought God all kinde of liuing creatures before Adam, shewing him as well the male as the female: on w [...]m Adam bestowed those names, which to this present time they retaine. And seeing that Adam had [Page 4] female to accompany and liue with him (for as yet there was no woman) and for that he thought G The yeare of the world. 1. before Christis Natiuit [...]e 3963. it strange that all other liuing creatures had their companions: God tooke one of his ribbes from him at such time as he slept, and of the same he formed a woman; who being brought before Adam, he did acknowledge that she was made for him. Now in Hebrew a woman is called Isha, [...] the mo [...] o [...] all uing [...]ures. Pa [...]acice. but this was called Eua, which is as much to say, as the mother of all liuing creatures. He declareth also, that God planted in the East a garden, flourished and adorned with all sortes of plants; amongst which was the tree of life, and an other the tree of intelligence, by which was knowne both good and euill. And after he had brought Adam and his wife into this garden, he commanded them to keepe and cherish the plants. Now this garden is watred by a riuer that inuironeth The [...]. slouds of Paradice The [...] P [...]ison or Gan [...], [...], Hed. Seth. 2. Eph [...]tes. 3. Tygris. 4. Geh [...]n, Nilus. Hedio Ruffinus, cap. 3. the whole earth, which diuideth it selfe into 4. chanels or riuers. That which is called Phison (which name signifieth abundance or multitude) floweth by the land of India, and entereth into H the great sea, and is by the Greekes called Ganges. As touching Euphrates and Tygris, they flow into the redde sea. Euphrates is called Phora (that is to say dispersion or flower.) Tygris is called Diglat (which signifieth streight and swift.) Gehon runneth by the countrey of Aegypt, and signifieth as much as comming from the East: the Greekes call it Nilus. Now God commanded Adam and his wife to eate of the fruites of all other plantes, and that they should abstaine from that of science; telling them, that at what time soeuer they should taste of the same, they should die the death. Whereas then at that time, all liuing creatures were at accord one with another; the Serpent conuersing with Adam and his wife, was inflamed with enuie, for that he sawe they The subtilty of the Serpent. should be happy if they continued in the obseruation of Gods commandements: and that contrariwise, they should cast themselues headlong into ruine and destruction, if they should disobey I the same. He therefore maliciously perswaded the woman, to taste the fruit of the tree of intelligence, giuing her to vnderstand, that the knowledge of good and euill was in the same; and that as soone as they had tasted thereof, they should lead a life no lesse happy then Gods: and by this meanes he caused the woman to fall, which tooke no regard of the ordinance of God. For hauing her selfe tasted of this fruit, and finding it pleasant and delicious in taste, she perswaded her husband also to taste the same, at which time they vnderstood that they were naked, and sought meanes to couer themselues: (for this fruit had in it selfe, the vertue to giue vnderstanding, and Adam and E [...]ahs fall. to quicken the thought.) Then couered they themselues with fig leaues, which they put before their priuities, esteeming themselues more happy then they were before, in that they had found out that which they wanted. But when as God came into the garden, Adam (who before K times was accustomed familiarly to talke with him) finding himselfe guiltie of sinne, hid himselfe from his presence: but God wondring hereat, asked him for what cause he fled and shunned him at that time, whereas before time he had taken pleasure to talke familiarly with him? Adam knowing that he had transgressed the ordinances and commandements of God, God speaketh. vnto Adam. answered him not a word, but God spake vnto him after this manner: I had prouided for you the meanes whereby you might haue led your life without sufferance of any euill, or sense of any miserie: so that all whatsoeuer was requisite for necessitie or pleasure, might happen of it selfe vnto you, by my onely prouidence, without any trauell or care on your parts, which if you had well vsed, age had not so soone ouertaken you, but that you might haue liued many yeares: but thou hast scorned this mine ordinance, and broken my commandement. For in L that thou art silent at this time, it proceedeth not of vertue, but of euill; of which thou findest thy selfe culpable: wherefore both old age shall quicklier come vpon thee, and the daies of thy life shall be shortened. Adam excused his sinne, and required at Gods hands, that he would Adam asketh pardon. not be incensed against him, laying the fault of that which had happened on his wife, alleadging that he had offended by reason he was suborned by her: and the woman accused the Serpent. Adams punishment. Eu [...]s punishment. The seed of the woman (that is Christ) shall br [...]ise the [...]rpents head. Genes. 3. [...] [...]pents [...] But at that time God punished him, because he had suffered himselfe to be ouercome by the counsaile of a woman; that the earth thence forward neuer more of her owne accord should bring foorth fruit: but that when they had trauailed and almost deuoured themselues in labour, it should sometimes giue them foode, and at other times refuse to sustaine them. And as touching Eue, he chastised her with child-bearing, and throwes in trauell, for that being M her selfe deceiued by the Serpent, she had drawne her husband by the same meanes into extreame miserie. He tooke also from the Serpent his voice, and was displeased against him, * by reason of the malice he had conceiued against Adam, and he put venome on his tongue, declaring him an enemie both to man and woman, whom he commanded to bruise the head of the Serpent, as well for that the euill which chanced vnto men consisted in the head, as also [...]at being assaulted in that part he is most easily done to death. Moreouer hauing depriued [Page 5] him of his feete, he condemned him to slide and traile himselfe along the earth. And after The yeare of th [...] world. [...]. before Christs birth. 3963. A that God had ordained them to suffer those punishments, he translated Adam and Eue out of the garden into another place.
CHAP. III.
Of the Posteritie of Adam: and of the ten ages euen vnto the Deluge.
BVt Adam and Eue had two male children, the first whereof was called Cain (which signifieth Hedio & Ruf [...] nus. chap. 4. Genef 4. Of Cain & Abel brethren. acquisition) and the second was called Abel (which is as much to say as mourning) they had also daughters. These brothers addicted themselues each one of them to their particular exercises: Abel the younger honoured iustice, and (supposing that God was present in all his actions) he alwaies and wholy fixed his thoughts on vertue: and his exercise B was keeping of sheepe. But Cain (being the wickedest man amongst men, and addicted to In the yeare of the world. 70. before the birth of Christ. 3894. vnsatiable desire of profit) was he that first found out the vse of the Plough, and who killed his brother for the cause which ensueth. Hauing concluded among themselues to sacrifice vnto God, Cain offered the fruites of his labour, and planting; Abell presented milke, and the firstlings of his folde: which sacrifice of his, was more acceptable to God, in that it rather consisted The sacrifice o [...] Cain & Abel. of things produced of themselues by the order of nature, then that which a couetous man had forcibly in a manner extorted from nature. Hereupon Cain (being wroth because his Weake reason in Ioseph. Cain slew his brother Abel. The talk twixt God and Cain. brother Abell was more honoured by God then himselfe) slewe his brother; and hauing hidden his bodie out of sight, he thought that such a murther should be concealed. But God knowing well this fact; appeared to Cain, and questioned with him as concerning his brother, C what might become of him, for that many daies since he had not seene him; when as heretofore he had alwaies seene him conuersant before him. Cain (being troubled, and ignorant what aunswere he should make vnto God) said first that he wondered what was the cause his brother was so long time absent: and finally aggreeued in that God continued the quest, and did more exactly seeke after him; he said he was [...]ot his brothers keeper, or bound to take care of his affaires. Then God reproued and conuicted Cain of murthering his brother, and spake vnto him after this manner, saying, that he wondered he should denie the knowledge of his brothers death, whereas he himselfe had slaine him: notwithstanding he acquited him of the punishment deserued for this murther, by reason that Cain had done sacrifice, and made request vnto God, that it might please him, to remit somewhat of the seueritie of his iustice against him: D yet did God curse him, and threaten to punish his successors to the seuenth generation. Then Cains banishment. did he driue him & his wife out of that countrey, whereat being affrighted (for feare he should be encountred and taken by some sauage beast, and that he should perish after that sort) God commanded him to suspect no dangerous euent for that cause, assuring him that he might safely trauaile thorow all regions without being eyther assaulted or seased by sauage beastes: and hauing set his marke vpon him, by which he might be knowen; he commaunded him to depart the countrey. After that Cain (accompanied with his wife) had trauailed thorow diuers regions, Cain is not bettered by Gods Cha [...]sements. he builded: Nais (it was a place so named) and made his aboad therein, and in that place had childre [...]: But he receiued not this chasticement for his better amendment, but rather became worse and worse: for he abandoned himselfe to all pleasures of the bodie, making it E his sport to outrage those with whom hee conuersed, filling his house with riches gotten by rapine and violence; and inciting other men to follow his pleasutes and theftes, he became their Lord and master of all mischieuous exercises: he ouerthrew that simplicitie which men before that time had vsed in their mutuall societies, by the inuentions of measures and waights; Measures and waights found out by Cain. the ignorance whereof was the cause that the life of man was estranged from deceite: but in steede and place of free and auncient courage he introduced fraud and deceit. He it was that first bounded the fieldes; and builded the first Citie, and made a wall and rampire, enforcing his followers to dwell therein. This Citie was named Enosa, by the n [...]me of Enos his first begotten Enosa the first Citie. sonne. But Iared was the sonne of Enos, of Iared issued Malehel, whose sonne was Mathusala, who begotte Lamech, who had 77. children by his two wiues Sella and Ada: amongst whom F Iobel the sonne of Ada was the first that made Tents, and tooke delight to lead a pastorall li [...] contenting himselfe with the same. Iubal his brother germaine exercised musicke, and inuented Iubal inuentor of musicke. the Psalterie, and the Harpe. And as touching Thobell one of his sonnes, by his other wife, he surpassed all other his brethren in force; and brauely managed the affaires of warre, by which waies he got more ample riches, and meanes to maintaine his life with more pleasure. He it was that first inuented the art of forging, and the shop also: and was father to a daughter named [Page 6] Naama. But Lamech being well exercised in Gods lawe, and foreseeing that he should suffer punishment G In the yea [...]e of the world. [...]o. be. fore Christ [...] birth 3894. Cain the father of hipocrites and cuill men. for the fratricide of Cain, told it to his wiues.
So it was that during the life of Adam himselfe, the successors of Cain were most wicked, teaching & imitating one an others wickednes, the last of them prouing alwaies the worst: so that they were strangely inflamed to follow warre and theft: and if perhaps some of them were more remisse then the other in murthers, and committing outrages; yet notwithstanding were they bould enough to spoyle and possesse the goods and heritage of other men.
But Adam the first man made of earth (for the Historie requireth that I should returne to speake of him) after the death of Abel, & the flight of Cain, betooke himselfe to beget children, highly affecting succession and posteritie, being about the age of two hundreth and thirty yeers: besides which, after he had liued some seuen hundreth more, at last he died: amongst whose H Adams yeares. 930. Seth the sonne of Adam a vertuous man. children (which were many) he had Seth. And for that it were too long to speake of all of them, I will onely touch that which concerneth Seth: He being nourished and trained vp by his father to the yeares of discretion; studied vertue, and left his succession heires, and followers, of his sanctitie: who being all of them well borne, remained in the world free from all contention, and liued happily: so that it neuer happened that any of them in any sort did iniury to any man. These inuented the science of the celestiall bodies, & all that which concerneth the beauty and order of the same. And to the end that their inuentions should not be defaced out of the memories of men, neither should perish before they were perfectly knowne: (insomuch as Adam had foretold them of the generall destruction of all things after two sorts, the one by the force of fire, and the other by the violence and abundance of waters) they made two pillers; the one I Two pillers raised. of bricke, and the other of stone; and ingraued in each of them such things as they had inuented, to the end that if that of bricke should be abolished by the ouerflowes and rage of waters, that other of stone should remaine, and expresse vnto men that which was imprinted therein for their instructions. That of bricke then was consecrated by them, and is in the countrey of Licia euen at this present day.
CHAP. IIII.
The Deluge from which Noe and his family escaped and dwelt in the field of Senaar.
IN this manner perseuered they during the course of seuen ages, honouring one God, the Lord of all things, hauing alwaies a respect of vertue. But afterwards in processe of K time, they degenerated from the auncient institutions of their forefathers, neither obseruing humane lawes, neither continuing their accustomed seruice of God; and they that Hedi [...] & Ruffinus. chap. 6. Ge [...]es 5. 6. Those whom Iosephus nameth in this place Angels Moses calleth the sonnes of God. Genes. 6. before time industriously exercised themselues in vertue, afterward with twise as zealous studie followed wickednes; and grew at last to that height of impietie, that they prouoked Gods heauie displeasure against them. For diuers Angels of God accompanying themselues with women ingendred outragious infants, and contemners of all good, by reason of that trust they had in their forces, whose hainous actions were not much vnlike those which the Greekes haue in their fables fained of the Giants. But Noah perplexed and extreemely displeased with such their misdemeanors, exhorted them to chaunge their thoughts, and amend their misdeeds, and (seeing them mollified by no admonitions; but that they were wholly possessed with the pleasure L which they tooke in vices; he fearing least they should kill him and his family, left them to their loosenes, and with his wife, children, and all his family departed into an other countrey. Noa [...] departeth into an other country. Then God (delighting in the iustice of the man) not onely condemned the men of that age of extreeme malice, but also concluded to destroy all whatsoeuer creatures were in the world, and to produce an other new race, deuoid, and repurged from all impietie: he abridged also the life of them, so that they liued not any more so long time as they were wont, but onely attained the terme of sixe score yeares: and he couered the land with waters, and by this meanes all of them were destroyed. Onely Noah escaped by the meanes and way which God had taught him in such manner as followeth: He builded an Arke of foure stages, in length, three hundreth cubites: in breadth fiftie; and in height thirtie: into this he entred with his mother, his wife and M Noahs Arke. his children and their wiues, purueying himselfe of all things requisite both for their sustenance and vse: he closed also therein all sorts of liuing creatures, two and two, male and female, for the conseruation of euery kind, and of some of them seuen couples. The sides of this Arke were strong, and the couer also; so that no water could pearce the same, and whatsoeuer storme might come it was able to resist it. Thus was Noe (by succession of nature the tenth Noahs genealogie. The Deluge. from Adam) saued with all his household; for he was the son of Lamech whose father was Methusala [Page 7] the sonne of Enos, the sonne of Iared, the sonne of Maleel, who with diuers other brethren The yeare of the world. 1656. before the Na [...] tie of Christ. 2308. A were begotten of Cainan by Enos: who was the son of Seth, the sonne of Adam. This destruction happened, the sixe hundreth yeare of Noahs age (and the second moneth which was called Dius by the Macedons, and by the Hebrewes Marsomane) fo [...] so haue the Aegyptians distinguisht the yeare (but Moses set downe Nisan for the first moneth in his Chronicles, which is Zanthicus among the Macedons, for that in this moneth he brought the Israelites out of the Nisan or Zanthicus is April to vs. thraldome of the Aegyptians.) He made this law therefore, that all things which appertaine to diuine seruice, should take their beginning and reckoning from this moneth, but in respect of the times and termes of buying and selling, and all other trafficke, he obserued the first pollicie of the yeare, beginning in December: Moses wrote that the Deluge began the seuen & twentith day of the aboue named moneth which was the yeare two thousand sixe hundreth fiftie B and fixe, after the creation of the first man Adam (which time is carefully calculated in holy writ, in which the birth and death of great personages of that time are most exactly set downe.) At such time then as Adam was 230. yeares old, his sonne Seth was borne vnto him, and the said Adam liued 930. yeares; Seth about the age of 250. yeares, begat Enos, who after he had liued 905. yeares, left the gouernment of his affaires to his sonne Cainan, whom he had begotten about the 190. yeare of his age. After that Cainan had liued 910. yeares, he had his sonne Maleel, This comparison doth not exactly agree with the Hebrewes, and the 70. interpreters. begotten by him the 170. yeare of his age. The said Maleel hauing liued 195. yeares died, leauing his sonne Iared: who about the age of 162. yeares, engendered Enoch, who liued 962. yeares: After Enoch, succeeded his sonne Mathusala, begotten about the age of 162. yeares, at such time as the said Enochs father was yet aliue: and after that Enoch had liued 365. yeares, he was taken vp C vnto God (whence it commeth to passe that his decease hath not beene exemplified in writing) Mathusala the sonne of Enoch, in the yeare of [...] [...]ge 187. yeares, ha [...] Lamech for his sonne who Enochs death is not written in holy scriptures. liued 782. yeares, to whom he left the soueraintie, hauing he [...]d the same 969. yeares. And Lamech after he had gouerned 707. yeares, declared his sonne Noe for gouernour, at such time as the said Lamech had liued 182. yeares, which Noe gouerned for the space of 900. yeares.
All these yeares calculated into one sonne, accomplish the time aboue written. Yet to perfect this accompt, we ought not to seeke out the decease of these personages (for they liued in the same time that their children and successors did:) but the onely thing we are to obserue is their birthes. As soone then as God had giuen the signe, and that it began to raine for the Gen. 7. 8. In the Greeke copie & Mose [...] ar [...] 40. daies. The Latin Ioseph 90. space of whole fortie daies, the water fell and ouerflowed the whole earth fourteene cubits hie, D (which was the cause that diuers could not escape, because there was no means of [...]ight, or place of refuge.) But as soone as the raine was ceased, the water began to decrease by little and little for the space of one hundreth and fiftie daies, about the 27. day of the seuenth moneth. Noe perceiuing then that the Arke was on ground vpon the top of a certaine mountaine of the countrey of Armenia; he opened the same, and seeing the earth did a little discouer it selfe round about the same, he conceiued some better hope and held himselfe satisfied: Some fewe daies Noe sendeth a crow out of the Ar [...]. after, when the water was ebbed somewhat more; he sent out a Crow (desiring to know if the rest of the earth were deliuered from the waters, and whether without danger he might issue out of the Arke:) but the Crow finding the earth bebayned in water, returned vnto Noe: who the seuenth day after sent out a Pigeon to finde out the estate of the earth, which returned bemired E and bearing in his neb an Oliue braunch: whereby Noe perceiued that the earth was deliuered from the Deluge; and hauing as yet expected seuen daies more, he [...]et at libertie all Noe Forsake [...] the Arke, and sacrificeth to God. liuing creatures that were in the Arke. But as soone as himselfe, his wife, and his family, forsooke it, he offered sacrifice vnto God, and feasted and reioyced both he and al his houshold. The Armenians in their language haue called the place where Noe descended, by a name Aprobaterion (which signifieth as much as discent) and in that place euen at this present the inhabitants of that countrey shewe some remnants and memories of the same. All those that haue written strange histories, haue made mention of this Deluge, and of the Arke: among the number of whom is Berosus the Chaldean, who setting downe occurrences of this Deluge writeth after this manner: Some say likewise that a certaine part of this Arke is in Armenia, neere to the F mountaine of the Cordaeans, and that some men haue br [...]ght from thence some part of the pitch wherewith it was calked, which the men of that place are wont to vse in stead of a preseruatiue against inchantment: Hierome the Aegyptian also (who hath written the antiquitie of the Phenicians) hath made mention of this m [...]tter: as also Mnaseus with diuers other: Nicholas Nicholas Damascene of Noes Arke. of Damas likewise in his nintie sixe booke speaketh heereof after this manner. Aboue the Region of Mineans there is a great mountaine in Armenia called Baris, in which [Page 8] it is reported that diuers retyred themselues for safetie during the time of the Deluge, and there G Th [...]yeare of the [...]ld. 1687. befor [...] the Natiuitie of Christ. 1307. Hodio & Ruffinus the 6. ch. escaped they: and that a certaine man borne on an Arke arriued vpon the highest top of that mountaine, and that certaine timbers of that bottome had beene kept a long while: and it may be that this is that whereof Moses the law-maker of the Iewes maketh mention. But Noe fearing least God (hauing condemned all men to a generall perdition) should euery yeare ouerflow the earth after this manner; offered burnt sacrifice vnto God: beseeching him, that hereafter he would entertaine the auncient order, and that no so great calamitie might succeede, by which all Noe prayeth God that he will drowne the carth no mo [...]e. liuing creatures should come in daunger to be vtterly extinct and exterm [...]nated: but that inflicting deserued punishment on the reprobate, he would spare the innocent, whom in his mercie he had preserued from daunger; otherwise they should be more miserable and condemned by a harder censure, if they were not wholy warranted, but should be reserued to be swallowed vp by H an other Deluge; and hauing suffered the feare and sight of the first, to perish by the second. He praied him therefore that he would be pleased to accept of his sacrifice, and in his mercy vouchsafe that he would hereafter conceiue no more any so hainous hate and displeasure against the earth, to the ende that men might by their labours till it, and building them Cities might possesse the same in pcace, wanting none of those commod [...]ties which they enioyed before the Deluge: but that they might equall their forefathers in olde yeares, and length of life.
Noe hauing in this sort finished his requestes, God (who loued him for the vprightnes of his God heareth Noes praier. No [...]. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. heart) granted him his request, denying himselfe to be the author of their deaths who were drowned, but that they themselues by their owne malice had procured those pnuishments due vnto them. For had he desired that they should be extinguished, he would not haue I brought them into the world. For better is [...]ot to grant life; then to destroy those to whom Man is the author of his death, not God thou hast giuen it. But (saith God) thorow [...] [...]ntempt of my seruice and graces, they haue inforced me to humble [...]hem vnder the rigor [...] vengeance: hereafter I will not so exactly pursue and examine their iniquities, to the ende to chastice them in my displeasure; especially for thy sake: And if hereafter at any time I shall send any tempest, feare not (how huge and Gods couenāt with Noe. In the [...]eare of the world. 2007. before Christes Na [...]ty. 1959. hideous soeuer the stormes be) for there shall be no more Deluge of water vpon the earth. In the meane time I commaund you to keepe your hands innocent from murthers, and all manslaughter, and to punish those that commit wickednes. I leaue the vse of all other liuing creatures to your sustenance or seruice; in as much as I haue made you Lord ouer all, as well those that breath vpon the face of the earth, as those that swimme in the waters, and such as inhabite K and flye amidst the ayre: but you shall not eate any bloud, in as much as therein consisteth the soule and life of liuing creatures. And I declare vnto you that I will desist to draw the shafts of my displeasure against men. And I will giue you the rainebow for a signe: for this bowe in The Rainbowe the signe of attonement betweene God and Noe. Hedio & Ru [...] fin. 8. chap. Noes age. 950. yeares. their opinion is the bow of God. And after that God had pronounced these words and made these promises, he departed.
Noe liued after the Deluge three hundreth and fiftie yeares, and hauing spent all this time of his life in happines, he died after he had liued in the world nine hundreth and fi [...]ie yeares. Neither is there cause why any man (comparing this our present age, and the shortnesse of the yeares thereof, with the long life of the auncients) should thinke that false which I haue said: neither followeth it consequently, that because our present life extendeth not to such a terme L and continuance of yeares, that therefore they of the former world attained not the age and long life which we publish of them. For they being beloued of God, and newly created by him, Why they in times past liued longer then we doe. vsing also a kinde of nutriment agreeing with their natures, and proper to multiply their years, it is no absurd thing to suppose that their yeares were of that continuance: Considering that God gaue them long life, to the ende they should teach vertue, and should conueniently practise those things which they had inuented in Astronomie, and by Geometry: the demonstrations whereof they neuer had attainde except, they had liued at the least sixe hundreth yeares. For the great yeare is accomplished by that number of yeares: whereof all they beare The greate yeare. me witnesse, who (either Greekes or Barbarians) haue written auncient histories. For both Manethon (who hath written the historie of Aegypt) and Berosus (who hath registred the acts M and affaires of the Chaldeans) together with Mochus Hestiaeus, Hierome of Aegypt (who historified the state of the Phaenicians) with others accord with me in that which I haue said. Hesi [...] dus also, Hecataeus, Hellanicus, and Acusilaus, Ephorus and Nicolaus doe declare, that they of the first world liued one thousand yeares. Notwithstanding let euery man iudge of these things, as best liketh him.
CHAP. V. A
Of the tower of Babylon, and the c [...]unge of tongues.
NOe had three sonnes Sem, Iaphet, and Cham, borne one hundreth yeares before the The yeare of the world, 1790. before [...] Nati [...]ie 2174. [...]. 10 Noes three sonnes. Deluge. These first descended from the mountaines into the plaines, and there made they their habitation, which when other men perceiued (who for feare of the Deluge had fled the plaines, and for that cause were loth to forsake the mountaines) they gathered courage and perswaded themselues to doe the like: and the plaine where they all dwelt was called Senaar. And whereas they were commaunded by God that (by reason of the increase and multitude of men) they should send certaine distinct Colonies to inhabite diuers countries of God commanded [...] po [...]e or Noe [...] inha [...] the earth. B the world (to the ende that no seditions might grow betwixt the one and the other; but contrariwise in labouring and tilling a great quantitie of ground, they might gather great store of fruite) they were so ignorant that they disobeyed God, and falling into great calamities suffered the punishment of their offences. For whereas they florished in increase (by reason of the great number of their youth) God counselled them againe that they should deuide themselues into colonies. But they (thinking that the goods which they possessed proceeded not from him, or his bountie, but presuming that their force was the onely cause of their aboundance) did not obey him, but rather suspected that God sought to betray them, to the ende that being thus deuided he might the better subdue them: Nemrod incited them in this sort to mocke and contemne God. He was the nephew of Cham, the sonne of Noe; a man valian [...] and apt for C armes: he put them in the head that they should not beleeue that their good hap proceeded from God, but that they ought to attribute it to their own vertue, which furnished them with so much riches: so that in a little space he reduced the estate to a tyrannie; supposing by this only meanes that he might make men reuolt against God, if he might perswade them to submit thē selues to his gouernment; giuing them to vnderstand, that if God should once more send a deluge, he would take reuenge on him in mens behalfe, and that he would build a tower, to whose top the water should not attempt, and reuenge the death of his predecessors. The common sort was ready to follow these ordinances of Nemrod, supposing it to be pusillanimitie in themselues, Gen, 11 [...] if they should obey God. For which cause they began to build the tower with their vttermost industrie, neither was there any one idle in all that worke: yea so great a number of labourers D were there, that the worke was raised to a height beyond all expectation. The thicknesse thereof was so great that it obscured the height thereof: and it was builded of burnt bricke cimented and ioined with a bituminous morter, to the ende it should not receiue any cleft in the same.
But God seeing their madnesse, condemned them not to a generall extermination (by reason that they had made no profit by their example, who perished in the first Deluge) but made The confusion of tongues. them mutine the one against the other by chaunging of their tongues; so that by reason of their diuersities of language, they could not vnderstand one another. The plac [...] where this tower was builded, is at this present called Babylon (by reason of the confusion of tongues that first began in that place) for Babell in Hebrew signifieth confusion. Of this tower and the diuersitie of languages Sibilla hath made mention in these words. At such time as men vsed E Sibils prophecie of the tower of Babel. one kind of language, they builded a most high tower, as if they meant by the same to mount vp into heauen: but the gods sent downe windes and ouerthrew the tower, and gaue euery one his distinct and seuerall language, whence sprong the cause that their Citie was called Babylon. But as touching that place which is called Senaar in Babylon, Hestiaeus testifieth after this manner. It is said of those sacrificers that being escaped, they tooke the sacred reliques of Iupiter Enyelius, and came into Senaar in Babylon.
CHAP. VI.
How Noes posteritie dispersed themselues thorow the whole world.
FRom that time forward (by reason of the diuersitie of tongues) they dispersed themselues F into diuers countries, and planted colonies in all places; and occupied those places whither either God or their good fortune had conducted them: so that both the sea coasts, and the mid land were replenished with inhabitants. Some there were also who Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 10. passing the sea in ships and vessels, first peopled the Islands. And there are some nations likewise, who at this day retaine the names which in times past were imposed on them: some other [Page 10] haue changed them. Others are altered into a more familiar and knowne name, to neighbors, G T [...] yeare of the world, 1790. befor [...] Christs Na [...]iuitie, 1174. The names of Regions and Nations. deriuing them from the Greekes the authors of such titles. For they in these latter times hauing growne to great name and power, haue appropriated the auncient glory to themselues, in giuing names vnto nations deriued from the Greekes, and policying them, as if they had taken their originall from them.
CHAP. VII.
That euerie Nation deriued his name from his Author.
NOw they in honour of whom the Nations receiued their first names were the children Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 11. Gen. 10. of the sonnes of Noe. Iaphet the sonne of Noe had seuen children who began to make H their abode from the mountaines of Taurus and Amanus, and entered Asia, euen vnto Tana; and Europa, vnto Gades, occupying the countrey which they first mette with, and was not before time by any man inhabited, each one calling his seuerall Nation by his owne name: for Gomar was the founder of the Gomarians, Magog dwelt amongst those (who according The Galatians descended from Gomar. The progenie of Iaphet. Noes first begotten sonne. to his name) were called Magogins, and by the Greekes Scithes. Of Madus (the first begotten sonne of Iaphet) issued the Madians, whom the greekes haue named Medes: and of Iauan his other sonne, the Ionians and Greekes tooke their originall: Thobelus gaue name likewise to the Theobelians, who at this day are called Iberians. Meschus was the author of them that were called Meschates, who are lately named Capadocians: for they shew euen at this day a token of their auncient name; to wit, the Citie of Masaca, which testifieth to those I that conceiue the same, that this nation hath beene so called. Theres named them Therians: who were vnder his gouernment whom the Greekes called Thracians: and thus many The progeny of the sons of Gomar. nations tooke their originall from the sonnes of Iaphet: but of the three sonnes which Gomar had, Aschanaxes gaue originall to the Aschanaxians (at this day termed Rhegians by the Greekes) Rhiphates ingendered the Rhiphateans called at this day Paphlagonians. Tygranes ingendered the Tygraneans, who by the Greekes are called Phrigians. As touching Iauan The progeny of the sonnes of Iauam. Tharsus Saint Pauls country. [...]ctes. 9. the sonne of Iaphet, he had three sonnes, of whom Abisus gaue name to the Abisians, who at this present are the Aetolians, ouer whom he commaunded: Tharsus engendered the Tharsians, which was the auncient name of the Cilicians, as it appeareth by the name of their renowmed and Metropolitane Citie Tharsis; whose first letter is ☉. in steed of Th. Chetinus obtained the K Isle of Chetine, called at this day Cipris (whence it happeneth that not onely all the Islands, but also diuers other places on the sea coast are by the Hebrewes called by this word Cethim) witnesse one of the Cities of Cipris which hath had the reputation to conserue her auncient name. For it is called Citium, by those that wrest the same to the Greeke sense, a word not verie much varying from Cethim. These Nations were occupied by the sonnes and young children of Iaphet. But I will first publish that which perhaps is vnknowne to the Greekes, and then Whence grew the chaunge of names. prosecute my purposed narration which I haue omitted, that is, that these names are formed after the maner of the Greeks, to the ende they should be more sweete and pleasaunt to them that should ouer read them. For this termination is not proper to our Nation, which hath but one forme, and no variation of termination, for whereas the Greeks pronounce [...] we say Adam, L and where they say Noches, the Hebrewes say Noe, and keepe this termination inall things.
But the sonnes of Cham possessed Siria and all the region that abutteth on the mountaines Of the sonnes o [...] Cham and their progeny. of Amanus and Libanus; extruding their Empyre towards the sea, and signiorizing all whatsoeuer euen vnto the sea. Whose names are partly wholy abolished, and partly chaunged, and applied to others; so as they are very hard to be vnderstood: for of the foure sonnes of Cham, the name of Chus hath not beene chaunged by time: for the Aegyptians (ouer whom they extended their Dominion) haue beene named Chuseans by them, and by all, the Asians: the name of Misraim hath continued also in the memorie of men: for we that bound vpon Aegypt, call that countrey, the countrey of Misraim, and the Aethiopians, Misramites. Phut likewise firmed the colonies of Libia, and called the inhabitants thereof according to his name Phutians; M and there is a riuer in the countrey of Mauritania which hath the same name, of which it is most manifest that diuers Greeke Histories make mention, as also of the countrey neere adioyning, which they call the countrey of Phut, but it hath chaunged his present name by the meanes of one Libis one of the sonnes of Misraim; (but why it is called Africa, I will heareafter signifie Libia or Africa The progeny of the Chananeans. vnto you). As touching Canaan the fourth sonne of Cham, he dwelled in the countrey at this day called Iudaea, and called it the countrey of Canaan according to his name. They also had children: [Page 11] for Chus had sixe, amongst whom Sabas established the Sabians, and Euilas the Euileans, The yeare of th [...] world. 1790. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1174. A at this day called Getulians. Sabathes engendred the Sabatheans, whom the Greekes name Astracrabians. Sabactes peopled the Sabactians: and the Romans were founded by Romus who also had two sonnes, of whom Indos, dwelt in the countrey of the Indians, amongst those that are called Hesperians in Aethiopia and Sabaeus founded the S [...]beans.
Nimrod the sonne of Chus, setled his Colonie vpon the confines of Babylon, and tyrannized Nabrodes or Nembroth. there as heretofore I haue declared:
All the eight sonnes of Misraim, occupied all the countrey from Gaza vnto Egypt: Onely Palestine so named of Philest [...]ne. the countrey where Philistius gouerned, hath conserued his name: for the Greekes call Palestine a part thereof. As touching the rest, Lom, Enam and Labim (who onely inhabited Libia and called the countrey by his name) likewise as touching Nethom, Phetrosim Chreseen and B Chepthom, we know neither of their countries, nor of their names. For the Aethiopian warre (whereof hereafter we will make mention) hath ouerthrowne their Cities. Chanaan also had The children of Chanaan, sonnes, amongst whom Sidonius builded and named Sidon (a citie in Phaenicia) and Amathus builded Amate, which at this day the inhabitants call Amatha: but the Macedonians haue named it Epiphania (which is as much to say as famous) by reason of some that descended from Epiphanes. Arudeus possessed the Isles of Aradus, and Araceus builded the citie of Arce, scituate in Libanus. And as touching the other seuen, the Eueans, Chetteans, Iebusaeans, Eudaeans, Semaeans, Samarians, and Gergesaeans; there is no memorie remaining in sacred scriptures but only their names: for the Hebrewes raced their cities vpon these occasions.
After the Deluge, when the earth was established in his former estate, Noe gaue himselfe to Hedio & Ru [...] finus. cap. [...] Genes. 9. C tillage, and planted vineyards, and when the fruit thereof was ripe (and he had pressed and made wine thereof) he dronke and banqueted after he had done sacrifice: Being thereby made dronke, Noe is made drunke, lieth naked and is scorned, and curseth him that derideth him. and ouerpressed with sleepe, he lay discouered in a most vnseemely and shamefull fashion; which when his yonger sonne beheld, he scornefully discouered it to his brothers, who being ashamed; couered their fathers shame with reuerence. Which fact of his, comming at last to light, and the knowledge of Noe, he wished all felicitie to the two other, and as touching Cham (by reason he was his allie in bloud) he cursed him not, but his posteritie after him. But although Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 14. Gen. 7. 2. Of the sonnes of Sem the third sonne of Noe and of the [...]rs and Abrahams progeny. the others escaped this malediction, yet God inflicted it on the successors of Chanaan, whereof we will speake more hereafter. But Sem the third sonne of Noe had fiue sonnes, who inhabited the countrey of Asia, beginning at Euphrates, and extending to the Indian Ocean D sea. For Elymis left the Elemians or Elamites for his successors, whence proceeded the Persians. Assur made his abode in Niniue, and imposed on his subiects the name of Assirians (who were rich amongst all the rest.) Arphaxad named those of his command Arphaxadians; who at this day are called Chaldeans. Aram had the Arameans (whom the Greekes called Sirians) and they that are now called Lidi, and in times past Ludi tooke their discent from Ludas. Of those foure sonnes which Aram had, Vses dwelt in Trachonite, and in the countrey of Damasco (scituate betweene Palestine and Siria, surnamed Caelen or hallow.) Otrus obtained Armenia: Gether Bactria. Misas was father to the Misureans (who dwelt in a fort which is called at this day Prasine.) Sale, Arphaxads sonne was Hebers father, by whose name in times past the Hebrewes were called: Heber begot Loctan and Phaleg, who was so called, for that he was borne at such The original of the Hebrewes. E time as the land was parted: for Phaleg in Hebrew signifieth partage. They that followe were sonnes of Loctan: Elmodad, Saleph, Azermoth, Erais, Edoram, Vzalis, Dallis, Ebal, Ebimarl, Saphas, Ophir, Euilus, and Iobel: who occupied some parcell of that which was about Cophen a riuer of India, and the hither Siria. Hitherto haue we spoken of the progenie of Sem, hereafter will I speake of the Hebrewes; Of Phaleg the sonne of Heber Ragaus, by whom was begot Seruch, whence Nachor is descended, and of Nachor, Thares, who was Abrahams father, the tenth Abrahams genealogy. in accompt from Noe, and borne in the yeare 292. after the Deluge. For Thares being seuenty yeares old begot Abraham. Nachor at six score yeares of his age, begot Thares. Nachor was borne to Seruch, when he was about the yeares of 132. of his life. And Ragaus begot Seruch when he was thirtie two yeares olde, and about those yeares Phaleg begot Ragaus. But Heber in F the 34. yeare of his age, begot Phaleg: (himselfe begotten by Sela, when he was one hundreth thirtie and fiue yeares olde:) which Sela was begotten by Arphaxad, when he was 135. yeares of age. And Arphaxad was the sonne of Sem, whom he begat some two yeares after the Deluge. Abraham had two brothers, Nachor and Aram, of whom Aram left Lot for his sonne, and Sara and Melcha for his daughters, and afterwards died in the land of Canaan in a citie called Vr, of the Chaldies, where his sepulchre is to be seene euen at this day. His daughters were married, [Page 12] Melcha to Nachor; and Sara to Abraham. But Thares growing wearie of Chaldaea, after the funerals The yeare of the world, 1950. be [...]re Christs Natiuitie, 2014. G of Aram, they all of them transported themselues into Charan a citie of Mesapotamia, in which place they buried Thares, when he had liued the space of 250. yeares. For about this time the life of man was abridged, and grew more short vntill the time of Moses: when as the space of mans life limited by God himselfe was 120. yeares olde, to which tearme of yeares Moses had attained. Nachor had eight children by Melcha his wife; Vx, Barux, Mauel, Zacham, Azam, Pheldus, Ladelphus and Bathuel, (who were the legitimate sonnes of Nachor.) But Tabaeus and The terme of mans life about this terme, 120 Gadan, Taucus and Macham were begotten by him on his concubine Ruma. To Bathuel one of the legitimate sons of Nachor, was borne a daughter named Rebecca, and a sonne called Laban.
CHAP. VIII. H
How Abraham the Author of our nation departed from the land of the Chaldeans, and dwelt in a certaine countrey of the Chanaanites, which is now called Iudaea.
ABraham hauing no issue, adopted Lot the sonne of Aram his brother, and brother to The yeare of the world 2024. before Christs birth. 1940. Hedio & Ruffinus chap. 15. Genes 11. 12. The w [...]edome or Abraham. Sara his wife: he departed out of the countrey of the Chaldeis, when he was 75 yeares olde (hauing had commandement from God to depart thence into Canaan) in which countrey he remained, and left the same to his posteritie after him. He was a man accomplished in all things, full of vnderstanding, and apte to perswade those that gaue eare vnto him, without any default in his foresight and prouidence. For this cause he was supposed to surmount I all men in vertue, and was he that first vndertooke to conuince the receiued and erronious opinions of men, as touching the Deitie. He therefore first of all did most manifestly preach, and prooue, that there was but one God, gouernour, and maker of all things, and that otherwise Abraham the first preacher of the word. if any thing conferred or furthered our felicitie, it hapned vnto vs not by our owne workings, but his holy will. And this obserued and approued he by that, which chanceth both in the earth and the sea, as also those things, which he saw daily occurre by the influences of the sunne, the moone, and other starres: namely, that there was a certaine power that disposed them, and decently administred all things, without whose assistance, nothing would be profitable vnto vs; whereas nothing of himselfe hath any vertue, but all things are obedient to his omnipotent will, and for that cause, that honor and thanksgiuing should wholy be ascribed to him. For which K causes and counsailes of his (seeing the Chaldeans and Mesapotamians began to mutiny against him) he thought it expedient to forsake that countrey, and following the will and fauour of God, he went and dwelt at Chanaan; where be [...]ng seated, he builded an aultar and sacrificed vnto God. Berosus amongst other things maketh mention of our father Abraham, although he nameth him not, when he speaketh after this manner. After the Deluge, and during the tenth Berosus. generation, there dwelt among the Chaldeans, a most iust, excellent, and vpright man, and exercised in the knowledge of the celestiall bodies. But Hecataeus made more then a mention of him: for he Hecataeus. Nicholaus Damascenus. hath left a volume which he hath written of him. And as touching Nicholaus Damascenus, heare what he saith of him in the fourth booke of his Histories. Abraham raigned in Damasco (where he was a stranger) whether he arriued with his army from a countrey scituate aboue Babylon called Chaldaea, L who a little while after (departing out of that region) went and dwelt with his people in a countrey at that time called Chanaan, and at this day Iudea, and his posteritie multiplied therein. In an other treatise I will recite that which is reported of him. The name of Abraham euen at this day, is honourable in the countrey of Damasco, a [...]d there is a village to be seene which beareth his name, and is called Abrahams house. Abrahams house.
CHAP. IX.
Abraham oppressed by famine, departeth into Egypt, where staying a while, at last he returned backe againe.
AFter this (when famine had inuaded the land of Chanaan, Abraham had intelligence M The yeare of the the world. 2026. before the birth of Christ. 1938. Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 16. Gen. 12. 13 that the Egyptians abounded in all plentie, and decreed with himselfe to retire himselfe towards them: as well to conferre with their priest (and discourse with them of diuine things, and their knowledge as touching God) as also to follow them, if they were more grounded in vnderstanding, or reconcile them, if his iudgement were more assured then theirs: he led with him his wife Sara, and vnderstanding that the Egyptians were much addicted vnto women [Page 13] (to the end the King should not put him to death of purpose, that he might enioy his wife The yeare of th [...] world. 2026. before the birth of Christ. 1938. The lu [...] of the Egyptia [...]. A Sara, who was very beautiful) he deuised this excuse, to say that she was his sister, charging her that if the matter came in question, she should not faile but confirme the like. But no sooner came he into Aegypt, but the like fortune encountred t [...]m, as Abraham had before time suspected: for the beawtie of his wife was sodainly published in euery place. For which cause Pharao the King of that Nation (desirous to see that with his eies, [...] which he had heard with his eares) he sought for, sent, and lusted after her: but God withstood this his vnbridled lust by afflicting the Kings subiects with a plague, and his affaires by sedition. Whereupon taking counsell of the Priests what remedie might be vsed, and meanes might be sought to appease the diuine maiesty, they answered him, that this was the cause of their afflictions, for that he thought to haue done violence to the straungers wife: whereat being much affrighted, the King first questioneth with B the woman what she was, and who her companion should be? and at last resolued of the trueth, he satisfied Abraham, saving, he supposed her to be his sister, not his wife, and that his purpose was not to offer iniury but seeke alliance: so giuing him a great summe of money, hegaue him leaue to conferre with the most excellentest & learnedest Priests among the Egyptians. Whence Abraham taught the Egyptians religion and arts. it came to passe, that he grew into great estimation in regard of his vertues: for whereas that Nation was deuided into different sects and opinions, & thorow mutuall contempt & diuision were incensed the one against the other; he declared that their opinions (different and confuted by themselues) in respect of religion, were most vaine and deuoide of all trueth. For these his disputations he was held in great regard amongst them, and esteemed for a man most wise, and a personage most exccellent; not onely in well conceiuing, but also in expressing and perswading C that which he vndertooke to teach: to these most gratiously imparted he the science of Arithmetike, and the obseruation of the celestiall bodies. For before that Abraham came into Aegypt, the Abraham an excellent Astronomer. Aegyptians vvere altogether ignorant of those sciences: but he transported them from Chaldaea into Aegypt, and from thence are they deriued to the Greekes. As soone as he returned into Chanaan, he deuided the countrey with Lot: and for that there grew a contention betwixt The deuision of the fields between Abraham and Lot. their shepheards (as touching the bounding of those pastures where they fed their cattel) he gaue Lot the choise and election of the countrey vvhich best pleased him, re [...]aining vnto himselfe that which was left. Thus pitching his tents neere the mountain in a Citie called Hebron (which is by seuen yeares more auncient then Tanis in Aegypt) he dwelled there. But Lot chose the plaine neere to the floud of Iordane, not farre from Sodome; vvhich in those daies vvas a goodlie D Citie, but at this present by the diuine iustice and vvrath of God is vtterly defaced; so that no memorie remayneth thereof. The causes of which iudgemen [...] shall bee expressed hereafter.
CHAP. X.
The ouerthrow of the Sodomites by the Syrians.
AT that time when the Assyrians were Lords ouer all Asia, the estate of Sodome flourished Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 17. Genes. 14. Fiue kings of Sodome. in all affluence, increased in great riches, and mul [...]itude of gallant youthes, and the countrey was gouerned by fiue Kings: these were Ballas, Bareas, Senabarus, Symoborus E and Balin (each one particularly seased of his prouince and kingdome.) Against these the Assyrians incamped themselues, and hauing deuided their armie into foure parts (vnder the conduct of foure gouernours) they waged battell with them; in which the Assyrians attayning the day, they imposed a tribute on the Kings of Sodome; who (after they had for twelue yeares space performed their duety and paid their tribute) in the thirteenth yeare reuolted from them. Whereby it came to passe that the Assyrians leuied a new armie against them, vnder the conduct and commaund of Marphad, Arioch, Chodollogomor, & Thargal, who sacked all Syria, and extinguished The yeare of the world 2031. before Christs natiuitie, 1933. the posteritie of the Giants. And drawing neere to Sodome, they encamped neere to the bituminous pits (for at that time there were pits in that place) but as soone as Sodome was destroyed, there arose a lake in that place, which (by reason of the bituminous matter that F flowed in the same) was called Asphal [...]ites, that is to say, bituminous: of this lake hereafter we wil speake somewhat. But the Sodomites encountering with the Assyrians, there was a dangerous The lake of Alphaltites. skirmish fought, wherein many perished on both sides; and the most were eyther staine or taken, amongst whom was Lot led away captiue, who came thither to assist the Sodomites.
CHAP. XI. The yeare of the world 2031. before Christs Natiuitie. 1933. G
Abraham pursueth the Assyrians, and returneth victorious.
ABraham hearing of these things, and moued (both with the surprisall of his cosen Lot, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 18. Gen. 1 [...]5. as also with the slaughter of his friends and neighbours) presently addressed himselfe with all his followers to giue them succours: and such diligence shewed he in pursuite of them; that the fift night after he incountred the Assyrians neere to Dan, which is one of the sources of Iordaine.
Where surprising them on the sodaine (vnsuspitious and disarmed) he killed those that were asleepe without suspition of his comming, and they that were not yet asleepe, and lay wallowing H in their drunkennesse he easily defeated and put to flight, pursuing them in such sort, that the second day after he droue them all into Soba a Citie of Damasco: declaring hereby, that victorie On what victory dependeth. consisteth not in the multitude of those that manage their armes, but rather in the courage of those that fight; and that a few generous hearts are more worth alwaies, then a faint-hearted multitude. For he had not with him aboue three hundreth and eighteene of his househould seruants, and three of his friends, to defeat this huge army; so that whatsoeuer they were that escaped out of this slaughter by flight, returned vnto their houses with ignominy.
As soone as Abraham had rescewed those prisoners of Sodome which were taken by the Syrians, Abraham bringeth back both Lot and the Sodomites that were prisoners. The kings field. Solima was afterward called Ierusalem. Melchisedech the iust King. and his nephew Lot; he returned into his countrey, and met in his way with the King of Sodome (in a place called the Kings field) where also he was intertained by the King of Solyma called I Melchisedech (which is as much to say as the iust King:) for in trueth he was no lesse; but was held worthy by reason of his iustice in all mens opinion to sacrifice as the high Priest of Almightie God. This Solyma in processe of time was called Ierusalem. This Melchisedech did friendly entertaine all the fellowers of Abraham, not suffering them to want any thing that was fit for their sustenance, but intertaining him also at his owne table he highly praised him, and sung due hymnes of praise to the great God, for that by his fauour he had vouchsafed to grant him victory. Abraham on the other side presented him with the tenths of his spoyles: but the King of Sodome remitted all the pray that was taken, and onely required to be possessed of those Captiues which were of his countrey: which condition he accepted not, answering that he would receiue no profit of that pray, but that which he must needly haue for the entertainment of his seruants. K Yet gaue he a portion vnto his friends who had succoured him, the first whereof was called Eschol, and the two other Ennerus and Mambres. For this cause God praised Abraham saying; thou shalt not want the reward which is due vnto thee for thy valiant actes. To which he replied, and Genesis 15. what good shall I reape of this recompence, if I haue no: an heire to possesse it after my decease? for as yet he had no issue. Then did God promise him a sonne, whose posteritie should God promiseth Abraham a sonne. be so multiplied, that they might in number equall the starres of heauen; which when he vnderstood, he offered sacrifice vnto God, following that commaundement which he had receiued: he tooke therefore a Heifer of three yeares old, a Goat of three yeares, and a Ramme of three yeares, and a Turtle, and a Pigeon: all which he deuided in twaine as he was commaunded, the birds onely excepted. But before the Altar was prepared (at such time as the fowles houered L about to haue part of the bloud of those beastes which were sacrificed) he receiued an Oracle, that told him that his progeny should haue euill neighbours in Aegypt for the space of foure God promiseth Abraham a progeny that should many yeares haue ill neighbours of the Egyptians. hundreth yeares, and that after they had suffered an insupportable seruitude, they should at last obtaine the victorie ouer their enemies. And after that they had by strong hand conquered the Chananites, they should be Lords and possessors of their countries and Cities. Abraham at that time dwelt neere to the Oake that was called Ogis, in the countrey of Chanaan neere to the Citie of Hebron. There being much grieued that his wife conceiued not, he besought God to giue him an issue male: God commaunded him to be of good cheere in all things, and that being come from Mesopotamia vpon good occasions, he also should haue children. At that time Sara by the commaundement of God caused one of her handmaids which was an Aegyptian M Gen 16. Sara bringeth Hagar her handmaid to Abrahams bed. Agar contemneth Sara. borne to enter in vnto her husband, to the end he might haue issue by her; now Agar as soone as she perceiued that she had conceiued, began to contemne Sara, aspiring to principality, and supposing that her issue should succeed in the kingdome. For which cause Abraham deliuered her vnto his wife, to the ende she should punish her: which she perceiuing, she decreed to flie, in that she was afraid of punishment; beseeching God to haue mercy on her: and as she trauailed on her way thorow the desart, the Angell of God appeared vnto her, cōmanding her that she should [Page 15] returne vnto her master and mistris, assuring her that if hereafter she would be more modest, The yeare of the world. 2034. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1930. A she should be better intreated; and how at that present she was fallen into those miseries, by reason she had proudly and insolently behaued her selfe towards her Mistris. Telling her moreouer that if she disobeyed God, and wandred any further, she should die the death: but that if she returned from whence she came, she should be the mother of a sonne, who should one day be king of that countrey where she then was. The promise of Ismael.
To this commandement of God Agar submitted her selfe with all obedience, and returning backe againe to her master and mistris, she obtained pardon at their hands, and after a while brought forth Ismael, which is as much to say as, Heard of God, because God had heard the mothers prayers. Ismael was borne to Abraham when he was fourescore and six yeares old: but in the fourescore and nineteenth yeare of his age God appeared vnto him, and tolde him that he Isaac promised Genesis 17. B should haue a sonne by Sara, charging him to call him Isaac; giuing him to vnderstand, that great nations and kings shoud issue from his loines, who by force of armes should conquer all the countrey of Chanaan, from Sidon euen vnto Egypt. Commanding him, that his posteritie should be circumcised in their priuities, and that this circumcision should be done the viij. day after their birth, by reason that he would not that Abrahams posteritie should be intermedled with other nations. But hereafter will I declare the cause of our circumcision. Abraham also asked counsell of God as touching Ismael, whether he should liue or no? who tolde him that he should flourish many yeares, and that he should become a father of many worthy nations. Then gaue Abraham thanks vnto God, and presently circumcised himselfe, his sonne Ismael, with all his family: and Ismael at that time was thirteene yeares olde, but Abraham about fourescore C and nineteene yeares of age.
CHAP. XII.
The punishment of Sodom.
ABout that time the inhabitants of Sodom became immeasurably proud, by reason Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 19. The sinnes of the Sodomites of their affluence, prosperitie, and great riches; and committed outrages against men, and impieties against God: in such manner as they had forgotten the benefits which they had receiued at his hands, hating strangers, and disdaining to conuerse the one with the other, but in disordinate and abhominable incests. Whereat God being displeased D he decreed to punish their into lerable pride, to ruinate their citie from the top to the bottome, and in such sort to make desolate their countrey, that from thence forward it should neither nourish plant, nor bring foorth fruit. After that God had pronounced this sentence against the Sodomites; Abraham (as he sate vnder the Oake at Mambres before the dore of his tent) beheld three Angels, and supposing them to be men and strangers, he arose and saluted Abraham entertaineth Angels. them; and approaching neere vnto them, he desired them that they would accept of his entertainment, and lodge with him. Whereunto when they had condescended, he commanded his seruants to bake them bread of the finest flower, and hauing killed and rosted a calfe, he set it before them (as they sate vnder the Oake) supposing they would eare: but they inquired of him where Sara his wife was, to whom he answered that she was within in the tent. They told him The yeare of the world. 2048. before Christs birth 1916. The Angels promised Abraham that he shall haue a sonne, and foretell the destruction of Sodome. E then that they would returne againe; and that they should find her a mother. But when his wife smiled thereat, and said that it was impossible for her to beare children; especially in that her selfe was at that time 90. yeares olde, and her husband 100. they discouered themselues, and said they were Angels of God, and that they were sent one of them to assure him that he should haue a sonne; the other two, to destroy the Sodomites. Which when Abraham heard, he was sorie for the Sodon ites, and arising, besought God that he would not destroy both the iust and the vniust to gither. To whom God gaue this answere, that there was not one iust man among the Sodomites, and that if he might but finde ten, he would spare the citie from punishment. Whereupon Abraham held his peace, and the Angels entred into Sodome: where no sooner were they arriued, but Lot inuited them to take their lodging in his house (for he was a man The Angels enter Lots house. F much giuen to hospitalitie, and such a one as for bountie had been Abrahams scholler.) But the Sodomites perceiuing that those yoong men which vvere entred Lots house, vvere of excellent beautie, began to offer outrage and villany to their persons: notwithstanding that Lot exhorted them to moderate themselues, and not to offer villanie to his guests, but in some sort to haue a respect to his house; telling them, that rather then they should continue in that intemperance, that he would giue them his daughters to vse at their pleasure. But he preuailed nothing with [Page 16] them: whereupon God was in such wise prouoked by their iniquitie, that he blinded their eies G The yeare of the world, 1948. before Chri [...]s Nati [...]tie, 1916. The Sodomits are blinded. L [...]t and his family are saued. in such sort, as they could not find the gate to enter into Lots house, and condemned the Sodomites to a generall perdition. But Lot foremonished by him of their future ruine, departed from them, and tooke with him his wife and his two daughters as yet vnmaried: (for their betrothed husbands, although they were forewarned by him, contemned & held him for a dotard.) Then did God shoote his arrow vpon the citie, burning it, and all the inhabitants therein: and desolating by the same fire all the countries round about; in such sort as it hath alreadie beene declared by me in the Historie I wrote of the warres of the Iewes. But Lots wife, as they retired thence, looking backe towards the Citie, and more curiously beholding the destruction thereof, contrarie to the commandement of God, was transformed into a piller of salt, which I haue seene, for it remaineth euen vntill this day. As touching Lot he and his daughters fledde and H dwelt in a little countrey farre from the fire, which was called Zoar (which in Hebrew signifieth Lot fled to Zoar. little:) In this place (which was void of men, and scant of victuals) Lot dwelled a long time, leading a solitarie and poore life: and his daughters supposing that all mankind was extinguished vpon the earth, subtily circumuenting their father, they lay with him when he least suspected it, and the reason that drew them thereunto was, for that they feared least mankind should be vtterly exterminated. By this their approchment, they bare him two sons, the elder Moab (which is as much to say as of my father) and this is he that was the father of the Moabites, which euen The interpretation of the names of Moab & Ammon. Hedio & Ruffi [...]us chap. 20. Genes 19. at this day are yet a great nation: and of the yoonger sister, came Ammon (which signifieth the sonne of Race or kind) and both these two nations inhabite the countrey of Coelesyria. In this sort departed Lot from the Sodomites. I
As touching Abraham, he went and dwelt in Gerar, in the countrey of Palestine; leading with him his wife Sara in manner of his sister; (vsing the same subtiltie which before time hee had practised for feare of the Egyptians:) for he feared Abimelech the king of that countrey, who surprised with the loue of Sara, would haue rauished her, had he not been hindred by a most Abimele [...]h surprised with the loue of Sara. grieuous sicknesse, which God inflicted vpon him: so that being out of all hope of recouerie, at such time as he slept, there appeared vnto him a vision, which tould him that he should take heed, least he offered any outrage to the strangers wife, who was come into his countrey: and after he was somewhat recouered, he tould his friends how God had sent him that sicknesse to warrantise the right of the stranger, and to preserue his wife from violence; for that she was not his sister but his lawfull wife; willing Abraham thence forward to be of good cheere, promising him that K the honour of his wife was inuiolat. This said he dismissed Abraham by the counsaile of his friends; and tould him that he needed not to suspect his wife, by reason she had suffered no villanie. Assuring him that God had care of her, and that he deliuered her in safetie to him (being to that end protected by his mightie power) and in confirmation thereof he called God to record, and the vvomans conscience, vowing that he vvould not haue required her, if he had knowne she had been married: moreouer he required him to be at peace vvith him, and by his praiers to appease Gods vvrath, vvhich was kindled against him. And that if thenceforward he vvould stay vvith him, he should vvant nothing: or if he listed to depart, he promised him guides, and all other things, for vvhich he came vnto him. Abraham answered him, that he had in no sort dissembled vvith him as touching the alliance of his vvife; but that she vvas his brothers L daughter, and that he thought that he might not safely trauell thorough his countrey, except he had vsed that subtiltie, auowing moreouer, that he had not been the cause of that sicknesse vvhich had befalne him: but that he singularly affected his good, and vvas readie to abide vvith him. Whereupon Abimelech imparted vnto him both lands and money, and accorded to conuerse vvith him in all uprightnesse, and vvithout offer of offence, and made a couenant and sware vnto him by a certaine pit vvhich vvas called Bersabe (that is to say the pit of swearing or couenant) Bersabe the pit of swearing. vvhich name that place retaineth vntill this day. Not long time after Abraham had a sonne by Sara his vvife according as God had promised him, and he called his name Isaac (vvhich in the Isiac, laughter. Hebrew tongue signifieth laughter) because Sara laughed at such time as God said vnto her she should beare a sonne, hauing in her selfe no likelihood of conceiuing, by reason she vvas stroken M in yeares. For at that time she vvas ninetie yeares olde, and Abraham one hundreth vvhen the child was borne, and incontinently the eight day after vvas he circumcised; which custome is yet continued amongst the Iewes, who circumcise on the eight day.
CHAP. XIII. A
Of Ismael Abrahams sonne, and of the Arabians his posteritie. The yeare of the world. 2048. before the birth of Christ. 1916. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 21. Genes 21. The Iewes were wont to circumcise on the eight day. The Arabian [...] not before 13. yeares.
BVt the Arabians celebrate it in the thirteenth yeare. For Ismael the author thereof, and Abrahams sonne by his concubine, was circumcised in the thirteenth yeare after he was borne. Of which Ismael it behooueth we speake more exactly in this place. Sara loued Ismael (begotten on her seruant Agar) from the beginning with no lesse affection then as if he had been her owne sonne, for he was brought vp as Abrahams heire. But after she had brought foorth Isaac, she thought it no more requisite that Ismael should be brought vp with her sonne, in that he was the elder, and for feare least after his fathers decease, B he should offer his yonger brother iniurie. She incited Abraham therefore to send both him and his mother to some other place: but at the first he gaue no eare to Saraes request, thinking it to be more then barbarous crueltie, to driue away a tender child and his mother destitute of all necessaries. At length by the commandement of God he listned to his wiues counsaile, and Abraham banisheth Ismael and Agar. committed the child vnto his mother (being of himselfe as yet vnapt to trauel) and giuing them a pitcher of water and bread, he commanded them to goe [...]ither, whither their necessitie should driue them. And when their victuals failed them, and their water was consumed, shee laid the childe being faint and weake, vnder an Oake; and to [...]e ende that in her presence hee should not breath his last, she went far away from him. At that time an Angell of God appeared Th Angell of God meeteth with Agar. vnto her, shewing her a fountaine hard by that place, and charging her to looke to the carefull C education of her childe: because that by the conseruation of Ismael, shee was to exspect great happinesse. Vpon these promises she tooke comfort, and falling into the companie of sheepheards, she by their bountie escaped from miserie.
Afterwardes, when he attained mans estate, he married a wife of the nation of the Egyptians (from whence his mother had her originall) by whom Ismael had twelue sonnes: namely, Nabaioth, Cedarus, Abdeel, Edumas, Massamus, Memassus, Masmesus, Chodamus, Themanus, Ieturus, The twelue sonnes of Ismael. Genes 25. The Region of Nabathaea. Naphaesus, Calmasus (all which inhabite the lands which are betweene Euphrates and the redde sea; the name of which countrey is Nabathaea.) These are they that began and made famous the nation of the Arabians, as well in respect of their prowesse, as also of the dignitie of Abraham. D
CHAP. XIIII.
Of Isaac, Abrahams legitimate sonne.
AS touching Isaac, Abraham loued him with an intire and fatherly affection, as his onely The yeare of the world, 2074. before Chri [...]s natiuitie, 1890. begotten sonne engendred in his age by the bountie of God. The childe also addicting himselfe vnto all vertue, carefull to honour his father and mother, and studious of the seruice of God, inuited both his parents the rather to affect and loue him. So that Abraham was very desirous to forsake this present life: prouided, that he might leaue behind him all the goods which he had, vnto his sonne; which through the mercie of God he happely effected. Whereupon E (vnder triall and conformitie of his faith) God appeared vnto him, and reckoned vp all the benefits which he had bestowed on him, how he had granted him victorie ouer his enemies, and how (he had establisht and blest him with present felicitie by his fa [...]our) for which cause he required him to sacrifice and make an oblation vnto him of his sonne Isaac, commanding him that he should conduct him to the mountaine of Morea, and there to sacrifice him. In doing whereof, he should manifest the desire he had to serue him (in preferring that which was agreeable to God before the life of his sonne.) Abraham (supposing that it was no waies lawfull to Abraham [...] obedience. disobey God, but that he ought to submit himselfe to his will, as to him by whose prouidence all things had their being) said nothing to his wife, as concerning that which God had commanded him, neither how he had determined the death of his sonne. F
Moreouer, hee made it knowne to no one of his houshold seruants, because (as he supposed) they might haue hindered him from the seruice of God. He therefore tooke his sonne Isaac with two seruants (loading an Asse with such thinges as were requisite for sacrifice) and trauailed towardes the mountaine, his seruantes attending him for two daies space; and on the third daie following, as soone as he perceiued the mountaine, he lefte the rest of those that accompanied him in the plaine, and attended onely by his [Page 18] sonne and himselfe, he came vp vnto the mountaine (vpon which afterwards king Dauid appointed The yeare of the world 2074. before Christs Natiuitie. 1890. G that the Temple should be builded.) They caried with them also the rest of those things which were requisite for sacrifice (saue onely the beast that was to be offered) now about this time, Isaac was fiue and twentie yeares olde, and did himselfe prepare the Altar, and inquired of his father what he should offer, considering that as yet they had no sheepe for sacrifice. Abraham Isaac was 25. yeares old whē he should haue beene sacrificed. answered him, that God would furnish them, who was of power sufficient, to giue men that in aboundance whereof they had neede, and to depriue them of that they had, and whereof they held themselues throughly possessed: and that it was he, would giue them wherewith to sacrifice (if it should please him to shew himselfe fauorable, and propitious to that sacrifice of his) now as soone as the Altar was made readie, and the wood prepared and laid vpon the same, and all things were in a readines, he addressed his speech vnto his sonne and said thus. H
‘My sonne, I haue oftentimes demaunded at Gods hands that he should giue thee life, by my Abrahamsoration at such time as his sonne should haue beene sacrificed. infinite intercessions and praiers, and euer since thou wert borne into this world, I haue intermitted no care and diligence in thine education, neither haue I thought that in any thing I might be made more happie, then that departing out of this world, I might see thee at mans estate, and leaue thee the heire and Lord of all my substance: but since it hath pleased God, that I should be thy father, and that the same God likewise now thinketh good that I should forsake thee, put vpon thee a constant mind, and take in good part that thus thou must be sacrifiecd: for in so doing I fulfill the comm [...]dements of God, who requireth at our hands that wee doe him this honour, for the fauours which he hath bestowed vpon me, in assisting me, and in familier manner conuersing, and associating me both in warre and peace. Since therefore that being I borne, thou art to die, (not after the accustomed manner of the liuing) but being offered in sacrifice, by thine owne father, to the generall father God: I deeme it reasonable, that since it seemeth good vnto him that thou depart out of this life, (not by sicknes, nor by warre, nor by any other inconuenience, that naturally happeneth vnto men) that it is behoofull also that thou render thy soule vnto him in the midst of praiers, and the celebration of this sacrifice, to the end he may receiue and seate thee neere himselfe: Thou shalt be my purueyor and stay of mine age (which is the cause for which I haue nourished thee, if thou leaue me God for my purueyor and comfort in thy place:’ Then Isaac with a noble heart, (like the gratious sonne of so godly a father) Isaach [...] answer. heard all that which his father said with great contentment, and answered, that he would rather neuer haue beene borne, then that he should once neglect the ordinance of God and of K his father: or shew himselfe negligent to submit his will to both their pleasures, considering that if his father onely should commaund the same, he should doe verie euill if he disobeyed him: which said, he marched towards the Altar, and offered himselfe to the slaughter: which had surely happened at that instant, if God had not regarded him: for with a loud voice he called Abraham by his name, commaunding him that he should not kill his sonne, auerring that he had not giuen him that commaundement, because he tooke pleasure in humane bloud, neither for that by such impietie he would depriue him of that sonne, of whom it was his pleasure to make him the father, but that by this act he intended to proue his affection, to see whether being commaunded such a thing, he would be obedient, and for that he had made triall of his faith and readines, and his vnspeakable pietie, he did not repent him of that good he had done L vnto him: that the time should neuer be wherein he would forget to haue care of him, and his race, whensoeuer he should pray vnto him, and that when the course of his yeares were happily ouerpast, he should leaue a great signiory to those of his children, which should be good and legitimate. He tolde him moreouer, that he would multiply the race in diuers Nations, and that he would bestow great benefits vpon them, and that the memorie of the chiefe of his ofspring should be euerlasting, & that whē they had gotten the country of Chanaan by armes, they should be enuied by all men for their greatnes. After that God had spoken after this manner, it pleased him on the sodaine (no man knoweth how) to cause a Ramme to be seene, and found there abouts for the sacrifice, and thus (being deliuered from all euils and inconueniences beyond God offereth a Ramme to Abraham to sacrifice in steed of Isaac. their expectations, after they had heard so many promises of so many blessings) they embraced M one another, and celebrated the sacrifice; which done, they returned towards Sara in safetie, and past the remnant of their liues in happinesse, God giuing them his blessing in whatsoeuer they vndertooke.
CHAP. XV. A
The death of Sara Abrahams wife.
NOt long time after this, Sara died, after she had liued one hundreth twentie and seuen The yeare of the world. 2087. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1877. Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 23. Genes. 23. The age of Sara. 127. yeares; and was buried in Hebron: (for the Chananeans freely offered them free buriall) yet Abraham chose rather to buy a place to burie in, of Ephrem a certaine Cittisen of Hebron, for fower hundreth sickles, where the monuments both of him and his posteritie are builded.
CHAP. XVI.
How the Nation of the Troglodytes came of Chetura the wife of Abraham. B
AFter this, Abraham married Chetura, by whom he had sixe children, strong in trauell, and Gen. 7. 25. 1. The originall of Troglodytes excellent in wisedome: namely Zembranes, Iazar, Madar, Madian, Lousoubac, Suus, who likewise had sons, Suus, had Sabacan & Dadanes. Of Dadanes issued Latusimus, Assurus, Luures. The children of Madan were Epha, Ophres, Anochus, Ebidas, Eldas. Of all these children and their successors Abraham gathered and established the Colonies which possessed the countrey of the Troglodytes, and all the countrey of Arabia the happie, whose confi [...]es extend euen vnto the red sea. Some report that this Ophres conducted an armie into Libia and possessed Libia called Africa. Alexander Polyhistor. the same: and that his successors (making their abode in that countrey) called it by the name of Aphrica. And this my opinion is confirmed by Alexander Polyhistor who writeth after this C maner. ‘Cleodemus the Prophet who is also called Malchus, & hath written the actes of the Iewes, according as Moses their lawmaker hath compiled the same in writing) saith, that of Chetura there were diuers children borne vnto Abraham, and he nameth three by their names, to wit, Apher, Surim and Iapher; and that of Surem the Assyrians tooke their name: of the two others Apher and Iapher the Citie of Affricke and the countrey of Africa take their names. That they warred with Hercules against Lybia and Antaeus, and how Hercules hauing taken Ophra his daughter to his wife, had begotten of her Dedor who was father to Sophon, from whom those Barbarians that are called Sophaces haue taken their name.’
But Abraham knowing that he should prouide a wife for Isaac his sonne, being almost fortie Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 24. Isaac marieth Rebecca. The manner of swearing among the ancient lewes. yeares olde, sent the oldest seruant of his famely to betroth and intreat for Rebecca the daughter D of the sonne of Nachor his brother for Isaac, and bound him to the performance thereof (with great othes celebrated according to these ceremonies, which were that laying their two hands one ore anothers theighes, they should call God to witnesse of there intent) he sent also straunge presents vnto them, such as were seldome seene in those parts: he then departing from him was long time vpon the way (because that in winter time it is troblesome to trauell through In the yeare of the world. 2089. before Christes Natiuity. 1875. Mesopotamia, by reason of the deep bogs, & in sommer for want of water) besides the robberies of the country, which strangers & trauellers could not possibly escape, except they stood vpon their guard, & h [...]d conuoy. Hereupon at length he arriued and entered a Citie called Carras, & being in the suburbes of the same, he encountered with diuers damsels that went to fetch water, whereupon he inwardly besought God, that if the mariage were pleasing in his sight, he might find Rebecca E amongst them, for whose cause Abraham had sent him thither to require her in mariage for his sonne: and that he might know her by this signe, that asking all the rest for water, they should refuse him, and she onely should satisfie him. Tormented and tossed with these thoughts, he approched the well, and required those virgins that they would gi [...]e him drinke, which they denied him, saying that they could not get water but with great labour, which they must beare into their howses, and not lauishly bestow on others: whereupon one amongst them reproued the rest for that discourtesie, which they vsed towards the straunger, saying, that they had neuer beene conuersant amongst men, that refused to giue him water that requested it, wherupon she gaue him drink with an amiable countenance, and he conceiuing good hope of all his busines, yet being further desirous to know the euent of the matter, he praised the honestie and courtesie of Rebecca who had F not refused to trauell in her owne person to satisfie his necessitie, asking her of what parents she was, terming them happie that had such a daughter, praying God that it might please him to grant them the good hap to marrie her to their contentment, and match her with a man of honest reputation, by whom she might be plentifull in good and lawfull children: Rebecca made no difficultie to tell him the names of her parents, (the better to gratefie him) neither concealed she her owne name, but answered in this sort. I am called said she Rebecca, my father was named Bathuel, [Page 20] who is long since dead. Laban is our brother, who together with my mother hath care of G The yeare of the world, 2089. before Christs Natiuitie, 1875. Rebecca grows acquainted with Abrahams seruant. all our family, and hath the charge and protection of my virginitie. Which when he vnderstood he reioiced at all that which had happened vnto him, and was comforted w [...]th those things which he had heard, perceiuing manifestly how God had prospered his iourney. Whereupon drawing out a Iewell (with certaine other ornaments, such as virgins take delight to weare) he offred them vnto the maid, telling her that he gaue her these presents in requitall of that kindnesse she had offered him in satisfying his thirst, for that she amongst so many other virgins had onely shewed her selfe affable and gracious, requiring her that he might be entertained in her brothers house, (by reason that night had depriued him of the means from trauelling any further) and that he was charged with certain Iewels of an espoused of great price, which in no place (as he said) might be in more safety then in their custody, whom in effect he had found so curteous & honest: assuring H her that the vertue which appeared in her, gaue him sufficient testimony both of the curtesy of her The talke which Abrahams seruant had with Rebecca. mother and brother, who would not (as he supposed) take it in ill part if he were entertained: to conclude, that he would in no waies be chargeable vnto them, but would pay for his lodging and expences.
To this Rebecca answered, that he had reason to conceiue a good opinion of her parents humanitie, but yet did in some sort preiudice them in suspecting their liberalitie, assuring him that his entertainement should in no sort be mercenary but voluntary, and free & according to heir affection. Yet first (said she) I will certifie my brother Laban hereof, and afterwards guide and intertaine you in our house: which done, she conducted him into their tent commaund [...]g her brother Labans seruants to take care of his Camels, as for himselfe she entertained and feasted I him at her brother Labans table.
When supper was past, he spake both to the brother and mother of the virgin after this manner. Abraham the sonne of Thares is your cousen. For Nachor (good mistres) the grandfather of your children was Abrahams brother of one and the same father and mother. He now sendeth me vnto you, requiring you to giue this Damsell for wife to his legitimate and onely sonne, educated and brought vp to be heire of all his substance: whom although he might haue In the yeare of the world. 2124 before Chri [...] Natiuity. 1840. matcht with the richest maidens of his countrey, yet hath he refused all of them, desiring rather to impart this honour to one of his kinred and nation: set not light therefore his good affection and desire. For besides all other blessings and good fortunes, which haue happily befallen me in this my iourney, I haue by Gods especiall prouidence, found out both the maid, and K your house. For at such time as I drew neere the Citie and beholding many virgins that went a watering, I besought God that I might light vpon this maiden, and he vouchsafed me my desire: Rat [...]fie therefore on your part this mariage contracted by Gods prouidence, and honour Abraham Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 28. Genes. 24. in granting your consent by this your daughters mariage, whom I am sent to request at your hands, with most intire affection. Now they in that they both allowed a thing so behoofull, and perceiued also that it was conformable to the will of God, they sent their sister vnto him vnder the conditions demaunded: and Isaac then maried her at such time as he had the managing of Abrahams affaires, by reason that the other sonnes of Abraham were alreadie departed to take possession of their Colonies.
CHAP. XVII. L
Of Abrahams death.
AFew daies after this Abraham deceased (a man full of vertue vntill his last ende) and Abraham died after he had liued 175. yeares. honoured by God (according to that intire loue he had to vertue) with great affection. All the daies of his life contained one hundreth seuentie and fiue yeares, and he was buried in Hebron with his wife Sara, and by his sonnes Isaac and Ismael.
CHAP. XVIII.
Of Isaacs sonnes Esau and Iacob, and of their Natiuitie and education. M
AFter the death of Abraham, Rebecca (Isaacs wife) waxed bigge with child, and the Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 26. Gen. 25. time of her reckoning being neere at hand, Isaac was sore troubled, and sought counsell at Gods hands: who answered him, that Rebecca should bring forth two twins, and that of those two sonnes, two nations should be deriued, both which should be called by their names, and that he who seemed to be the least of them, should grow to be the greatest: not long time [Page 21] after (according as God had foretold him) she was brought a bed of two twins, the eldest of The yeare of th [...] world. 2124. before the birth of Christ. 1840. A whom was verie hairy from the top of the head vnto the soale of the foote: and at such time as he issued out of his mothers wombe, his yonger brother held him by the heele. The Father loued the elder, who was called Esau and Seir by reason of his haire, (which the Hebrewes call Seir in their language) but the younger who was called Iacob, was deerely beloued by his mother.
Now for that a great famine raigned in that countrey, Isaac (hauing resolued to retyre himselfe to Egypt, by reason of the abundance and plen [...]ie of that countrey) he went and dwelt at Gerat, according as God had commanded: In which place king Abimelech receiued and entertained Isaac came vnto Gerat. Gen. 26. him (according to the law of hospitalitie, and the league of friendship which was betwixt Abraham his father and him.) In the beginning therefore, he shewed vnto him great signes of B friendship; but afterwards the enuie he had conceiued, hindred him from persisting in the same: for perceiuing that God was fauourable vnto Isaac, and had an especiall care ouer him, he droue Abimelech expelleth Isaac being moued the [...] eunto by enuie. Fauc [...]. him out of his countrey: but he perceiuing well that enuie had altered him, and that Abimelech began to be changed, he retyred himselfe not farre from Gerar into a place called the S [...]aights; and as he there digged to find out a watering, Abimelechs sheepheards came and set vpon him, & hindered him in such sort as he could not finish his purpose: and for that he purposely retyred from them, they verely supposed they had gotten the victorie: Anon after, when he began to digge in an other place, other sheepheards of Abimelech, outraged him anew, as at the first: for which cause he left this fountaine imperfect also; exspecting with ripe iudgement a more conuenient oportunitie, which was afterwards offered him by reason that the king gaue him leaue C to digge, whereupon he laboured out a fountaine, and called it by the name of Rooboth, which signifieth large. And as touching the other two, he called the first of them Es [...]on, which is as much to say as strife: and the other Sienna, which signifieth hostilitie.
Thus increased he daily more and more both in power and riches. But Abimelech supposing that his affluence would be many waies hurtfull vnto him, and remembring himselfe that he had not faithfully entertained friendship with him, but in some sort giuen occasion of suspition, by meanes of some hard measure: fearing least hereafter the iniuries fresh in memory, should more distract him then their old and auncient plighted friendship; and misdoubting his reuenge, he repaired vnto him, and contracted a new league of amitie with him, leading with him one of his A [...]imelech [...]eneweth friendship with Isaac. chiefest captaines, as an arbiter betweene them, by whose meanes he obtained whatsoeuer he D required, so courteous was Isaac, and so readie in memorie of his fathers olde couenant to forgiue new iniuries. And so Abimelech hauing obtained his purpose, returned to his house. Esau one of the two sonnes of Isaac (whom the father especially beloued aboue all the rest) hauing attained the age of fortie yeares, tooke to wiues Ada the daughter of Edom, and Alibama Esau his wiues. the daughter of Esebeon, two princes of the Chanaanites (and that of his owne [...]uthoritie, without his fathers aduise or priuitie) (who would not haue consented, had the matter beene remitted vnto him, because he held it inconuenient to mix and ioine him, or his, in affinitie with any dwellers or inhabitants of the countrey. (This notwithstanding, he would not displease his sonne by commanding him to giue ouer his wiues: but determined with himselfe to conceale and keepe the matter silent. E
When Isaac was waxen olde and wholy depriued of his sight; he called for Esau his sonne and Genes. 27. said vnto him: That although he had not any default or blindnes in him, yet his age would hinder him to denie that seruice, which he both ought and wished to doe: and therefore he willed him to go on hunting, and that he should make readie some meate for him, that he might eate, Isaac sendeth Esau on hunting. The yeare of the world, 2186. before Christs natiuitie, 1778. and after his repast, he might pray vnto God that it would please him to be assistant vnto him all his life time, and be a comforter and aide vnto him: protesting moreouer, that si [...]ce he was vncertaine of the houre of his death, he thought good to blesse him, and by his prayers to procure Gods mercie towards him, before he slept with the dead. Hereupon Esau went on hunting: but [...] in the meane time (desirous that Isaacs blessing should light vpon her sonne Iacob) contrarie to her husbands intent and mind, commanded him to go, and kill two kiddes, and prepare a F repast for his father. Iacob being obsequious and obedient to his mother in all things, fulfilled her command, and as soone as the meate was readie, he wrapped his armes and couered his Iacob by his mother [...] counsel stealeth his brothers blessing. hands with the Goates skins, hoping by the hairinesse thereof, to make his father beleeue that he was Esau. For being his brother at one and the same birth, he resembled him in all things except in this thing onely: but fearing least he should be surprised in his subtiltie before his father Isaac had finished his prayers, and in steed of his blessings he might be loaden with his curses, he [Page 22] presented the meat vnto his father. But Isaac perceiuing some alteration in his voice, calleth his G The yeare of the [...]ld 2186. before Christs Nati [...]itie. 1778. sonne, who stretching out his hands vnto him couered with the kids skinnes▪ Thou art (saith he) more like vnto Iacob in thy voice, but by thy hairinesse, thou seemest vnto me to be Esau. Thus suspecting no deceit, and hauing alreadie eaten, he addressed himselfe to pray, and called vpon God saying. O Lord of all ages, and maker of all creatures, thou hast promised great blessings vnto my father, and hast giuen me many and present felicities, and hast vowed that thou wouldest be mercifull vnto my posteritie, and plentifully powre vpon them more and more ample benefits: let this thy fauour, I beseech thee, be continued towards me; neither despise thou me by reason of this my present weaknesse, which is the cause that I haue more need of thy helpe. Saue and keepe this my sonne by thy clemencie, warrantize him from all euill, giue him a happy life, and possession of all blessings and benefits which are in thy power to bestow vpon him: make him fearfull H to his enemies, and gracious to his friends. Thus prayed he vnto God, thinking he had blessed Esau. Scarce had he finished his prayers, but Esau returned from hunting, which though Isaac perceiued, he was no waies moued with displeasure, but held himselfe silent. Esau besought him Esau required a blessing. that he might obtaine as much as he had vouchsafed his brother: but Isaac denied him, in that he ha [...] bestowed all his blessings vpon Iacob: for which cause Esau lamented and wept. His father (a [...]ted and moued by his teares) foretold him that he should excell in hunting, in force of body, in armes, and other such exercises, whereby he should purchase immortall glorie both to himselfe and his posteritie, yet notwithstanding that he should be his brothers vassall. But for that Iacob Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 27. feared least his brother should seeke to be reuenged of him for robbing him of his fathers blessing, he was by his mothers means deliuered from this perill. For she perswaded her husband to I take Iacob a wife neere allied vnto her out of Mesopotamia. Esau at that time had married an other wife called Bassemath the daughter of Ismaell: for neither Isaac nor his were well affectioned towards the Chanaanites: but were offended by reason of his former espousals. For which cause Esau to giue them contentment married Bassemath, whom afterward he loued more intirely then all the rest.
CHAP. XIX.
How Iacob fled into Mesopotamia for feare of his brother.
BVt Iacob being sent into Mesopotamia by his mother, vnder hope to marrie the daughter K Gen. 28. of Laban her brother (whereunto Isaac consented through the counsaile of his wife) passed through the countrey of Chanaan. And for that there was a conceiued and open hatred betwixt Isaacs people and the inhabitants of Chanaan; he would not take vp his lodging amongst any of them, but lay abroad in the fields, resting his head vpon stones, which hee had heaped togither in steed of a pill [...]v: and during the time of his rest, this vision following was presented vnto him. It seemed vn [...] him, that he saw a ladder, that extending it selfe from the Iacobs ladder. earth, reached vp vnto heauen, along the steps whereof there descended certaine resemblances more excellent to looke on, then the ordinarie port of humane nature could impart; and on the top thereof God manifestly appeared, and calling him by his name, spake vnto him after this manner. Iacob, sure thou art the sonne of a good father, and descended from a grandfather renowned L God speaketh vnto Iacob. and famous for his great vertue: thou must not be daunted, or appauled by thy present trauels; but rather be confirmed in hope of future good hap. For by mine assistance thou shalt be blessed, a [...]d endowed with many benefites. For I am he that brought Abraham hither, from the countrey of Mesopotamia, at such time as he was pursued by his kinsmen: I haue also made thy father happy, and will be no lesse gracious and fauourable vnto thy selfe.
Be confident therefore, and prosecute thy iourney vnder mine assistance. The mariage which thou pursuest shall haue a happy issue, and thou shalt haue good children, who in number shall grow infinite, and shall likewise leaue after them a plentifull and famous posterity, and I wil giue them the soueraigntie ouer this countrey, both to them and their successors, and they shall people and replenish both the earth and the sea, as farre as the sunne enlighteneth the world. Let not M therefore any danger dismay thee, nor trauaile discomfort thee: for besides all this, whatsoeuer thou shalt vndertake, I will not cease to assist thee. These things did God foretell vnto Iacob, who verie highly reioycing at that which he had seene, and that which had been denounced vnto Iacob voweth a sacrifice vnto God & calleth the place Bethel which is ye house of God. him, annointed the stones on which the promises of so many blessings had beene made, and vowed to offer sacrifice vnto God on the same, if at such time as he had attained the good hee sought, he should grant him the grace to returne in health and safetie into his countrey: which [Page 23] as soone as he returned backe he performed, offering vnto God the tenth of all that which he The year [...] of th [...] world. 2186. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1778. Gen 29. Iacob arriueth at Charran in Mesopotamia among his mothers kindred. A had giuen him. And as touching the place where this vision appeared vnto him he hallowed it, and called it by the name of Bethel, which in the Greeke tongue signifieth the house of God. Continuing thus his iourney into Mesopotamia he trauelled so long, till at last he arriued at Charran, and hauing met in the suburbes of the Citie with certaine shepheards and yong men accōpanied with yong maidens, sitting neere to a certaine fountaine, he drewe neere vnto them, desiring them to giue him drinke: and falling in discourse with them, he asked them whether they knew one that was called Laban, and whether he were yet aliue. All of them answered that they knew him well, and that he was a man of that reputation that his name could not be concealed, that his daughter was accustomed to feede her flocke with them, and that they wondred that she was not as yet ariued: of whom (said they) thou maist perfectly vnderstand all that which B thou desirest to know. Whilest thus they past the time in talke, the Damsell drewe neere accompanied with her shepheards: whom one of the companie informed that Iacob was inquisitiue after her father; who, reioycing after the manner of young maidens, asked him what he was, and whence he came, and what necessitie had driuen him thither? wishing she had the meanes to supply whatsoeuer his necessities required. Iacob being ouercome, not by the force of affinitie, Iacobs talke with Rachel. Rachels excellent beauty. or by her good behauiour and curtesie, but with the loue of the maiden was inflamed seeing her so faire and matchlesse in beautie, said vnto her. If thou art the daughter of Laban there is a greater and more ancient coniunction betwixt both thy father, thy selfe and me, then eyther thy yeares, or my birth can attaine vnto. For Abraham, Aran and Nachor were Thare [...] sonnes; Bathuel thy grandfather was Nachors sonne, Isaac my father was the sonne of Abraham, and Sara C daughter of Aran: there is yet a neerer and deerer bond of friendship wherewith we are linked one vnto another. For Rebecca my mother is sister vnto Laban thy father, borne of one father and mother; so that you and I are cosens: and therefore now am I come at this present to salute you, and renewe that auncient loue which our alliance requireth at our hands. But she remembring her of all those things which her father was wont to report and discourse of Rebecca, and knowing that her parents were desirous to heare some newes from her, she wept for ioy, remembring her of the loue of her father, & hung about his necke, and embraced the young man, and after she had saluted him she said vnto him. Thou bringest a most desired & great pleasure to my father & al his family, who neuer forgetteth thy mother, but often times maketh mention of her: & would esteeme it a great felicitie to heare tidings from her. Then desired she him presently to D follow her to her father, least any longer he might be depriued of so desired a pleasure. This said, she brought him vnto Laban, where being acknowledged by his vncle, he both by that means liused securely amongst his friends, as also brought him great contentment, by his vnexpected accesse vnto them. Some few daies after this Laban told him that he tooke so much contentment in Iacobs talke with Laban. The yeare of [...]he world. 2193. before Christs birth 1771. his presence, that he could not expresse it in words, yet required he him to manifest the cause that had induced him to leaue his father and mother in their extreame age, at such time as they had most neede of him, to find him out; moreouer he promised him all assistance and fauour in whatsoeuer cause he had to make vse of him. Whereupon Iacob discoursed vnto him the whole matter, that Isaac had two sonnes, himselfe and Esau, that his brother (in that by his mothers deuise and counsell, he had defrauded him of his fathers blessing) sought and desired to kill him, as E he that was the rauisher of that principalitie from him that was destinated vnto him by God, and the surpriser of all his fathers other intended vowes, that this, as also his mothers commaund was the cause why he came thither: by reason they are all brothers, and by reason that in especiall his mother was their neerest a kinne; telling him that next after God he hoped to finde his greatest assistance and helpe by the meanes of his vncle. Whereupon Laban promising vnto him whatsoeuer humanitie he could imagine (as well in respect of their common auncestors, as for the loue he bare vnto his mother, towards whom although she were absent, he would expresse his good affection, in shewing himselfe well affected towards him that was there present:) he told him then that he would giue him the charge of his flocke, and make him master ouer all his shepheards, and that when he should thinke good to returne backe againe to his friendes, he F should depart with such rewards and honours as might well beseeme a friend so neerely allied vnto him as he was. Which when Iacob vnderstood, he answered that he would willingly indure any sort of labour in Labans seruice, and that his deuoire towards him would be a delight to himselfe, Iacob for recompence requireth. Rachel for his wise. but that in lieu of his labours he required Rachel to wife, who deserued to be honoured by him with no lesse title for many causes, but in especiall for that she had brought him thither: auowing that the loue which he bare vnto her was the cause why he vsed those speeches. Laban [Page 24] (being highly delighted and contented with this his discourse) granted him his consent in the G The yeare of the world, 2193. before Christs Natiuitie, 1771. mariage, telling him that he could not haue wisht for a better sonne in lawe: and that if he would soiourne a while with him, he would make him Lord of all that his heart desired, especially for that he was no waies minded to send his daughter among the Chananites; and that it repented him that (by reason of mariage) his sister had beene drawen thither. Iacob co [...]descended vpon these conditions, and couenanted to abide with him for the space of seuen yeares (for he determined to serue his father in law during that terme of yeares, to the end that hauing made proofe of his vertue, it might the better appeare what he was.) Now the time which was couenanted betweene them being expired, and Iacob expecting the contented possession of his loue which was promised him, Laban prepared a nuptiall feast, and when the night drewe on and Iacob least suspected, lacob in steede of Rachel lieth with Lea. he bringeth his daughter lesse faire in face, and more elder in yeares, and layeth her by H him, who deceiued with the darknes, and for that he had drunke liberally, lay with her: but the day after discouering the deceithe questioned with Laban and accused him, who asked him pardon, alledging the necessitie which inforced him to doe that which he did. For he had not brought in Lea vnder intent to deceiue him, but that the custome of the countrey compelled him thereunto, yet that the same should no waies hinder him, but that he should enioy Rachel, and receiue, see, and haue vse of her after seuen yeares more were fully expired. Herewith Iacob grewe pacified, and suffered himselfe to be perswaded (in that the loue which he bare vnto Rachel suffered him to doe no other waies) and when the other seuen yeares were expired, he maried Rachel. Now both of these had two chambermaids which their father had giuen them, Leas maid was called Zelpha, and Rachels Bala, who were no slaues but onely subiectes. Lea was I touched with great griefe in that Iacob bare greater affection to her sister then to her selfe, bethinking her oftentimes, that if she might haue children, she should be better esteemed and beloued by her husband: for which cause she continually besought Almightie God that it might please him to giue her issue: whereupon it happened that God gaue her a sonne, and Iacobs affection was turned towards her, for which cause she called him Ruben: that is to say, the sonne of Vision, because she had obtained him thorow the mercy of God.
After him she bare three children, Simeon (whose name signifieth that, God had heard her) The explication & names of Iacobs sons. Gen. 30. Rachel bringes in Iacob to Bala. Leui, (which is as much to say, as the firmenes of societie) and last of all Iuda, (which signifieth thanksgiuing.) At that time Rachel fearing least she should lose the better part of her husbands loue, by reason of the fertilitie and fruitfulriesse of her sister, caused her chambermaide K Bala to lie with him, by whom he had a sonne called Dan, that is to say, the iudgement of God: and after him Nepthalim (which signifieth ingenious) (by reason that she had vsed subtiltie to requite her sisters subtiltie.) In like sort of Zelpha he begat Gad (which signifieth aduenturous) Lea bringeth in Zelpha. and after him Aser (that is to say, good hap bringer) because that Lea was more honoured by the multitude of her progeny.
Ruben, the eldest of all the sonnes of Lea, brought his mother apples of Mandragora, which The yeare of the world. 2206. before Christs birth 1758. when Rachel had perceiued, she desired her to giue her a part thereof in that she longed to tast of the same: whereunto Lea would yeeld no consent, replying that she ought to contenthe [...] selfe, in that she had the prerogatiue in loue in respect of both their beloued, which was Iacob. Rachel mollifying the heart of her sister with kind words said vnto her, that she would be content that Iacob L Gen. 31. should lie with her for that night: which Iacob performed for the loue of Rachel, & Lea once more had children, namely Isachar which signifieth, Come by hire, and Zabulon, which importeth a pledge of good will; besides whom she had a daughter also called Dina. Not long after this; Rachel lay with Iacob, and brought forth a sonne who was called Ioseph, which name signifieth an addition. During all this time (which was for the space of twentie yeares) Iacob had the gouernment of his father in lawes flockes: but afterwards he thought good (accompanied with his wiues) to returne to his owne inheritance; which when his father in lawe apperceiued, he would Iacob with his wiues, childré and flocks flye without his fathers priuity. Rachel beareth away with her, her fathers household gods. Labon pursueth Iacob, but God deliuereth him from his purpose. in no sort giue his consent thereunto, for which cause he couertly determined to forsake him. To this intent he made trial of his wiues to see how theywere affected towards his flight, who hartned him by their consents, insomuch as Rachel hauing surprised all the Images of those Gods M which were honoured in that countrey, fled away with her sister, who both of them led with them all their children on both sides, their handmaids with the rest of all their substance: Iacob also droue away the moitie of the cattell without the witting or will of Laban. Rachel also bare with her the Images of the Gods, althongh she had beene taught by Iacob to contemne them and yeeld them no honour: but she supposed that if Laban pursued and ouertooke them, in hauing recourse to them she might obtaine pardon. But Laban a day after the departure of Iacob and his wiues [Page 25] had notice thereof; and being therewith sore aggreeued, he pursued after them, intending to The yeare of the world. 22 [...]. before the Na [...]itie of Christ. 1758. A assaile them by force, and on the seuenth day he ouertooke them vpon a certaine hil where they sat them downe to take their rest, in that it was euening: but God appearing to him in a dreame gaue him counsell to vse no violence, neither towards his sonne in lawe, nor his daughters; but rather to pacifie his ire towards them, and to listen to a peaceable accord betwixt himselfe and Iacob: assuring him that if in contempt of Iacobs weaken esse he should lift vp his arme to assaile him, that he himselfe would ioyne with Iacob to yeeld him succours.
The next day, after that Laban had receiued this Oracle from the mouth of God, as soone as it was day he called Iacob vnto him, to the ende they might conferre together (hiding nothing from him which the night before he had beheld in his dreame.) As soone as Iacob was come vnto him vnder safe conduct, he began to accuse him; alledging that he had receiued him into his B house, at such time as he came vnto him being poore and naked of all meanes: and how he had Labans accusation against Iacob. giuen him great aboundance of goods. I haue (saith hee) giuen thee my daughters in mariage, hoping by that meanes to increase thy loue towards me more and more; but thou hast had neither respect of thy mother, neither of the acquaintance or parentage betwixt thee and mee, neither of the wiues which thou hast espoused, neither of thy children whose grandfather I am; but hast dealt with me after an iniurious and hostile manner, driuing away that which appertained vnto me, seducing my daughters to abandon him that begat them, and carry away my household gods with them, which both I and my predecessors haue serued and honoured; and euen as much as men of warre would not haue done vnto their enemies, that hast thou done vnto me: yea thou that art my kinsman, my sisters sonne, the husband of my daughters, my pledge Iacobs answer: to Labans obiection. C and my familiar seruant, hast dealt thus with me. On the other side Iacob alleadged for himselfe, that God had not onely made impression in his heart, but that all men also are wholy addicted to the loue of their countrey; and that after so long space of time, it seemed good vnto him to visit his natiue soyle. And as concerning that crime (saith he) which thou obiectest against me, as touching the pray, if any other but thy selfe be iudge, thou shalt be conuicted to haue dealt iniustly with me: for whereas thou oughtest to haue rewarded me, for the maintenance and increase I haue made of thy goods, hast thou not done vs great wrong to enuie vs a little part and portion thereof? And as concerning thy daughters, know this that they haue not followed me, by reason they haue beene conueyed away by subtiltie, but vnder that loue and duetie which maried wiues beare vnto their husbands: they doe not therefore onely follow me, but they come D after their children. These things alledged he for himselfe. Further he replied and accused Laban, because that being his mothers brother, and hauing giuen his daughters to wife, he Iacobs accusation against Laban. had notwithstanding bitterly vexed him by his seuere commaundements, vnder which he had beene obedient during the space of twentie yeares, that the troubles he had endured vnder colour of mariage with Rachel had beene combersome vnto him; yet notwithstanding that it was but a trifle in respect of that which he suffered afterwards, which, had he borne him an enuious affection or hostile hatred, he could very well haue escaped. In effect Laban had dealt most Labans subtill dealing with Iacob. maliciously with Iacob. For seeing that God assisted him in all that he enterprised, Laban promised to giue him all the cattell that were borne white, and sometime that which was brought forth blacke: and when as that which Iacob had named and chosen did increase, then did not E Laban performe his promise vnto him, but deferred him ouer to the next yeares increase, by reason he had alwaies a respect of the greater flocke, and promised that which he hoped would Labans couenant with Iacob. Genes. 32. not come to passe, and which if it fell contrarie, he was readie to infringe. And as touching the gods, he told him that he might make search for them.
This condition did Laban accept, but Rachel vnderstanding thereof, thrus [...] the said gods into a sacke, and made them to be caried on a Camels backe, and she sat vpon them, saying, that she was indisposed, by reason at that time she had her naturall purgations. And for this cause Laban desisted from searching any further, supposing his daughter being so affected would not conceale or set herself so neere things that were so sacred: and he made a couenāt with Iacob, that none of them should call to remembrance the interchangeable vnkindnesses that had F past betwixt them, but that he should cherish his daughters, all which they bound with an oath. This couenant was made vpon a certaine mountaine, where they reared a pillar in the forme of an Altar, whence it came to passe that this pillar was called Galaad, that is to say, the hill of witnes, from whence the countrey of Galaad hath taken his name euen vntill this day: and after that the alliance was made, and they had banquetted together, Laban returned backe againe into his owne countrey.
[Page 26] But as Iacob trauailed towards the countrey of Chanaan, he encountred many visions, which G The yeare of the world. 2206. before Christs Natiu [...]. 1758. presaged vnto him good hope and fortunes to come; and he called the place where this thing hapned, the Field of God. And being desirous to know how his brother [...]sau was affected towards him, he sent messengers before him to sound and gather the exact truth thereof, by reason he stood in feare least the memone of his olde discontent should be renewed: charging his Iacob sendeth messengers to his brother Esau. messengers to signifie vnto Esau, that Iacob (deeming it to be a thing inconuenient to liue with his brother, who was displeased with him) had of his owne freewill forsaken: the countrey, and th [...]t at this present he was vpon his returne, thinking that the length of time were sufficient to proo [...]e a reconcili [...]tion betweene them. He therefore led with him his wiues and children, with all those riches which God had giuen him; offering himselfe vnto Esau with all that of most esteeme which he had, by reason that he thought it the greatest benefite that might happen to H him, to impart vnto his brother a part of those commodities, which he had receiued at Gods hands. All which they signified vnto Esau, who reioiced verie much thereat, and went foorth to meete his brother, accompanied with foure hundred armed men. But Iacob hearing that he Genesis 38. marched forward to meete him, attended by so many men at armes, was verie much affraid: yet fixing his confidence in God, he prouided for the time, least any detriment should happen vnto him, studying euerie way to defend both him, and his from inuasion. Whereupon deuiding his [...]oupes, he caused some to march before, and the rest to follow speedily after: so that if any did assault the first, they might retire themselues to the troupe that followed.
After this maner hauing ordered all things about him, he sent certaine with presents to his brother, namely with beasts of charge, and a great number of diuers kinds of foure-footed beasts, I (which for their rarenesse might worke more content and admiration in those to whom they were presented.) All these marched one after another, to the intent, that being encountred thus in rankes, they might seeme to be of greater number then they were: to the end, that if as yet there remained any discontent in the heart of Esau, these presents might serue to mitigate the same. He commanded them also that marched formost; that they should vse courteous salutation Iacob reconcileth his brother with rewards. Iacob wrastleth with an Angel and is called Israel. towards Esau. Hauing thus all the day disposed his troupes, as soone as the night was come, he caused all his companies to march, who passed the riuer of Iaboch: but Iacob, who was left hind most, was encountred with a vision, in which he wrastled with an apparition, and hee became victor.
Now this vision spake vnto him, exhorting him to reioice at that which had hapned vnto him, K assuring him that he had not atchieued an easie matter, but that he had surmuonted an Angell of God, which was a signe of great good which should befortune him, and that his posteritie should be inuincible, and that neuer man whatsoeuer he were, should ouercome him: commanding him to call his name Israel, that is to say according to the Hebrewes, a resister of an Angell. These things were foretold vnto Iacob vpon his request, who perceiuing also that hee was an Angel of God, prayed him to informe him of that which should happen vnto him: which the vision did, and afterwards vanished. Iacob tooke great pleasure thereat, and called the place Phanuel, that is to say, the face of God: and for that in w [...]astling he had hurt his broad nerue, he afterwards abstained from eating of the same, and by reason thereof our nation doe neuer feede thereon. L
Now when he had intelligence that his brother neerely approched him, he commanded his wiues that they should march forward euery one with their handmaidens, to the end that they might from a farre behold the fight of the men, if so be that his brother should assaile them. But Iacob saluteth his brother Esau. himselfe he hūbled in reuerencing his brother, who drew neere vnto him, without intent of circumuention: and Esau saluted him, and enquired of him as touching the companies of women and children, and after he vnderstood how all went, he was desirous to lead them to his father. But Iacob excused himselfe, by reason of the wearines of his cattell, and Esau retired to Sa [...]r where Gen. 34. he made his aboade, and had imposed that name on that countrey, by reason of his thicke haire. Iacob also retired himselfe to a place, which at this day also is called the Tents, and from thence Iacob commeth to Scenas. The history of Dina, Iacobs daughter. into Sichem, a citie of the Chanaanites. M
Now at such time as the Sichemites celebrated their feast, Dina which was Iacobs only daughter, went into the Citie to see the brauerie of the women of that countrey. But Sichem the sonne of king Emmor rauished her, and deflowred her: and being surprised with her loue, he besought his father that he might take her to wife: who listning there unto, went vnto Iacob, praying him to ioine Dina his daughter, in lawfull marriage, with his sonne Sichem. Iacob (nor daring to contradict him by reason of his authoritie and qualitie) and on the other side, not thinking it to [Page 27] be either a thing lawfull, or conuenient to match his daughter with a stranger, required at his The yeare of the world. 2206. before Christs birth 17 [...]. A hands a time of deliberation to consult thereupon. Hereon the king departed, hoping that Iacob would listen to the mariage. But Iacob hauing discouered vnto his sonnes the rauishment of their sister, and the request of Emmor, desired them to deliberate amongst themselues what thing was to be done [...]n the matter: whereupon some held their peace, not knowing what to say; but Simeon and Leui (the brothers of the same wombe, with their sister) complotted togither this practise. In as much as it was a festiuall, and that the Sichemites intended nought but pleasure and banquetting, they issued by night vpon their first guards, and killed them that were a bed; and from thence entring into the Citie, they killed all the males (and with them the king and his son) Simeon and Leui kill the S [...]chemites. Genes 35. but to the women they offered no violence. Which being executed without the knowledge of their father, they brought their sister backe againe. Iacob was verie much astonished at this accident B so strangely executed, and was wroth with his children: but God appeared vnto him and comforted him, and commanded him that he should purifie his tents, and accomplish those sacrifices which he had vowed to performe, at such time when first he went into Mesopotamia, and the vision appeared vnto him. Whilest then he cleansed those which followed him, he found the Gods of Laban, which beside his knowledge Rachel had stolne, and hid them in Sichem in the earth vnder an Oake. Iacob digging vp Labans god [...], goeth and sacrificeth at Bethel. Rachel dieth in childbed. Hedio & Ru [...] finus. chap. 28.
Afterwards departing from thence, he sacrificed in Bethel, where he had seene the vision; at such time as he first of all tooke his iourney into Mesopotamia: and as he trauailed in the land of Ephrata, Rachel died in child-bed, and was buried there: (and she onely hath not enioyed the honour, which is done in Hebron to those of her parentage.) After he had made great lamentation, C he named the child which she bare at that time, Beniamin, (by reason of the dolours which hapned vnto his mother). These are all the children of Iacob, twelue males and one daughter, of whom eight were begotten on his lawfull wiues, sixe of Lea, and two of Rachel, and on their chamber-maides, foure; two of each of them, whose names I haue heretofore recorded. From thence went Iacob to Hebron a Citie of Chanaan, where Isaac made his aboade, and they liued but a small time together, because Rachel was dead and departed from him.
CHAP. XX.
Isaac dieth and is buried in Hebron.
ISaac died a little time after the arriuall of his sonne, and was buried with his wife by his The yeare of the world, 2230. before Christs birth, 1734. Isaac dieth 185 yeares old. Gen. 35. D sonne in Hebron, among their fathers. This Isaac was a man beloued of God; and guided by his especiall prouidence. After the decease of Abraham, he liued a long time: and after he had passed his life in all vertue for the space of 185. yeares, he deceased.
THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE E IEWES,
- 1 How Esau and Iacob, Isaacs sonnes, deuided their habitations, and how Idumaea fell to Esaus lot, and Chanaan to Iacobs.
- 2 How Ioseph the yongest of Iacobs sonnes, by reason of his dreames which foretold his future felicitie incurred his brothers enuie.
- 3 How Ioseph was sould by his brethren into Egypt, and grew in great authoritie in that countrey, F and how at length he had his brothers vnder his power.
- 4 How Iacob with all his progenie came vnto his sonne.
- 5 Of the affliction of the Hebrewes in Egypt, for the space of 400. yeares.
- 6 How vnder the conduct of Moses, they forsooke Egypt.
- 7 How the redde sea diuided it selfe, and gaue the Hebrewes a passage at such time as they fled out of Egypt.
CHAP. I. G
How Esau and Iacob, Isaacs sonnes, deuided their inheritance: and how Idumaea fell to Esaues lot, and Chanaan to Iacobs. The yeare of the world, 2230. before Christs Natiuitie, 1734. Isaacs sonnes departed their habitations.
BVT when Isaac was dead, the sonnes deuided their habitations among themselues, and were neither of them content with that which they inherited by their father: but Esau leauing the Citie of Hebron to his brother, went and dwelt in Seir; and was Lord of the countrey of Idumaea, which he named by his name (for it was surnamed Edom) for the occasion which followeth. He being verie yong, returned one day sore wearied, trauailed, and hungrie H from hunting; and finding his brother dressing for himselfe a messe of lentill pottage, which were verie red in colour, and further increased and incensed his appetite; he required them at his hands, that he might eate them. But he taking the oportunitie and occasion of his brother Esaues hunger, constrained him to forsake his birth-right, and to sell him the same, on condition, he should giue him what to eate. Esau then transported with famine, surrendred Esau the first begotten, s [...]lleth his birth right. Esau called Edom. Gen. 36. Esaus sonnes and posterity. vnto him his birth-right, and confirmed it with a solemne oath. And thereupon, his equals in age, in way of mockerie, called him Edom, by reason of this redde meate: for Edom in Hebrew, signifieth Red. His countrey likewise was called Edom: but the Greekes, to the ende they might make the name more currant, called it Idumea. He became the father of fiue children, of whom he had three by his wife Alibamma, whose names were Iaus, Iolamus, and Choraeus: I as touching the other two, Aliphaces was the sonne of Aza, and Raguel of Mosametha: these children had Esan. Aliphaces had fiue legitimate children, Theman, Omar, Ophus, Iotham, Ocauaxes (for Amelech was illegitimate, borne by one of his concubines, whose name was Themana.) The [...]e dwelled in that part of Idumaea, which is called Gobolitus; and in that part, which by reason of Amelech, is called Amelechitis. For Idumaea being in times past a land of great extent, continued the name of Idumaea thorough the whole countrey: and the particular p [...]ouinces of the same, kept the names of those that first inhabited the same.
CHAP. II.
Ioseph the yongest of Iacobs children, is enuied by his brothers. K
BVt Iacob attained to that felicitie, that scarcely any other hath been so happy; for he The yeare of the world. 2206. before Christs birth 1658. surpassed all the inhabitants of that countrey in riches: and by reason of the vertues of his children, he was both enuied, and regarded. For they were accomplished in all perfections, animated and endowed with stout hearts; prepared to execute any worke of the hand, and to indure all sorts of trauell: finally, all of them were furnished with knowledge and prouidence. But God had such care of him, and so diligently procured and furthered Gen 37. Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 2. his good fortunes, that that which seemed vnto him to be griefefull and contrarie, hee brought to an issue prosperous for him; and increasefull for his riches: and brought to passe, that both he and his children were the first motiue to our auncestors to forsake the land of Egypt, L for that cause which here insueth. Iacob hauing begotten Ioseph of Rachel, loued him intirely, both in respect of the beautie of his body, as also of the ornaments and vertues of his spirit: and besides both these, his prudence, wherein he outstripped all his other brothers. This cordiall affection Iacobs sonnes hated their brother Ioseph. of his father, moued enuie and hatred amongst his brothers towards him. And besides these, the dreames which he had seene, and told both to his father and brethren; which foreprophecied vnto him a singular felicitie. For it is the common custome of men to be iealous of their prosperitie, with whom they are familiar.
Now the visions which Ioseph saw in his dreame, were these. Being sent by his father in the companie of his brothers, to reape come in the time of haruest, he saw a vision (farre different Iosephs dreame. from those which accustomably happen in sleepe) which (as soone as he awoake) he told vnto his M brethren, to the end, they should interpret it. He told them therefore, that him thought in his dreame the night past, that his sheafe of corne was setled in a place where he had fixed it, and that theirs ranne towards his, and worshipped the same. Which vision of his, seemed to foretell him of his ample fortune; and how he should obtaine the Lordship ouer all of them: But they concealed all these things from Ioseph, making shew that they could in no sort interpret the dreame: but being by themselues apart, they breathed foorth contrarie imprecations; wishing [Page 29] that nothing of that which they interpreted as touching his dreame, might take effect, but perseuering A The yeare of the world. 2206. before the birth of Christ. 1758. Iosephs dreame of the Sonne, Moone and Starres. more and more in enuie and hatred towardes him. But God (opposing his power against their enuie) sent Ioseph a second and more strange vision. For he dreamed that the sunne, the moone, and eleuen of the starres descended downe to the earth, and humbled themselues before him. Which vision he reuealed to his father in the presence of his brethren (without suspition of any hatred in them towards him) and besought him to interpret vnto him the meaning thereof. Now as touching Iacob, he greatly reioiced at this dreame, by The interpretation of Iosephs dreame. reason he conceiued in his mind the interpretation thereof, and (in comparing and alluding his coniectures not rashly, but with prudence) he reioiced at those great matters which were signified by that dreame: which foretold, that his sonne Ioseph should be highly fortunate, and happy; and that the time should come in which his father, mother, and brethren should honor him, B and worship before him. For he compared the moone (which ripeneth and encreaseth al things that grow) to his mother: and the sunne (which giueth forme and force) to his father. And as touching his brothers, who were eleuen in number, he compared them to the eleuen starres, (which receiued their force both from the sunne and moone.) Neither did Iacob without iudgement and consideration so interpret this vision. But Iosephs brothers were highly aggrieued at this presage, conceiuing as hainously and hatefully thereof, as if this felicitie had been portended to a stranger, and not to their brother, with whom they might equally partake his good fortunes Iosephs brothers complot his death. whatsoeuer, being as well allied in felicitie vnto him as in consanguinitie. Whereupon they resolued on his death and destruction, and hauing complotted these counsailes amongst themselues, and gathered in their haruest, they retired themselues with their flockes towards Sichem Sicima a fit place to grase in. C (which was a part of that countrey) verie fit to nourish and feede their cattell, where they kept their flockes without giuing any notice of their departure to their father. But he perceiuing that no man came from the herd, that might tell him any tydings, being sorrowfull and carefull of his sonnes, he sent Ioseph to the flocks, to vnderstand how they did, and how their affaires prospered.
CHAP. III.
How Ioseph was solde into Egypt by his brethren, and grew in great credit in that countrey: and how his brethren at length were vnder his subiection.
BVt as soone as they saw their brother comming towards them, they reioiced, not as at Ioseph commeth vnto his brothers, who resolue to murther him. D the arriuall of one of their houshold friends sent vnto thē by their father, but as if their enemie had encountred them; who by the will of God was deliuered into their hands. They therefore mutually agreed to put him to death, and not to let slip the present oportunitie. But Ruben the eldest amongst them seeing their disposition and conspiracie to kill him, endeuoured Ruben dissw [...] deth his brothers death. to disswade them; setting before their eies how hainous and wicked the enterprise was, and what hatred they might incurre thereby. For (said he) if before God and before men it be a wicked and detestable thing to lay hands on, and to murther a stranger: how much more haynous a crime will it be helde for vs, to be conuicted to be the murtherers of our brother? whose death will heape sorrow on our fathers head: and draw our mother into great griefe and E desolation thorough the losse of her sonne, robbed and bereft from her beyond the ordinarie course of men. For which cause he praied them to be aduised in these things, & that they would consider in their mindes, what thing might happen, if this child, who was faire, vertuous and yoong, should be done to death: praying them to giue ouer this vnnaturall resolution, and to feare God, who was both the iudge and witnesse of their deliberation intended against their brother: and that if they would desist from this haynous act, God would take pleasure in their The yeare of the world, 2217. before Christs natiui [...], 1747. repentance and reconcilement; but if they proceeded in their enterprise, he assured them that he would punish them like fratricides; since nothing is hidden from his prouidence, whether it be committed in the desart, or attempted in the Citie. For wheresoeuer men are, there is it alwaies to be thought, that God likewise is. Further, that when they should haue perpetrated this fact, F that they should alwaies haue their consciences as an armed aduersarie against them, which neuer would forsake them, whether they were good, or whether such as theirs would be, if they should fortune to murther their brother. Furthermore he alleadged, that it was an impious fact to kill a mans owne brother, although he had done him iniurie; and much more meritorious to forgiue a mans friend, that had offended against him. Moreouer he said, that Ioseph had done them no wrong, whose tender yeares rather required care and compassion at their handes, [Page 30] then hate and tyrannie. Besides that, the cause of his slaughter would aggrauate their offence, G The yeare of the world 2217. before Christs Naetiuitie. 1747. if it should be knowen that for enuie of his future felicitie they should take away his life; all which good happe they likewise might participate by reason of consanguinitie, and that it was their dutie to thinke, that whatsoeuer blessing God imparted to, Ioseph was theirs; & that for that cause they were to imagine, that God would be more displeased against them, if they should endeuour to depriue him of his life, whom he had esteemed and adiudged worthy of prosperitie to come. Ruben alledging these and many other things, besought them and laboured to diuert them from shedding their brothers bloud, but seeing that all these his motiues could in no sort mollifie them, but that they hastened the rather to commit and perpetrate the murther; he counselled them that at least wise they should allot him some milder kinde of death. Telling them that he endeuoured all what in him lay at the first to disswade them, but since it H was throughly resolued among them that he should not liue, that lesse mischiefe should follow of it, if they would be ruled by his counsell, for by that meanes their will should haue effect, yet a more milde and lesse hurtfull in comparison of murther: that it were better for them to Ruben perswadeth them to cast Ioseph into a pit. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 3. temper their hands, and keepe them immaculate, by casting him into the next pit, and there leauing him in the hands of death: to this counsell all of them agreed. So Ruben tooke Ioseph and bound him with cords, and let him downe easily into a pit which was drie, which done, he departed to seeke out a more conuenient place for pasture.
But when Ruben was gone, Iuda one of Iacobs sonnes (espying certaine merchants of Arabia, Genes 37. 39. of the countrey of the Ismaelites, who from the countrey of Galadena caried Spicerie and Syrian merchandise into Egypt) he counselled his brothers to draw vp Ioseph out of the well, and I Ioseph by Iudas counsell is sold to the Arabian merchants. to sell him to those Arabians, assuring them that by that meanes it would come to passe that Ioseph should die, the farther off from them amongst straungers; and as touching themselues, they should be exempt from that pollution: which counsell of his being commended by them all, they drew Ioseph out of the pit, and sold him to the Arabians for the summe of twentie siluerlings, at such time as he was seuenteene yeares of age. Now had Ruben resolued in himselfe to saue Ioseph without his brothers priuitie, for which cause comming by night vnto the pit, he called him with a loud voice, & seeing that he gaue him no answer, he began to coniecture with himselfe Ruben by night commeth to the pit. that his brethren had done him to death, he reproued them therefore verie bitterly; but after they had told him what was become of him, he gaue ouer his mourning. After these things were thus brought to passe, the brethren consulted amongst themselues in what sort they might K cleere themselues from their fathers suspition, and conclude among themselues to teare the coat wherewith Ioseph was attired, at such time as he came vnto them, and which they had taken from him, when they cast him into the well, to the end that hauing defiled it in the bloud of a Goate, they might afterwards beare it vnto their father and shew it him, to the ende he might suppose that Ioseph was slaine by wild beastes; which done, they came vnto the olde man (not altogether ignorant of his sonnes misfortunes) and told him that they had not seene their brother Ioseph, neither could they assure him what mishappe had befallen him; but that notwithstanding they had found his Ierkin altogether bebloudied and torne, which made them suspect that he was slaine by some wilde beastes, if so be he were sent vnto them attired in that coate.
But Iacob (that hitherto expected and hoped for more succesfull tidings, in that he supposed L Iosephs brothers perswade his father that he is deuoured by wild beasts. and hoped that Ioseph had onely beene captiue) gaue ouer this opinion, and tooke the coate for a most assured testimonie of his sonnes death; for he knew that he was apparelled therewith at such time as he sent him to his brothers, for which cause he lamented Ioseph, from that time forward as being dead, and as if he had not any more sonnes. And such was the griefe of his heart, that he conceiued no consolation in the rest, but suffered himselfe to be perswaded by the brothers, that Ioseph had beene slaine by sauage beastes: he therefore sat him downe being clothed in sackcloth, and charged with sorrow; and neither could his sonnes by their Iacob be waileth Ioseph for dead. Ioseph is sold in Egypt to Putifar. counsels mittigate his moanes, nor he himselfe remit the rigor of his Iamentation.
Now Ioseph was sold by the merchants and bought by Putiphar (an Aegyptian Lord, and a steward of King Pharaos houshold) who held him in high estimation, and trained him vp M in all liberall sciences, suffering him to liue not after a seruile, but liberall manner, and committing vnto his charge the care of all his houshold, all which fauours he made vse of. Yet was he no waies diuerted by these his priuiledges and promotions from his innated vertue; testifying hereby, that prudence doth not submit to aduerse fortune, if a man vse the same orderly, and not at that time onely when fortune fauneth and flattereth. Putifars wife soliciteth Ioseph to lie with her.
It fortuned not long after, that his masters wife was enamoured with him, both in respect [Page 31] of his beautie, as also of his dexteritie and diligence, supposing that if she opened her minde The yeare of the world. 2217. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1747. A vnto him, she might the more easily enioy him, and that he might esteeme it a part of his felicitie, to be beloued by his mistres. All which she supposed and imagined, hauing onely regard of that seruile condition, wherein at that present he was, and not of his manners which continued alwaies intire; notwithstanding any chaunge that could happen vnto him: for which cause she discouered vnto him her desire, and desired him to grant her an amorous encountrey; but he refused her demaund, alledging that it were a most wicked requital of him towards his master, if it should come to passe that he who had bought him, & so greatly honored him, should receiue so great an iniurie and outrage: for which cause he exhorted her: to conquer her appetite, depriuing her of all hope of euer compassing her concupiscence, alledging vnto her, that desire is then lesse actiue when hope is extinguished; auowing that he had rather suffer all the B mischiefes that might be imagined, then to consent or condescend vnto her in that wickednes. And although (said he) it be vndecent for a seruant to contradict the will of his mistres, yet that the filthines of the fact did disswade him from attempting the same. But this his repulse did more and more inflame her, for that she supposed that Ioseph should not denie her: and her disordinate affections increasing daily, she deuised and complotted a new meanes in hope to bring Putifars wife complotteth a second subtilty to allure Ioseph. her loue to her desired issue.
Whereas therefore a solemne and publike feast was at hand, wherein according to custome, the Ladies were wont to dignifie the solemnitie by their assistance: she fained a sicknes, perswading her husband thereunto, hoping by that meanes she might haue the better opportunitie (in being solitarie and alone) to solicite Ioseph, which falling out accordingly (as she had her selfe desired) C she began to court and compasse him by these flattering and fawning allurements and perswasions. Telling him that he had done well if vpon her first request he had obeyed her without any cōtradiction, in respect of her dignitie who required the same, & her incredible passion which had so farre commaunded her, that notwithstanding she were his mistres, she should indignifie and forget her selfe so much as to solicite him: that now he should behaue himselfe more wisely and better, if in amends of his forepassed obstinacie he now at last would consent. For if he respected this her second sommons, it was farre more affectionate and importunate then the former, for (saith she) I haue fained sicknesse to this ende, to solicite and preferre thy company before a publike triumph. Or if at first thou didst mistrust me, thou maist hereby conceiue that I doe not maliciously tempt thee, in that I yet continue in the same affection. For which cause eyther D make choise of this present pleasure, and be obsequious to her that loueth thee, vnder hope of further preferments, or be assured of my hate and reuenge if thou preferrest thy opinion of chastitie before my fauour. For be assured that thy chastitie shall profit thee nothing, if I shall accuse thee to my husband, and auow that thou hast sought to violate me: for although thy allegations be more true, yet shall my words be of more force, and my accusations more acceptable in Putifars eares then thine. But neither by these words, nor her teares the witnesses of her vowes, could Ioseph be peruerted, neither could remorse ouerworke him, nor terrour compell Ioseph once more repulseth the assaults of her lust. him to forsake his purposed chastitie, but that he constantly resisted against those iniust afflictions, wherewith she threatened him: choosing rather to suffer any misery whatsoeuer, then to be prisoned with the possession of her offered adulteries, being well assured that he was worthie E of extreame punishment, if on a womans intreatie he should condescend to any such trechery. He likewise admonished her of her duetie, alledging the lawes, rights, and customes of matrimonie, willing her rather to respect them, then her momentanie lust: for that the one was speedily followed with repentance, proceeding so dainly of griefe, not amendement of sinne, with a continuall and great feare likewise, least the fact should be discouered: whereas the company she might haue with her husband, was void of daunger, and attended by a conscience, as well before God as men. Moreouer, that it was more conuenient for her to gouerne and commaund him as his Ladie & Mistres, rather then to be shamed in making him the secretary of their common sinne: for that it is more conuenient to be assured in the confidence of a good life, then in secret to commit sinne. In these and such words sought he to abate the brunt of her furious F affections, and to reuoke her from her depraued fansies, to submit to the law of reason; but she, the more instantly he disswaded, the more earnestly inuaded him; and where by no meanes she could peruert him by words, she laid violent hands vpon him, to constraine him perforce: but Ioseph (vnable to indure any longer the intemperancy of the woman, leauing his garment Ioseph leauing his rayment behinde him fled from the adulteresse. behind him whereby she held him) brake sodainly out of the chamber. She partly impelled by the griefe of repulse, partly affrighted with feare, least her lasciuiousnes should be made knowen [Page 32] to her husband, decreed first of all falsely to accuse Ioseph, and by this meanes to take reuenge G The yeare of the world, 2217. before Christs Natiuitie, 1747. vpon him; holding it to be a craft worthy a womans wit, to anticipate and first of all accuse her accuser. She therefore sat her downe sad and perplexed, colouring the griefe of her defrauded lust vnder the cloake of indignation for her attempted honour, and violated chastitie. Now when her husband came home, and (being troubled in mind to behold these her agonies) demaunded the cause thereof: Liue thou no longer (said she) my husband, except thou The adulteresse accusation against Ioseph. rigorously punish that wretched slaue, who attempted to violate thy bed, forgetting both what he was whē he came into thy house, & with how great beneuolence thou hast intertained him, yea who was to be esteemed more ingrate then ingratitude, except euery way he approued himselfe faithfull vnto thee: yet hath he not forborne to offer iniury, no not to thine owne wife; and that which is more, on a holy day, & in thine absence; wherby it manifestly appeareth that the moderation H which hitherto he pretēded, rather proceeded of seruile feare, then natiue modesty. And that which hath the more emboldened him, is in that (besides all hope, and beyond his merit) thou hast fauored him: for seeing all thy goods were committed to his trust & dispensation, and perceiuing that he was preferred before all thine ancient seruants, he thought it lawfull likewise for him to attempt and outrage thy wife: and to procure more credit to her words, she produced his garment, which (as she said) he left behind him at such time as he sought to violate her. But Putiphar intangled by the words & teares of a woman, and attributing too much to his wiues dissembling loue, omitting the further and faithfull inquisition of the truth, after he had first of all praised his wiues faith & loyaltie, he cast Ioseph thus condemned of hainous wickednes into the prison of malefactors, esteeming his wiues chastitie, and commending it the more, in that he was now made a witnes I of her approued honestie. Ioseph is cast into prison. Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 4. Gen. 39.
But Ioseph committing his innocency vnto God, neither tooke care how to excuse himselfe, neither to expresse how the matter fell out: but silently suffering the necessitie of his bonds, he was onely comforted with this one hope, namely that God was more powerfull, then they that had imprisoned him: whose prouidence he presently experimented. For the keeper of the prison Iosephs patience in bonds. The keeper of the prison dealeth friendly wi [...] Ioseph. considering both his faith and diligence in all that wherein he imployed him, as also the dignity of his forme, loosed him out of bonds, and by that meanes in some sort lesned his misery, giuing him also an allowance more liberall then the rest of the prisoners had. Now when they that were in the prison (as often as they had intermission from their labor) conferred together (as men in misery are wont to do) and questioned among themselues of the cause of their damnation: K a certaine butler neere about the King (condemned by him in displeasure to be cast into Irons) grew familiar with Ioseph; and for that he accounted him to be a prudent and prouident man, he told him his dreame, praying him that if any presage might be gathered thereby, that he would expound it vnto him, lamenting his misfortune, who not onely was persecuted by the kings displeasure, but also when he should take his rest, troubled from heauen by dreames. For he said that in his sleepe he beheld three great clusters of grapes, hanging on three seuerall branches of a vine, which were all ripe and readie to be gathered, and that him thought he pressed them into a cup which the king held, and that afterwards hauing strained the must, he offered it to the King, and that he willingly dranke thereof: now when he had shewed him his dreame, he desired him that if he had any knowledge giuen him from God, he would vouchsafe to interpret his L vision vnto him. Ioseph answered him that he should be of good courage, willing him to expect, The butlers dreame expounded. The yeare of the world. 2238. before Christs birth 1736. for that within three daies he should be deliuered from his bonds, and be admitted againe to the kings seruice, and restored to his former credit. For he interpreted that the vine bringeth forth a fruit verie good and profitable for mans vse, for that by the mediation thereof faith and friendship is fixed and confirmed amongst them, and discords dissolued: furthermore that troubles and sorrowes were asswaged by the vse thereof, in stead of which pleasures succeeded. This said he, as thou tellest me that the king receiued being pressed out by thy hands. Know therefore that thou hast a good dreame offered thee, and that it signifieth thy deliuerance from misery within three daies, according to the number of those clusters which thou gatheredst in thy dreame. Remember me therefore I pray thee, as soone as the euent hath approued this my prediction M to be faithfull and vnfained; and when thou art at liberty, forget vs not that are left here to lye in misery, who departest to enioy thy foretold felicitie; for I am not here thrust into bonds for my wickednes, but I am punished like a malefactor for my vertue and modesty, in that I rather respected the honour of the house in which I liued, and his credit who committed me to [...]n the yeare of the world. 2228. before Christes Natiuity. 1726. prison, then mine owne pleasure. And thus the butler as it became him, reioyced at the interterpretation of his dreame, and expected the euent. Now a certaine other seruant, who had the [Page 33] commaund of the kings bakers, and liuing in the same prison with the butler, conceiuing some The yeare of the world. 2228. before the birth of Christ. 1736. The Bakers dreame. A hope thorow Iosephs so happie interpretation (for that he likewise had seene a vision) desired him to expound vnto him what interpretation was to be had of a dreame, which he had the night past, which he expressed in these words. Me thought (said he) that I carried three baskets on my head, of which, two were replenished with bread, and the other with flesh (and diuers other kinds of acares, such as are prepared for kings.) But the birdes of the ayre houering round about me, deuoured all the victuals, being nothing appauled by me, although I droue them from thence. Which said, he expected a presage no lesse fortunate then the former.
But Ioseph (after he had coniectured vpon the circumstances of the dreame, and foretold him The exposition of the Bakers dreame. that he would rather haue informed him of more succesfull fortunes, then his dreame did intend:) told him that he had onely two daies left him, wherein he was to liue. For these were designated B by the two baskets: but by the third, that he should be hanged and deuoured by the foules, which he could not driue from him. Neither did it otherwise fall out with both of them, then Ioseph had foretold: For vpon the prefixed day, the king (celebrating the feast of his natiuitie) commanded that the baker should be hanged: but as touching the butler, he deliuered him from his bonds, & restored him to his former office. But God deliuered Ioseph (after he had Genes. 41. for the space of two yeares spent his time in the misery of the prison: and was in the meane space no waies assisted by the vngrateful butler) by preordinating this meanes and maner of his libertie. Whereas king Pharao had that night in his sleepe seene two visions, and had also receiued the interpretation thereof, forgetting the one, he only remembred him of the dreams, which Pharao the King of Egypts dreame. in his opinion had no fortunate signification. Whereupon early in the morning (calling before C him the learnedst amongst the Egyptians) he required the interpretation thereof. Now when he could in no sort be satisfied by them, the king was the more and more moued: which when the butler apperceiued, he remembred him of Ioseph, and of his wisedome and prudence in these sorts of coniectures; and repairing vnto the king told him of Ioseph and of his vision, and the euent thereof, which he had whilest he was in prison, together with Iosephs interpretation; and how the same day, the master of the bakers condemned to the gallowes, gaue greater credit to his predictions: how he was kept prisoner as a slaue by Putifar the master of his houshold, and that he said how amongst the Hebrewes he was descended of good and honourable parents. Command him therefore (said he) to be sent for, neither despise the man for his present miserie, for thou maiest manifestly vnderstand by him, the signification of thy dreames. Whereupon D the king sent for him presently, and friendly taking him by the hand, he spake vnto him after Ioseph is deliuered from bonds this maner: Good yoong man, in that I vnderstand by the report of my seruant, that thou art prudent; shew me the interpretation of my dreames in such manner as thou discoueredst his vnto him, and thou shalt doe me a hie pleasure: but beware thou neither conceale any thing for feare, or speake ought for flatterie, or to feed me with falsehoods, but tell me all things truely, although they shall in a sort breed my discontent to heare them. Me seemed that I walked by a Pharaos dreame of the seuen kine. riuer side, and that I saw seuen wel fed and verie fat kine, which retired themselues from the floud into the pasture: and againe, me thought that seuen others came from the pasture to encounter them, who were verie leane and vgly to behold, who when they had deuoured the seuen others The yeare of the world, 2231. before Christs natiuitie, 1733. that were fat and great, yet neuer the more increased, but were all of them miserably vexed with E hunger. But after this vision being awaked out of my sleepe, and troubled in my minde, thinking with my selfe, what that vision might signifie, being seazed by little and little by a pleasant slumber, I fell a sleepe once againe. And againe, I saw a vision more prodigious then the former, The yeare of the world. 2238. before Christs birth 1726. which doth likewise trouble and terrifie me the more. For I saw seuen eares sprong out of one roote, that hung downe and bowed their heads, because they were loaden with graine readie to be reapt: after which, there appeared seuen other, weake, and languishing for want of dewe, who deuouring those other great and full eares, left me highly astonished. Hereunto Ioseph answered: This dreame (O king) although it hath been seene in two figures, yet so it is that it importeth The interpretation of Pharaos dreame. one and the same accident, which is to ensue. For both those oxen (which are creatures borne and bred vp for the plough and labour) which you saw deuoured by the leaner, and those eares F of corne consumed by the weaker; foresignifie a famine & scarcitie in Egypt for so many yeares, as there were Oxen and eares of corne in good plight: so that the fertilitie of these good yeares shall be consumed by the sterilitie of so many other yeares, according to their number; and there shall be such scarcitie of necessarie prouision, that it shall be hard to preuent and supply their defects, all which is signified by those seuen leane kine, who, hauing deuoured the good, could not be satisfied by the same. All these things God foretelleth vnto men, not to the end they should [Page 34] be terrified and affrighted; but that being forewarned, they might prouide for themselues, to G The yeare of the world, 2238. before Christs birth 1726. By Iosephs counsell the succeeding scarcitie is made more tollerable. the end they might more easily preuent the imminent danger If therefore thou shalt lay vp and store the aboundance of the plentifull yeares, Egypt shall not feele the penurie that shall follow. And when as the king (admiring at Iosephs prudence and wisedome) demanded after what maner he might prouide in the time of plentie, how to preuent and redresse, the future sterilitie: hee warned and counsailed him, that the Egyptians should vse parcimony, and that that which remained of those yeares superfluitie, might be reserued for future necessities. He counselled him also to bind the husbandmen, that they should hoard vp their corne in their barnes, and only to distribute to the people as much as was sufficient, and no more. Hereupon the king (not onely praising Iosephs counsell, but also his interpretation of his dreames) made him Lord and commissarie of all the store; and commanded him to prouide whatsoeuer he thought necessarie in H that behalfe, either of his owne or of the peoples: assuring him that he thought no man more necessarie to execute this counsell, then himselfe who was the author thereof. Hauing therefore Ioseph is entitled by Pharao to great honours. this authoritie giuen him by the king to vse his owne signet, and to be cloathed in purple, he was conducted thorow all the countrey vpon a chariot: and he assembled the labourers of corne, and distributed to euerie one by measure, that which they wanted for seede corne, and for their nourishment, without letting any man vnderstand for what cause he did it. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5.
About this time had he already attained to thirtie yeares olde, being held in great honour by the king, and was for his incredible prudence, surnamed by him Psontom phanechus, which signifieth the discouerer of hidden things: he was also honoured with a wife of great dignitie, for by Ioseph marieth a wife in Egypt on whom he begat Manasses & Ephraim the procuratiō of the king, he tooke to wife a virgin, daughter to Putifar the Heliopolitan priest, I whose name was Asaneth, by whom he begat children also, before the famine began in Egypt. The elder of whom was called Manasses, which signifieth Obliuion (because attaining better fortune, he grew in obliuion of his former miserie:) but the yonger was called Ephraim (which signifieth returne, for that he was restored to the libertie of his auncestors.) Now when as according to Iosephs interpretation, the seuen yeares of plentie and affluence were ouerpassed in Egypt; the eight yeare of famine began to infest the land: and for that the euill was vnexspected, The famine in Egypt. the headlong multitude grieuously trauailed with hunger and miserie, began to flocke about the kings gates and garners. Hereon the king called for Ioseph, who presently distributing graine to those that wanted it, became without controuersie, the father and conseruer of the cōminaltie. Neither did he only make merchandize with those that inhabited that countrey: but with strangers K also, deeming that the whole race of mankind was allied the one with the other; and that it was conuenient, that such as wanted should be succoured by their meanes, who had better fortune. And because the same calamitie both oppressed Chanaan and other kingdomes of the world, Iacob also sent all his sonnes into Egypt to fetch come; (as soone as he vnderstood that Iacob sendeth his sonnes into Egypt to buy wheat. strangers also had libertie to traffique in that place) onely with himselfe he retained Beniamin, whom he begat on Rachel, and who was brother german vnto Ioseph: who as soone as they arriued in Egypt, repaired vnto Ioseph, beseeching him that they might be permitted to buy come, (for nothing was done without his expresse command) for euen then found each man fit occasion Genesis 42. to honour the king, when they bethought themselues howe to honour Ioseph. He taking knowledge of his brothers, who thought on nothing lesse then of him (by reason that in his L youth he was sold away by them, and age had altered the lineaments of his face; and besides, no one of them might suspect that hee had attained to so great dignitie): determined to trie and tempt them, to the end he might the better gather how they were affected. For he both denied them his licence to buy come, & cōmanded them also to be apprehended for spies, telling them that they were gathered of diuers nations, and they fained kinred: for how can it be (saith he) that a priuat man should bring vp so many worthy sonnes, which felicitie scarcely and very seldome is granted vnto kings? This did he, to the end he might gather some intelligence of his Ioseph soūdeth his brothers to the end he might vnderstand his fathers and Beniamins estate. Rubens answer vnto Ioseph, both for himselfe and his brothers. father, and in what estate he liued, during the time of his absence; and what was become of Beniamin his brother: for he was sore afraid, least they had offered the same hard measure to the lad, which they had inflicted on him. But they were stroken with a mighty feare, bethinking M them on their imminent perill, supposing that they had trauailed this long iourney all in vaine: & for that they saw their accusation must be answered; Ruben the eldest of them, began after this maner to plead their cōmon cause. Neither are we come hither (said he) as spies, neither vnder pretence to indomage the king; but dire famine (whose furie we seeke to preuent) hath cōpelled vs to come into this countrey, grounding our selues on your humanitie; who (as we haue heard) haue not onely made offer of sale of come, and meanes of sustenance to your citizens: but also [Page 35] vnto all straungers. And that we are brothers and borne of the same father, our verie countenances A The yeare of the world. 2238. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1726. testify no lesse, in that they varie not very much the one from the other. Our father by name, is Iacob; by nation, an Hebrew: who begat vs his twelue sonnes on foure women, who while they all were in safety, our affaires were fortunate and prosperous: but one of them being dead, whose name was Ioseph, our domesticall fortunes began to grow to ruine. Our father languisheth in continuall lamentations, whose teares do no lesse afflict vs, then in times past the vntimely death of our dearest brother did affect vs. Now are we come to buy corne, hauing left in our fathers custody the youngest of our brothers called Beniamin: That thus it is, if so thou please to send any one vnto our house, thou maist be assured. Thus spake Ruben both on his owne and his brothers behalfe, whereby he might exempt from Ioseph his sinister opinion of them, who knowing that both his father and brother were in health, commaunded them to be shut in prison, vnder pretence B Ioseph commaundeth his brothers to prison. to call them to further examination vpon his better leasure. Some three daies after (calling them before him) he began thus: Since (saith he) you protest that you came not hither into this kingdome on purpose, either to preiudice the King, or worke treasons towards the state; and that you pretend your selues to be the sonnes of one father: you shall induce me to beleeue that your allegations be true, if leauing some one with me as pledge of your loyalties (who shall be well entertained) you beare hence your desired corne vnto your father, and returne againe vnto me, bringing with you your brother, whom (as you say) you left behind you for this shall be an argument that you faine not. Amased at these words, and supposing that their extreame calamitie was at hand, they lamented their fortunes, oftentimes expostulating amongst themselues, that the dire reuenge of their brother oppressed with vndecent tyranny, was fallen vpon them. C Moreouer Ruben reprehended their too late and vnprofitable penitencie, saying, that those afflictions Iosephs brothers repent them of that euill they had done vnto him which God (the iust reuenger of innocencie) had inflicted on his impious brothers, were constantly to be borne. After this manner spake they one vnto another, supposing that no man was present who vnderstood the Hebrew tongue: and they all lamented being inwardly touched with the words of Ruben, and condemned their perpetrated wickednes, as if they had not beene the authors of the fact, for which at that time they thought that God did most iustly punish them. Ioseph beholding them in this perplexitie, vnable to dissemble any longer his brotherly loue, in that the teares alreadie began to burst out of his eyes, which at that time he desired to conceale, he departed from among them.
Not long after returning againe vnto them, he retained Simeon with him, who in the meane Ioseph sendeth away his brothers, and only retaineth Simeon. D time should remaine as pledge with him vntil their backe returne, and giuing them licence to buy their corne, he commaunded them to depart: giuing withall a speciall commaundement to one of his seruants, that the money which they had brought to buy corne, should secretly be shut vp into their sackes, and they permitted to depart; all which his seruant performed. But Iacobs sons returning into Chanaan told their father all that which had happened vnto them in Aegypt, and how they were attached for spies, and traitors to that countrey; and that when they protested that they were brethren, and that the eleuenth was left at home with their father, they would not beleeue them: moreouer that Simeon was left pledge with the gouernour, vntill Beniamin came thither to giue testimony of their truth: whereupon they desired their father, that without contradiction or sinister conceit, to send their yonger brother with them. But Iacob was displeased Iacob is sore grieued for Simeons absence, and because Beniamin should depart from him. Genes 39. E with that which his sonnes had done; and whe [...]as he was not a little grieued that Simeon was left behind, he thought it worse then death also to be depriued of Beniamin; and neither could Ruben with his praiers (offering his sonnes for pledges, that if any sinister fortune should fall vpon Beniamin by the way, the Grandfather might reuenge him on his children) perswade Iacob to yeeld consent: but they vncertaine what to do, were more and more terrified, in that they found their money inclosed in their sackes of corne. Now when corne began alreadie to faile them, Iacob being compelled by force of famine, determined to send Beniamin with his other brothers: for it was vnlawfull for them to returne into Aegypt, except they kept their couenant. And whereas necessitie pressed them daily more and more, and his sonnes ceased not instantly to call vpon him; yet as yet was he doubtfull and vnresolued: at last Iuda a man vehement by nature, F began more liberally to reproue his father, in that he was too carefull of his brother, to whom Iacobs sonnes but in especiall Iuda vrge their father to send Beniamin with them. nothing might happen without the will of God, whether it were abroad or at home: and that without reason he had care of his sonne Beniamin, in such sort as it was not possible for them to get ought out of Pharaos countrey which was necessarie for their nourishment; that he ought also to haue care of the life of Simeon, least whilest he dallied and delayed to send Beniamin on the iourney, Simeon in the meane time should be slaine by the Aegyptians. Moreouer he exhorted [Page 36] him to commit the care of his sonne vnto God, promising to bring him backe againe in safetie, G The yeare of the world. 2238. before Christs Natiuitie. 1726. Iacob sendeth his sonnes with presents into Egypt. or else to die together with him: Moreouer he said, that certaine giftes gathered from the profits of Chanaan, as the iuice of Mirabolans, Stacte, Terebinth, and Hony, should be sent as presents vnto Ioseph, together with the double price of their come. Thu [...] shedding teares on both sides, they depart from their father, leauing him miserably tormented for the health of his sonnes, & contrariwise suspecting with themselues, least thorow his absence their father should be slaine with sorrow. In this perplexitie spent they a whole day. At last the old man remained in his house wholy afflicted, and they trauailing into Aegypt, did mitigate their present griefe with the hope of better fortune; where no sooner were they atriued, but they repaired vnto Ioseph, being sore afraid least it should be laid to their charge, that vnder colour of fraud and deceit they had caried away with them the price of their former come; which presently before Iosephs steward they H carefully excused, saying, that they found the money among their wheat at such time as they emptied their sacks, which now in discharge of their truth they had brought backe againe: but he denying that he euer missed their money, & they being deliuered from this feare, began to be more secure; so that Simeon was sodainly set at liberty to conuerse among his brethren. Now when Ioseph was returned from the seruice of the King they offer him presents, and requiring of them Iacobs sonnes arriue in Egypt, and Simeon is set at liberty. how their father did, they answered that he was in health: then perceiuing that Beniamin was yet aliue, whom he saw among them, he asked whether that were their younger brother, and hearing that it was he, he onely vttered these words, that God had the prouidence of all things, and departed from them being vnwilling that any of them should see him shed teares, which he could not any longer containe. Inuiting them afterwards vnto a banquet, he commaunded I them to sit downe in order according as they were wont to do when they were with their father, Ioseph vnknowen to his brethren saluteth both them and Beniamin. and whereas he kindly intertained all of them; he honoured Beniamin with a double share. After the banquet, at such time as they were all laid downe to rest, he commaunded the Steward to measure out the wheat, which euery one should beare away with him, and to hide the price thereof againe in their sacks; but in Beniamins sacke he commaunded him to shut his cup wherein he most delighted: which he therefore did, with intent to make triall of their loues towards Beniamin, and whether they would sticke vnto him being accused of theft, or leauing him behind as a malefactor, returne vnto their father, as if the matter no waies touched them. Which being done according as he had commaunded it, earely in the morning all Iacobs sonnes arose, and taking with them Simeon, departed onwards of their iourney, reioycing as well at his restitution, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 6. Gen. 44. Ioseph temp [...]eth Beniamins brothers, whether they would assist him. Iosephs brethren are staid in their iourny. Iacobs sonnes are accused of theft. K as Beniamins returne, whom they both promised and protested to bring backe againe to their father; when behold sodainly a troupe of horsemen roundly beset them, amongst whom was that seruant who had hid the cup in the sacke. Now they being troubled by this sodaine incursion, and asking them why they set vpon them whom they so lately had both inuited & intertained so honourably? the Aegyptians answered and exclaimed against them, calling them wicked men, who forgetting their late benefits receiued, and Iosephs gentlenes and humanitie, were so wicked as to returne him iniuries for his courtesies, threatning them that they should be punished for their theft: and telling them that although for a time they had deceiued the minister of the table, yet could they not deceiue God; and againe, asking them whether they were well in their wits, in supposing that for this offence they should not be incontinently punished. L In these or such like speeches the seruant insulted ouer them. But they, who nothing at all suspected this subtilie, accused him, saying, that they wondred at the mans intemperancy, who durst so rashly accuse them of theft, who did not keepe backe, no not the price of their corne which they found in their sacks, whereas none but themselues knew ought of that money, so farre were they from purposely offring any wrong: yet in that they thought this inquisition would better satisfie them, then deniall, they bid them search their sacks; offering themselues each of them to suffer punishment if any one of them were found guiltie of the theft. This search which they offered, the Aegyptians accepted, yet referred they the punishment to be inflicted onely on him who had done the iniury. Afterwards beginning to search, and orderly looking into each mans sacke, at last they came vnto Beniamins, not for that they were ignorant that the cup lay hid in M his sacke, but that they might seeme to discharge their duty more cunningly: now all the rest being secured in themselues, they onely as yet were carefull of their brother Beniamin; they hoped also that he would not be found guilty of falshood, for which cause they more freely vpbraided their persecuters, obiecting vnto them how thorow their importunitie they had beene hindered the better part of their iourney. Now as they searched Beniamins sacke, they found the cup, whereupon all the brothers began to mourne and lament, both bewayling their brothers [Page 37] fortune, who was like presently to suffer death for the theft; and their owne mishap, who hauing The yeare of [...] world. 2238. before the [...] of Christ. 1726. A plighted their faiths vnto their father for Beniamins safe returne, were compelled to falsifie the same thorow this present accident. And that which further increased their griefe, was, that when as they most of all hoped to be free from dangers, they were by fortunes enuy thrust into so great calamitie: confessing themselues to be the authors both of their fathers, and this their brothers misfortune; who neuer ceased to importune and compell their father (although he were vnwilling and resisted) to send the child with them.
Now the ho [...]semen hauing la [...]d hands on Beniamin, led him vnto Ioseph; whom his brothers presently followed. Who beholding his brother thrust into prison, and the rest bemoaning Beniamin is attached for the [...]. them round about him in mourning habits: Haue you, said he (o most wicked men) either so contemned my humanity, or Gods prouidence, as that you durst attempt & offer such an hainous B iniurie against him, who enterta [...]ned you with hospitalitie, and dismissed you with benefits? To whom they answered, that they were ready to suffer punishment for Beniamin, calling againe to their remembrance Iosephs iniu [...]ies, saying that he was happy, who deliuered by death from life was exempt from all calamities; and that (if he liued) God inflicted that plague on them for his sake. They said also, that they were the plague and great misfortune of their father, because that (to his former sorrow, which he had conceiued euen vntil that time of Iosephs death) they had also annexed this new miserie: neither did Ruben desist to reprehend them in bitter manner of that wickednesse which they had committed. But Ioseph told them that he dismissed them all (saying that their innocencie was approued vnto him) and that he onely would be contented with the lads punishment: For (said he) neither is it reasonable that he should be deliuered for the loue of C those who had not offended: neither that they should be punished for him, who had done the theft. He commanded them therefore to depart, and promised them safe conduct on their way.
Whilest al of thē were grieuously wounded with these words (so that scarcely one of thē could speake for sorrow) Iuda (who had perswaded his father to send Beniamin with them, and who amongst the rest was a man of confidence) purposed to expose himselfe to all danger, vnder resolution to deliuer his brother from perill: whereupon he addressed himselfe to Ioseph and spake Iudas oratió vn to Ioseph for Beniamin. thus. ‘Dread Lord (quoth he) we confesse that we are all ready to suffer punishment (although we haue not all of vs committed the offence, but only the yongest amongst vs) and although we suppose his life to be almost desperate, yet our only hope as yet resteth in your goodnes and clemencie. For which cause we beseech you, that you will not only haue compassion of vs, but of D your owne nature, and that in this cause you would be pleased to take counsaile, not of your iust indignation, but your natiue goodnesse gouerning your wrath with a great mind, to which vulgar men both in great and small occurrences, are wont to submit. Consider, I pray you, whether it stand with your dignitie to kill those, who present themselues to be punished, & desire in no sort to liue, except it be by the benefit of your mercie. Suffer not your selfe to be depriued of this honour: that after you haue deliuered vs from famine and liberally furnished vs with come, so of your mercie likewise you haue permitted vs to returne vnto our family, being trauelled by the same perill, and to bring them home sustonance. For one and the same bounty is it to continue them in life, who are trauelled with famine; and to forgiue them death, who haue merited it by their offences: to whom their wickednes hath enuied that bounty which you haue heroically extended E towards them. It is one and the same grace imparted by you in diuers manners. For thou shalt saue those whom thou hast fed; and that life which thou wouldest not suffer to faile by force of famine, thou shalt redeliuer and giue againe: whereby thy clemencie may be more commendable, whilest both thou giuest life, and those things likewise whereby life is maintained. Moreouer, I thinke that God himselfe hath giuen thee this meanes to expresse thy vertue, that it may appeare that thou settest lighter by the iniuries offered vnto thee, then by thy will to doe good; and that thou art not liberall to them only, who are poore and innocent. For although it bee a great praise to yeeld succour in aduersities; yet is a prince no lesse honoured by his clemencie, especially in a cause that concerneth his particular interest. For if they that remit small offences, are followed by deserued praise; what is it to restraine a mans ire in a capitall crime? doth it not F most neerely approximate the diuine clemencie? And hadde I not good experience by Iosephs death, how grieuously my father digesteth the want of his children, I would not so earnestly intreat for his safety, but so farre forth and no otherwise, but as it might redound to the praise of thy clemencie; and were there not some to whom our death would bring both griefe and discontent, we were willing all of vs to suffer punishment. But now whereas we haue not so much commiseration of our selues (although as yet we be but yong, and haue not much tasted the pleasures [Page 38] and fruit of this life) as of our wretched parents being drowned in yeares and cares, we offer vp G The yeare of the world, 2238. bef [...]e Christs birth 1726. vnto thee these our prayers in his name also, and beseech thee to graunt vs life, though at this day wee are vnder thy iustice for our offences. Assuredly hee is a good man, and begate vs, that we should be like vnto him: worthy is he neuer to taste or to be tried by any such calamitie, who now thorow our absence is discruciate with care and sorrow. Now if so be he should receiue any tydings either of our death, or the cause thereof; he will not indure any more to liue: the infamy of our deaths will shorten his daies; and make his death by this meanes more vnhappy, who rather then he should heare the rumors of our shame, would hasten his death in supposing them. All these wel considered, (although thou art iustly moued by this offence;) remit the reuenge vnto our father, and rather let thy pity towards him, then our iniquity towards thee, preuaile with thee. Impart this honor to his old age, which if it be depriued of our presence, neither H wil, nor can desire to liue; yeeld this respect to thy fathers memory; yea ascribe it to the very name of a father, wherewith thou art honoured: so God the father of all men, will blesse thee in that name, and fortunate thee in thy increase: whom also thou shalt honour, if in respect of that common name, thou take compassion of our father, in considering the sorrow that he shall endure, if perhaps he shall be depriued of his children. It now lieth in your power to giue vs that, which you may depriue vs of, by that power which God hath giuen you: and in doing vs this fauour, you shall imitate the nature of God; and in this respect become like vnto him. For since it lieth in your power to doe both the one and the other, it were better thou didst good then euill, and contenting thy selfe with thy power, not to remember or vrge thy reuenge: but onely to thinke that thy power was giuen thee, to keepe and conserue men; and that the more mercie I Power giuen to saue. thou extendest towards many, the more honour thou redoublest on thy head: now it lieth in thy power by for giuing our brothers errour to giue vs all life. For neither can we be safe, except he be saued; ne [...]ther may we returne home vnto our father, except he returne: but here must we suffer whatsoeuer our brother suffereth. Neither doe we craue any other mercy at thy hand (dread prince) if we be repulsed in this, but that thou wilt inflict one and the same punishment on vs, in no other manner, then as if we had been partakers of the felony: for this were more better for vs, then that we our selues thorow sorrow, should offer violence to our owne soules. I will not alleadge or vrge his youth, or iudgement as yet vnripened, neither will I inferre that pardon is vsually granted vnto such: but here will I make an end, that whether we be condemned in that I haue not sufficiently pleaded his cause, or whether we be absolued; we may wholy ascribe this K grace to your fauour and clemencie: to the bounds of whose praise this likewise shall be added, that not onely thou hast saued vs, but also in pardoning vs of the punishment which we haue iustly deserued, hast had more care of vs then we our selues. If therefore it be thy pleasure to adiudge him to die, suffer me to suffer for him, and send him backe vnto our father: or if it please thee to retaine him for thy slaue, I am more fit then he to doe all sorts of seruices, as you may perceiue; and am ready to suffer all that which may be inflicted on me.’ When Iuda had spoken thus, he humbled himselfe at Iosephs feete, indeuouring as much as in him lay, to mollifie Gen. 40. and appease his ire; in like sort also all the other brothers prostrated themselues, offering themselues to die for Beniamin.
But Ioseph conquered with pitie, and vnable any longer to personate a displeased man, sent away L Ioseph maketh himself known to his brethren all those that were present, and being alone with them, discouered him [...]elfe vnto his brothers: and in this sort to them onely he disclosed himselfe and said. ‘I cannot but commend the pietie and loue which you beare vnto your brother, which I find to be greater then I did expect, gathering my coniectures from those things which in times past haue hapned vnto me. For to this end haue I done all this, that I might make triall of your brotherly beneuolence: whereof since you haue giuen me a notable proofe, I will not ascribe that which you haue done vnto me to your natures, but rather wholy to the will of God, who hath at this present furnished you with all things which are profitable for you, and will hereafter giue you greater things, if he withdraw not his fauourable hand from vs. When as therefore I vnderstood of my fathers rather desired then hoped health, and found you to be such as I desired you should be towards your brother, M I freely forget those iniuries which in times past were done vnto me: rather making choice to giue you thankes as the ministers of Gods prouidence, that against this time prouided for our common profit, then remember me (as then it seemed vnto me) of your pretensed malice. I therefore pray you, that forgetting those things which are past, you will be of courage and waxe confident, suffering willingly the good euent of an ill intent, neither that blushing at your former faults, you should be any waies amated. Let not therefore the euill sentence which in times [Page 39] past you pronounced against me, any waies trouble you, since you perceiue i [...] hath wanted effect A In the yeare of the world. 2 [...]38. before Christes Natiuity. 1726. but reioice ye at these workes of God, and gō and tell your father that which you haue seene, for feare least he being cōsumed with immoderate care of you, I my selfe be depriued of the chiefest fruit of my feliciti; before he come to my presence and be made partaker of those benefits. Wherfore depart you, & bringing with you him, your wiues, and children, and all your kinred, come backe vnto me: for it were inconuenient (my deare brethren) that you should not be partakers of my felicitie, especially since this famine is as yet to continue for the co [...]e of fiue yeares.’ This said, [...]eph embraced his brethren: but they were wholy confounded in teares and sorrow, and the grea [...]er was their repentance, in that they had sinned against so kind a brother. After all this, there followed a banquet. And the king vnderstanding that Iosephs brethren were arriued, (as if some good fortune had befallen him) right hartily reioyced, and he gaue them chariots The king reioyceth to know that Iosephs brother [...] were arriued. Hedio & Ru [...] nus, ch. 7. al. 4, Iacob reioyceth to heare the promotions and honours of Ioseph. B laden with corne, and gold and siluer, with other presents to present their father with, who enriched with diuers gifts (some by their brother vnto his father, other some to themselues, but in especiall to Beniamin) they returned home into their countrey. But after that Iacob vnderstood by his sonnes in what estate his sonne Ioseph was, that he had not only escaped from death (which he had so long time bewailed) but also that he liued in high prosperitie, and ministred to the king of Egypt, and had welnie the whole gouernment of the kingdome vnder his hands: he easily beleeued all things that were told him, & acknowledged the great works of God, and his goodnesse shewed vnto him, although for a time it seemed to be intermitted. And a little time after, he addressed himselfe to go and visit his sonne Ioseph.
CHAP. IIII. C
How Iacob with all his progenie departed vnto his sonne.
BVt when he arriued neere the fountaine of Couenant; he offered in that place a sacrifice vnto God; and fearing least his children should inhabit Egypt, by reason of The yeare of the world. 2239. before the birth of Christ. 1725. the fertility of the place, and that his posteritie by not returning backe into the land of Chanaan, should leese the possession of that which God had promised them; and furthermore, doubting least that his iourney into Egypt, being by him enterprised against the will of God, should be ominous vnto his children; and suspecting likewise least he should die before he came to Iosephs presence: he was wonderfully perplexed in mind. Whilest thus he rumina D ted and examined these things in his thought, he was surprised with a heauy sleepe, during which Genes. 46. God appeareth to Iacob abou [...] the fountaine of couenant. time God appeared vnto him and called him twise by his name: who asking who it was that called him, God answered: ‘Doest thou not acknowledge (O Iacob) that God, who hath both protected thee and thine auncestors, and succoured you all in your necessities? who contrarie to thy fathers purpose made thee Lord of his family, and when as by thy selfe thou diddest trauell into Mesopotamia, I brought to passe, that being matched in wedlocke verie happily, thou returnedst into thy countrey backe againe, being blessed with many children, and stored with much riches. I also kept thy progenie in safety, and when it seemed thou hadst lost Ioseph, I raised him to that high steppe of dignitie wherein now he liueth; and made him the next in person to the king of Egypt. And now also am I come vnto thee vnto this end, that I may guide thee in this thy iourney, E and that I may fo [...]ell thee that thou shalt leaue thy life betwixt the hands of Ioseph, and that thy posteritie shall be mightie and famous for many ages, and shall posses [...]e that land, the empire whereof I haue promised them.’Assured and made confident by this dreame, he more willingly [...]astened, both he, his sons, with all their progenie into Egypt, whose number amounted Iacob with his [...]onnes and nephews depart into Egypt. to the summe of 70. Their names in that they are somewhat hard, I had not written downe, except it were to satisfie some, who contend that we are Egyptians and not Mesopotamians, The sonnes of Iacob therefore were twelue in number, of whom Ioseph came thither long before them. Now are the rest to be reckoned vp, with euerie one of their progenies. Ruben had foure sonnes, Iacobs progenie. Anoches, Phalles, Essaron, and Char [...]sus. Simeon had sixe, Iumilus, Iaminus, Puthodus, Iachenus, G [...]r, Saar, Leui also had three, [...]lsemis, Caathus, and Mararis. Iuda had likewise three, F Sala, Phar [...]s, Zara; with two sonnes of Phares, Esrom and Amyrus. Issachar had foure, Thulas, Phruras, Iobus, and Samaron. Zabulon had three, Saradus, Elon, and Ianel. And these were the children [...]e had by Lea, who also led with her Dina her daughter: the number of whom amounteth to 33. But Rachel had two sonnes, of which the elder who was called Ioseph, had likewise two, Manasses and Ephraim. But Beniamin had ten, Bolossus, Baccharis, Asabel, G [...]a, Naemanes, Ises, Aros, Nomphthis, Optais, and Sarodus. These foureteene added to those abouenamed, make vp [Page 40] the number of fortie seuen. And this was the legitimate issue of Iacob. But on Bala Rachels handmaid G The yeare of the world, 1293. before Christs birth 1725. Dan and Nephthalim, who was attended by foure sonnes, Eleinus, Gunes, Sares and Hellimus. But Dan had onely one sonne called Vsis. Now if those be added to the aboue named, they make vp the number of 54. But Gad and Asser were borne by Zelpha Leas handmaid, of these Gad was attended by seuen sonnes: Zophonias, Vgis, Sunis, Zabros, Erines, Erodes and Ariel. Asser had one daughter and sixe male children, whose names were Iomnes, Essus, Iubes, Baris, Abarus, Melmiel. These fifteene being added to the foresaid fiftie foure, make vp the number abouenamed, together with Iacob. But Ioseph vnderstanding that his father was at hand (for Iuda posted before to giue him notice thereof) he went out to meete him, and incountered him neere to a towne called Heros, who was seased with such extreame and vnexpected ioy, that he had almost expired; Iacob almost dec [...]ased for ioy. but Ioseph recōforced him, being himself almost endangered thorow extreame ioy, yet not in such H extasie & extremitie as his father: afterwards desiring him to march softly onward, he taking with him his fiue brethren hasted vnto the King, signifying vnto him that his father with all his family were arriued. Who no sooner vnderstood therof, but that he ioifully asked Ioseph in what studies Ioseph with his fiue brethren re [...]orteth to Pi [...]arao. he tooke delight: who answered him that his exercise was keeping of cattell, and that he had no other trade. And this answere made he to the intent they might not be deuided one from another, but that liuing altogether, they might take care of their father another reason was, least emulation should happen betwixt them and the Aegyptians, if so be they should be conuersant in the same studies; for it was not lawfull for that nation to exercise the shepheards trade. Now when Iacob was brought into the Kings presence, and after he had done him reuerence, and praied God G [...]sis 47. Iacob talketh with Pharao and is appointed to inhabite Heliopolis. for the prosperity both of him and his Realme; Pharao asked him how long he had liued: and I when he vnderstood that he was a hundred and thirtie yeares old, he admired at the age of the man: and after he had certified him that his ancestors had liued farre longer time, he commaunded him and his sonnes to dwel in Heliopolis, where also the kings shepheards had their pastures. But the famine increased in Egypt, and the euill augmented more and more, by reason that Nilus The famine in Egypt. did not ouerflow the earth, neither extended his armes ouer the same: on the other side God ra [...]ned not vpon the earth: moreouer in that the euill was vnsuspected; it was more grieuous especially to the communaltie, who had laid vp nothing, neither did Ioseph giue them come without readie money; which when they began to want, they exchaunged their cattell and slaues for come; but they that had lands, sold a certaine portion thereof vnto the king for their prouision. The yeare of the world, 2245. before Christs birth 1719. And when as by this meanes al these possessions ca [...]e into the kings hands, they went to inhabite K the one heere, the other there, to the end that the King might be more assured of the possession of their land: the sacrificers only were excepted, to whom the lands which they had, remained intire. A great p [...] redounded to the king by this famine. Finally, this necessitie reduced both the bod [...] & minds of the wholenation into seruitude after such a maner, that they esteemed no labour or meanes vnseemely, that might serue them towards the maintenance of their sustenance. But when the famine ceased, & the earth watered by the ouerflow of the floud, began to regather her former fertility; Ioseph visiting euery citie of the kingdom, and assembling the multitude in euery one of them, restored them the profits of th [...]se lands which they had sold vnto the king, & exhorted thē to manure the same in no worse maner thē they would do their owne; commaunding them to pay the fift part vnto the King, which was due vnto him by his prerogatiue & kingly right. Who reioycing at this vnexpected restitution earnestly intended L Ioseph commanded them to pay the fift part of their profits to the king. and prosecuted their tillage, and by this meanes not onely Iosephs authoritie, but also the p [...]oples hearts were not a little tied vnto the King: and the inheritance of the fift part of the pro [...]s remained with the Kings that succeeded and all their posteri [...]e.
But Iacob after he had liued seuentene yeares in Aegypt, ended his life betwixt the hands of his sonnes, hauing first besought God to giue them prosperitie and aboundance, and prophecied that euery one of their posteritie should attaine to the possession of a part of the land of Chanaan, Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. all which not long after came to passe. Besides, praising his sonne Ioseph for that forgetting the iniuries done vnto him, he had bestowed diuers bene [...]s on his brethren, yea and such as well beseemed his benefactors; he commaunded his sonnes, that they should admit Ioseph sons Ephraim and Manasses into their number, at such time as they should deuide the land of Chanaan, M as hereafter it shall be declared. Last of all, he praied them to burie him in Hebron. And he died Iacob died when [...]e was 147. yeares old. at such time as he had liued one hundreth and fiftie yeares wa [...]ing three, being second to none of his auncestors in pietie, and obtained the reward which he ought iustly to possesse, in that he was a man adorned with so many vertues. But Ioseph by the Kings permission went and transported his fathers bodie into Hebron, and there buried it very magnificently. But his brothers Iacob is buried in Hebron. fearing to returne with him, and refusing to follow him, in that they suspected their father being [Page 41] dead, that he would be reuenged on them in that they had not any friend left aliue, vnder whose The yeare of the world. 2311. before the Na [...]uitie of Christ. [...]. Ioseph dieth when he was 110. years old. A fauour they might hope for pardon, he commanded them, that laying their suspitions aside they should suspect no euill: and hauing brought them backe againe with him, he gaue them great possessions; neither did he euer intermit to entertaine them with botherly kindnes. But he likewise died, when he had liued one hundreth and ten yeares; a man endowed with admirable vertue; and prudent in all affaires, and moderate in his gouernment: by which meanes it came to passe that neither his fortaine birth, neither his calamities whereof we haue spoken, did any waies hinder him, but [...]hat he was exalted and continued in high dignitie. The rest of his brothers also, hauing Ioseph [...] ho [...]es translated into Chana [...]n. spent their liues in happines, died in Aegypt, whose bodies their sonnes and nephewes transported and buried in Hebron: but Iosephs bones were afterwards translated by the Hebrewes into Chanaan, at such time as they departed out of Egypt into Chanaan: for hereunto had he bound B them by oath. But in that I am to declare this, and other actions of this Nation, I will first of all shew the cause why they departed out of Egypt.
CHAP. V.
Of the affliction which the Hebrewes endured in Egypt, for the space of foure hundreth yeares.
THe Aegyptians are a Nation addicted vnto delicacy, and impatient of labour, subiect The history of the booke of Exodus. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 9. Exod. 1. The enuie of the Egyptians towards the Hebrewes. The yeare of the world, 2353. before Christs natiuit [...]. 1611. The Hebrewes insupportable seruitude. onely to their pleasures, and affecting gaine: whence it came to passe, that bearing hatred toward the Hebrewes, and enuying their happines, they were very euilly disposed towards them. For seeing the race of the Israelites flourish and to abound in riches, which they C got by their labour and industrie, they conceiued an opinion that their aduancement and increase, would be the ouerthrow and decrease of the Aegyptians; so that at length they forgot the benefits which Ioseph had done vnto them: and after the royaltie was transported into an other family, they committed diuers outrages against the Israelites, and complotted against them in what manner they might more grieuously afflict them. For they were inioyned by them to cut Nilus into diuers trenches, and to e [...]iron their Cit [...]es with walles, and to build fortifications and banks, whereby the inundations of the floud might be diuerted. They also vexed our nation in building their hie and vaine Pyramides, compelling them to learne diuers artes, and to accustome themselues to endure labour; and in such afflictions led they their liues for the space of 400. yeares, the Aegyptians studying nought else but to tire the Israelites with D continuall labour, & our country men endeuouring themselues alwaies to performe farre more, then was expected from thē. Liuing thus in this estate, there grew afterwards an other occasion, which instigated them the more to seeke the ruine and desolation of our Nation. For one of the sacred secretaries (to whose predictions those kind of people do very much attribute) foretold the King, that about that time there should be one bred and borne amongst the Israelites, that in The prophecy as touching Moses. time to come should grieuously afflict the estate of the Aegyptians, and wonderously enhance the good hap of the Israelites; who should su [...]passe all other in vertue, and purchase to himselfe immortal glory, if so be he should attaine to [...]ns estate. Wherewith the King being greatly terrified, he published an edict by the aduise of this secretary, that whatsoeuer male child should be borne amongst the Israelites, he should be cast into the floud to be drowned: he commaunded E likewise the Aegyptian midwiues diligently to obserue the time when the Hebrew women trauelled Pharao commaunded that all the male children of the Israelites should be done to death. with child, carefully to keepe & marke their children at such time as they were deliuered, For it was enioyned thē that they should be brought to bed by such midwiues, who by reason of consanguinitie with that Nation, should not transgresse the king [...] commaundement. He enacted also a law with a penaltie, that if any should be so bold to conceale their children, both they and all their family should be done to death. Great was this their calamity, not onely in that respect, because they were depriued of their children, and for that the parents themselues were made the ministers to murther their owne children, but foreseeing also the future time they were intolerably dismayed, expecting nought else but the certaine and fatall ex [...]pation of their wholenation, by reason that when the children were s [...]ine, the parents themselues not long after were ass [...]ed to F die: thus conceited they in themselues into what extreame misfortune they were fallen. But no man whosoeuer, although he complot neuer so many stratagems, can resist the wil of God. For Exod 2. both the child, of whom the sacred secretary had fore prophecied, was secretly brought vp vndiscouered by the kings spies, and approued by the euents of his life, that he was no false Prophet. Amarames an Hebrew borne & a noble man amongst his Nation, fearing both the pub like perill, least the wholenation should be brought to nothing thorow the want of issue, and his [Page 42] owne priuate misfortune, whose wife at home was big with child and readie to lye downe; was G The yeare of the world, 2373. before Christs Natiuitie, 1591. Amarames Moses father praieth God to be mercifull to the Hebrewes. troubled in his mind, and vncertaine what to doe. For which cause he made his recourse vnto God, beseeching him that at the length he would haue mercy on those men of whom onely he had beene perpetually honoured; and that it would please him to bring to end the present affliction which threatned the whole nation with vtter ruine and destruction. But God being moued vnto mercy by his most humble prayer appeared to him in a dreame, and recomforted him, commaunding him to be confident: telling him that he had in memory the pietie of his auncecestors, and that he would for euer remunerate them, euen as in times past he had beene gratious to their forefathers. For it was he that had increased their posteritie, and multiplied them to so mighty a nation, that by his fauor Abraham departing alone out of Mesopotamia into Chanaan, besides other felicities, had issue by his wife that was before time barren, and left ample possessions H to his successors: to Ismael, Arabia; to Chaeturas children Troglottida, and to Isaac Chanaan. Neither can you euer forget without note of impietie and ingratitude, the attempts also which were happily atchieued in warre by my meanes: but Iacobs name also is renowmed amongst forraine nations, both in respect of the felicitie wherein he liued, & also for that prosperitie which by hereditarie right happened vnto his posteritie, who taking their originall from 70. men that accompanied their father into Egypt, are now increased to the number of sixe hundreth thousand: know therefore now also, that I inwardly and heartily affect your publike securitie, and priuately thy glory. For this child, for feare of whose natiuitie the Egyptians haue condemned all your children vnto death, shall be borne vnto thee: he neither shall be discouered by the constituted spies, and after he hath escaped beyond all expectation, shall he be brought vp, and in his time shall I he deliuer the Hebrewes from the thraldome of the Egyptians, and shall obtaine an eternall memorie, for this his famous action, not onely amongst his owne nation, but also amongst straungers: for this fauour will I extend vnto thee, and on thy posteritie that followeth after thee; he shall also haue such a brother who shall deserue both in himselfe, and in his posteritie to inherite the priesthood for euer. After these things were declared in a vision vnto Amram, he awaked and told it to his wife Iochabel, and by reason of the prediction of this dreame, their suspition and feare the rather increased more and more: for they were not onely pensiue in respect of their child, but also by reason of the future great good fortune that was promised them. But anone after Moses birth. the woman being brought a bed, gaue credit to the Oracle; who had so easie and gentle a labor, that she beguiled the ouerseers & spies, in that she felt none of those throwes which do commonly K afflict such as are in labor: so that she nourished the infant three moneths secretly in her house, without being in any sort discouered. But afterwards Amram fearing to be surprised, & sore doubting least he should incurre the kings displeasure, if the matter were discouered, whereby both he and the child should be made away, and Gods promises should be frustrate; he had rather wholy commit the safety of his sonne to his prouidence: supposing that if the boy were hidden, which notwithstanding would be hard to effect, yet that it would be troublesom vnto him to liue in continuall perill both of his owne and his sonnes safetie: moreouer, he thought that God would puruey some meanes of assurance, to the intent that nothing of that which he had foretold might be proued false. Grounding himselfe on this resolution, they prepared and made a cradle of sedge, after the manner of a couch, so great as it was sufficient to lay the child in at ease, and hauing pitched L it on euery side least the water should pierce the same, they put the child into it, and suffered him to float along the streame in committing him to the mercy of God. Whilest in this manner Moses [...]ast into the floud. it was borne downe by the streame. Mariam, the sister of the young infant, by her mothers commaund went along the banke on the other side of the riuer, obseruing whither at length the basket would be caried, and where it did ariue. At that time God manifestly declared, that nothing is atchieued by mans wisedome, but that all things are brought to passe by his omnipotent bountie, and that they who for their profit and particular securitie seeke the ruine and destruction of others with neuer so much subtiltie, care, and diligence; yet are they often times deceiued in their expectations: againe, that they that submit their wils vnto Gods will, are warranted from all wrongs by such meanes as were neuer thought on; which may most manifestly be perceiued M by this child.
Thermuthis the kings daughter walking along the riuer side, espied this basket caried away by the Thermuthis Pharaos daugh ter causeth Moses to be taken out of the [...]uer. course of the streame, & presently commaunded certaine swimmers to draw the cradle on drie land, and bring it before her: who executing her commaund, she opened the basket and beheld the child, who in that he was faire and well featured did greatly delight her. For God so loued and fauoured Moses, that he caused him both to be nourished and brought vp by them, who for [Page 43] feare least he should be borne, had decreed to destroy all the rest of the race of the Hebrewes. The yeare of the world. 2273. before the birth of Christ. 1591. A Thermuthis therefore commaunded them to fetch her some one nurse, who might giue the child sucke; who refusing the same, and all other nurses whatsoeuer that were sent for to suckle him: Mariam as if by good fortune and not of set purpose, she had light into their company, began to speake thus vnto Termuthis. In vaine (said she) O Queene, dost thou endeuour whilest thou striuest to giue this babe sucke by any but an Hebrewe nurse, for he will not accept it: but if thou call vnto thee a nurse of the same nation, and agreeable with his nature, doubtlesse he will take the nipple. This speech of hers being both heard and plausibly accepted; the Queene commaunded her to execute the same, and to bring her an Hebrew woman that gaue sucke: which she diligently performing, returned and brought her mother with her, whom none of the assistants knew, who presenting her breast vnto the child he willingly tooke the dugge; so that vpon the The yeare of the world, 2376. before Christs natiuitie, 1588. Moses whence he receiued his name. Moses the seuenth after Abraham. B Queenes request the nourishment of the child was wholy committed vnto her. And by reason of this accident, and for that he was cast into the riuer, he was called Moses; for the Egyptians call water Mo, and saued, yses; so this name composed of these two, was imposed on this child, who afterwards vvithout exceptions became the wisest man among the Hebrewes, according as God had afore prophecled. For he was the seuenth after Abraham; for he was Amrams sonne, and Amram sonne vnto Cathus, and he to Leui, and Leui to Iacob; who tooke his originall from Isaac the sonne of Abraham. He had a iudgementriper then became his age, for euen amongst his childish delights he shewed himselfe more discreet then all his equals, and in whatsoeuer he did, it gaue testimony that at such time as he should attaine to mans estate, he would mannage mightie things. When he was but onely three yeares old, God adorned and endowed him with an C admirable audacitie. He was so faire and amiable, that there was not any one how austere and inhumane soeuer he were, which but in beholding him would not be astonished: and it chaunced also that diuers, who encountered him as he was borne thorow the streetes, turned themselues about to behold him, and intermitted their other affaires onely to looke vpon him: for the admirable and innated beautie which vvas in this infant, did rauish all those that beheld him. Whence it came to passe that Thermuthis in that she had no other issue, adopted him for her heir, Moses the adopted sonne of Thermuthis daughter vnto Pharao. and conducting him vnto her father, she presented him before him, saying, that she was carefull of a successor, by reason God had not vouchsafed him to haue any issue. For (saith she) I haue brought vp this infant no lesse excellent in vvit then diuine in beautie, and haue receiued him miraculously by the bountie and grace of Nilus, whom I haue decreed to adopt my child, and to establish D him as successor to thee in thy kingdome. This said, she deliuered the infant into her fathers armes: who after he had embraced and hugged him at his breast (to giue his daughter the more content) he put his Diademe vpon the childs head: but Moses pulling it from his head after a childish manner, cast it on the ground, and spurned it with his feete; which act of his vvas supposed ominous to the Realme, and daungerous for the King. Whereupon the sacred secretarie (vvho had foretold that his natiuitie would be the destruction of the Egyptians) vvilleth them to kill the child, and inforced himselfe to enact it, crying out with a loud voyce and speaking vnto the King after this manner: O King, this child by whose death God promiseth vs securirie, hath alreadie confirmed the presage, insulting ouer thy kingdome and spurning at thy Diademe. Take from the Egyptians that feare which they haue conceiued thorow him, by his death: and from E the Hebrewes that hope, vvhich they build on his courage & life. But Thermuthis hastily conueied and snatched him thence, and the King was not ouer forward to lay hands on him, by reason that Moses deliuered from death. God dispensed all things in that sort, in that he had a care of Moses preseruation. He was therefore very carefully brought vp, and in respect of him the Hebrewes in generall were replenished with good hope; but to the Egyptians his education both vvas suspected and grudged at: but by reason that if the lad should haue beene slaine, there vvas not any one eyther a kinne or adopted, or otherwise whatsoeuer, that had regard of the estate of the Egyptians, they abstained from his slaughter. Being therefore thus borne and after this manner brought vp, at such time as he increased in years, he euidently by his vertue made it knowen vnto the Egyptians, that he was borne Hedio & Ruffinus chap. 10. al. 7. to abase their pride, and to exalt the Hebrewes by this occasion which ensueth: The Aethiopians, F who confine vpon Egypt, hauing spoyled and destroyed the country round about them, spoiled and made pillage of all the goods of the Egyptians; who incensed against them for the wrongs and iniuries which they had offered, leuied an armie, intending to reuenge them of that The Egyptians warre against the Ethiopians. disgrace which their enemies had offered them: but in the battell they were all put to flight, so that some of them were slaine; and the rest shamefully flying, returned with ignominie worse then death, into their owne countrey. The Ethiopian made proud with this good fortune, [Page 44] instantly pursued them; and supposing it a cowa [...]dly part in them, not to take the benefite of G The yeare of the [...]ld 2376. before Christs Nati [...] 1588. their present good fortune, and conceiuing an assured hope of conquering Egypt, they generally wasted the same: and hauing tasted of the sweetnesse of pillage, without anie temper or moderation in their victorie, they were incensed to attempt greater matters. And whereas they perceiued, that hauing wasted all their neighbour regions, no man durst sally out to encounter them in armes, they marched forward toward Memphis, euen vnto the sea, arriuing neere no Citie that either had the heart, or durst make head against them. By which calamities the Egyptians being ouersore oppressed, they send one to take counsell of the Oracle, in what manner they might preuent their miseries; and when as an answer was giuen them, that they should choose an Hebrew to assist them in the warres: the king commanded his daughter to giue them Moses, who The Egyptians require Moses to be their Captaine. together with the Empire, might gouerne the whole armie. She taking an oath of the king, H that no iniurie or violence should be offered him, deliuered him into his hands; esteeming it to be a great good fortune for Moses, that he was called to the succours of her countrey: and contrariwise she blamed the Sacrificers, who were not ashamed to demaund his aid and assistance, whom they had foreiudged, and adiudged to be slaine as their common enemie. But Moses exhorted by Thermuthis and the king, willingly tooke the charge vpon him. Whereat the Priests of both nations were verie ioyfull; for the Egyptians hoped, that when by his vertue and valou [...] he had ouercome their enemies, they afterwards might more easily dispatch & murther him, by some treason and sinister meanes: and the Hebrewes conceiued a hope, that they might depart out of Egypt, by reason that Moses was the Generall of the armie. Moses therefore making haste, before such time as the enemies had any notice that he was dislodged, he leuied his army, I and conducted them (not along the bankes of the riuer) but through the maine land; wherein Moses marcheth against the Ethiopiās he made manifest his most admirable prudence. For the iourney by land being very dangerous, by reason of the multitude of serpents (for the countrey thereabouts breedeth vp al sorts of thē, and some of that kind, as the like thereof are not seene in anie place els, all different in proprietie, malignitie, and horrible forme: and amongst these likewise there are some winged, and apt to fly, who not only offend those that they encounter on the earth very priuily, but also tower verie high in the aire, who houer about to hurt those that are not aware of them) he for the securitie of his armie, and to the end he might march without anie inconuenience, inuented this marueilous and admirable stratageme. For he caused two paniers of sedge to be made, in forme of cofers, and filled them with certaine birds which were called Ibes, who are mortall enemies to K serpents, and before whom the serpents flee: and sometimes in flying from them like Harts, they are laid hold of, and swallowed by them. Otherwise these birds are managed and made tame, and are not harmefull to any but to serpents, of whom I will now cease to write anie further, because the Greekes do already know what kind of bird it is.
When as therefore he arriued in the countrie of serpents, he let flie his Ibes against the venemous beasts, and made vse of them to encounter the other; and when he had marched in this sort, he attained and surprised the Ethiopians, before they suspected him; and sodainly c [...]arging them, he ouercame them in battell, spoyling them of the hope they had to conquer Egypt; The victorie which Moses and the Egyptions had ag [...]inst the Ethiopians. and entring the townes of Ethiopia, he rased them, and made a great slaughter of the inhabitants. The Egyptian armie hauing tasted the happie successe that happened vnto them vnder L the conduct of Moses, intermitted not their occasion, especially for that they saw that the Ethiopians were welnigh conquered, or rather wholy destroyed: and in the end hauing driuen them euen vnto Saba, the chiefe citie of Ethiopia (which Cambyses called Meroë, for the loue which he bore vnto his sister, who was so called) they besieged them. The Citie was strong, and verie hard Saba their chiefe citie besieged. to be assailed, by reason of the riuer Nilus, which enuironed it round about: on the other side, the riuers of Astapus and Astaborra did flow in so freshly, as they could neither breake the course of the water, nor wade ouer the streame: for the citie is builded in an Island, inuironed with a strong wall round about, hauing great rampiers betwixt the riuers and the walles built, to resist the inundations of the waters; which are the cause that the Citie may be very hardly taken, although the opposite armie had found meanes to passe the water. Now when Moses was verie M sore grieued that his armie profited nothing, by reason that the enemies durst not encounter them in open field: behold what a chaunce happened: Tharbis the daughter of the king of Ethiopia Tharbis the [...]. of Ethiops daughter requireth loue and mariage at Moses hands. beholding Moses, at such time as he approched with his armie neere vnto the walles of the Citie, and seeing how valiantly he fought and behaued himselfe, and wondering at the exploits and enterprises which he made (which was the cause that the Egyptians, almost despairing of their estates and libertie, were growne so forward; and how the Ethiopians, not long before esteemed [Page 45] the conquere [...]s, and happie in their warlike exploits and fortunate executions, were in the The yeare of the world. 2376. before Christs birth 1588. A greatest extremitie of daunger; she was surprised with his loue: and for that this passion augmented more and more in her, she sent vnto him seuen of he [...] most faithfull and houshold seruants to offer him her loue, and intreat with him of mariage. The which he accepted, vnder that condition that she should deliuer the Citie into his hands, promising her vnder a solemne oath, that at such time as he were master thereof, he would take her to wife without falsifying or breach of his promise. The matter was no sooner motioned, but the effect followed; so that hauing surprised & conquered the Ethiopians, and after he had gi [...]en thankes vnto God, Moses accomplished The yeare of the world. 2400. before the birth of Christ. 156 [...]. the mariage, and sent the Egyptians backe againe into their countrey. Who conceiued an occasion of hatred against Moses, because he had beene the cause of their safetie; and began seriously to consult and deuise amongst themselues, how they might betray him, s [...]pecting B least he by reason of the happie successe he had had, should beginne to quicken and reuiue some alterations in Egypt: they accused him therefore of murther before the King, who alreadie The Egyptian [...] seeke to betray Moses. of himselfe had him in suspicion, as well in respect of this hatred he bare him for his noble cariage and courage, during such time as he was generall; as also for the feare he had conceiued of the destruction of Egypt foretold by his priestes; who incessantly incited him against Moses, so that the King was vpon the point to lay hands on him and m [...]rther him.
But he hauing intelligence of those his practises, escaped and fled secretly, flying from his presence Exod. 2. The yeare of the world. 2413. before Christs birth 1551. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. [...]l. 8. Moses flieth to the Citie of Mad [...]n. thorow the desart, by which the enemies least suspected that he should haue fled: and although at no place in his iourney he found victuals to sustaine him, yet ouercame he his penury by his patience. And arriuing neere a Citie of the Madians, scituate vpon the snoare of the C red sea (that was named by one of Abraham and Chaeturas sonnes) he sat him downe neere vnto a fountaine refreshing himselfe, and taking his ease after his laborious iourney: for it was abo [...] noonested, and the Citie alreadie appeared in his sight. In this place there befell an occasion vnto him, deriued from the manners and custome of liuing among the inhabitants of the countrey; by which he both expressed his vertue, and found an oportunitie to better his estate. For whereas that Region is sore trauailed with want of water, the shepheards had a custome to striue which of them should first possesse the pits, for feare least the water should be quite consumed by others, before that they and their cattell had quenched the [...] thirst. To th [...] [...]taine therefore there cam [...] seuen virgins, which were sisters and daughters of Raguel [...] [...]st, whom the inhabitants of that place held in great estimation, who had the charge to attend their fathers D flockes, for that it is the exercise wherein the Troglodytes are wont to exercise their women. These hasted themselues to draw sufficient water for their troupes into the [...]oughes, expresly made to receiue the water; & when in the meane time the shepheards came and surprised them, Moses ass [...] teth [...] daughte [...] against the shephea [...]ds. and droue away the virgins, to the end they might be masters of the water: Moses suppos [...]ng it a matter vnworthie his honour, to suffer this o [...]rage, and to endure that by violence men should depriue virgins of their right and interest; he droue away the shepheards, who would haue enioyed that which appertained not vnto them, and gaue necessarie succours to the dismayed maydens. Who as soone as they were returned into their fathers presence, told him the outrage that was done them by the shepheards, and the succours that they found by the handes of a str [...]nger, beseeching him that the courtesie which he had shewen vnto them, should not be E [...], but that in some sort he might receiue recompence. The father commending his daughters thankfulnesse towards their bene factor, commaunded them to bring Moses into his presence, to the end he might remunerate him according as he deserued. As soone as he came into his presence, Raguel told him how his daughters had giuen him to vnderstand, how kindly he had assisted the [...], and hauing his vertue in admiration; he said that he had not aduentured himselfe, not done kindnesse to those that were without sense of the courtesies that were shewed vnto them, but vnto those who were capable to giue him thankes, yea so readie to requi [...]e him, that the greatnesse of their requitall should farre surpasse the measure of his humanitie. Hee therefore adopted him for his sonne, and gaue him one of his daughters to wife, and made him Raguel marieth one of his daughters to Moses. He [...]o & Ru [...] nus, ch. 12. [...]l. 9 [...]tendent and master of [...]s flockes (in which in times past [...]e wealth and riches of for [...] F nations consisted:) Moses hauing obtained this good fortune at Ietheglaeus hands (for such was Raguel [...] su [...]ame) he abode there with him and attended his flockes. But not long after he led his [...]attell to grase neere to the mountaine S [...], which is the highest of all those that are in that quarter, and good for pasturage, by reason of the holsome herbes that grow there abouts, which no [...]standing was not fed vpon before that time, because the shepheards durst not frequent there abouts, by reason of their opinion that dwelt in that countrey, who said that God inhabited [Page 46] that mountaine: there happened there vnto him a maruailous prodigie, which was, that G The yeare of the world, 1454. before Christs Natiuitie, 1510. Exod. 3. God appeareth to Moses in the bush. God conuinceth Moses & the Israelites by miracles, to the end they might put trust in his promises. a flame of fire seemed round about him in a bush, without offensing eyther the greene herbes, or the flowers, or the bowes charged with fruit, although the flame were both great and vehement. He not a little amased at this vnexpected spectacle, at last grew more and more amased when as he heard a voyce issuing out of the fire, which called him by his name; taxing and accusing him of boldnes, in that he was not afraid to tread vpon that ground, which hitherto was vnaccessible, and religiously reuerenced, and vnhanted by men; counselling him that he should depart a farre off from the flame, and content himselfe with that vision: for although that he were a vertuous man, and descended from great personages, yet that he ought not to be curious to make further search into the same. The same voyce also told him, that the honour and glory which he obtained amongst men, was by the assistance of God; charging him to be of good courage, H and to repayre into Egypt, for that in that place he should be captaine and guide of the Hebrew nation, and should deliuer that people which were therein, from the outrage & seruitude which they suffered. For (said the voyce) they shal inhabite this happie countrey, wherein your father Abraham hath dwelt; and they shall enioy all sorts of blessings vnder the conduct of thee and thy prudence. Moreouer it commaunded him, that hauing brought the Hebrewes out of Egypt, he should offer sacrifice of thanksgiuing, at such time, as he should arriue againe in that place. And such was the Oracle which he receiued from out of the flame. Moses altogither rauished at that which he had both heard and seene, spake thus: ‘O Lord, it were madnes in me, and no prudence, if I should distrust thy power the which I reuerence, and which as I know hath been manifested vnto my predecessors: notwithstanding I stand in doubt how I, who am a man of no I eloquence and of lesse force, should perswade my brethren by my words, to forsake the countrey wherein they inhabite, to follow me into that countrey whither I will conduct them: And although they should be perswaded to doe the same; how can I force Pharao to permit them to depart from thence, by whose labours and trauels, the Egyptians are daily increased in goods and riches?’ Whereupon God gaue him to vnderstand, that he should take vnto him a good courage, and promised him, that he himselfe would assist him, and that if he had need of eloquence, he would bestow vpon him the facultie of perswasion; or if he were driuen to act any thing, that he would redoible his forces; commanding that in confirmation of those promises he had made Moses rod is turned into a serpent. him, he should le [...] f [...]ll his staffe vpon the ground: which hauing done, a Dragon began to creepe vpon the ground, and in turning and rouling himselfe, lifted vp his crest on high; making semblance K to defend himselfe against those that should assaile him: and againe, a little whiles after became a staffe againe. Afterwards he commaunded him to put his hand into his bosome, and no Moses hand is made white. sooner had he obeyed, but that he drew it out altogether white, & in colour resembling chalke: & a little while after it recouered his ordinarie forme. Moreouer, he further willed him to drawe Moses cowreth water on the earth, and it turneth to bloud. water out of the next well, and to power it on the ground, and he sawe it turned into a bloodie colour. Amased at these accidents, he was commaunded to be of good courage, and assured that he should haue great assistance. Moreouer, that he should vse these signes before all men, to the end (said God) that all may beleeue that being sent by me, thou dost all this according to my commaundements. Furthermore I enioyne thee, that without any further delay, thou haste Moses is sent into Egypt, to deliuer the Israelites. thee into Egypt; and that thou [...]ell day and night, without leesing time, without delaying any L more to succour the poore Hebrewes grieuously afflicted in Egypt. Moses hauing no cause to distrust that which God had promised him, and being confirmed by these things whereof he was both an eye witnesse, and auditor; he required God, that if there were any occasion to expresse the like power in Egypt, he would vouchsafe to further the effect; beseeching him further that he would not conceale his name from him, to whom he had participated the hearing of his voice, and the sight of his presence; that it might please him therefore to declare vnto him his name, to the end that when he should offer sacrifice vnto him, he might call vpon the same, God declared vnto him his name, which before time had beene concealed amongst men, and of which also it is not lawfull for me to speake. Moses wrought these signes not only at that time, but also when or wheresoeuer he thought it requisite: by all which he gaue further credit to the fire M which had appeared vnto him, and assured himselfe that God would be his fauourable defender, that he would deliuer his brethren, and intangle and enwrap the Egyptians in great calamities. And after that he had vnderstood that Pharao King of Egypt was dead (during whose life he Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. [...]3. al. 10. fled from thence) he requested Raguel that he would giue him leaue to depart into Egypt, for the profit of those of his nation; and taking with him Sephora (who was Raguel daughter and his maried wife) and Gerson and Eleazar his children which he had by her, he departed to [Page 47] go into Egypt. Now this name of Gerson in the Hebrew tongue signifieth, Forraine; and Eleazar A The yeare of the world. 2454 before Christs birth 1 [...]10. Moses departeth from Madian to go into Egypt. Moses two sons Gerson & Eleazar. Moses intertayned by the Hebrewes sheweth them his miracles. signifieth, fauoured by God, in memory that Moses had escaped from amongst the Egyptians, by the assistance of the God of his fathers. And as he approched neere the mountaines, Aaron his brother by the commaundement of God came forth to meete him, to whom he declared all that which had happened vnto him in the mountaine, and that which God had giuen him in charge. And as they passed onward of their way, the men of greatest estimation amongst the Hebrewes (hauing intelligence of his comming) came out to meete him, to whom Moses presented the abouenamed tokens, by reason that he could not perswade them by words: and they being astonished at that which they had seene him doe, beyond their expectation; waxed confident, and conceiued a good hope of all things, seeing that God had a care of their safetie. When he perceiued that the Hebrewes were readie to obey him, and that they protested to follow him B in al that which he should command them, through the earnest desire they had to be at liberty: he presented himselfe before the king, who had newly vndertaken the gouernment, and shewed him the great benefits he had done vnto the Egyptians, at such time as they were despised by the Ethiopians, who had spoyled all their countrey; and how he had spared no trauell, but sustained all the charge of the warre, as if it had beene waged for his owne proper nation. On the other side, he opened vnto him the daungers which he had iniustly suffered for his recompence: he afterwards discoursed vnto him that which had befallen him neere vnto the fountaine of Sinai, Exod. 5. 7. Moses perswadeth the king of Egypt to dis misse the Israelits. and the talke which God had in that place with him; and the signes in particular which had been shewed vnto him, in confirmation of those things whereunto he was enioyned; exhorting the King not to mistrust or impeach the ordinance of God. The King hearing this, began to mocke C him: but Moses made him see in effect the signes, which were shewed vnto him neere to the mountaine of Sinai. But the King waxed wroth, and grieuously reuiled him, accusing him for that in Moses sheweth Pharao his miracles. times past he fled away for feare to be slaine in Egypt, and at this present returned thither vnder a subtill pretext, cloaking his craft with magike, and inchantment the more to afright him. And at the same instant he called into his presence the priests of Egypt, to let them see those signes, and to make it manifest that the Egyptians were exercised in those sciences: and that he onely was not master in those things, the which he boasted to performe by Gods power, but that they were but deceits & shadowes of meruailes to deceiue the multitude: whereupon the priests cast downe their rods, and they became serpents. Moses being nothing moued herewith, said: ‘O King, I despise not the wisedome of the Egyptians, but I protest that that which I haue done, D doth so farre surpasse all their magike and art, as there is difference betweene diuine and humane things: I will therefore shew you, that that which I do, is not by enchantment, nor vnder colour of apparent veritie, but by the prouidence and power of God.’This said, he cast his rod vpon the ground, commaunding it to change it selfe into a serpent, whereunto it obeyed, and wandering here and there, it deuoured all the rods of the Egyptians which seemed to be serpents, vntill they were all of them consumed; and that done, Moses tooke his staffe into his hand againe, Moses [...]od deuoureth the rods of the Egyptians. and it reassumed his pristine forme. But the King being neuer the more astonished, (but the rather incensed at that which was done) said, that this wisedome and subtilty of Moses should profit him nothing, which he vsed in disgrace of the Egyptians. He commaunded therefore the ouerseer of the workes, who had the gouernment ouer the Hebrewes, that he should remit nothing E Pharao enioyneth the Hebrewes to more grieuous taskes. of their labour, but that he should oppresse them with more tedious and grieuous taskes, then they were wont to be put vnto: whereupon (where he was wont to allowe them straw to make their tile with) he forbare after that time to giue them that allowance, and taxing them in the day time to follow their worke, he appointed them by night to find and bring in their straw, doubling thereby the waight of their former labour. Notwithstanding all this, Moses would neither desist from his purpose, in regard of the kings threatning, nor the continuall cry of his countrimen, neither was in any sort appauled thereat; but with a confident and vnappauled mind (in regard of both) he wholy intended this, to restore his countrimen to their desired libertie. Hee therefore once againe accosted the King, perswading him to dismisse the Hebrewes, to the end they might repaire vnto the mountaine Sinai, and sacrifice vnto God in that place: for no lesse Exod. 6. Moses once more perswadeth the king to dismisse the Hebrewes. F (saith hee) hath he commaunded, neither can any resist his will. For which cause he aduised the King to endeuour himselfe (least he should seeme to contemne his fauours) to grant the people free passage, for feare least if he should secretly forbid them the same, he might accuse and condemne himselfe to suffer that which they in reason ought to endure, who resist the wil and works of God: for to those that stirre vp the wrath of God against themselues, al kind of mishaps do flock and flow on euery side: The earth befriendeth them not: neyther smileth the [...]yre vpon them, [Page 48] their children are not begotten according to nature; but all things oppose themselues as enemies The yeare of the world 2454. before Christs Natiutie, 1510. G and contraries against them. Moreouer he added, that the Aegyptians should feele the plague, after that the people of the Hebrewes should (in despight of their resistance) depart out of their countrey: but in that the King despised these words of Moses, and would not be conuerted, most grieuous plagues fell vpon the land of Aegypt. (The which I will particularly set downe, by reason that at that time the Aegyptians suffered those things, which neuer before that time happened to any other people; and for that cause likewise that I may testifie and declare, that Moses hath not falsified or erred in any thing that he hath done: and besides, for that it is expedient for men to learne & do those things which are agreeable to gods wil, for feare least he being prouoked and incensed against them, should punish them for their vniustice.) For first of all by the commaundement of God, the riuers ouerflowed with bloud, neyther was it possible for H them to drinke (notwithstanding they had no other fountaines of water) neither was the water The first plague of the Egyptians, water turned into bloud. Exod. 7. only coloured like bloud, but when as likewise any one dranke therof, it ingendred & procured in him diuers dolors, and grieuous gripings. Such was the water to the Aegyptians, but to the Hebrewes it seemed good and sweet in taste, without any waies chaunging the nature thereof. Hereupon the King (not knowing what to doe, and seeing this straunge accident, and being afraid by reason of the Aegyptians) permitted the Hebrewes to depart: but no sooner was this plague ceased, but he presently chaunged his mind, and would not permit them liberty to depart: for which cause God (seeing his ingratitude, and that he would not be warned, notwithstanding he had deliuered him from the former calamitie) he inflicted an other plague vpon Exod. 8. 9. An other plague of frogs. the Aegyptians. He therefore sent an infinite number of frogs vpon them, that couered and infected I the whole countrey, and the riuers were so packed and stored with them in such manner, that they that drewe water to drinke, found it altogether infected with the putrefaction of them, dying & rotting in the waters: so that the whole countrey was full of filthie mud, by reason of the frogs that defaced & died on the same. They corrupted also their meats, mingling themselues in their houses amidst their meat and drink, & creeping amidst their chambers; from whence an odious stench exhaled by reason of the multitude of frogs that lay dead. Now when the Aegyptians saw themselues so sore pressed with these euils, the King commanded Moses that he should take the Hebrewes, & that he should depart: and as soone as he had spoken this, the multitude of frogs vanished and appeared no more, neither on the earth nor in the water, but that they retained their accustomed nature. No sooner was the earth deliuered frō this curse, but Pharao forgot K the cause therof, & retained the Hebrewes anew: & (as if he had a desire to experimēt the maner of diuers miseries) he denied thē that issue which before time he had granted thē, rather inforced therunto by his feare, then forward good liking. For this cause God once againe rewarded his fraud, by sending him another plague: for a multitude of lice swarmed from the bodies of the Aegyptians, The third plague, lice. whence the wretched men perished wretchedly; neither could they exterminate that race, eyther by bathings or inunctions. The king troubled with this calamity, & fearing the ruine of his people, and bethinking him of the shamefull end therof, he was constrained to remit the better part of his malignitie. For as touching the Hebrewes he permitted them to depart, but (after the plague was appeased) he required at their hands that they would leaue their wiues and children behind them for pledges till their returne: and by this meanes he prouoked Gods L wrath more heauily against him, in that he supposed to delude his prouidence: as if it had not beene God, who (in the Hebrewes behalfe) had punished them, but Moses that had plagued the Aegyptians. For God filled their countrey with many and diuers sorts of beasts, (the like whereof before that time had not beene seene in that countrey) which killed them vp, so that the earth became desolate and vnmanured, and if any one amongst them escaped from death, they were The fourth plague, venemous beasts. afterwards destroyed by sicknes. But notwithstanding all these, the King still continuing obstinate in his wickednes, and disobedient vnto God, permitting onely that the women and men should depart, & that their children should be left behind them: but God desisted not to punish his wickednes by diuers and most grieuous plagues, farre more tedious then the former, yea The fift plague, the plague. such as were dispersed ouer all the people. M
For their bodies were grieuously tormented with vlcers, and corrupted inwardly; and after this sort the greater part of the Egyptians perished: but whenas the King was neither moderated, The six plague, borches. The seuenth plague, haile. nor mollified by this plague, God rained downe haile vpon them (which neuer before that time was engendred in the ayre of Aegypt, & further so great, or rather greater then that, which falleth to the Northward, neere to the Pole Attique in the midst of the spring) and spoyled all their The eight plague, Grashoppers. fruite. After which an armie of grashoppers deuoured all those buds and fruits which were vnoffenced [Page 49] by the hayle; so that all the hope which the Egyptians had of their haruest or fruite, The yeare of the world. 2454. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1510. A was vtterly ouerthrowne. These aforesaid afflictions had beene sufficient to perswade a man of the meanest vvit (except he had beene a reprobate) to grow wise, and make vse of that which was most profitable for him. But Pharao knowing the causes of the same, enforced himselfe to resist God, not onely thorow imprudence, but for malice; so that voluntarily he betraied his commonweale. He therefore commaunded Moses, that he should lead away the Hebrewes with their wiues; but that they should leaue their substance behind them for a pray, in that they complained, that after all these calamities they had nothing left them. To whom Moses aunswered, that he demaunded an vnlawfull matter, by reason that they were to offer sacrifice vnto God of their pray or bootie. Now whilest the time was spent in these consultations, darknes altogether deuoyd of light ouerspred the land of Aegypt, where through they died miserably in closing B their eyes, by reason of the thickenesse thereof; so that they were afraid least the fogge should The ninth plague, darknes. choake them: which being dispersed, after three daies and so many nights, Moses seeing that Pharao would not repent nor let the people of Israel depart, he came vnto him and spake after this manner. As long as you shall resist the ordinance of God (who commaundeth you to suffer the Hebrewes to depart) there is no meanes, whereby you may be exempted from these mischiefes in doing that which you doe. The King enraged at these words, threatned him to cut off his head, if once more he durst appeare in his presence, to motion vnto him any such matter. Moses answered him, that he would no more speake vnto him as touching this matter; Pharao driueth away Moses. Exod. 10. 11. 12. but that both himselfe and the chiefest among the Aegyptians woulde exhorte the Hebrewes to depart: which said, he forsooke his presence. But God intending to expresse that he C meant yet once more to plague the Aegyptians, and to constraine them to deliuer the Hebrewes: he commaunded Moses to declare vnto the people, that they should haue their sacrifice in a readinesse, and hauing prepared it the thirteenth day of the moneth Xanthicus, to celebrate the same the 14. of the said moneth (by the Egyptians called Pharmuth, and by the Hebrewes Xanthicus amongst the Macedons is April, as Suidas testifieth. Nisan, and Xanthicus by the Macedonians) and that he should lead forth all the Hebrewes, bearing with them all their goods. Whereupon he who had the Hebrewes alreadie in a readinesse to depart, and had distributed them by families, kept them in one place, and in the same order: but when the fourteenth day was come, all of them addressed to depart, made sacrifice, and with the bloud of the lambe purged their houses, besprinkling them with branches of Isope. And after they had supped, they burned the flesh that remained, as being on the point D to addresse themselues to depart. Whereupon euen at this day we retaine the said custome to The Hebrewes passeouer signi fieth, a passage. sacrifice in like sort; and do call this solemnitie Pascha, which is as much to say, as the passage, by reason that on that day God leauing and ouerpassing the Hebrewes without harme, stroke the Egyptians with sicknes: for that plague in the night time cut off all the first begotten in Egypt, so that by multitudes they that dwelt round about the pallace assembled them in the presence of the King, and besought him to let the Hebrewes go: for vvhich cause Pharao calling for Moses, The tenth plague the first begotten amongst the Egyptians, both man & beastes die. The Israelites depart out of Egypt. gaue order that they should depart the countrey, supposing that assoone as they were gone, Egypt should no more be afflicted with such like plagues. Moreouer, they honoured the Hebrewes with presents, partly to the end they should depart vvith the more expedition, partly for the neighborhood and acquaintance sake vvhich they had one with another. And as they departed E the Aegyptians wept, and repented them of the euill vsage they had shewed vnto them: but they tooke their way towards Latopolis at that time desert, and in which place afterwards Babylon was builded, at such time as Cambyses destroyed Aegypt. The third day they came vnto Beelzephon neere vnto the red sea, and for that they vvanted victuals, by reason of the desart, they tempered their meale with vvater, and hardened it with a little heat, and made cakes, with vvhich they sustained themselues for the space of thirtie daies: for they had not brought any more victuall out of Aegypt, but as much as would serue them for that time, and that which they had they dispensed The feast of the Azymes. verie sparingly, rather feeding for necessitie, then eating with sacietie. For which cause in memorie of that want, we celebrate a feast for the space of eight daies, which we call the feast of Azymes, that is to say, of vnleauened bread. But it is not easie to number the multitude of them The number of the children of Israel. F that dislodged, if we consider the women and children; but of those that were of full age, and fit to beare armes, they were in number sixe hundreth thousand.
CHAP. VI. The yeare of the world, 2454. before Christs birth 1510. G
The Hebrewes depart out of Egypt vnder the conduct of Moses.
THey therefere forsooke Aegypt the fourteenth day of the moneth Xanthicus, foure hundreth and thirtie yeares after Abraham our father came into Chanaan, and in the The time of their departure out of Egypt. Ex [...]d. 12. Iosephs bones. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 14. al. 11. The Egyptians pursue the Hebrewes. two hundreth and fifteenth yeare after Iacob was transported into Aegypt, the eightith yeare of Moses age, who had Aaron to his brother three yeares elder than himselfe. They caried also with them the bones of Ioseph, according as he had commanded his sonnes. But the Aegyptians repented themselues, because they had suffered the Hebrewes to depart: the King also was very sore moued, supposing that which was fallen vpon them had happened by Moses H meanes, and they all concluded to pursue and follow after them. They therefore armed themselues, and furnished them with all their abiliments of warre, intending to pursue them vnder intent to bring them backe, if they might ouertake them: for they said that God would no more be displeased against them, for that alreadie they had giuen them leaue to depart. They hoped likewise verie easily to bring them vnder subiection, because they were all of them disarmed and wearied with trauaile. They therefore inquired of euery one which way they held, and hasted themselues to follow them, although they knew the Region was very hard to trauell in, not onely for those that were to march in troupe, but also for those that were to iourney one by one. And therefore did Moses conduct them this way, to the end that if the Aegyptians should repent them of their dismission, and should haste them to pursue them, they might receiue the reward of their I wickednes, and the breach of their promise: He chose this way likewise, least the Palestines should vnderstand of their departure, by reason they were displeased against the Hebrewes, because Why Moses conducted them thorow Palestine. of an auncient grudge which they bare them. Now doth Palestine confine and border vpon Aegypt, and therefore led he them not by the way that directly leadeth thither: but he intended to bring them into Chanaan, by conducting them farre about, and thorow many calamities, to the end that afterwards he might lead them to the mountaine of Sinai, where they might offer sacrifice, according to Gods commaundement. As soone as the Egyptians ouertooke the Israelites, they prepared themselues to fight, trusting themselues to the number which they had, and shut themselues into a place of securitie. For with them there serued sixe hundreth chariots, with fiftie thousand horsemen, and two hundreth thousand armed footemen. K They had also stopped the passages, wherethrough they thought the Hebrewes might escape, The Israelites are encompassed by the Egyptian multitudes, and depart to the red sea. Exod. 14. enclosing them betwixt vnaccessible rockes, and the sea; on which place there abutteth a mountaine, vnfrequented by reason of the daungerousnes of the way, and by this meanes they excluded them from all hope of escape or flight. For on the one side they were shut in by the mountaine that extended it selfe euen vnto the sea, and on the other side by their campe pitched and embattailed before their faces, to cut them off from the champion, if so be they intended to flie that waies. Seeing therefore that they were in no securitie, but were hemmed in by the importunitie of the place, and by the reason of their want could not endure the siege, and The perplexity of the I [...]raelites being enclosed by the Egyptians. for that they could not find any issue to fly from their enemies; neither although they greatly desired to fight had they meanes to defend themselues, because they were disarmed; finally, L when as they perceiued that there was no hope of safetie left them, but onely by their abiect submission: they began to accuse Moses, forgetting those prodigies, whereby God had fore-promised them their libertie; and so farre forgot they themselues, that after hauing stoned the prophet, and thorow incredulitie contemned Gods promises, they were resolued to yeeld themselues subiect to their former thraldome. For they were exasperated by the teares of their wiues and children, who expected nothing but death, seeing themselues begirt with rockes, seas, and soldiers; and left destitutè of all hope of flight. But although the multitude were exasperated against Moses, yet ceased he not to take care of them, and to thinke on God; laying before Moses exhorteth the people to put their trust in God. their eyes that which he had said in times past, as touching their deliuerance, and assuring them that God would not suffer them to be subiected or ouerthrowne by their enemies, and standing M vp in the midst of them he said: ‘If your affaires had hitherto beene managed by men onely, it were not amisse in you to distrust them, least hereafter they should not bring them to their determined and your desired issue. But in that at this time you distrust the prouidence of God, this sheweth you to be without sense or vnderstanding, considering it is he that hath made you see all those things which he hath promised you by me, tending to your saluation and deliuerance; yea euen at that time when you yourselues expected it not: you rather ought to hope that God [Page 51] will helpe and assist you in these difficulties, who hath brought to passe, that you are now in this In the yeare of the world. 2454. before Christes Natiuity. 1510. A streight, to the end that when he shall haue deliuered you from these extremities; from which neither you your selues, nor your enemies suppose that you may escape, he may shew his force and prouidence in your behalfe: For God is not accustomed to yeeld his fauourable assistance when the dangers are only easie and supportable, but in those wherein all humane When God is most ready to helpe vs. hope is void and exhausted. Therefore repose your selues and stay your fortunes vpon such a helper, who can make great things of small, and maketh the strongest feeble. Feare not the force and power of the Egyptians; neither, for that you haue the sea and mountaines before you, which permit you not to flie from them, despaire of your liues: for God (if he please) can turne the mountaines into plaines, and change the sea into drie land.’
CHAP. VII. B
The Hebrewes are pursued by the Egyptians, the sea deuideth it selfe, and giueth passage to the Hebrewes.
THis said, he conducted the Hebrewes towards the sea in the sight of the Aegyptians. For they were within sight of them, being very much wearied with pursuite and trauell, and made their account that it should be best for them to remit the combat vntill the next day.
But when Moses was arriued vpon the banke of the sea, hee tooke his rod and called vppon God, and implored his aide and succours in these words. O Lord, thou too well knowest Moses prayer vnto God. C that it is impossible for vs by force o [...] mans policie to escape these extremities: but thou art he only that canst saue this companie, who haue forsaken Aegypt, following thy commandement. And since of our selues we haue not anie hope or meanes, wee onely recommend our selues vnto thy prouidence, assuring our selues, that by that meanes onely we may be deliuered from the pursuit and hatred of the Aegyptians: Send vs therefore speedily thine assistance, to the end that thy power may be knowne in our weaknesse. Relieue, encourage, and hearten thy people, assuring them of their safetie, who through thi [...] distrust haue sinned against thee: we are inuironed with difficulties, which notwithstanding thou canst make easie. For the sea is thine, and th [...]s mountaine that encloseth vs; the which shall open, and the sea also diuide it selfe into firme land, if thou commaundest them. We may likewise flie through the aire, if it please thy D power to deliuer vs in that maner. Hauing made his request vnto God after this manner, hee stroke the sea with his rod; which sodainly deuiding it selfe at that stroke, and retiring backewards, left a drie passage through the midst thereof, wherethrough the Hebrewes might escape. The red sea diuideth it selfe. Moses seeing how God had made himselfe knowne, and how the sea had forsaken the land, and left his natiue channell; he first of all marched through the same, and commaunded the Hebrewes to follow him, marching through that way which God had in his diuine power prouided for them, willing them to reioyce at the danger which attended their enemies, and to The Hebrewe [...] passe through the red sea, the Egyptians are drowned therein. giue God thanks for the vriexpected succours he had sent them: who were not negligent, but marched boldly forward. At the first the Egyptians supposed them to be mad, and that they did headlong cast themselues into manifest perdition: but when they perceiued that they were E forwardly entred without danger, and that they encountred no danger or let, they dislodged and followed them, as if the sea ought to haue giuen them issue also; and hauing set their horse in the vauntgard, they began to descend, and enter the way of the sea. The Hebrewes percei [...]ing that they spent the time in arming themselues, hasted them to flie to the opposite shore, where they arriued without anie disturbance; which made their enemies more bold, supposing that no euill should happen vnto them. They supposed not that this path was made expresly for the Hebrewes, but entred the same, as if it had beene a common beaten way, forgetting that it was made to saue the Hebrewes from daunger, and not themselues, who sought to ruinate them. But as soone as all the Egyptian armie was entred thereinto; the sea returned to his old course, and with winds and waues ouerwhelmed the Egyptians. The showers from heauen fell F vpon them, vehement thunders ratled from the aire, intermixed with flashings, and the lightenings tempested vpon them. In briefe, there was nothing that through the wrath of God might be inflicted vpon men, which at that time hapned not vnto them. For besides all that which hath beene spoken, an obscure and darke night surprised them, in such sort as they were all of them drowned; and there remained not one of them to beare backe the tydings of their misfortune: That the Hebrewes could not containe themselues, such ioy they had conceiued through [Page 52] this their vnexpected deliuerance, and the totall ruine of their enemies: so that they assuredly G The yeare of the world, 2454. before Christ [...] b [...]th 2510. perswaded themselues that they were deliuered; by reason that they, who had made them slaues vnto them perforce, were exterminated; and for that they had God so visibly assistant vnto them. When then they had escaped this daunger, and perceiuing likewise that their enemies were in this sort punished, yea and after such a manner as the like punishment hath neuer beene heard of amongst men; they all of them during the whole night sung hymnes and songs of reioyce. Moses likewise composed an Ode in Hexameter verse, contayning the prayses of God, and a thanksgiuing for the fauour he had done vnto them. All these things haue I particularly Exod. 15. The Israelites with Moses sing songes for their deliuerance. The sea of Pamphilia deuided it selfe for Alexanders soldiers to passe there thorow, The wind and tide driue the Egyptiā armes into the Hebrewes campe. declared, according as I haue found them written in holy scriptures. Neither ought any man to maruell at this so wonderfull a discourse, that thorow the sea there should a passage be found to saue so manie persons in times past, and they rude and simple, whether it were H done by the will of God, or that it chaunced of it selfe; since not long time agoe, God so thinking it good, the sea of Pamphilia deuided it selfe to giue way to Alexander King of Macedons souldiours, hauing no other passage to destroy the empire of the Persians. The next day the Aegyptians armes transported by the force of the streame, were cast a shore into the armie of the Hebrewes: which when Moses perceiued that it was done by the prouidence of God, to the intent they might not be disarmed; he gathered them together, and furnished the Hebrewes therewith, who afterwardes led them to the mountaine of Sinai to sacrifice vnto God, and he offered him thankesgiuing for their deliuerance in the behalfe of the people, according as he himselfe had before time commaunded him. I
THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 How Moses conducted the people out of Egypt to the mountaine of Sinai.
- 2 Of the slaughter of the Amalechites and their confederates, and of the pray which the Israelites attained thereby.
- 3 Raguels counsaile vnto his sonne in law Moses.
- 4 Moses ascending the mountaine of Sinai, bringeth downe the Tables of the ten commaundements, which he had receiued at Gods hands, to the people.
- 5 Of the Tabernacle made by Moses in the desart, resembling a portable Temple.
- 6 Of the Arke wherein Moses inclosed the Tables of the Law.
- 7 Of the golden Table and Candlesticke, and of the Altars of the Tabernacle. L
- 8 Of the apparrell both of the high Priests and the inferiors.
- 9 Of Aarons Priesthood, and of that which was ordained as touching the foastes and Sacrifices.
- 10 The Lawes of Sacrifices, and Purifications.
- 11 The lawes and customes of warre.
- 12 Sedition against Moses, by reason of the want of victualles, and the punishment of the seditious.
- 13 Of the spies who hauing seene and searched the countrey of Chanaan, and returning backe againe to the Israelites, amated them with feare. M
CHAP. I. A The years of the world. 2454. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 2510.
How Moses conducted the people out of Egypt to the Mountaine of Sinai.
THis new and vnexpected deliuerance of the Hebrewes from their daunger, was not alittle obscured by the wearines and tediousnes of their iourney, The Israelites in the desart are distressed for want of water. which they indured in their trauell towards the mountaine of Sinai: by reason that the countrey was desart and inhabitable, destitute of victuals, and wholy depriued of waters; and not onely barren of that which serued for the sustenance of men, but also euery waies destitute of pasturage and prouision B for cattell: for it was not onely drie and vtterly destitute of water, but also depriued of all meanes to nourish and increase fruit. Now they were inforced to prosecute their way thorow this countrey, by reason they could not otherwise chuse; so that they were constrained to beare with them the water which they had drawne before such time as they entered the desart, according as their Captaine and Conductor had commaunded [...]hem: which being spent, they digged pits, out of which they drew water with great difficultie, by reason of the sterilitie of the countrey: and further, the water which they found in those places was bitter, and no waies fit to drinke, and that which was worse, very little in quantitie. Trauailing onwards of their iourney after this manner, they arriued about the euening in a certaine place, which by reason the waters thereabout were brackish, they called Mara, that is to say, bittemesse: there wearied C with their trauell and their prouision failing them, they began to be trauailed with necessitie; Mara signifieth bitternes. Exod. 15. so that they resolued to stay in that place; and the rather in that they found a certaine pit there, which although it were insufficient to satisfie so great an army, yet for that they found it in that countrey, it yeelded them no little consolation. For they were giuen to vnderstand, that if they trauelled onwards they should find no water; and as touching the water of that pit; it was so bitter and vnfit for their drinking, that it neyther was agreeable with mens taste, nor supportable by their verie cattell likewise. Whereupon Moses seeing them so discomforted, neither knowing in what sort to satisfie them, in that he had not to deale with an opposite armie or enemy to the end to inforce, and to repell them with valor; and for that he manifestly perceiued that not onely a troupe of valiant men, but also a multitude of women and children were like to perish: D he was verie sore perplexed not knowing what to doe, and on himselfe he heaped the calamitie of them all; as if himselfe onely were to beare the heauie burthen of their misery. For all of them had their recourse vnto him, and to no man else; the women besought for their children, the husbands intreated for their wiues, beseeching him to take compassion of their desolations, and to furnish them with some meanes to escape their miserie. He addressed himselfe therefore Moses beseecheth God to change the bitter waters into sweet. in most humble manner to beseech almightie God, that it might please him to conuert the euill qualitie of the water, and to make it potable: which grace and fauour he no sooner obtained, but he tooke the end of his staffe, and cast it at his feete, and afterwards brake it in the midst, and cleft it long-waies, and cast it into the pit; giuing the Hebrewes to vnderstand, that God had heard their prayers, and that he had promised them to giue them that water they desired, if so E be they would obey him, and with alacritie and diligence performe that which should be commanded them. And when they were inquisitiue of that which they ought to do, to the intent the water might be changed, he enioyned euerie one of them, that was of best strength and abilitie amongst them, to draw water; giuing them to vnderstand, that so soone as they had drawne out great store of water from the pit, the rest that should remaine, would be verie good and conuenient to be drunke: wherein they trauelled in such sort, that the water agitated and purified by often drawing, became potable, and refected the wearie multitude. Hereupon dislodging from that place they came to Helim, a countrey that a farre off seemed verie pleasant, by reason The Israelites came to Elim where they began to murmure against Moses for want of sustenance. that it was planted with Palme trees; but the neerer they approched it, the more tedious they found it (for there were no more then seuentie palme trees in that place, and they not verie tall F or well growne, by reason of the drinesse and barennesse of that countrey: for they were not watered by the fountaines, whereof there were twelue in that place, neither did any one of them yeeld any moisture, to giue them sustenance) so that indeuouring themselues to dig vp the sand, they could light on no veines of water, and if perhaps any little deale appeared, it was so troubled by their digging as it became vnfit to be tasted: neither did the trees beare any store of fruit, by reason of the want of water. For which cause the whole multitude began to murmure against [Page 54] their guide, ascribing all the cause of their calamities and miseries vnto him. For hauing marched The yeare of the world, 1454. before Christs Natiuitie, 1510. Exod. 16. G for the space of thirtie dayes, they had consumed all that which they brought with them, and conceiuing in their imagination that there was no remedy, they were wholy surprised with despaire. Bethinking them therefore onely o [...] that euill which was before their eyes, and forgetting the marueiles which God by the ministerie and prudence of Moses had made them both see and partake, they conceiued hatred against him, and were readie to stone him to death, as if he had beene the authour of that calamitie which oppressed them. But he perceiuing the multitude so inraged and incensed against him, strengthened himselfe in God, and warranted by the testimonie of a good conscience, and the vprightnesse of his actions, [...]hee came out into the middest of them; who reuiled him, and had gathered stones to cast at him. And for that he was adorned with a singular grace and alluring countenance, and endued with H pleasing eloquence, and fit to pacifie the popularitie, he began to appease their wrath; exhorting them not onely to forget their present difficulties, but also to remember their forepassed blessings, [...]ot permitting that the trauell which they endured at that time, should driue out of their remembrance the graces and great good turnes, which they had receiued at Gods hands. He willed them likewise diligently to expect their deliuerance from that extremitie, by the prouidence Moses exhorteth the people to re member those benefits they had receiued at Gods hands. of God, who (as it was very likely) made triall of their vertue, to see what perseuerance they had, or whether they kept in their remembrance those things which had hapned vnto them; or whether forgetting their forepassed pleasures, they would suffer themselues to be swallowed with their present miserie: he willed them therefore to take heed, least through their impatiencie and ingratitude, they should be found vnworthie of Gods fauour, who both I neglected his will, by whose direction they were brought out of Egypt, and sore threatened and hated him, which was Gods minister, especially since hitherto they might no wayes complaine of him in any thing, which hee had vndertaken to execute by the commandement of God. Then reckoned he vp particularly vnto them, how the Egyptians were ouerthrowne and Moses reckoneth vp vnto the people all the bene [...]ts which God had done vnto them. afflicted, whilest contrarie to Gods will they endeuoured to detaine them; how the same riuer which to them was bloudie and vnprofitable to drinke of, to themselues became both sweet and po [...]able: likewise how the sea retired it selfe, and furthered both their flight and passage, wherein they saw themselues secure and free from danger. And contrariwise, their enemies destroyed, ouerthrowne and drowned; and how euen vntill that day being disarmed, they were by Gods prouidence both furnished and fortified aboundantly. Againe, howe often God K had deliuered them from apparant death and daunger, besides all mens opinion, who being all and alwayes omnipotent, gaue them at that time, no not the least suspition of his assistance. For which cause they were to suffer all things patiently, and to imagine with themselues that the succour, although it were deferred, was neuer too late, which was receiued before such time as the danger had preuailed: and so to thinke that God contemned not their perils, but that he made triall of their fortitude and free loue, to see whether they were able and willing to abide the want of meate and drinke; or rather whether after the maner of bruite beasts, they had leifer be trained in seruile trauell, to the end they might be glutted like them, and made the better able to endure their labor. To conclude, that hee nothing feared his life (because that being vniustly slaine, no euill could happen vnto him) but that he was fearefull of L their safetie, least lifting vp their handes to stone him, they should bee thought to oppose themselues against Gods ordinance. Thus pacified he them, and mollified the furie they had conceiued to endanger his life; and so much preuailed hee, that they repented them of that enterprise, whereby they sought to indanger him. And for that he knew that they had some reason to be thus moued, he addressed himself to prayer and supplication, and ascending a certaine rocke, he required Gods helpe to relieue their infirmities, wants, and afflictions, in Moses imploreth Gods helpe. whose hands only the sa [...]ation of the people consisted, beseeching him in mercy to forgiue the people being exasperated with extreme miseries, and by reason thereof distracted & withdrawn from their duetie: whereupon God promised him to haue care of the people, assuring him to send them a speedie & present deliuerance. Which when Moses vnderstood, he came down vnto M the multitude, who perceiuing him altogether refreshed with ioy, by reason of those promises which he had receiued at Gods hands, exchaunged their dulsome lamentations, into a habit of delight. He therefore standing vp in the midst of them, told them that he brought vnto them a most speedie remedie for their present necessitie: and not long after, a number of Quailes (which about the gulfe of Arabia multiply and increase more then any other sorts of birds) flew and crossed the seas; and being wearied in their flight, and accustomably accosting and flying neere [Page 55] to the ground, came and fell amidst the campe of the Hebrewes: who caught them as a prouision A In the yeare of the world. 2454. before Christes Natiuity. 1510. God sendeth quailes into the Hebewes armie. prepared for them by God, and ordained to extinguish their famine. Whereupon Moses once more addressed himselfe to call vpon God, yeelding him thankes for the present and the future good he had promised him. Who being after this manner fed and refreshed, were presently supplied with a newe kind of food: for at such t [...]e as Moses stretched out his hande and prayed v [...]o God, a dewe descended from heauen that thickned betwixt his handes, which for that he supposed it, to be an otlier kind of sustenance sent them by God, he tasted the same; and taking pleasure for that the peop [...] knew not what it was, but thought God feedeth the Israelites with Mann [...]. it to be snowe which fell in that place, according to the season of the yeare, he taught them that it was no dew falling from heauen as they supposed, but that God had sent them that grace [...]e conseruation and nouriture of their bodies; and hauing eaten thereof, he gaue them of it, B [...] the end he might strengthen their beliefe: who tasting the same in like manner as their chieftaine had done, were greatly refreshed with the sustenance. For in sweetnes and pleasure it equalled the honie, in odor Bdellium, and in forme and greatnes: the graine of a Coriander seede: of which euery one gathered, and by commaundement it was enioyned that euery one of them should particularly gather euery day the measure of an Assaron, which is the tenth part of an Epha, A commaundement how mu [...]h Manna should be gathered. to the end that no one should be scant [...]ed of this foode: which was done to that end, least the weaker should want, whilest the stronger thorow auarice should gather more then sufficed them. And if any one contrarie to the prescript commaund, had ga [...]hered more then was permitted him, although he toyled and trauelled more then any of them, yet was his portion [...]o waies increased by that meanes. For whatsoeuer (beside the appointed measure of the Assaron) remained C till the next morning was of no value, thorow bitternes, and was putrefied thorow wormes: so diuine and admirable was this kind of foode, and of that nature, that who so had sufficient thereof, needed no other sort of sustenance. Moreouer euen in these our daies al that countrey is bestrewed and bedewed with that kind of aliment, which God in fauour of Moses sent for the peoples sustenance. The Hebrewes call it Manna, for in our tongue Man is an interrogation, signifying what is that? Thus liued they then ioifully, being sustained by this kind of meat sent thē Manna what it signifieth. Exod 17. The Israelites fed 40. yeares space on Manna. The Israelites arriue at Raphidim, and are trauailed with▪ thirst. from heauen, and vsed the same for the space of fortie yeares; during that time which they liued in the desart. But afterwards when they were dislodged from that place, and encamped neere to Raphidim, they were extremely trauailed with thirst: where vpon their first arriuall they found some few springs, but afterwards they found the land wholy destitute of water. They therefore D once more were incensed against Moses: but he withdrawing himselfe apart from the furie of the people, conuerted himselfe vnto God in prayer, beseeching him that as he had giuen them food in their necessitie, he would now also giue them drinke at that present, wherein they were well nie choaked with thirst, praying him to prouide them of drinke also, or otherwise that their meat was vnprofitable to them: whereon God presently granted his prayer, promising Moses that he would giue him a fountaine and aboundance of water from that place from whence he least expected it. Hereon he commaunded him, that striking vpon the rock with his rod, which was thereby hard at hand, he should from thence seeke that which they demaunded and wanted, assuring him that euerie one without trauell or labour should haue sufficient therefro: which counsaile when Moses had receiued from Gods hands, he returned vnto the people who expected him, and E had their eies fixed vpon him: for at that time they beheld him descending from the rocke where he had made his prayer. No sooner was he arriued, but he told them that God would in like sort deliuer them from that necessitie, and would gratiously grant them an vnexpected reliefe; telling them that a floud should sodainly breake from the rocke: but they beeing amased at that which they heard, and doubting least tired with thirst and trauelled by iourneyes, they should be inforced to hewe and cleaue the rocke: Moses stroke the same in such sort with his rod, that he deuided it in sunder, and deliuered out most cleere and pure water in great aboundance. The people were very sore astonished at this so strange accident, so that beholding the water, their Moses striketh the rocke with his rod, and there issueth water. thirst was quenched. They afterward drunke of the water, and found it verie sweet and pleasant, resembling in the goodnes of it, the diuine bountie & power of the giuer thereof. For this cause F they highly esteemed Moses, seeing that God had honoured him in this sort, and they acknowledged Gods prouidence and their thanksgiuing by their sacrifices, humbly thanking him for the care he had ouer them. The sacred scriptures likewise, which are kept and consecrated in the Temple, testifie that God had foretold Moses also that water should in this sorte issue from the rocke.
CHAP. II. The yeare of the world 2454. before Christs Nati [...]tie. 1510. G
How the Amalechites and their associates were ouercome, and how great a pray the Israelites obtained thereby.
BVt when the renowme of the Hebrewes waxed great, and was spred in the eares of all men (so as the brute thereof was heard in euerie part) it came to passe that the inhabitants Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2. of that countrey were in very great feare: whereupon (sending embassages the one vnto the other) they mutually incited themselues to expell and vtterly ruinate the whole nation.
Amongst the rest those of the countrey of Gobol; and the Citie Petra (who are called Amalechites, a nation verie warlike, and more actiue then the rest) were the chiefe agents in this H expedition; whose Kings both encouraged one another, and whetted their neighbour nations Exod. 17. The Amalechites warre against the Israelites. to the Israelites destruction; telling them that a forraine army, flying from the thraldome of the Egyptians, had inuaded their countrey, whose increases were not a little to be suspected: counse [...]ng them (before they had gathered head, and [...]couered more meanes, and a countrey to dwell in, and withall waxed more confident by reason of their forbearance) to charge them first; rather then to expect their increases, and so to oppresse them: esteeming it to a better point of wisedome to represse their insolencie and forwardnes in the desart, then to expect whilest they were possessed of strong Cities, & rich meanes. For this (said they) is the part of wise men, to resist the vprisings and power o [...] their aduersaries; and not to expect, whilest by daily exploites they more & more increase; & rather to prouide to preuent, then deliuer themselues from perill. After I these embassages, it was decreed by generall councell, that they should endeuour to confront and assault the Hebrewes. These determinations and desseignes of theirs amated and troubled Moses verie much, for that he expected no hostilitie. When therefore he perceiued that the people were affrighted, and amased to see themselues (being wholy vnprouided) to be charged by so strong and well furnished an armie; he recomforted them, and willed them to bethinke themselues of Gods promises, who by his power had set them at libertie; assuring them that they should ouercome all those that made party and head against them to destroy them: wishing them to thinke, that though they were inferiour vnto their enemies in weapons, wealth, money, and munition, and such like; yet since they had God to friend, and readie to fight for them against Moses encourageth the people to expect nothing else but victorie. their enemies, that they ought to conceiue such courage, as if they were furnished with farre more K then humane supplies. Alledging further, that they were not ignorant how great an assister God was, hauing had so often triall of his goodnes in their greatest daungers, whom both he knew to be an enemie to their enemies, and fauourable to their proceedings: which fauour of his he most manifestly expressed, by his miraculous deliuerance of them from hunger and thirst, by yeelding them free escape when they were shut in by sea and mountaines; and that which should most animate them to the fight and victorie at that time was, that after this plunge they should want nothing that appertained to a more commodious and peaceable life. Moses thus hauing encouraged the people by his words, he called vnto him the chiefest of the tribes, and euerie one of them that had the charge of them, both in priuate and publike assembly; commaunding the younger to obey the elder, and the elders to be obedient to their Generall. But they L contemning their daunger, and desirous of fight, hoped that this conflict would proue the final end of their calamity: for which cause they instantly besought Moses to lead them forth against the enemie, praying him not to dull the alacritie of the soldiers, by any vntimely delay. Whereupon (chusing out amongst the whole multitude, such as were most fitte for warre) he chose Iesus the sonne of Naueus the Ephraimite to lead them, a man valiant in armes, and prouident in Iosuah made captaine ouer the Israelites. counsaile, and exceeding in pietie, and not degenerating in that respect from Moses his master. He also in such sort disposed certaine bands that he might not in any sort be cut off from water; he left also so many as might guard the multitude, & keepe the campe and weake company. Thus stood they all the night long in a readines to take armes, such as they had fitted for them, expecting their captaines, who should lead them out to fight as soone as Moses should command them. M On the other side Moses slept not, but instructed Iosuah how he should conduct the army. And as soone as the day appeared, he encouraged Iosuah to shew himselfe such a one in that battell, as both the place where with he was honoured, and the cause for which they fought, required; wishing him by his prowesse and good deserts to giue life and courage to his soldiers that followed him. He likewise exhorted the chiefest of the Hebrewes in particular, and in generall heartned and emboldened all other that entred the battell.
[Page 57] And as touching himselfe (after he had thus disposed the armie, by words and effect) he retired A The yeare of the world. 2454. before Christs birth 1510. himselfe vnto a mountaine, committing the armie to Gods protection, and Iosuahs conduct. Then encountred the armies on both sides, and euerieone foug [...]t most valiantly, neither wanted there encouragements on either sides; and as long as Moses lifted vp his hands, the Hebrewes had the better against the Amalekites. B [...] for that he was vnable continually to support the same, (and because hee throughly perceiued: and obserued, that as often as he held downe his hands, so long the enemies droue the Israelites to re [...]eat) he willed his brother Aaron, and Vron (his sister Maries husband) to stand on each side of him, and sustaine his hands and succour him, for feare his forces should faile him. Which when they had perfourmed, the Hebrewes by maine force ouercame the Amalechites, so that all of them had beene slaine, if so be the chace had continued, and had not beene cut off by the approch of the night. At B this time our predecessours obtained a most happie and necessarie victorie. For they had the vpper hand ouer them that were embattelled agai [...]st them; and astonished and amated the nations round about, and got great strength and riches by their trauell: for being seased of the enemies campe, they generally gate great riches; and particularly were all of them relieued, whereas before that time they had not necessarie meanes to maintaine themselues. And this victorie of theirs was the cause of their verie great good fortune, not onely for the present, but also for the time to come. For not onely had they their enemies bodies vnder their subiection, but also their spirits; so as they were feared by all the nations round about. And they multiplied both in strength, and riches: for there was a great quantitie of gold and siluer taken in the campe. Diuers vessels likewise and tables of brasse we [...]e found therein: likewise great quantity C of tissue worke and excellent furniture for armes. Moreouer, they had all their baggage, tents, The Israelites recouer a g [...]eat praie in the campe of the Amalec [...]es. harnesse, and horses, and generally the whole prouision of an arranged battel became their pray. Then after also they became more vertuous, and industrious then before; supposing that the end of all actions was obtained by industrie. Thus ended this battell. The next day Moses caused the enemies that were slaine to be rifled, and gathered the scattered armes of those that fled. The distribution of the [...]poiles & pray. He honored them also that had brauely demeaned themselues in the battell, & praised the Captaine Iosuah in publique, whose honour was confirmed by the applause of the whole armie. There was not one Hebrew that perished that day, and so manie of the enemies were there put to the sword, as their number cannot be expressed. He offered likewise a sacrifice of thanks giuing vnto God, and erected an altar vnto him; and dedicated it to God the victor. Hee prophesied D moreouer, that all the Amalechites should be vtterly extinguished, so that none of them The prediction of the vtter ruine of the Amalechites. shuld be left aliue, in that they had assaulted the Hebrewes, & that in the desart, and at such time as they were in affliction. He feasted the Generall in like sort. This issue had this battell, which was the first that was leuied against them, or dur [...]t assault them, since their departure out of Egypt. But as soone as Moses had celebrated a fe [...]st in memorie of the victorie, to the end he might giue the Hebrewes some repose after the battell abouenamed, hee caused them to march in array; for now at that time they had manie armed souldiers. Thus passing onwards by The Israelites come to the mountaine of Sinai. little & little, they arriued the third month after their departure out of Egypt, neere to the mountaine of Sinai, where (as before time it hath beene declared) Moses saw the vision in the bush, and other such like wonders. E
CHAP. III.
What counsel Raguell gaue to his sonne in law.
WHen Raguel Moses father in law vnderstood of this his good successe, he came with great He [...]o & Ruffinu [...]. chap. 3. Exod. 10. Raguel commeth to Moses to the desart of Sinai. ioy vnto Moses, vnder purpose to salute him, his daughter Zephorah, and her childrē; who (greatly reiovcing at his arriuall) prepared a sacrifice, and feasted the people neere vnto the bush which could not be consumed by fire; and in the banquet time the people was distinguished, according to the order and place of euerie family. But Aaron with the assistance F tooke Raguel, and they sung praises vnto God, ascrib [...]g to him both the meanes and manne [...] of their libertie. They also spake much in honour of their Generall, by whose vertue all things had had so fortunate an issue. Raguel on his side highly praised the people, and dignified Moses their Gouernour, by whose prudence so many good and valiant men were g [...]ded. But on Hedio & Ruffinus. ch. 4. the next day Raguel seeing Moses oppressed with the multitude of businesse (by reason that he decided all their debates that appealed vnto him, who were thus perswaded of him, that at Raguel, otherwise called [Page 58] that time they were onely rightly censured, when Moses gaue the sentence; and they that were G Iethro, Moses father in law, counselleth him to choose Iudges amōgst the Israelites. The yeare of the world, 2454. before Christs Natiuitie, 1510. condemned by him, endured the verdict patiently, knowing that their cause was by him decided rather by the rule of iustice, then the instinct of amerce) he for that time kept silence (in that he was loath to hinder them, who anie wayes pretended to receiue anie fruit of the vertue of his sonne in lawe.) But when he found him at conuenient leisure, he withdrew him apart, and told him betwixt them twaine, that which he ought to doe; counselling him that hee should discharge himselfe of that paine, concerning affaires of so little consequence, and reserue onely to himselfe those affaires which were of the greatest importance, and concerned the publike estate of them all. For that there were diuers persons amongst the Hebrewes to bee found, who would be capable and sufficient to heare and determine the pleas; but touching the care of so many thousand soules, no man could vndertake it, except he were another Moses. H ‘Knowing therefore (said he) thy vertue, and how worthily thou hast be haued thy selfe towards the people, being the Minister of God, as concerning their safetie: suffer them to comprimit amongst themselues those actions and quarels that fall amongst them; and reserue this interest to thy selfe, that thou maist wholy intend the seruice of God, whereby thou maist more easily exempt the people from their present necessities. If therefore thou giuest credit to my counsails in humane affaires, thou shalt make diligent search and musters of thy whole army, and thou shalt establish Chieftaines that shall gouerne ouer ten thousands, and thousands, and fiue hundreths, and ouer fifties, and shalt ordaine Gouernours ouer them, who diuiding them by thirties, twenties, and tennes, may conduct and gouerne them: and let some be appointed amongst them, who may receiue their titles, according to the number and names of those I he commaundeth. Who being approued by the whole companie, to bee of good fame and vpright conscience, may censure and compound all their differences; and if any controuersie shall fall out amongst any of them in authoritie, they shall referre the deciding of that difficultie to thine owne person. By this meanes neither shall any one of the Hebrewes be defrauded of his right, and thou thy selfe seruing God without molestation, maist procure God to bee more fauourable vnto thine armie.’
This coun̄sell of Raguel highly contented Moses, so that he fulfilled all that whereunto hee Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. Moses alloweth his father in laws aduice. had suggested him, not concealing the inuention of this policie, neither attributing it to himselfe, but declaring publikely vnto all men, that his father in law was the inuenter thereof. He hath likewise written in his bookes, that Raguel was the authour of this gouernement; accounting K it no lesse honour to attribute praise to those that deserue it, then shame to vsurpe vpon another mans desert; so that hereby you may coniecture his vertue, of which hereafter in many places we haue more to say. Moses afterwards assembling all the people, told them that hee would ascend the mountaine of Sinai to talke with God, to the end that he might afterwardes returne vnto them, and impart vnto them whatsoeuer profitable thing hee had receiued from him in their behalfe. He likewise commaunded them to pitch their tents about the mountaine, and to haue it in reuerence, by reason of the Proximitie of God.
CHAP. IIII.
Moses ascendeth the mountaine, and receiueth the Tables of the ten Commandements L at Gods hands, and gaue them to the people.
THis said, he ascended the mountaine Sinai (which is the highest beyond comparison of Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 6. Moses ascendeth the mountaine of Sinai. all that countrey, and which, by reason of his strange height, and for his steepe and vnaccessible ragged rockes, is not onely vnfrequented by men, but also may not be beheld, by reason it trauelleth the eye.) Further, for that it is reported, that God conuerseth and dwelleth on the same, it is held sacred by the inhabitants, and dreadfull and vnaccessible to all that behold it. But the Hebrewes, according to the commandement of the Prophet, remouing their tents, pitched them at the foote of the hil, suspending their iudgements, and expecting the execution of the promises of those goods which Moses had foreprophesied vnto them, at such M time as he returned frō God. And in the meane space, while they expected their guide, they kept holy day, and feasted, and purified themselues for the space of three daies in all sorts of purification, and abstinence from the company of their wiues, following that which Moses had commaunded them. They besought God also that he would be fauourable and assist Moses, and by his means to blesse them with some fauor, that might make their life good & happie. They banquetted also in great pompe, and their wiues and children were richly attired: Now after they had [Page 59] feasted fortie daies space, on the third day before sunne rising, a cloud couered all the Hebrewes The yeare of the world. 2454 before Christs birth 1510. Horrible lightnings about the mountaine of Sunai. A camp (a thing before time vnseene by them) and inuironed al the place where they pitched their pauillions. And although all the rest of the countrey had a cleere and vntroubled skie; yet thereabout violent winds were raised, and hideously rored, and a tempestuous raine succeeded them; and thunderclaps dreadfull to heare, and lightnings horrible to behold, signified that God was there present, and that Moses (with good successe, and for their profit) had conferred with him. Let those that read this iudge thereof, as it shall please them: but as touching my selfe, it is not any waies lawfull for me to depart in any sort from that which is written in holy scriptures.That which the Hebrewes both heard and saw, in that it was straunge and vnaccustomed vnto them, troubled them greatly Furthermore, the report that was published as touching that mountaine, that God repaired and dwelt on the same, marueilously amated their spirits: they therefore sad B and pensiue, contained themselues within their rents, thinking that Moses was destroyed thorow the wrath of God, and expecting no lesse miserie themselues. But whilest they were thus troubled in thought, Moses presented himselfe vnto them (with a countenance full fraught with a pleasing maiestie, and lookes so contented, as they testified the inward consolation of his mind) whom they no sooner beheld, but so dainly all their feare vanished, and in place thereof a hope of some great good happe succeeded, and withall the ayre vpon his arriuall recouered his former cleerenesse and serenitie. Hereupon he summoned the people to a solemne and generall assembly; to the end he might report, and they heare, what commaundements God had giuen Moses oration to the Israelites. them by him: no sooner were they assembled, but he (from an vpper place, to the end that all the people might both see and heare him) stood vp and spake after this manner. ‘Know (saith he) C you Hebrewes, that Almightie God, as he hath neuer neglected my prayers hitherto; so at this time also hath he entertained me (being your truchman and messenger) verie gratiously; & behold himselfe here in presence in your companie, and propitious to your supplications; readie to prouide you of meat to sustaine your bodies, and order and dispose your policy to make it lasting and happie: now although that you see me, and that a humane tongue speaketh vnto you, yet despise not my words, no more then you doe his workes alreadie executed and testified vpon our nation. For if you consider the worth and wonder thereof, you shall conceiue his greatnes that hath brought them to passe, and hath neuer denied to talke with me, & heare me when I spake for your profit. For it is not Moses the sonne of Amram and of Iochabel, but he it is that constrained Nilus to flow with bloud, and that thorow diuers plagues hath tamed the pride of the D Aegyptians: it is he that hath giuen you passage thorow the midst of the sea: it is he that hath furnished you with meat prepared from heauen, at such time as you were in extremitie: it is he that made water spring out of the rocke to coole your thirsts, at such time as you were in necessitie: it is he, by whom Adam had the possession and fruition both of the fruit of the earth, and the fishes of the sea: By him Noe escaped from the Deluge; by him our auncient father Abraham of a wandring pilgrime, became an inhabiter of the land of Chanaan: by him Isaac was borne at such time as his father and mother were olde: by him Iocob hath beene ennobled by the vertue of his twelue sonnes: by him Ioseph became Lord ouer all the forces of the Aegyptians: He it is that gratiously imparteth these words vnto you by me his messenger; let therefore these holsome lawes of his be holy and inuiolable amongst you, and more deere E vnto you then eyther your wiues or children; for in obseruing the same, you shall lead a happie life, enioy a fruitfull countrey, a calme sea, and a progenie made happie according to the lawes of nature: finally you shall become alwaies dreadfull vnto your enemies. For I haue talked face to face with God, and haue heard his immortall voice; so dearely beloued are you vnto him, and so carefull is he of the prosperitie of your nation.’This said, he conducted the people (both men, women and children) to the end they might heare God talke vnto them, and teach them what to do (for feare the law should haue been in lesser regard, if it had beene presented to their vnderstandings The people of Israel heareth. God speaking vnto thē from the mountaine of Sinai. by a humane tongue) they all of them therefore heard his voyce descending from the mountaine, so that euerie one vnderstood the same. But these precepts which Moses left registred in two Tables, it is not lawfull for me to expresse in so many words, and therefore I will F onely expresse the sentences. For he teacheth vs:
- First of all that there is one God, who is onely to be worshipped. The Ten commandements. Exod 20. Deuter. 5.
- Secondly, that no Image of any creature is to be adored.
- Thirdly, that no man ought to sweare rashly.
- Fourthly, that the seuenth day is not to be prophaned by any worke.
- Fiftly, that father and mother should be honoured.
- [Page 60] Sixtly, that we should abstaine from murther. The yeare of the world 2454. before Christs Natiuitie. 1510.
- Seuenthly, that adultery is not to be committed. G
- Eightly, that no man ought to steale.
- Ninthly, that false witnesse must not be borne.
- Tenthly, that no man ought to couet his neighbours goods.
When the multitude with great ioy had heard God himselfe speake vnto them (according Exod. 21. as Moses had foretold them) he dismissed them, and each one departed to his tent. But some few daies after they presented themselues before his pauilion, beseeching him that he would bring them those lawes, which he had receiued at Gods hands: He [...]o the intent to gratifie them, opened the lawes, and prescribed vnto each of them what they ought to doe at the same time (as in due place it shall be expressed.) But the greater part of the lawes I deferre till an other time, meaning H in priuate to comment thereupon. About the verie same time Moses once more ascended the mountaine of Sinai (hauing premonished the people thereof) and ascended the same in Exod. 24. their sights: but when the time seemed tedious vnto them (for he was sequestred from them for Moses remayned on the mountaine fortie daies & fortie nights. the space of fortie dayes) they were in great feare, least some inconuenient had hapned vnto him; neither were they so much aggrieued at that which had chanced vnto them, as for that they were perswaded of the death of Moses. For there fell a contention amongst them, the one affirming that he was dead and deuoured by wild beasts (which was their opinion, who conceiued a hatred against him) the other said that he was rauished vp vnto God: But they of the wiser sort among them, who tooke no pleasure to heare any one of these them suspitions, contayned themselues; being equally affected in respect of both the opinions; for that the one seemed not to be estranged I from humane chance, and the other had some correspondence with the vertues of the man: so that they indured his fortune with an equall mind, and lamented their owne mishap, in that they were depriued of such a gouernour and patron as he was, and whose like they thought it a matter impossible to find: neither did their care suffer them to hope; neither depriued of hope could they choose but complaine: neyther durst they remoue their tents, in that they were commaunded to expect his returne. At length (when fortie daies and fortie nights were past) he Moses fasted fortie daies & nightes. returned vnto them; hauing (during that time) tasted no mortall sustenance: and by his arriuall the whole host was replenished with great ioy; whom he certified that Gods prouidence was alwaies assisting them, and that during the terme of those daies, he had learned the meanes how they should liue ciuilly, orderly, and blessedly: telling them that God commaunded them to K make him a Tabernacle, whereinto he would descend as often as it pleased him, which also in their trauell they might carry about with them; so that they should haue no more need to ascend vnto Sinai, but that he himselfe might come and lodge with them, and be assistant to their prayers. He told them likewise the measure and order of the said Tabernacle, and that there wanted nothing but that they presently addressed themselues to the building thereof. This said, he shewed them the two Tables, contayning the ten commaundements written therein, in each of Moses two Tables. Exod. 35. them fiue: now were these written by the hand of God. They all of them (reioycing at that which they had heard and seene) ceased not to employ themselues to their vttermost: so that they brought in siluer, gold, brasse, and store of wood fit for building, and which would not be worme eaten, the haires of goates, and the skins of sheepe, the one died azure, and the other white; L wools of the same colour, fine linnen, stones enchased in gold, wherewith men were accustomed to decke themselues, with great quantitie of perfumes. Such was the matter of the Tabernacle, which was made like to a portable & mouing Temple: this stuffe being thus gathered together, & The Israelites with great ioy addresse themselues to the building of the Tabernacle. Exod. 36. Beseleel and Eliab are workmasters of the Tabernacle The people are restrained byedict, from brin [...]ing any more offrings toward the building of the Tabernacle. collected with so great affection (according to each mans vtmost abilitie) he appointed work-masters according to the commandement of God, but such as the like might not haue been chosen, although the matter had beene committed to the peoples suffrages: their names are now likewise extant in the volumes of the sacred scriptures. Beseleel of the tribe of Iuda, the sonne of Vron of the tribe of Iuda, & Mary Moses sister: and Eliab the sonne of Isamach of the tribe of Dan. The people shewed themselues so forward in the finishing of this worke, that Moses was compelled to restrain them, causing it to be proclaimed, that they had sufficiently gathered for the worke alreadie: M for the workemasters certified him no lesse. They therefore addressed themselues to finish the Tabernacle being particularly instructed by Moses of the measure and greatnes thereof, and how many vessels they ought to haue, according to the modle which god had proposed to Moses. The women also stroue with emulation to exceed each other in the making of the vestures of the priests, and other things which were conuenient for that worke, to the end to honour the seruice of God.
CHAP. V. A The yeare of the world. 2455. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1509.
Of the Tabernacle made by Moses in the desart, resembling a portable Temple.
NOw when all things were prepared for this worke, as gold, brasse, and wouen worke, Moses commaunded them to feast and sacrifice each one according to his abilitie, and set forward the building of the Tabernacle. First of all therefore he measured the outward Exod. 36. Hedio & Ruffinus chap 7. Moses crecteth a Tabernacle in the desart. court, which in breadth contained fiftie, and in length one hundreth cubits, in such manner as followeth. He raised pales of fiue cubits high, and twentie in length from the one side to the other, and ten in breadth; in the hindside to euerie one of these pales or posts there were fastned rings, the chapters whereof were siluer, and the bases thereof of gold, and the lower parts of B these resembled the points of a speare made of brasse, and fixed in the earth. Thorow the rings The first court of the Temple. there passed certaine cords of fiue cubits length, which on the one side fastned in the ground with brasen nayles of a cubits length, did fasten each of the pales, and defended the Tabernacle against the force of winds. Then was there a most fine silken curtaine drawne about the Iame, which hanging from the chapters of the bases and enclosing al that place, seemed to differ in nothing from a wall. And after this manner were the three sides of the inclosure arounded. But the fourth side, being of fiftie cubits, was the front of the whole frame; the doore whereof was twentie cubits wide, hauing on both sides double barres in stead of posts; and these also were of siluer, except the bases which were of brasse; and on both sides there stood three barres well fastened, which were also hung round about with a curtaine of wouen silke: but at the gate there hung C a vaile of twentie cubits long, and fiue deepe, wouen of purple, violet and fine silke, embrodered with diuers flowers, without any figures of sensible creatures: within the gates there was a brasen Ewer with a foote of the same mettall, wherein the priests might wash their hands and feete. And after this manner was the inclosure of the court. In the midst hereof he placed the Tabernacle, turning it toward the East, that the rising sunne might shine vpon it: the length thereof was thirty cubits, and the bredth twelue; the one of the walles thereof was towards the South, an other towards the North, but the hinder part was towards the West; and it was as high as long; and on each side there were twentie wooden planks foure square, and ioyned together, foure fingers thicke and a cubit and a halfe broad, lined both within and without with plates of gold; and euerie boord had two hinges, which were put thorow the two bases that were of siluer, & in their D sockets receiued the hinges of the boords: the plankes of the west wall were sixe in number, and guilded both within and without, all of them so closed together as it seemed to be but one wall. But on both the sides there were certaine boords neerly ioyned together, which in bredth contayned the measure of one cubite and a halfe; and in thicknes, the third part of a hand bredth; and so made vp thirtie cubits: but sixe boords made vp the nine cubits of the hinder wall, to which were ioyned other two boords cut halfe a cubit broad, which they placed in the corners in stead of whole ones: euery boord had rings of gold fastned to the outward front thereof, riueted in order, and answering one another on euery side. Thorow these rings were put certaine barres which were couered with gold, euery one fiue cubits long, which ioyned the boords together: and the end of euerie barre was put into the beginning of the other after the manner of a E boxe. And on the backe side of the wals of the Tabernacle, there was one ranke of barres placed long-wise, passing thorow all the planks, in which by hookes or haspes, the sides of eyther were held together, and riueted and fastned one within the other; by which meanes the Tabernacle was secured from the force of winds and kept steddie, and immoueable. Within, the length thereof was diuided into three parts: next to one part thereof contayning ten cubits, on the inside were placed foure pillers made of the same worke and matter, planted on like bases, and distant one from the other by equall spaces ouerthwart; beyond these was the secret place, The rest of the Tabernacle was for all the priests; and this tripartite diuision of the Tabernacle resembled the nature of the world, for the third part (which was contained within the foure pillers, to which the priests had no accesse) did in a manner represent heauen the seate of God: but the space The Tabernacle. F of twentie cubits (which was onely permitted to the priest, and was vnaccessible to others) resembled the sea and land. In the front where the entrance was, they placed fiue pillers vpon brasen bases; after these, the courtaines were spred about the Tabernacle, wouen of silke, and embrodered with purple, violet and scarlet colours; the first of these was spred tenne cubits euery way, & was drawn about the pillers, which separated the Adyt from the other space; and seuered it from the sight of men; and all this Temple was called holy. As for the Adyt that [Page 62] was situate beyond the foure pillers, it was called the Sanctum sanctorum, or holie of holiest: and G The yeare of the world, 2455. before Christs Natiuitie, 1509. this curtaine or vaile was pictured with all sorts of flowers which the earth bringeth forth, and diuersified with all that which might giue it ornament: but that there were no figures of liuing creatures to be found therein. The second vaile equalled the first in greatnesse, workmanship, and colour; and encompassed the fiue pillers of the entrie, which reaching from the top to the middest of them, and fastened to each of them by a certaine ring, gaue accesse to the Priests that entered the same: To this almost was there annexed on the outside another vaile of like bignesse and wouen of linnen, drawne vpon cordes from the one side to the other, by meanes of certaine rings; which was sometimes spred, and other times (especially on the holy dayes) vnspred, least it should hinder the peoples sight: on the other daies (especially such as were cloudie) it was spred, and serued for a couerture to defend the painted vaile from the weather. H Sithence, that custome hath continued after the building of the Temple, that another such like vaile (as this) should be spred in the entrance. Besides this, there were ten other vailes foure cubites broad, and twentie eight cubites long, with certaine golden hookes, enchased the one within the other, to the end to conioyne them, so that they seemed to bee one; which being spred did couer the Tabernacle in the vpper part, and the walles on the sides and behind; not extending The Sanctuary to the earth within the compasse of a foot. Moreouer there were eleuen other hangings of equall breadth, but longer, namely, euery one of them of thirty cubits, wouen with as great art of haires, as the other out of wooll: which couering all the rest extending to the earth, resembled the forme of a bed chamber, one of them couered and extended from the front, which being the eleuenth, was annexed to this vse: these also were couered with certaine skinnes sowed I The signification of the diuision of the Tabernacle. together, which protected the fame against the storme and iniurie of raine: for which cause, to them that beheld it from farre, it seemed a thing most worthy of admiration. For the colours of the Tabernacle did in no other sort shine, then as if a man should haue beheld the heauens. But the vailes of haire and skinnes hung after such a maner, as that did about the entrance of the Tabernacle, set to resist the force and outrage of stormes and tempests.
CHAP. VI.
Of the Arke, wherein Moses placed the Tables of the Law.
AFter that the Tabernacle was after this maner builded, they erected also an Arke, which K was dedicated vnto God, of a certaine wood that was naturally strong, and such as was Exod. 37. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. permanent and resisted corruption. This in our natiue tongue is called Heoron, framed after this maner. The length thereof was of fiue handfuls, and the bredth and height of three handfuls; and both within and without it was couered with golden plates, and it had a couer fitted with golden hinges, egall on euerie side. And to euerie side in length there were fastened two rings of gold, driuen and riueted through the whole wood, and through them certaine barres of gold were thrust, that whensoeuer there were anie need, it might be caried anie wayes: for neither was it borne on beasts backes, but the Priests bare it on their shoulders. On the couer thereof there were two semblances planted, which the Hebrewes call Cherubins (which are winged Cherubin. creatures, of a strange forme, the like whereof were neuer seene by any man) which Moses saw figured L on Gods seate. In this Arke he placed the Tables containing the ten commandements: The Tables of the law placed in the Arke. in euery one fiue, and in euery page two and a halfe: and this Arke hid hee within the Sanctuarie.
CHAP. VII.
Of the Table and Candlesticke of gold, and of the Altars of the Tabernacle.
IN the Tabernacle he placed a Table not vnlike to that at Delphos, two cubits in length, and one in breadth, and of the height of three handfuls: the feete thereof, from the Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 9. The Table. midst downwards were like those feete which the Doriens set vnto their beds; but that M which ascended from the other halfe vpwards, was square: The bodie of this Table was arounded with a border standing out foure fingers length, and in euerie of the feete there were rings fastened about the top of the foote, to which were annexed on both sides two things after the maner of handles, guilded and framed of most firme wood, which were not thrust through the circle on both sides like barres, but with a button tooke hold of the vpper border of the Table, and beneath cōprehended the ring of the foot, being a means to transfer it whithersoeuer need [Page 63] required. This was wont to bee placed in the Temple towards the North wall, not farre from The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christs birth 1509. A the Sanctuarie: and on it were placed twelue vnleauened loaues, set sixe by sixe the one ouer against the other, and made of two Assars of the purest wheate, which measure of the Hebrewes contained seuen Cotylas of the Athenians; and aboue these loaues two golden pots filled with frankincense; but after seuen dayes other loaues were set in their place on that festiuall day, which we call the Sabboth. The cause of which ceremony shall hereafter be declared by vs. Hard Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 10. The golden candlesticke. by this Table neere the South wall, was placed a Candlesticke of molten gold (but not solide) of one hundred pound weight (this weight the Hebrewes call Cinchares, the Grecians frame it a Talent in their tongue) and it was wrought with bowles, lillies, pomgranats, and little cuppes; then arising vpwards from one base, it was diuided into seuen branches, according to the number of the Sunne and the rest of the Planets: it stretched out likewise into seuen B heads, hauing orderly correspondence the one with the other, on which were planted seuen candles, according to the number of the seuen Planets, which branched out towards the East and South, in that the Candlestick was set sidelong. Betweene this and the Table (as I said) was a little Altar erected for incense, made of lasting wood likewise, and couered on euerie side with The Altar of incense. a solide plate, being a cubite broad from euerie corner, and twise as high, on which there stood a little hearth enuironed with a golden crowne on euerie side, in which were rings with their barres and staues, whereby it might be borne by the Priests in the way. There was another Altar of wood also before the doore of the Tabernacle, couered with plates of brasse, fiue cubits Exod. 38. square, and three high, decked with gold in like sort, and plated with brasse, the hearth whereof was made after the manner of a grate: for the earth receiued whatsoeuer fire fell from aboue by C reason there was no base there vnder, but neere vnto the Altar there were tunnels and pots, and censers, & cups, with other instruments made for the diuine seruice, all which were of pure gold.
CHAP. VIII.
Of the vestment, of the Priest, and of the high Priest,
SVch was the Tabernacle with all that belonged thereunto. Now remaineth it for mee Hedio & Ruffinus, ch. 11. Exod. 39. The Priests vestures. to discourse as well of the vestmēts of the other Priests, which they call Chaneas, as of the Priest, whom they name Sar-Hazabachin, signifying thereby the high Priest. And first of all as touching the ordinarie Priests. When as the Sacrificer (purified according to the purification D which is ordained by the Law) addresseth himselfe to sacrifice; he first of all inuesteth himself with Manachasses (which is as much to say, a trusse or restrainer, which is a kind of breech, Manacasses. or slop, couering the priuities, made of wouen silke) wherethrough he thrusts his feete, as in a paire of vpper breeches, and fastens the same about his loynes: On this hee casts a linnen shirt or surplice, made of double linnen (which wee call Chetomene) and that word signifieth a linnen garment or surplice: for we call linnen Cheton (that kinde of garment is a coate Chetomene. comming downe to the anckles, bound to the bodie (hauing narrow sleeues about the armes) which is tied vpon the breast a little beneath the armeholes, with a girdle foure fingers broad, inwardly void, so wrought as it seemed to be like a serpents skinne.) It is likewise pictured with red, purple, Hyacinthine & silken flowers, but the ground is only silk; which being twise doubled E about his breast, extendeth downe to his anckles at such time as he desisteth from sacrifice, (and this seemed they to weare in way of ornament) but when as he is to minister in sacrifice, then (least blowne vp by the wind, it should hinder his worke) he casts it on his left shoulder. This girdle Moses calleth Abaneth, and we by a word borrowed from the Babylonians, name it Emian (for so call they it.) This coat was in no maner pleited, and in the necke hath a broad opening, Abaneth. fastened about the two shoulders with claspes, from the edge of the coller to the breast and the middest of the backe: This call they Massabassanes. But on his head hee weareth a hat (not made with a high crowne, neither comprehending the whole head, but somewhat more then Massabassanes. the halfe:) this is called Masnaemphthes; which is decked and dight after such a rate, that it seemed a Chaplet made of thicke Riban, or of wouen linnen often times doubled and sowed, Masnaempthes F which in the vpper part is couered with another linnen, descending to the front, hiding those seames of the Riban which were vnseemely to be beheld; this is curiously fitted, least during the time of sacrifice it should slip off. Such in generall were the ornaments of the Priestes.
The high priest also vseth the verie same (omitting none of those thinges which wee haue The high priests ornaments. Methir. reckoned vp) but beside the [...]est he put on a Hyacinthine coloured coat, extending in length to his hammes (which our countrey call Methir) this girdeth he vnto him with a girdle of diuers [Page 64] colours (not vnlike the former) but that it is studded with gold: but the skirt of the vesture is G The yeare of the world 2455. before Christs Natiuitie. 1509. bordered with fringes, sowed together, to which are tied certaine counterfait pomgranates with certaine golden bels, properly disposed; so that betweene two Pomgranates, there is placed a bell, and betweene two bels one Pomgranate. This coat is not made of two pieces (as hauing seames on the shoulders, and on the sides) but a long vaile wouen and left open in the coller, not a thwart but long-waies, from the breast to the midst of the backe. To it is a riban or hemme fastned, least the opening should be perceiued: it is likewise open in that place where the hands should be put out. Besides these vestures, he hath a third called an Ephod (resembling Ephod. a Grecian frocke, that is made after this manner.) It is wouen of diuers colours, intermixed with gold; in the midst of the breast there is a space left open: the sleeues are made in such a maner, and all the rest in such sort composed, that it seemeth to be a coat: in this void space thereis a piece H enchased of the bignes of a span long, embrodered with the same colours, gold, and flowers as the Ephod is. This piece is called Essen, that is as much to say, as Rationall (which wholy filleth the space that was left void by them that haue wouen the Ephod.) And this piece is ioyned Essen seu Logion. with the Ephod, and to euerie corner thereof with buckles of gold, which are tied with a lace of Hyacinth applied to tie them together with these buckles. And to the end the space between the buckles be not slacke, they filled the future with a Hyacinthine threed: but on eyther shoulder two Sardonix stones enchased in gold (in stead of buttons) doe tie the hood or Ephod; in these are ingrauen the names of Iacobs sonnes in Hebrewe Characters in eyther stone sixe: so that the elder of them were placed on the right shoulder. Moreouer twelue precious stones distinguish the Essen or Rationall it selfe, of excellent greatnes and beautie, which for their inestimable price I could not be bought by any priuate man. They were enchased three and three in foure ranks in certaine crownes of gold, to the end they might not fall out: in the first order was a Sardonyx, a Topaze, and a Smaragd: in the second, a Carbuncle, a Iaspis, and a Saphir: in the third, a Lyncurius, an Amethyst, and an Agate: in the fourth, a Chrisolite, an Onyx, and a Berill stone. In these were the names of Iacobs sonnes engrauen, whom we esteeme for the first authors of our tribes (euery stone being honoured with a seuerall name, according to the order of their birth.) But whereas these rings (whereof before we haue spoken) are weake and cannot sustaine the waight of the precious stones, they made other two greater in the top of the Rationall inclining toward the necke ward, being eminent aboue the texture, which might receiue the golden chaines that were made, which met at the top of the shoulders to be fastned with the little K chaines, the end whereof was croked, and conueied certaine pipes, put thorow the rings, and were more prominent then the brim behind the Ephod, to fasten the Rationall, to the The high priests triple golden crown. end it should neyther sway this waies nor that waies. To the same Rational also was there a girdle sowed, distinguished with the said colours & gold, which comprehending the whole, and againe knit vpon the seame was suffered to hang downewards. And as touching the fringes, they were shut in hollow loops of gold from the one end vnto the other. Now his hat was such as the other priests vsed, on which there stood an other sowed thereto, and flourished with Hyacinthine: this after a triple order was inuironed with a golden crowne, in which there were diuers vessels of gold made after such a sort as may be seene in that herbe which we call Daccharus, and amongst the Grecian herbalists, Henbane. And least any man that hath heretofore seene the same, should L be ignorant of the nature thereof or rather knowing the same, hath not seene the herbe it selfe; I haue thought good to set downe the description thereof in this place. This herbe is of the height of three spans, it hath a roote like a Turnep or Na [...]ew (and he shal not erre, that in regard thereof shall compare it therewith) it hath leaues that resemble Smallage or Rocquet: this out of the stem thereof yeeldeth forth a certaine bud cleauing to the branches of it, inuested with a coat, which it casteth off when the fruit waxeth ripe. This bud is as big as the ioynt of a little finger hauing a circumference like vnto a cup, which I will describe more fitly, once againe that the ignorant may the better discouer it. In the lower part therof about the bottome it resembleth in roundnes a halfe bowle; and according as it groweth euery part thereof is streightned, vntill being againe dilated in the extremitie or brim thereof, it end in a partition, not much vnlike to M a Pomgranate cut in the middest, to which there is annexed and groweth a round couer as if turned and framed on purpose, hauing those eminent clefts (as I said) like to the midst of a Pomgranate, resembling the pointed and sharp thornes, and pricking blades. Now it contayneth a certaine fruit vnder the couer, and in the whole cup is like to the seed of the herbe Sideritis, his flower is not much vnlike that which springeth from the poppey. Such was this crowne Sideritis. about the necke and the two Temples, for these cups came not neere the front or brow. For on [Page 65] the same there was as it were a bend of gold, on which the name of God was engrauen. Such In the yeare of the world. 2455. before Christes Natiuity. 1509. A were the ornaments of the high priest.
I cannot therfore but greatly wonder at the strange and causelesse malice, which other nations haue conceiued against vs, as if we were iniurious against the diuine maiestie, which (they say) they so much honour. For if a man marke the composition of the Tabernacle, and examine the habit of the high priest, and consider all the necessaries which we vse in celebrating the diuine seruice; they shall find that our lawmaker was a man of a diuine spirit, and that we without any desert are iniuried by other nations. For if without partialitie a man will duely examine it, he shall find that all things haue beene done to represent and figure the world. For the Tabernacle The signification of the fabrike of the Tabernacle, & the priests ornament. is of thirtie cubits, diuided into three parts, whereof two are left for the sacrificers as a place prophaned and common, signifying the land and sea wherein all sorts of creatures are conuersant. B But the third part is sequestred and reserued for God alone: in like sort as the heauen is vnaccessible by men. The table on which the twelue loaues were placed, signifieth the yeare diuided into twelue moneths. The candlestick made of seuentie pieces, signifieth the twelue signes, thorow which euery one of the seuen planets passe: the seuen lampes that were therein represented the seuen planets. The vailes made of foure seuerall kinds of stuffes resembled the foure Elements. For the linnen seemed to represent the earth, from whence it was drawen and deriued. The purple resembled the sea, because the purple colour is made of the bloud of a shell fish called Murex. The Hyacinth signifieth the ayre: and as touching the Scarlet, it signifieth the fire. The tunicle likewise of the high priest demonstrateth the earth, for it is made of linnen. The Hyacinth sheweth the pole: the Pomgranates resembled the lightning; as the bels, the noyse of C the thunder. The sircot sheweth that the whole world is compassed of foure Elements resembled in his foure colours, to which gold is annexed (as I interprete it) for that light is annexed to all things; Essen also is planted in the middle thereof, in such sort as the earth obtaineth the middle place of the world. Likewise the girdle wherewith he is girt resembleth the sea, which enfoldeth and begirteth all things. The two Sardonix stones (set as buttons or loops in the high Priests garment) signifie the Sunne and Moone: the number of the gems are alluded to the number of the moneths, or the twelue houses, or the equall number of the parts of that circle, which the Graecians call the Zodiacke (he shall not much erre that followeth eyther the one, or the other of these opinions.) The cap likewise hath an allusion to heauen, by reason of his azure or Hyacinthine colour, for otherwise the name of God might not be placed therein. For it was beautified D with a crowne of gold, to signifie the light wherein God highly delighteth. Let this suffice for the present, for that which we shall discourse hereafter, will furnish vs with sufficient and ample matter to shew and set out the vertue of our lawmaker.
CHAP. IX.
Of Aarons priesthood, and the lawes which appertaine to the feastes and sacrifices.
AFter these things abouesaid were finished and left as yet vnconsecrated, God appeared vnto Moses, commaunding him to establish Aaron his brother in the priesthood (who Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 12. Exod 28. 29. 30. 40. God elected Aaron. Moses brother for high priest. E in respect of his vertue, deserued that title of honour aboue all the rest.) For which cause Moses (assembling the congregation) discoursed vnto them his vertues, and discouered his good affection, and reckoned vp vnto them how many daungers he had suffered in their behalfe, (whereof each of them gaue ample testimonie, declaring the forward zeale and loue they alwaies bare vnto him) whereupon he spake vnto them after this manner. ‘The worke is now brought to such an end as it hath pleased God, and hath beene possible for vs: and for that you know we are to receiue him into this Tabernacle, we ought aboue all things to haue an especiall care in the election of such a one, who shall make sacrifice and supplication for vs. Touching my selfe, if the matter depended on my priuate choise, I should esteeme no man more worthy then my selfe to execute this function, both for that naturally men loue themselues, and for that I am well F assured, how many trauels I haue supported for your safetie sake: But God himselfe hath iudged Aaron worthy of this honour, and hath chosen him for his high priest and sacrificer, in that he excelleth all other of vs in equitie and iustice: commaunding that he should be inuested with the robe consecrated to God, and that he should take charge of the altars and sacrifices. He shall make prayers for you vnto God, who will heare them willingly, by reason that he hath care of your race, and will receiue them proceeding from a personage whom he himselfe had elected.’ [Page 66] These words of his were gratefull vnto the people, and they all of them approued the G The yeare of the world, 2455. before Christs birth 1509. election which God had made. For Aaron was more capable of that honour then any other, both by reason of his race, as also in regard of the prophecing spirit and vertue of his brother: he had at that time foure sonnes, Nadab, Abihu, Eleasar, and Ithamar. But whatsoeuer remained of those things which were gathered for the building of the Tabernacle, was employed to Aarons sonnes make vailes to couer the Tabernacle, Candlesticke, Altar, and the other instruments, to the end that in their trauaile they should not be soiled, eyther by raine or dust. And hauing once more Exod. 36. assembled the people together, he commaunded them to offer euerie one of them halfe a sicle; (now the sicle is a kind of Hebrew coyne, that is as much in value as foure Athenian drammes) whereunto they obeyed willingly, so that the number of them that offered was sixe times one Sicle. The number of the Israelites betwixt 20. and 50. yeares of age. hundreth thousand, fiue hundreth and fiftie: and they that brought this money were such H as were of a free condition, and betwixt the yeares of twentie and fiftie; and that which was receiued, was imployed in the necessaries of the Temple. Then did he purifie the Tabernacle, and the priests in manner and forme following. He tooke the waight of fiue hundreth sicles of chosen Mirrhe, and the like quantitie of Ireos, of Cinnamon, and of Calamus (which is a most The holy oyntment. odoriferous drugge) the halfe of the said waight; and he caused all these to be beaten and infused in a Hin of oyle of oliue, others write palme (this Hin is one of our measures contayning two Choas of Athens) all which he mixed & boyled together, according to the art of perfumers, and he made thereof a most odoriferous oyntment: which he tooke and annoynted the priest The sacrifices. withall, and all that which belonged to the Tabernacle, to the intent to purifie them; offering many and sundrie sorts of beasts of great price to sacrifice within the Temple vpon the Altar of I gold (whereof I forbeare to speake any further, for feare I should grow offensiue and tedious to the readers.) Twice a day before the sunne rise, and sunne set, they were to burne incense, and purifie the oyle and refresh the lampes, whereof three ought to burne euerie day vpon the sacred Candlesticke in honour of God, and the rest were lighted in the euening. Amongst them that wrought and finished these things, Beseleel and Eliab were the most excellent and expertest workemen: for whatsoeuer had been enterprised by others, they in their art polished and perfected; Beseleel. and they of themselues found many new things of their owne inuention (yet was Beseleel iudged the most excellent of them two.)
All the time employed in this worke, was seuen months, and at that time was the yeare accomplished, which began at their departure out of Egypt. In the beginning of the second yeare, K in the month which the Macedonians call Xanthicus, and the Hebrewes Nisan, vpon the new moone they dedicated the Tabernacle with all things belonging thereunto (according as I haue Exod. 45 The Tabernacle was dedicated on the first day of April, the second yeare after their departure out of Egypt, the yeare after the creation of the world. 1455 before Christs birth. 1509. made mention.) And God presently testified that both their gifts were gratious in his eyes, and the Hebrewes labors fruitfull and pleasant in his sight, testifying his presence in that Temple after this manner: Whereas the heauen was otherwaies cleere and faire, ouer the Tabernacle only there was a cloud, not wholy thicke like a winter storme, nor obscure; and yet not so thin as a man could see thorow the same, from whence there descended a dewe that gaue testimonie of Gods presence vnto them that had will, and beliefe. Moses honoured the workemasters that made the worke, with such rewards as appertained vnto them by desart; and sacrificed according as God had commanded him in the doore or porch of the Tabernacle, a Bull, a Ramme, and a Kid L for their sinnes (but with what ceremonie these things are done, I will declare when I intreat of sacrifices, as also what offerings are to be burned by fire, and according to the law are allowed to be fed vpon) and with the blood of the slaughtred beasts he besprinkled the vestment of Aaron, and purified both him and his children with fountaine water and the pretious oynt [...] [...] to the end they might be sanctified to God. And for seuen daies space he consecrated both themselues, The dedicatiō of the Tabernacle and the Priests. Leuit. 8. and their vestments and the Tabernacle, with those things which appertained thereunto, with that oyle whereof I haue before time foretold you, with the bloud of Buls, and Rammes slaine euery other day after their kind. But on the eight day he proclaimed a holy day and festiuall to all the people, and decreed that euery one of them should particularly sacrifice according to his abilitie, and they with emulation (striuing to exceed one another) obeyed him, and offered vp M their sacrifices according as it was commaunded them.
Whilest thus the sacrifices were vpon the Altar, sodainly there issued a fire from them, which kindled of it selfe, the flame whereof resembled the light or brightnes of lightning; and consumed Leuit. 9. The sacrifice is consumed of it selfe. Leuit. 10. all that which vvas vpon the Altar. At that time there happened an inconuenient to Aaron, which although it somewhat moued and amated his fatherly patience, yet digested he it with a constant and generous mind: for he was a man of much constancie, and such a one as knew that [Page 67] nothing could befal him without the prescience and prouidence of God. For of those foure sons The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christs birth 1509. A (which I told you that he had) the two elder brethren Nadab and Abihu, bringing sacrifices vnto the Altar (not such as were appointed by Moses, but of that sort they were accustomed to offer before times) were burned by the violent flame that issued from the Altar, seasing both their breasts and faces, in such a sort, as by no meanes possible that might be extinguished; so Nadab and Abihu Aarons sons burned. that at length they died. Moses commaunded both their father and brothers to take their bodies, and carry them out of the host, and burie them sumptuously: all the people wept and were amased verie much at this their death, so straunge and vnsuspected. But Moses ordained that neither the father, nor his sonnes should lament; but that they should rather make estimate of Gods honour, then of their owne misfortune: for Aaron was alreadie inuested in the sacred robe. But as touching Moses, he refused all honours which were offered him by the people, neither applied B he himselfe vnto any other thing but to the seruice of God: neyther did hee ascend any more vp to the mountaine of Sinai, but entred into the Tabernacle to take counsaile at Gods hands in those things, whereof he had neede to be informed. He demeaned himselfe like a priuate man, not onely in his apparrell, but in all other things, and liued verie popularly, perseuering in that familiar and ciuill course of life, and challenging no priuiledge aboue anie man, but onely in those things which pertayned to the administration of the common weale.
Besides these, he reduced vnder writing both the lawes and ordinances as touching Policie, in due performance whereof if they should liue, they should bee both agreeable to God, and liue without cause of controuersie the one against the other. And all this established he, following C those directions which God had instructed him in. But now will I returne and bend my stile to discourse vpon that which I haue omitted in the ornament of the high priest: for this apparrell of theirs leaueth not any occasion to false prophets, to execute their wicked impostures: and if there be any such, as dare intermeddle with that which appertaineth to Gods maiestie, this habite maketh them know, that it is in Gods power to be present with the sacrificers, at such time as it pleaseth him; and to be absent when him listeth: which God would haue made knowne not onely to the Hebrewes, but to all those straungers, who by any occurrence might be eye witnesses of the same. For of those stones which the high Priest bare or his A miracle of the stones in the high priests vestment. shoulders (which were Sardonixs, whose nature is so notorious to all men, that it were vnnecessarie to reueale it) the one shined at such times as there was any offering, & that other which D was fastened on his right shoulder, shined verie cleerely at such time as God was present at the sacrifice, and cast his raies a farre off, that it might be perceiued by those that beheld the same, both contrarie to his nature and custome: which truly deserueth admiration amongst all men, except those who thorow contempt of religion, doe hunt after an opinion of wisedome. But that which I will now speake of is more to be admired at, which is, that by the twelue stones which the high priest bare (sowed and inchased in his Rational in the midst of his breast) God vvas vvont to foresignifie victorie to those that were addressed to battell. For such brightnesse lightned out of them, euen before such time as the army did dislodge or enter skirmish, that it was notoriously knowne to the people, that God vvas present and readie to assist them: for which cause the Greeks making account of our manner of liuing, in that they had no power or reason E to contradict it, haue called that Rational vvhich we terme Essen (moued there unto by this expresse miracle which may not be contradicted.) This Rational and the stone Sardonix gaue ouer to shine two hundreth yeares before I began to vvrite these Antiquities, by reason of Gods vvrath vvhich he had conceiued through the breach of his lawes (of which at another time I will more fitly intreat, and at this time continue and prosecute my intended discourse and purpose.) After the Tabernacle had beene thus consecrated, and that which appertained to the priests vvas set in order, the people was perswaded that God dwelt with them in his Tabernacle, and began to sacrifice and sing hymnes of praises, as to him that had driuen The sacrifices and gifts of the Princes of the tribes. Num. 7. farre from them all suspition of euill, and from vvhom they expected in time to come farre better and more prosperous things; and both in generall and in particular they offered gifts F vnto God according to their tribes: for the gouernours of the tribes (assembling themselues together two by two) prepared a chariot and a yoake of oxen, so that there were sixe chariots to beare the Tabernacle by the vvay. Furthermore euery one of them offered a viall and a censor, and a cofer to keepe incense in, vvhich was esteemed to be worth ten Dariques, and this vvas filled with odoriferous perfumes, and the censor vvas of siluer, and both of them together wayed two hundreth sicles; yet on the viall there were but 70. employed: and both the [Page 68] cofer and viall vvere filled vvith meale steeped and moulded in oyle, vvhich they vvere vvont to G The yeare of the world, 2455. before Christs Natiuitie, 1509. vse at the Altar, at such time as they offered sacrifice. They offered likewise a Calfe, and a Ram, with a Lambe of one yeare old, for a burnt sacrifice; and a Goat for a sinne offering. All the other gouernours likewise brought euery one of them their sacrifice called Salutarie, for euerie day two Oxen and fiue Rams, with a Lambe and a Goat of a yeare old, and sacrificed them during the terme of twelue daies euery day one. But Moses ascended no more the mountaine of Sinai, but entred into the Tabernacle, where he was instructed by God of that which he had to doe, and what lawes he ought to make, which are so good and laudable as they ought not to be attributed to humane wisedome: They haue beene faithfully obserued likewise alwaies, because they are supposed to be receiued from God. So that not any one of his lawes haue beene transgressed by the Hebrewes, neither in peace (at such time as they liued to their content) neither Moses asketh counsel of God in the Tabernacle. H in war, at such time as they were afflicted therewith. But I will now cease to speake of these lawes, being resolued to compose an other treatise as touching the same.
CHAP. X.
The ordinances of Sacrifices and Purifications.
NOw will I only reckon vp a few things as touching the purifications & sacrifices (in that we haue begun to talke of sacrifices.) The sacrifices are of two sorts, the one of them is Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 13. al. 12. Two kinds of sacrifices. made for a priuate person; the other for the people in generall: and these are made in two manners; for in the one, all is consumed vvhich is vpon the Altar, vvhich for that cause I are called Holocausts, that is to say, Burned. The other are of thanksgiuing, and they are made with banquets of those that sacrifice. But first of all I will speake of the first kind. The particular Holocautoma. Leuit. 1. person that offered a burnt offering, killed an Oxe, a Lambe, and a Goat of one yeare olde, (yet is it lawfull to kill oxen more elder.) But all those creatures vvhich must be consumed by fire, ought to be males; and after their throats are cut, the priests besprinkle the Altar round about with the bloud; then dresse they the beast, and cut it in pieces, and pouder it vvith salt, and lay it on the Altar alreadie charged vvith cleft wood, and flaming fire: then after they haue well clensed the feete and intrails, they lay them vvith the rest; and the priests take the skins. Such is the manner of a burnt offering or Holocaust. They that offer sacrifices of thanksgiuing, kill likewise such sorts of beasts without spot, and more then a yeare old; both male and female: and K A sacrifice of thanksgiuing. after they haue cut their throats, they sprinkle the bloud on the Altar: then take they the raynes the caull, and all the fat; with the lobe of the liuer, and the tayle of the mutton, and lay it on the Leuit. 4. 5. Altar; but the breast, and the left leg is left to the priests: and as touching the rest of the flesh, the priests banquet therewith for the space of two daies; and if then there remaineany thing thereof it is burned. The same custome and ceremonie likewise is obserued in the sacrifice for sins: but those that are not of ability to offer the greater offerings, offer vp two Pigeons, or two Turtles, the one of which the priests haue to feast vvithall, & the other is consumed with fire. We will intreat more expresly of the sacrifices of such beasts, at such time as we shall discourse vpon sacrifices. For he that hath sinned vpon ignorance offereth a Lambe, and a shee Goat at the same The sacrifice for sinne. time. The priest besprinkleth the Altar with the bloud thereof, not in such manner as it is said L heretofore, but the hornes of the Altar only: and on the Altar they offer the kidneies, and the rest of the fat, vvith the lobe of the liuer: the priests cary away the skins, and eate the flesh vvithin the Temple the very same day; because the law permitteth them not to reserue any thing till the next morrow: he that hath sinned (and that knoweth it in himselfe vvithout the knowledge or The sacrifice of him that hath sinned wirtingly. Leuit. 4. 9. priuity of any other man) offereth a Lambe according as the law commandeth, the flesh whereof is in like sort deuoured by the priestes the same day: but if the gouernours offer for their sinnes, they sacrifice in like manner as priuate men doe, and are different from them in that they bring a Bull, or a male Kid. The law also ordaineth, that in sacrifices both priuate and common, there should be fine flower brought, for a Lambe, the measure of an Assar; for a Ramme, The custome obserued in sacrifices. the measure of two; with a Bull, three; which flower is first of all mingled and wrought M with oyle, and set vpon the Altar to be sanctified. They that sacrifice likewise doe bring oyle, the halfe part of a Hin for a Bull; for a Ramme, the third of the same measure; and for a Lambe, the fourth part: this Hin is an Hebrew measure, which contayneth two Attique Choas: they brought also the like measure of wine as of oyle, and poured out the wine neere to the Altar. And if any without sacrificing offer vp fine flower, he putteth the first fruits vpon the Altar, that is to say one handfull, and the rest is taken by the priests for their maintenance, eyther fried [Page 69] (for they are kneaded in oyle) or with loaues made thereof: but whatsoeuer the priest offereth, The yeare of the world. 2455. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1509. Leuit. 2. A all that must be burned. The law likewise forbiddeth to offer any beast whatsoeuer that day that it is borne, or to kill it with his damme, or in any other sort before it hath fed twelue daies. There are also other sacrifices made for deliuerance from sicknes, or for other causes; in which sacrifices they employ wine or licour with that which is offered, of which licours it is not lawfull to reserue any thing against the next morrow, when the priests haue taken that portion which belongeth to them, and sufficeth them. The law commandeth that on the common purse there be euery day killed a Lambe of a yeare old, the one in the morning, the other at the shutting Num. 28. 29. vp of the euening: and on the seuenth day, which is called the Sabaoth, that two should be offered in that manner as hath beene declared. And on the new moone besides their daily offerings they sacrifice two Oxen, seuen yearling Lambes, and a Wether and a Kid, for the abolition B of those sinnes which are committed thorow forgetfulnes. On the seuenth moneth (which the Macedonians call Hiperberete) besides the aboue-named, they sacrifice a Bull, one Mutton, seuen Lambes, and a Kid for sinnes. The tenth day of the same month according to the Moone, The sacrifice of the month of October. they fast till the euening, and on the same day they sacrifice a Bull, two Muttons, seuen Lambes, and a Goat for a sinne offering: besides which they bring two Kids, one of which is sent aliue out of the limits of the campe into the desart (on whom all the euill may fall, if so be any be threatned to the people) the other is borne without the campe into a cleane place, where it is burned with the skin, being not any waies purged: with this they burne a Bull which is not allowed out of the common charge, but by the proper costs of the priest. This Bull being opened and slain, & the bloud therof (with that of the goat) being caried into the Tabernacle, he besprinkleth C the couer thereof with his finger seuen times, & the pauement as many times, and the Tabernacle and the Altar of gold, and al the rest about the great Altar, which is abroad in the court. Besides that, they set on the Altar the raynes, and the fat with the lobe of the liuer, and the priest offereth vnto God a Mutton for a burnt offering. The fifteenth day of the said month (at such time as it draweth towards winter) he commaunded them to plant Tabernacles euerie one in his The feast of Tabernacles. Exod. 29. Leuit. 23. Deut. 21. 31. family against the instant cold weather which the increasing yeer was wont to bring, & that when they should enioy their countrey, and should enter that Citie which they should hold for their Metropolitane (by reason of the Temple which should be there builded) they might celebrate a feast during eight daies space in offering burnt offerings and sacrifices vnto God: and that in witnesse of their thanksgiuing, they should beare in their hands a braunch of Mirtle, and of Willow D tied together with woole, and a bough of Palme likewise, to which a Peach was fastned; and that the first day they should sacrifice thirteene Oxen, and fourteene Lambs, and two Sheepe, with a Goat for a sinne offering. Those daies that insued they sacrificed likewise a like number of Lambes, and Wethers, with a Kid, and in rebating day by day the number of Oxen, they come backe to the seuenth. The eight day they cease from worke, on this day (as we haue said) they sacrifice a Calfe, a Ram, and seuen Lambs, and a Kid for a sinne offering: and it is the custome of the Hebrewes to performe these sacrifices at such time as they pitch their Tabernacles. In the month Xantique (which we call Nisan) which is the first month of the yeare, the fourteenth day after the new Moone, the Sunne being in Aries (for at that time were we deliuered out of Aegypt) he ordained that euerie yeare we should do sacrifice, vvhich we cal the Passeouer, which (as I said) E was celebrated the same time that we departed out of Aegypt. This solemnitie of Easter we celebrate by companies, without reseruing any thing of that vvhich is offered till the next day. The Exod. 12. 13. 23 Leuit 23. Deut. 16. The Easter was the 14. of Aprill. fifteenth day the feast of vnleuened bread followeth the solēnity of the Passeouer, & during those seuen daies, it is vnlawfull to eate any le [...]ened bread, and euerie day are slaine two Buls, one Ram, and seuen Lambes, vvhich are all consumed vvith fire, to vvhich there is added a Kid for a sinne offering, for a seuerall daies banquet to feast the priests vvith. The second day of this feast of vnleuened bread (vvhich is the sixteenth of the month) they begin to enioy the fruits that are mowed, and before that time vntouched: and for that it is verie conuenient that God should be honoured vvith the first fruites thereof, from whom they receiue such aboundance, they offer the first fruits of Barley after this manner. After they haue dried a handfull of the eares, F they beat or thresh it, and clense the Barley from the chaffe, and offer an Assar of the same vpon the Altar vnto God, and after they haue cast a handful of the same on the Altar, they leaue the rest Leuit. 2. The first fruits. for the priestes vse: and from that time forward it is lawfull for them to reape as wel in publike as in particular. With these first fruits they sacrifice vnto God a Lambe for a burnt offering. Seuen weekes after the feast of the Passeouer (that is fortie nine dayes) on the fiftieth (which the Hebrewes by reason of the number, call Asartha) they offer vnto God a leauened bread made of The sacrifice of Pentecost. [Page 70] wheate flower of the quantitie of two Assars, and sacrifice two Lambes, which are onely offered The yeare of the world, 2455. before Christs birth 1509. What is obserued in euerie feast and sacrifice. The bread of proposition. G vp to God; and afterwards are prepared for the Priests dinner; and it is not lawfull for them to reserue any thing thereof vntill the next day. But the burnt offerings are of three Calfes, two Wethers, and fourteen Lambs, besides two Kids for a sin offering. There is not any feast wherein they offer not a burnt offering, and desist not from all manuel labor: but in euerie one of the same there is ordained a certaine sort of sacrifice which they ought to do; and it is presently ordered, that they rest from their labours, and after sacrifice fal to banquet. On the common charge they offered vnleauened bread of twentie foure Assars of flower; and those loaues they baked two by two the day before the Sabboth, and the day of the Sabboth in the morning they bring it, and set it on the sacred Table, opposing sixe to sixe, the one against the other; and vpon them are imposed two platters full of incense; and these things remaine after this maner till the next Sabboth; H and then set they new in the place of the first, which are giuen to the Priests for their maintenance. The incense is cast into the sacred fire in which the burnt offerings are consumed, and in place thereof there is new incense put. The Priest also sacrificeth on his owne charge flower mingled with oyle, and a little baked by fire, and this doth he twise euerie day, and bringeth to the Leuit. 8. Num. 3. fire halfe an Assar of flower in the morning, and the other halfe in the euening. But I will entreat hereof more expresly hereafter, & for the present me thinks I haue sufficiently spoken already.
Moses separated the tribe of Leui, and exempted them from the other people, to the end they might be consecrated vnto God; and he purified them with liuing fountaine water, and purged The tribe of Leui sacred to God. them with solemne sacrifice, and committed the Tabernacle to their charge, with all the holy things pertaining therunto, and all the rest which had bin made for the couer of the Tabemacle, I to the end they might be ministers to the Priests their superiours, who were already consecrated to God. After this he distinguished the beasts also, namely those that were to be eaten, frō those which were to be forborne and abstained from (of which we will speak at such time as occasion is Vncleane things. Leuit. 12. 13. 14 & 15. offered vs, and will bring proofes; and the reason which induced him to ordaine, that some were proper to feede vpon, and for what cause he would that we should abstaine from other some) He hath generally interdicted all vse of bloud in meates, esteeming the bloud to be the soule and spirit of beasts. He hath also generally prohibited to eat the flesh of those beasts that died by thē selues: likewise the caule and fat of goates, of sheepe and oxen. He thrust them likewise out of the company and conuersation of men, who were leprous, & such as were troubled with the fluxe of What men are vncleane. their seed. And as touching women that haue their sicknesse, he sequestred them for the space K of seuen dayes, after which it was lawfull for them to conuerse indifferently the one with the other. The like decreed he of those that had assisted the buriall of a dead man, whom he permitted, to conuerse with other after seuen dayes were expired. It was a thing also decreed by law, that he that was surprised with vncleannesse and vnpurified beyond the number of those dayes, he should sacrifice two Wethers, one of which should bee purified, and the other giuen to the Priests. The like sacrifice is made for him that hath had vnnaturall pollution, who first washeth Gonorrliaea. himselfe in cold water. The like must they offer that haue vse of their lawfull wiues. Hee altogether droue the leprous out of the citie, not permitting them to frequent any mans companie, Of Lepers. but esteeming them as men little differing from the dead. And if any one by his prayers made vnto God, was deliuered from this disease, and his skin reduced to his natiue colour, such a one L presented himselfe before God in diuers oblations and sacrifices, of which wee will speake hereafter. For which cause they are worthy to be laughed at, who say that Moses fled out of Aegypt, because he was a leper, and that he conducted with him other such as were trauelled with that Against them that obiect against Moses and his followers, that they fled out of Egypt for leprosie. disease, and brought them into the land of Canaan. For if that were true, Moses had not made these ordinances to his owne preiudice, which if other had proposed, it behooued him to haue opposed himselfe against them: especially since amongst diuers other nations there are lepers [...] who are held in great honour, and who are so far from disdaine and contempt, as that they haue beene made Generals of most notable armies, and elected for Gouernours of common-weales, hauing libertie to enter the Temples, and to be present at the sacrifices. What therefore hindred Moses (if he had beene polluted with the like hatefull sicknesse) to make such lawes, and ordaine M such statutes among those people, who honoured and obeyed him; whereby such as were therewith infected might be preferred? By which it is manifest, that those things that are obiected against him, are rather of malice then probability. But Moses being cleane from such sickenesse, and conuersing amongst his countrimen which were vntainted, made these ordinances for them that were sicke, hauing regard to the honour of God. But of these things, let each man censure as best liketh him.
[Page 71] He forbad that women should enter into the Temple after their deliuerance, or to assist the In the yeare of the world. 2455. before Christes Natiuity 1509. He [...]o & Ruffinus, chap. 14. The lawes of women that are brought a bed A sacrifice, vntill fortie dayes were expired (if they had beene brought a bed of a sonne) but if it were a daughter, he willed that the number of the dayes should be doubled; and that when they should enter, they should present their offerings vnto God, and to the Priests that offered them. And if any one suspected that his wife had committed adultery, hee brought an Assar of grinded barley, and cast a handfull thereof before God, and the rest was reserued for the maintenance of the Priests: and then the Priest placing the woman in the porch which is right ouer against the Temple, and taking the couer from her head, writeth the name of God vpon a skinne, and maketh her sweare that she hath not plaid false with her husband; and wish if she had transgressed Num. 5. The lawes of adultery and ielousie. thè bounds of chastity, that her right thigh might be put out of ioint, her womb might rot, and that death might follow thereupon: but if (through entire loue and iealousie proceeding B therefro) her husband had beene inconsiderately drawne into that suspition, that she might within ten moneths bring forth a male child. And after such an oath ministred vnto her, the Priest wipeth out the name of God that was written on the skinne, and wringeth it into a viall; and then taking of the earth of the Temple, according as he findeth it, and hauing mingled the same, giueth it the woman to drinke; and if she hath beene vniustly accused, she continueth with child, and beareth her fruit her full time: but if she hath falsified her faith to her husband, Of adulterie and incest. & forsworn herselfe before God, then dieth she a shameful death; for her thigh is nummed, & her wombe growes full of water. See here how Moses hath prouided for these sacrifices at the purifying of a woman. He furthermore made these lawes which ensue. He generally forbad adulterie, Exod. 22 Deutero. 17. Leuit. 18. 20. 21 29. iudging it to be a great good hap, if men demeaned themselues honestly in mariagē: & that C both in politique estates, and priuate families it was a thing most profitable, that children should be borne in lawfull matrimonie.
The law also forbiddeth a man to haue the vse of his mother (for that it is a thing most abominable) and likewise prohibiteth him to keepe vnlawful companie with his fathers wife, his Ant, and his sister, or his sonnes wife: and detesteth it as a most hainous and hideous offence. It prohibiteth also the vse of a woman when she hath her monthly sicknesse; the vse of beasts also, especially the male, by reason that such affections are abominable: and against the transgressours of these lawes he established most strict and mortall punishments. Hee willed also that the Priests should be twise more chast then the rest, for he not onely forbad them that which he prohibited others; but moreouer he enioyned them not to marie those that had bin abādoned, or Leuit. 21. D slaues, or prisoners, or victualers and tauerners, forsaken by their husbands for any occasion whatsoeuer. And as touching the high Priest, he permitted him not to match with the widowe What wife the high Priest might mary with. of him that was dead (although it were made lawfull for the other Priests) and granted him only libertie to take a virgin to his wife, and to keepe her. The said high Priest is also forbidden to approch a dead man (although the other Priests are not scantled of that libertie to approch their brothers, fathers and mothers, and children deceased) Willing that they should be simple in all kind of simplicitie.
He likewise ordained, that the Priest which should not be sound in bodie, should be maintained by the other Priests, but in the meane time that he should not approch the Altar, neither enter into the Temple: willing that not onely they should be neat in that which concerned the E diuine seruice, but also that they should studie and indeuour to be the like in all the actions of their life, to the end that no man might reproue them. For which cause they that beare the habit of the Priests are vnreproueable, and in all things pure and sober, being forbidden to drinke wine as long as they ware the priestly vesture. They were willed also to offer vp entire sacrifices, and no wayes maimed. These statutes did Moses decree, and make during his life time. And afterwards he deuised others also, at such time as he remained in the desart; which both the people might practise in that place; and then also when they had possessed the land of Canaan. He gaue Leuit. 25. The law of euerie seuenth yeare. rest vnto the earth the seuenth yeare; so that it was neither tilled nor planted (in like manner as he had commaunded them to rest from their labours on the seuenth day of the weeke) and hee ordained, that the fruits which the earth of it selfe brought forth, should be common to all those F that would make vse thereof, as well to those of the countrey, as strangers, without any forbidding or reseruation. He likewise decreed that his should be done after the seuenth week of yeers, which containeth the space of fiftie yeares, which the Hebrewes call Iubile, in which the debtors are acquited by their creditors, and the bond-men made free, who being of the people (and for that they had forfeited against some one law) had beene punished, being handled after the maner ofslaues, and not put to death; and to those, who from the beginning had beene possessours of [Page 72] lands, they were restored vnto thē in this maner following. The Iubile being at hand (which word G The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christs Natiuitie. 1509. The yeare of Iubile. signifieth libertie) both he that sold, and he that bought the land, meete together, and cast vp the account of the profits and expences that haue beene reaped & bestowed on the land; and if it be found that the profits do amount, he that sold the land repossesseth it: but if the charges exceed the value of the profits, he restoreth the surplusage to the buier that is due vnto him, and retaineth the land to him selfe. And if the profits and expences are answerable the one vnto the other, the restitution is made to him that had the auncient inheritance. He ratified likewise the same law in houses that were bought in Villages or Cities. For if he that sold, counted down the money he had receiued before the yeare were finished; he compelled the purchaser to restore him his house: and if he stayed till the yeare were fully finished, the possession and free purchase remained vnto him that bought it. Moses receiued this disposition of his lawes from H God, at such time as his flocks fed at the foot of the mountaine of Sinai, and he gaue them in writing to the Hebrewes.
CHAP. XI.
The lawes and customes of warre.
AFter that these lawes had beene after this manner digested, Moses addressed himselfe to the affaires and lawes of warre (for thinking him of those battels which should follow.) Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 15. al. 12. Num. 1. Moses numbreth the people. He therefore commaunded the gouernours of the tribes (the tribe of Leui onely excepted) to take a precise view and musters of those men that were capable and able to I beare armes (for the Leuites were sacred and exempt from those functions) and the search being made, there were found sixe hundreth and three thousand, sixe hundreth and fiftie fighting men betwixt the yeares of twentie, and fiftie. But in stead of Leui he chose Manasses the sonne of Ioseph; and Ephraim for his father Ioseph: for so much had Iacob intreated at Iosephs hands that he would giue him his sonnes, that he might adopt them (as it hath beene aforetime declared.) Num. 2. 3. 4 When they pitched the Tabernacle, it was planted in the midst of the campe, guarded and defenced with the tribes which were incamped three by three on euery side. There were certaine waies or paths likewise laid out betweene them, and a market place was quarteraed out, and shops The dispofitiō of the army. for all sorts of merchandise disposed by order, and workemen and artizans of all occupations, trauailing in their shops; so that to looke vpon it, it resembled a Citie that marched and K encamped.
The Priests first were planted next vnto the Tabernacle, and after them followed all the communitie of the Leuites (for there was a viewe also made of them, accounting all the males exceeding the age of thirtie daies, and they were counted to be twentie and three thousand, eight hundreth and eightie.) And when it chanced that a cloud descended vpon the Tabernacle, then rested they, as if God thought good to rest in that place; and if it departed from the same, then A cloud on the Tabernacles. remoued they likewise. He inuented also a certaine kind of Cornet made of siluer, and framed after this manner. In length it was almost a cubit, and it was like the narrow whistle of a Fife, Num. 9. but a little more thicker, yet naithelesse it was wide inough for the space of the mouth, to the end to receiue the breath, and the end thereof was made like a little Bell, in forme of a Trumpet. They L Num. 10. Two trumpets made of siluer. call it in the Hebrew tongue Asosra. There were two of them, whereof the one of them serued to assemble and call the people to publike assemblies; and the other to conuocate the gouernours when they were to consult vpon affaires of estate: and if both of them were sounded, then all of them in generall gathered together: When the Tabernacle was remoued, this manner was obserued. Assoone as the first charge was sounded, they that were encamped towards the East, The order of the army with the Tabernacle. first of all dislodged: at the second charge, they to the southward disincamped; then was the Tabernacle vnpitched, and caried in the midst, sixe of the tribes marching before, and sixe of them after: the Leuites were all about the Tabernacle. And when they sounded the third time, the quarter towards the Westward remoued: and the fourth was that to the Northward. They made vse also of these Cornets in the diuine seruice, with which they ordered the sacrifices on the M Sabboth and other daies. Then also was the first Passeouer celebrated with solemne offerings after their departure out of Aegypt, they being in the desart.
CHAP. XII. A The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christs birth 1509.
Sedition against Moses through the scarcitie of victuals, and the punishment of the Rebellious.
NOt long after this they remoued their campe from the mountaine of Sinai; and after Hedio & Ruffinus, ch. 16. al. 13. Num. 11. Sedition against Moses. certaine encampings (of which we will speake) they came to a place which is called Iseremoth, where the people once more began to ruminate and reuiue their seditions, and lay the fault of their laborious pilgrimage vpon Moses, obiecting that by his perswasion they had left a fertile countrey, and now not onely that they were destitute of the plentie thereof, but also in stead of hoped felicitie, forced to wander here and there in extreame miserie, and trauelled B with want of water: and that if Manna likewise should in any sort faile them, they were like all of them without question to perish for want of sustenance. Hereunto annexed they diuers contumelies, which were euery where inflicted against him, being a man of so great desert and consequence. Meane while there arose one amongst the people, who (admonishing them of the forepassed benefits receiued by the hands of Moses) counselled them to be of good courage; assuring them that at that time they should not be frustrate either of that hope or helpe, which they expected at Gods hands. But the people were the rather incēsed against him by these words, and more & more whetted their spleanes against the prophet; who seeing them so desperate, willed them to be of a good courage; promising them, that although by iniurious speeches he had vndeseruedly beene offenced by them, yet that he would giue them store of flesh, not for one day C onely, but also for many. But they being incredulous (and some one amongst them demaunding how he could make prouision for so many thousand men) God (saith he) and I, although we be euill spoken of by you, yet will we neuer desist to be carefull for you, and that shall you shortly perceiue. Scarce had he spoken this, but that all the campe was filled with quailes, which they hunted for by heapes. Yet God not long after that, punished the insolencie and slaunder of the The Israelites obtain quailes in the desart. The graues of concupiscence Hebrewes, by the death of no small number; for at this day the place retayneth his name, which for that cause vvas imposed thereon, and it is called Cabrothaba, as if you should say, the monuments of concupiscence.
CHAP. XIII. D
Of the spies that were sent to search the land of Chanaan, and how returning to the Israelites, they amated them with feare.
BVt after that Moses had led them out of that place, and had brought them into a countrey Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 17. al. 14. Num. 13. 14. not so apt for habitation (not farre from the borders of the Chanaanites, which is called the Iawes) he called the people to a councell, and standing vp in the midst of them, he spake after this manner. ‘God (saith he) hauing decreed to grant you two great benefits, namely the libertie and possession of a happie countrey, hath granted you alreadie the possession of the one, and will shortly make you partakers of the other. For we are vpon the borders of Chanaan, from whence both the Cities and Kings are so farre from driuing E vs, as the vvhole nation being vnited together is not of power to expell vs. Let vs therefore addresse our selues verie confidently to attempt the matter: for neither vvithout fight will they Moses sendeth spies to search the land of Chanaan. resigne the title of their countrey vnto vs; neither vvithout great conflicts may we obtaine the palme of victorie. Let vs therefore send out certaine spies to search into the secrets of the countrey, and such as may coniecture how great their power is: but aboue all things, let vs be at vnitie one with another, and let vs honour God, who assisteth vs in all daungers, and fighteth for vs.’ After that Moses had spoken after this manner, the people (applauding his counsels) chose twelue out of the most noblest families of the tribes, to go and search the countrey, out of euery tribe one; vvho beginning from the parts extending towards Egypt, visited all the countrey of the Chanaanites vntill they came to the Citie of Amathe, & the mountaine of Libanus: and hauing F searched out both the land and the nature of the inhabitants, they returned home againe, hauing consumed fortie daies in those affaires. Moreouer, they brought with thē such fruits as the coūtrey yeelded, & by the beautie thereof & by the quantity of those riches (which they reported to be in that countrey) they incouraged the harts of the people to fight valiantly: but on the other side they dismaid thē with the difficultie of the conquest, saying, that there were certaine riuers impossible to be ouerpassed, both for their greatnes & depth: that there were therin also inaccessible moūtalnes, [Page 74] and Cities fortified both with wals and bulwarks: moreouer they told them, that in Hebron they G The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christes Natiuity. 1509. found a race of Giants. And thus these spies (when as they had found all things farre greater amongst the Chanaanites, then to that day they had seene since their departure out of Egypt) they of set purpose by their feare brought the rest of the multitude into a dangerous suspition and perplexitie. Who coniecturing by their discourse that it was impossible to conquer the land, dissoluing The spies driue feare into the Israelites. the assembly returned each one to their houses, lamenting with their wiues and children, saying that God had onely in words promised many things, but that in effect he gaue them no assistance: moreouer they blamed Moses, & reuiled both him and his brother Aaron the high priest. The murmur of the people against Moles. And thus spent they all the night in disquiet, vrging their discontents, both against the one and the other: but on the morrow they reassembled their councell vnder this pretence, that stoning Moses and his brother, they might returne backe againe to Egypt from whence they came. Which H euent, when two of the spies greatly suspected (namely Iesus the sonne of Naue of the tribe of Ephraim, and Caleb of the tribe of Iuda) they went into the middest of them, and appeased the Iosuah & Caleb appease the people. multitude, praying them to be of good hope, and not to challenge Almightie God of deceit, by yeelding certaine slight beliefe to some, who by spreading vaine rumors of the affaires of Chanaan, had terrified the credulous multitude; but rather that they should follow them, who both would be the actors and conductors also of them in the conquest of the countrey: and that neyther the greatnes of the mountaines, nor the depth of the riuers could hinder them, that like valiant men were prepared to attempt, especially God being their guide, and readie to fight for them in that battell. March forward therefore (said they) and laying aside all feare (and being assured of the diuine succors) follow vs with a bold courage whither soeuer we lead you. With I these words laboured they to appease the insulting multitude. In the meane while Moses and Aaron falling prostrate on their faces, besought God (not for their owne safetie) but that it wouldHedio & Ruffinus, chap. 18. al. 14.please him to restore the despairing multitude to a better mind, who were troubled with so many present and instant necessities. Whereupon sodainly a cloud appeared on the Tabernacle, and gaue testimonie that God was there present: which when Moses perceiued (drawing his spirits vnto him) he pressed into the presence of the multitude, and told them how God was incited and whetted to take punishment of the outrage which they had committed against him; yet not so seuerely as the iniquitie of their sinnes deserued, but in that discipline which fathers are accustomed to vse for the instruction of their children. For at such time as he stood before God in the Tabernacle, and besought him with teares for the safetie of the multitude, God had K recounted vnto him, how many benefits and fauours they had receiued from him, and how vngratefull they shewed themselues towards him: and that at the present being transported with the feare of the spies, they had esteemed their reports more true, then his promises. Notwithstanding all which, that he would not vtterly consume them all, nor exterminate their whole race (whom he had honoured aboue all the nations of the earth) but that he would not grant them the grace to conquer the land of Chanaan, neyther make them partakers thereof, but wouldThe Israelites should wander in the desart 40. yeeres.bring to passe that they should liue in the desart without house or Citie for the space of fortie yeares, for punishment of their transgression. Yet hath he promised (said he) to giue the countrey to your successors, whom he will make Lords of their goods, and heires of those possessions which you haue enuied your selues. L
After that Moses had discoursed these things after this manner, according to the ordinance of God, the people were in great sorrow and calamitie, and besought Moses that he would appease The repentāce of the people. Gods wrath conceiued against them; beseeching him that forgetting their faults that were past in the desart, he would make them Lords of their enemies Cities Moses answered them, that God was not incited against thē according to the maner of humane weaknes, but that he had giuen a iust sentence against them. In this place it is not to be supposed, that Moses (who was but a man onely) did appease so many multitudes of displeased men, but that God assisted him, and brought to passe that the people were conquered with his words (hauing by diuers disobediences, and by the calamities whereinto they were fallen, knowne that obedience was both good and commendable.) Furthermore, for that Moses was admirable for his vertue, and the force proceeding M from his faith: of whom not onely they haue spoken, who liued in his time, but euen at this day there is not any one amongst the Hebrewes, who (as if Moses were now here present to Moses a man of great authoritie. chastice him) if he ran astray, would not obey the ordinances made by him, although he might make breach of them in secret.
There are besides diuers great and euident signes of the more then humane vertue which was in him, and amongst the rest this was not the least, that certaine straungers trauailing out of the [Page 75] Regions beyond Euphrates a foure months iourney, to their great charges and with no lesse perill A The yeare of the world. 2455. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1509. to honour our Temple, and offer sacrifice; yet could they not obtaine licence or permission to offer, in that by our lawes it was not lawfull for them to doe it: and some other without sacrificing (other some the sacrifice halfe finished, the rest not permitted to enter the Temple) haue returned backe againe to their owne homes, without finishing their purposes, chosing rather to obey Moses law, then their owne vvils: yet being reproued therein by none but their owne consciences. So much did the opinion once conceiued of this man preuaile, that he is esteemed more then a man, who is supposed to haue receiued lawes from God, and to haue deliuered them to men. Of late also (not long before the warres of the Iewes, during the Empire of Claudius, and Ismael being high priest amongst vs) when as so great a famine oppressed our nation, The great scarcitie during the Empire of Claudius. that an Assar was sold for foure drams, and there was brought to the feasts of Azymes the quantitie B of seuentie Cores (which make thirtie Sicilian, and fortie Athenian Medin ni, which are two bushels of ours almost) some of the priests were not so bold as to eate one graine of Barley, notwithstanding the countrey was in that extremitie, fearing the law, and Gods displeasure extended alwaies against sinnes concealed. For which cause vve ought not to wonder at that which happened at that time, considering that the writings left by Moses are in such force, euen at this day, that they themselues, who hate vs, confesse that he that hath instituted our gouernment is God, by the meanes and ministerie of Moses and his vertue. But of these things let euery man thinke, as it pleaseth him.
THE FOVRTH BOOKE C OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 The fight of the Hebrewes with the Chanaanites, and their ouerthrow by them, without Moses knowledge.
- 2 The sedition raysed by Chore against Moses and his brother for the Priesthood.
- 3 How the authors of the sedition were slaine by Gods iudgement, and the Priesthood confirmed to Aaron and his sonnes.
- 4 What chanced to the Hebrewes in the desart for the space of 38. yeares.
- 5 How Moses ouercame Schon, and Og Kings of the Amorites, and ouerthrewe their armies. E
- 6 Of the prophet Balaam.
- 7 The victorie of the Hebrewes against the Madianites, and how the countrey of the Amorites was granted by Moses to two and a halfe of the Tribes.
- 8 Moses lawes, and how he was taken out of the world.
CHAP. I. The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christs Natiuitie. 1509. G
The fight of the Hebrewes with the Chanaanites, and their ouerthrow by them without Moses knowledge.
WHilest thus the Hebrewes passed their life in great penurie and perplexitie in the desart, groning vnder the burthen of their grieuous Num. 14. The Israelites without Gods or Moses commaund deuise how to assayle the enemies. afflictions; there was nothing that more distracted and distempered them than this, that God had forbidden them to hazard or enter battell against the Chanaanites: neither would they now any longer giue eare vnto Moses (who perswaded them to peace) but waxed confident H in themselues, that both without his conduct and counsails, they might easily obtaine victorie ouer their enemies: and accused him likewise, as if he sought after no other thing, but that they being daily pressed with great wants, should be enforced continually to depend vpon his counsels. Whereupon they embattailed themselues against the Chanaanites, presuming with themselues, that God would succour them, not onely in regard of Moses; but also for that he had a general care of their natiō, euer since the time of their forefathers, whom he had alwaies held vnder his protection; and by reason of whose vertues he had alreadie granted them libertie. They said likewise, that if they would take the paines at that time and endeuour themselues, that God would alwaies fight with them: protesting that they were able to ouerrunne the nations, although they were but themselues; yea although Moses would endeuour to I estraunge God from them. In a word, that it was behoouefull, that all of them should be Lords of themselues, and that being recomforted and redeemed from the seruitude of Egypt, they ought not to suffer Moses to tyrannize ouer them, or to conforme their liues to his will, vnder this vaine beliefe, that God had onely discouered to Moses that which was behoouefull for them, by reason of the affection which he bare him: As if all of them were not deriued from the loynes of Abraham, and that he onely were the motiue of all, in foreknowing the things that should happen vnto them, by particular instruction from God? That euen then they should seeme to be wise, if (condemning his pride, and fixing their trust vpon God) they would take possession of the countrey which he had promised them, in spight of Moses contradiction; who for this cause hindred them, setting the name of God before them: that therefore putting before their eies their necessitie K and the desart, which daily more and more aggrauated their miserie, they should endeuour themselues couragiously to sally out against the enemie the Chanaanites; alledging that God would be their guide: so as they had no reason to expect the assistance of their lawmaker. At last when this sentence was approued by a generall allowance, they flocke out in multitudes against their enemies, who neither affrighted by their fierce assault, neither terrified with their infinite multitude, valiantly resisted them, who desperately charged them: so that (the better part The Chanaanites put the Hebrewes to flight. of the Hebrewes being slaine) they pursued the rest (enforced shamefully to turne their backes) euen vnto their campe. This ouerthrow (hapning beside all mens opinion) wonderously deiected the minds of the multitude, that they grew desperate of all future good fortune, concluding that God had sent and inflicted that plague vpon them, because without his counsell L and fauour they had enterprised the battell. But when Moses perceiued that both his owne countrimen were dismaid with the ouerthrow which they had, and the enemie was waxen proud with their late victorie, fearing likewise least (not content with their present successe) they should attempt further; he determined to retire his forces backe againe into the desart. And whereas the people promised thereafter to be obedient to him (being taught by their owne miserie, that nothing would fall out prosperously vnto them without the counsell and conduct of their guide) they disincamping themselues, retired into the desart vnder this resolution, that they would no Moses retyreth the people into the desart more attempt the battell against the Chanaanites, before they receiued a signe of their good successe from heauen. But euen as in a great army it accustomably falleth out (especially in time of trouble) that the common multitude wax headstrong and disobedient to their gouernours; so did M the like also happen amongst the Iewes: for whereas they were in number sixe hundreth thousand, and euen in their better fortunes seemed disobedient to their gouernours, so much the more were they exasperated by their wants and misfortunes, both amongst themselues, as against their gouernour. For which cause there arose so great a sedition, as neither amongst the Greeks or Barbarians the like was euer heard of: which things without doubt had ouerthrowne them (being brought into so desperate an estate) except Moses (forgetting the iniurie he had receiued, Sedition against Moses. [Page 77] which was no lesse then a pretence to stone him to death) had succoured and relieued their distressed A The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christs birth 1509. fortunes. Neither did God vtterly abandon the care of them, but although they were contumelious against their law-maker, and transgressed also against the lawes which hee had deliuered them by Moses; yet deliuered he them out of that dangerous sedition, of which (without his especiall prouidence) there could be expected no other but a lamentable issue. This sedition, as also how Moses gouerned the estate when the troubles were ended, we will now declare, hauing first expressed the cause thereof.
CHAP. II.
The sedition raised by Chore against Moses and his brother for the Priesthood. B
CHores (a man noble in birth, and famous for his wealth amongst the Hebrewes, and endowed Numb 16. Chore endeuoureth to perswade the multitude to mutine against Moles. with a certaine kind of popular eloquence) seeing Moses placed in the highest estate of dignitie, was sore troubled and oppressed with enuie. For although he were of the same Tribe and kinred; yet thought he it to be a great indignitie in himselfe to be held his inferiour, beeing both more enabled in riches, and nothing inferiour in parentage: For which cause he began to mutine and murmure amongst the Leuites (which were of the same Tribe with him, and his kinsmen) telling them (in vehement discourse) that it was not to bee suffered nor permitted, that Moses, vnder a pretext of certaine diuinitie, should by ambitious policie (to other mens preiudice) onely studie his owne glorie: shewing them how of late without all law C and right he had giuen the Priesthood to his brother Aaron, and distributed other dignities at his owne pleasure like a king, without the allowance and approbation of the people: That this iniurie done by him was not to be endured, by reason that so couertly he had insinuated himselfe into the gouernement, that before he might be espied, the people should be brought vnder seruitude. For he that knoweth himselfe to be worthy of a gouernement, striueth to obtaine the same by kind perswasions and consent of the people, and not by force and violence: but they that despaire by good meanes to attaine thereunto, doe notwithstanding abstaine from force, least they should lose the opinion of their goodnesse and honestie; yet endeuour they by malicious subtilties to attaine thereunto. That it concerned the common-weale to extinguish and roote out the subtill insinuations of such men, least of priuate, they should at last grow publike enemies. D For what reason (said he) can Moses yeeld, why he hath bestowed the Priesthood on Aaron and his sonnes? For if that God had decreed that this honour should be bestowed on one of the tribe of Leui, there were more reason that I should haue it, who am of the same kinred with Moses, and who surpasse him both in riches & age: And if this honor appertained to the most ancient of the Tribes, that those of Rubens loynes ought by right to enioy it, namely Dathan, and Abiram and Phalal, who are the most ancient of that Tribe, and the most powerfull in riches. These things Alias Balas. spake Chores (vnder colour and pretence of the weale of the common-weale, but in effect onely to raise a tumult amongst the multitude, and intrude into the office of the high Priest. This Discourse of his passing by little and little from one eare to another amongst the multitude, and multiplied by the enuious, and such as maligned Aaron, at last brought the whole Tribes into E a mutinie: so that two hundred and fiftie of the chiefest Nobles grew at length to be partakers of Two hundred and fiftie men follow Chores faction. They crie out to stone Moses Chores conspiracie, and all of these inforced themselues to take away the Priesthood from Moses brother, and to transferre it to him. The people likewise were in such sort incensed, as that they sought to stone Moses; and ranne all of them by confused heapes with noise and vprore, crying out before the Tabernacle of God, that the tyrāt was to be cut off, & the people deliuered from thraldome, who vnder pretext of religion, had insupportable thraldome imposed on them: For if it were God that had chosen him to bee high Priest, he would haue preferred such a one to the dignitie who had beene worthy, and would not haue departed it to those who were farre inferiour to others; that if he had decreed to bestow it on Aaron, he had remitted the commission of his election to the people, and not left the disposition thereof to his brother. Moses, F who long before that time had perceiued Chores treacherous slander, and saw the people verie sore incensed; was notwithstanding nothing at all abashed thereat: but being resolued in his conscience that he had gouerned the estate vprightly, and well assured that his brother obtained the Priesthood (not by his fauour but Gods election) he came into the congregation, where he vttered Moses oration to seditious Chore. no one word against the people, but addressing himselfe to Chore, he expostulated with him, and accused him in as much as was for him possible; being (besides his other qualities) fashioned [Page 78] and composed by nature, eloquently to speake in publique assemblies. ‘I thinke (saith he) G The yeare of the world, 1455. before Christs Natiuitie, 1509. Chore, that both thou and euerie one of these (pointing with his finger at the two hundred and fifty men of his faction) are worthy of honour: yea I contemne not the rest of this assembly, (although they are not to be compared with you in riches, and other endowments.) For neither doth Aaron therefore possesse the Priesthood because he is richer (for thou hast more ample possessions then either of vs) neither because he is more noble (for God hath equally imparted the same vnto vs all, hauing giuen vs one and the same Grandfather) neither haue I beene moued thereunto by brotherly affection, to bestow that on him which was due vnto others. For had I not respected God and right in disposing of this dignitie, I had not forgotten my selfe, to further and preferre another, since there is no man more neere my selfe then my selfe, or whom I had rather wish well to, then to my selfe: for what wisdome had it beene for me, to expose my H selfe to those dangers which they incurre, who make breach of lawes, to suffer another man reap the fruits of my impietie? But God forbid that my conscience should be stained with any such sin: neither were the fault mine also would God leaue it vnpunished; neither in me, who should contemn him, neither in you, for that you were ignorant of that you ought to do, & of that which was gratefull in his sight. He himselfe it is that hath chosen the high Priest, and by this meanes hath acquited me of that accusation, that in this respect might be obiected against me. For although Aaron hath obtained this degree (not by my fauour, but by Gods owne appointment) yet notwithstanding he referreth and remitteth the matter to the publike disposition and order of you all, neither requiring he any prerogatiue (for that he hath alreadie exercised the charge, or for that at this present it is granted him to entermeddle with the same) but esteemeth it to be the I greatest good fortune that may befal him, to see your mutinies and seditions cease; although with the losse of that honour, which he hath receiued from your owne election: for neither haue we iniured Gods will, in this that we also wish your assent and allowance; but that which of his own accord he hath giuen, it was not lawfull to refuse with a safe conscience: As reciprocally it is a thing most reasonable, that they which receiue it should alwayes enioy it, since God himselfe had giuen thē both the assurance and confirmation. God therefore shall once againe determine who amongst you shall be chosen to offer sacrifice vnto him, and to take charge of those things which appertaine to pietie. For it is a most absurd matter that Chore should haue power to desire a dignitie, and that God should be depriued of that authoritie to dispose the same as best liked him. K’
‘Cease therefore to mutine amongst your selues, and to bee troubled vpon these occasions: and let euerie one of you that desire the Priesthood, to morrow bring each of you his censor with perfumes, and fire from his house. But thou ô Chore, giue place vnto God, and expect his election, neither arrogate to thy selfe a greater authoritie then God hath, but come thou also amongst the rest thy competitors in this honour, to heare his iudgement. Neither see I cause why Aaron should not be there also present to be iudged with thee, in that hitherto he hath vertuously and vprightly behaued himselfe in the execution of that office, and is likewise of the same tribe and race that thou art of. You shall likewise offer incense in the presence of all the people, and when the perfume shall be past, let him whose sacrifice shall be most acceptable in Gods sight, be declared and published for the high Priest: so shall I be acquit of that slaunder L which is wrongfully vrged against me, whereby I am charged to haue (vpon my particular grace and fauour) bestowed the officer of the Priesthood on my brother.’After that Moses had spoken in this maner the people gaue ouer murmuring, and forbare to suspect Moses, allowing in themselues all that which had beene spoken, as being profitable for the common weale: so that hereupon they dismissed the assemblie.
CHAP. III.
How the authors of the sedition were slaine by Gods iudgement, and the Priesthood confirmed to Aaron and his sonnes. M
THe next day the people reassembled themselues together to assist the sacrifice, and to Rufin. chap. 1. Numb. 16. heare the strife decided amongst the Competitors; neither was this assembly without tumult: For the whole multitude were in suspence in expectation of the euent, and some of them were desirous that Moses might be conuicted of deceit. But such as were of the wiser sort amongst them, desired an end of the sedition: for they feared least the common weale should be vtterly ruinated, if the tumult should proceed any further. The multitude likewise (being naturally [Page 79] desirous of noueltie, and prone to speake euill of their Magistrates) were diuersly disposed The yeare of the world. 2455. before Christes Natiuity. 1509. A vpon euerie occurrent. Moses also sent his seruants to Abiram and Dathan, to summon them to appeare (according to the couenants and accord) to attend the issue of the sacrifice. But their answere was, that they would not obey him, neither that they would any longer permit that Moses by his subtill and sinister deuices, should signiorize ouer the people. Which when Moses vnderstood, he tooke diuers of the Elders amongst the people with him, and being no wayes moued with Dathan and his contumacie, he came vnto him (being willingly attended by those who were drawne to accompanie him.) Now when Dathan and his friends vnderstood that Dathan and Abiram rebellious. Moses with the Nobles came vnto them, both they, their wiues and children assembled themselues before the Tabernacle, expecting that which would ensue. They came likewise guarded with their seruants, who were armed to oppose themselues against Moses, if so be he should offer B them any violence: But no sooner drew he neere vnto them, but that lifting vp his hands vnto heauen, he cried out with a loud voice in the hearing of the whole multitude, and prayed after this maner. ‘O God (said he) thou Lord ouerall that which either heauen, earth, or sea containeth, Moses prayer vnto God. thou art a sufficient witnesse with me of all mine actions for that I haue managed all things by thy will; and thou art he who hast giuen me power to execute my purposes: thou that alwayes in commiseration of the Hebrewes hast beene my perpetuall helpe and assistance: heare this my prayer. For nothing that is either done, or thought, is hidden from thee: for which cause I hope thou wilt not disdaine to testifie and iustifie my truth, and manifest the ingratitude of these men. Thou doest exactly know the antiquitie of my race, not for that thou hast heard it, but for that thou hast seene and assisted it; in effect, now also testifie the truth for me in those things which C these men (although they know they contrarie) are not ashamed to impute vnto me. At such time as I led a peaceable life, and that by my vertue and thy counsell, and my father in law Raguels fauour, I had sufficient to liue vpon; I forsooke the possession of my goods, and the fruit on of my peace, to ingage my selfe in these miseries, which I haue suffered for these men: and first of all for their libertie, and now likewise for their safetie, I haue most readily vndertaken grieuous trauels. Now therefore since I am growne into suspition amongst those men, who by my care and prouidence haue escaped so manie mischiefes and miseries; thou that appearedst vnto me in that fire on the mountaine of Sinai, and vouchsafedst both to speake vnto me, and to confirme D me by the sight of miracles; that in thy name sentst me a messenger into Aegypt; that hast abated the great fortunes of the Aegyptians and hast giuen me meanes to escape from their seruitude; and hast made Pharaoes power and armie inferiour to my fortunes, that when we were ignorant of our way gauedst vs a passage through the sea, in whose bottom and wombe afterward the Aegyptians were drowned; that gauedst vs armes, when we were vnweaponed; that madest the bitter water sauoury and fit to be drunke of; and in our scarcitie of water enforcedst drinke for vs out of the bowels of the hard rocke; when we found no meat on the land, didst send it vs from the sea; moreouer (as a thing neuer before heard of) affoordedst vs meat from heauen, and hast established our estate with lawes and customes: Be thou, ô Lord, my Iudge in all things, and my vnpartiall witnesse, that neither I haue beene corrupted by any bribe of any particular Hebrew, E to fauour iniustice, neither that I haue suffered a poore man in his iust cause to lose his right against a rich aduersarie. And now hauing administred the common weale with all synceritie, I am called in question for a crime, whereof I am altogether guiltlesse, as if I had bestowed thy Priesthood on my brother for priuate affection, and not for thy command sake: make it knowne that all things are dispensed by thy prouidence, and that nothing is brought to effect by casualty, but by thy especiall ordinance: And to expresse that thou hast care of the Hebrewes, testifie the same by thy iust punishment inflicted on Dathan and Abiram, who accuse thee to be insensible and boast that thou art circumuented by my subtilties. But thou shalt make thy reuenge more notorious against the vnbrideled detractors of thy glorie, if they perish after no common maner, least any man should suspect that they suffer nothing inhumane: but let the earth which F they vnworthily tread vpon, open it selfe and swallow them vp both with their families and faculties. By this means both thy power will manifestly appeare vnto all men, and thou shalt leaue an example to posteritie, that no man hereafter shal dare to thinke otherwise of thy maiesty then becommeth him, & my ministerie shall be approued to proceed from thy direction. But if those crimes be truly vrged which are inforced against me, then let the curses returne and light on mine owne head, and let those whom I haue cursed liue in safetie. And thus exacting a punishment from those that disturbe thy people, keep the rest of the multitude in peace, concord, and obseruation of thy commandements, secure and void of that punishment which is due vnto[Page 80] wicked men, for that it is contrarie to thy iustice, that the innocent multitude of the Israelites G The yeare of the world, 2455. before Christs birth 1509. should answere their misdeeds, and suffer their punishments.’ Whilest he spake these words, and intermixed them with teares, the earth instantly trembled, and shaking began to remoue (after such a manner, as when by the violence of the wind a great billow of the sea floateth and waltereth.) Hereat were all the people amased. But after that, a horrible and shattering noyse was made about their tents, the earth opened, and swallowed vp both them and all that which they esteemed deere, which was after a maner so exterminate, as nothing remained of theirs to be beheld. Dathan and Abiram swallowed vp. Whereupon in a moment the earth closed againe, and the vast gaping was fast shut, so as there appeared not any signe of that which had hapned. Thus perished they all, leauing behind them an example of Gods power and iudgements. And this accident was the more miserable, in that there were no one, no not of their kinsfolke or allies that had compassion of them: so that all the H people whatsoeuer, forgetting those things which were past, did allow Gods iustice with ioyful acclamations, esteeming them vnworthie to be bemoned, but to be held as the plague & peruerters of the people. After that Dathan with his family was extinguished, Moses assembled all those that contended for the Priesthood together, cōmitting again the election of the priesthood vnto God, concluding that the estate should bee ratified to him, whose sacrifice was most acceptable in Gods sight. For which cause the two hundred and fiftie men assembled themselues, who were both honoured for the vertue of their ancestors, and for their owne abilities farre greater then theirs: with these also stood Aaron and Chore, and all of them offered with their censors before the Tabernacle, with perfumes such as they brought with them, when sodainly so great a fire shone, as neither the like was euer kindled by mans hand, nor vsually breaketh from the bowels I of the burning earth, neyther was euer quickned in the woods, split and borne downe in the sommer time by a southerne brize, but such a one as seemed to be kindled in heauen most brightsome and flaming, by force and power whereof those two hundreth and fiftie (together with Chore with two hundreth and fiftie men is consumed with fire. Chore) were so consumed, that there scarce appeared any reliques of their carcasses: Only Aaron remained vntouched, to the end it might appeare that this fire came from heauen. These things thus brought to passe, Moses (intending to leaue a perpetual memory to posteritie of that punishment) to the end they should not be ignorant thereof, commaunded Eleazar the sonne of Aaron to consecrate their censors affixed to the brasen Altar, that by reason of this monument, all men might be terrified, who thinke that the diuine power can be circumuented by humane policy.
CHAP. IIII. K
What things happened in 38. yeares space to the Hebrewes in the desart.
AFter that by so euident an argument it appeared very sufficiently, that Aaron neither by sinister insinuations, neither by the fauour of his brother, but onely by Gods election had obtained the Priesthood; he euer afterwards held it without any contradiction: yet Num. 17. for all this, the sedition was not sufficiently ceased, but that it brake out with a more vrgent furie then at first: for it tooke his originall from such causes that it might easily appeare that it would be of long continuance. For whereas this perswasion had once taken roote in the hearts of men, L Another sedition against Moses. that nothing is brought to passe without Gods wil, they imagined that God wrought these things in fauor of Moses; to him therfore imputed they all these things, as if God had not punished those men thorow the hate he bare against their sinnes, but onely on Moses solicitation: and they were sore aggrieued that Moses (hauing giuen this mayme vnto the people, by the losse of so many noble men, that onely perished thorow the zeale they bare to Gods seruice) not onely had done them open wrong; but that which was more, had assured the Priesthood to his brother after such a manner, that thereafter no man durst oppose himselfe to purchase the same; seeing how vnfortunately those others were ouerthrowne by a violent death. Moreouer the kinsmen of those that were slaine, solicited and stirred the people, praying them to restraine the pride and ouergreat power of Moses, in that it lay in their power easily to perform the same. But Moses perceiuing that the people was incensed, and fearing least once more they should bethinke them on some innouation; M whereby some great misfortune might succeed, he assembled them together, and gaue audience to their accusations, without replying any waies (for feare he might the more incense them) hee onely commaunded the heads of the tribes, that each of them should bring a rod, wherein the name of each tribe should be written, promising that the Priesthood should remaine with them, in whose rod God should shew any signe. Which iudgement of his being allowed [Page 81] by all men, both they, and Aaron brought theirs with their inscriptions; and Aaron had The yeare of the world. 2455. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1509. Aarons rod fructifieth. A written in his the tribe of Leui. These Moses tooke from them, and laid them in Gods Tabernacle: the next day he brought them forth euery one of them (which were easily knowne to be those which the Princes brought, & the rest of the people had marked) and they saw that al theirs remained in the same forme which the day before they retained, when Moses tooke them; but out of Aarons rod there grew branches and buds: and that which is more to be wondred at, it bare ripe Almonds, which in a rod of that kind of wood was admirable and miraculous. The people amated at the noueltie of this spectacle (dismissing their hatreds wherewith they both prosecuted Moses and Aaron) became wholy amased and drawne into admiration of Gods iudgement, and forbare any more to repugne against God, or to oppose themselues against Aarons Priesthood. And thus three times confirmed by the approbation of God, by all mens consent he B became hie Priest, and the people of the Hebrewes turmoyled with long seditions, at last by this meanes grew setled in peace and quietnes. But after that Moses had made the tribe of Leui (which He [...]o & Ruffinus. chap. 3. 4 Num. 18. 35. Leuit. 14. 18. 28. was dedicate to Gods seruice) free and exempt from warfare (for feare least being occupied in prouiding themselues necessaries for their maintenance, they should grow negligent in executing their duties in sacrifice) he ordained that after the land of Chanaan was conquered by their forces and Gods fauour, that of the Cities they should conquer, they should distribute fortie The reuenues of the Priests. eight of the best & fairest on the Leuites, & certain lands abutting on their Cities, to the quantity and space of two thousand cubits. Moreouer, he commaunded that the tenths of all the yearly fruit that was gathered by the whole people, should be giuen and bestowed on the Leuites and Priests; and euer after this tribe had their solemne reuenues. Now must I declare what things C are proper to the Priests. Of the fortie eight Cities which were granted to the Leuites, he commaunded them to grant thirteene to the Priests; and that of those tenthes which they receiued of the people, they should pay vnto them a tenth share. Besides, he gaue charge that the people should offer vp vnto God all the first fruits of whatsoeuer the earth yeelded them: and that the first borne of foure footed beasts dedicated for sacrifice, if it were a male, should be deliuered to the Priests to sacrifice, to the end they might be nourished with all their family in the sacred Citie of Ierusalem; and that they which are not fit to be sacrificed to God, should be eaten by them according to the vse and custome of the countrey, the owners paying in lieu of a firstling a sicle and a halfe, and for the first borne of a man, fiue sicles. He allotted them likewise the first fruits of sheep-shearing, and ordered that the bakers should offer them some cakes. But they that D consecrate themselues by vow, and are called Nazarites (nourishing their haire, and tasting no Num. 6. Of the Nazarites. wine) when as they consecrate their haire, were bound to offer it vnto the Priests. They likewise who call themselues Corban, which is called the gift of God, if they desire to be dismissed from that ministerie (whereunto by voluntarie vow they bound themselues) must pay money to the Priests, for a woman thirtie sicles, for a man fiftie; and that those that had not so much money should be left to the discretion of the Priests. And if any man should kill (for his priuate feast) The yeare of the world. 2493. before the birth of Christ. 1471. any beast, and not for Gods seruice, yet that he ought to offer vnto the Priest the breast and leg of the beast. This is that allowance which Moses ratified to the Priests, and besides this, whatsoeuer the people offered for sinnes (as we declared in the next precedent volume.) And what soeuer was contributed by the people to the order of the Priests, he commaunded that both E their wiues, children and seruants should be made partakers of the same (onely except those things which were offered for sinne offerings, for these things the Priests onely themselues eate vp in the Temple the same day.) After that this policy was in this sort ratified by Moses, & that the Num. 20. Moses Embassage to the Idumaeans. mutinie was appeased, he remoued his campe, and with all his forces came to the borders of Idumaea, where he sent Embassadours to the King thereof, requiring him to grant him and his free passage (and offering him such and so sufficient pledges, as he should esteeme and recken of, to assure him that no violence or iniurie should be offered; assuring him to make payment for whatsoeuer victuall or drinke, eyther he or his army should receiue) But he setting light by their Embassage, denied them passage, and with a well furnished armie marched forth against Moses to withstand him, if contrarie to his will he should attempt to passe thorow his countrey. F And for that God had not counselled Moses to begin the combate, if he were inforced by the enemie, he retired backe againe, determining to seeke his passage athwart the desart. At that Mariam Moses sister Num. 19. dieth. The manner of purification. time died his sister Mary, the fortith yeare after their departure out of Aegypt, and the first Moone of the moneth Xantique: she was magnifically entombed at the common charge, on a certaine mountaine called Sein: and after the people had mourned for her fortie daies, he purified them after this manner. The Priest taking a young heifer (which had neuer as yet borne yoake [Page 82] nor laboured) in colour wholy red, led him a little apart from the campe, in a most cleane place, G The yeare of the world. 2493. before Christs Natiuitie. 1471. and there cut his throat, & with the bloud thereof taken on his finger, he seuen times besprinkled the Tabernacle of God; and after he had consumed in fire the whole heifer, with his skin and entrailes, he cast a branch of Cedar into the fire with a little Hysope, and red woole, and wholy gathered vp the ashes thereof. A man that is cleansed putteth it in a cleane place, and they that are vncleane by meanes of one that is dead, put a little of these ashes into a fountaine with Hysope, and after they haue mixed the ashes in the fountaine, they besprinkle themselues three times, and on the seuenth day, and after that are they purified. He likewise ordained that the like purification should be vsed, when a man should take possession of his inheritance.
But after the army (that had so long mourned the dead sister of the generall) were thus purified, he led them thorow the desart into Arabia; and arriuing in a place (which the Arabians H Num. 20. account for their Metropolitane citie, in times past called Arce, and at this present Petra) which is inuironed with a high mountaine; Aaron ascended the said mountaine, & Moses shewed him the place, where he should yeeld vp his soule vnto God; and in the sight of all the army standing on a high place, he put off his stoale, and gaue it to his sonne Eleazar, to whom by eldership the succession appertained: and thus (in the sight of the people) he died in that verie yeare wherein he lost his sister; and in the hundreth, twentie and third yeare of his age: he departed on the newe moone, in the moneth of August (called by the Athenians Hecatombeon, by the Macedonians Ious, and Sabba by the Hebrewes.) The people mourned for him for the space of fortie daies, Ruffinus. ch. 4. Hedio. chap. 5. Num. 21. and then desisted. Moses displaced his campe from thence, and pitched his tents neere vnto a riuer called Arnon (which springeth from the mountaines of Arabia, and runneth along the I desart, and then entreth into the Asphaltique lake, separating the Region of the Moabites from that of the Amorites.) The countrey is fertill and sufficient to yeeld fruit to all the inhabitants in great foison: to Sehon King of this countrey Moses sent Embassadors, requiring passage thorow his kingdome, vnder such assurance as should best please him, that no wrong should be offered, Moses sent Embassadors to Sehon, king of the Amorits. neither to his countrey, nor the inhabitants thereof, assuring him to pay the price of what soeuer his soldiers tooke either in victuals or water. But Sehon refused him, and arming his people, pitched his tents on the banks of Arnon, being readie to repulse the Hebrewes if they presumed to passe the riuer.
CHAP. V. K
Moses ouercommeth Sehon and Og, Kings of the Amorites, and distributeth their countrey by Lot vnto two Tribes, and a halfe of the Hebrewes
BVt when Moses perceiued that the Amorites were disposed to hostilitie, for which cause supposing that the iniury and contempt was not to be endured, and seeing the Hebrews were an intractable kind of men (and such as either by idlenes or want, might be easily Num. 21. The Hebrewes addresse themselues to fight against the Amorites. perswaded to renue their former seditions and tumults, and being willing to preuent all these occasions) he asked counsell at Gods hands, whether he would permit him to enforce his passage by the sword. Now when God had allowed his purpose, and besides that promised him the victorie, L he was greatly confirmed in hope, and animated and encouraged his soldiers, telling them that the time was now come, wherein they might enterprise their long desired warre with Gods fauour, and his approbation and encouragement: who reioycing at this libertie that was granted them, sodainly tooke armes, and in a set battell hasted to charge the enemie. On the other side the Amorite (as soone as he saw them march forward, and begin the onset) forgetting his former fiercenes was both himselfe terrified, and his soldiers likewise (who before the sight of their enemies were as cruel and bloudy as Lions) now waxed as feareful and as meeke as Lambs. So that they scarcely had endured the first assault, but that they fled, reposing the whole hope of their prosperitie in their retreat: they trusted likewise to their walled townes (which notwithstanding The Hebrewes ouerthrow the Amorites, and put them to flight. did nought at al auaile them.) For no sooner did the Hebrewes perceiue that their enemies M began to trust their feete and that their rankes were broken, but they more freshly pursued them, and brought them into extreme feare: so that being vtterly put to flight and dispersed vpon the field, they were inforced to flie vnto their Cities. Yet ceased not the Hebrewes to pursue them more fiercely, but began more and more to molest them with those kind of weapons wherein they were exercised before time: for being expert and well trained in the sling and bow, and perfect in casting the dart, and nimble in bodie (by reason of their light armours) they ran after their [Page 83] enemies, and with their shafts and bowes shot at those which were a farre off, and might not bee The yeare of the world, 2493. before Christs Natiuitie, 1571. A ouertaken. So that there followed a most huge slaughter, and they that escaped were grieuously wounded: yet were they more afflicted with thirst then anie other hostilitie (in that it was sommer time) so that all those that went to refresh & coole their thirst at the riuer (besides all those that had turned their backs to flie) were pursued with all kinds of missile weapons and darts, vntill they were all slaine. The king Sehon himselfe also was slaine in this fight. And the Hebrewes spoiled those that were slaine, & caried away great store of pillage. They had likewise Sehon king of the Amorites slaine. great foison and abundance of all kinds of fruits (in that the haruest was not as yet gathered.) Thus passed the Armie through the whole countrey, foraging and spoyling the same without any resist; by reason that the enemie was discomfited, and that all his forces in warre were defeated. This was the destruction which hapned to the Amorites, who neither vsed their counsel The Hebrewes possesse the land of the Amorites. B prudently, nor managed their warre valiantly. But the Hebrewes occupied their countrey (situate betweene three riuers, after the maner of an Island) For the banks of Arnon do terminate the Southerne coasts thereof, and Iobacchus the Northerne, which flowing into Iordan, leeseth his name: now the Westerne coast is watered by the riuer of Iordan. Amidst this prosperous estate The situation of the land of the Amorites. Og king of Basan is slaine with his army. of the Israelites, there arose a new enemy against them, called Og king of Galadine, & of the countries of Gaulanitis, who came as a friend and companion to assist Sehon; who seeing his fortunes and estate so desolate and desperate, yet in hope to obtaine the victorie, determined to make triall both of his owne mens vertue, and his enemies valour: which hope of his failed him, for he both died in the battell, and his whole host was likewise discomfited. But Moses no sooner ouerpassed the floud of Iobacchus, but that entring Ogs kingdom, he ouerthrew one citie after C another, and destroyed all the inhabitants thereof (who for riches and fruitfull pastures exceeded all other men of that countrey.) Og also was a man of a most heroicke and high stature, and nothing inferiour thereunto either in strength or vertue; the argument of whose strength and stature was extant in the sacke of the chiefe citie & pallace of the country of the Ammonites, called Rabatha, where there was an Iron bed found of foure cubits breadth, and nine in length. The fal of this man did not only further the present felicity of the Hebrews, but also became the cause of manie their future and more fortunate successes: for they tooke sixtie well fortified cities which were vnder his gouernement; and what with their priuie praies and publike pillage, they were all enriched. After this Moses remoued his campe towards Iordan, and pitched it in a broad plaine neere vnto the citie of Iericho (which is rich and fruitfull, and aboundeth with palme trees and D balme) And now were the minds of the Israelites in such sort confirmed, as they desired nothing Ruffin. cap. 5. Hedio cap. 6. more then warre and battell; and Moses thinking good to make vse of this their forwardnesse, (hauing sacrificed to God in way of thanksgiuing, and feasted the people) he sent part of them Hierico. armed to destroy the countrey of the Madianites, and to spoyle the cities of that region, the cause of which warre had this originall.
CHAP. VI.
Of the Prophet Balaam.
WHen Balac king of the Moabites (who was both an old friend and confederate with E the Madianites) saw the Israelites increase to such greatnesse, he began to suspect the securitie Num. 22. 23. 24 of his owne fortune and estate: for he knew not that God had inhibited the Hebrewes to couer to possesse any other countrey but the land of Canaan, and therefore more rashly then prudently he bethought him of new matters; and for that he durst not assaile them in battell, whom he knew to be puffed vp with the successe of manie victories (yet desirous to hinder them from proceeding any further) he sendeth Embassadours to the Madianites to consult with them, as concerning their common profit. They knowing that beyond Euphrates there was a famous Deuine called Balaam (who was their especiall friend) sent some of their most honourable princes together with Balacs Embassadours, beseeching him that he would come vnto Balacs king of the Moabites embass. ge to the Madianite. Balacs and the Madianits embassage to Balaam. them and curse the Israelites. The Prophet entertaining the Embassadours with great humanity, F and feasting them at his owne table, asked counsell of God as touching that which the Madianites had required at his hands: but seeing that God forbad him to obey them, he returned vnto them and told them that he wanted not will to gratifie them, but that God withstood him; to whose mercie he ascribed the glorie which he had hitherto gotten by true predictions and prophecies: for that armie which they desired should be cursed, was dearly beloued by God. For which cause he gaue them counsell, that seeking out the Israelites, they should make peace with [Page 84] them vnder whatsoeuer conditions: which said, he dismissed the Embassadours. But the Madianites The yeare of the world, 2493 before Christs birth 1471. The second Embassage to Balaam. The Angel resisteth Balaam. The Asse speaketh to Balaa. Balaam is reproued by the Angel. G (being instantly requested by Balac) once more sent their Embassadours vnto Balaam to that purpose; who desirous to satisfy them in their demands, consulted with God. But God (offended with him) commanded him to assent to the Embassadours: and he supposing that God had indeed licensed him therein, departed onward with the Embassadours. But as he trauelled vpon the way, the Angell of God came & met him in a certaine narrow way, betweene two mounds or wals made of stones; which when the Asse perceiued whereon Balaam was mounted, he started out of the way and thrust Balaam, and crushed him against one of the wals; and neither by the strokes which his rider gaue him (being sore grieued by his bruise) nor by any other meanes might he be drawne forward. And when as neither the Angell forsooke the way, neither the Prophet gaue ouer tormenting the Asse, at length the beast falling downe by the will of God, spake H to Balaam in a humane and articulate voice; blaming him, for that hauing neuer before that time receiued domage by him, he had so cruelly tormented and beatē him; considering that he vnderstood not that God did prohibit him from the performance of that which he desired. Whilest thus he was troubled with the prodigious speech of the Asse, an Angell appeared vnto him, blaming Balaam, and telling him that the Asse was not in the fault, but that he hindred his iourney, by reason he attempted it against Gods will. Hereat the Prophet terrified, addressed himselfe to returne backe againe: but God commanded him to prosecute that iourney which he had intended, charging him to declare and doe that which hee should aduise and instruct him in.
After that God had giuen him this charge, he went vnto Balac, who entertained him honourably, I and caused him to be brought to a certaine mountaine, from whence he might behold the Balaam commeth to Balac. Hebrewes campe. Balac also himselfe being royally attended, accompanied the Prophet, conducting him honourably vnto a certaine mountaine, which ouerhung the Israelites, being threescore furlongs from their campe. Which when he perceiued, he caused the King to build seuen Altars, on which he laid seuen Bulles, and seuen Rams. All which being readily executed by the Balaams prophecie of the people of Israel. King, he offered a burnt sacrifice, to the end hee might presage and foreprophecie the victorie: which done, he spake after this maner. ‘Happie are you, on whom God bestoweth so large a blessing and abundance of riches, and vouchsafeth you his prouidence for your perpetuall guide and assistance. Because there is not any sort of men, before whom in innocencie of maners and study of honestie and vertue, you are not to be preferred: your successours also shall haue a more famous K posteritie, because amongst men God onely fauoureth you, and taketh care that no nation vnder the Sunne shall either exceede or equall you in happinesse. You shal likewise possesse that land whereto he hath sent you: and your posteritie shall be perpetuall Lords thereof; and the glorie of your name shall fulfill both the whole earth and sea; and so shall your nation bee multiplied, that there shall be no nation of the world that snall not bee intermixed with your bloud and line. Blessed are you (most worthy armie) and deseruing great admiration, hauing your increase thus multiplied by the meanes of one parent. For the land of Canaan at this present shall entertaine you, but in little number; but know that hereafter the whole world is destinated for your habitation: so that both in the Islands and in the continent you shall liue in so great number, that you shall equall the starres of the firmament. And whereas you are like to growe L so innumerable, yet notwithstanding he shall not suffer you to want the vtmost of plentie and abundance; neither in warre shall he cease to animate and leade you against your enemies. Let your enemies resolue to take armes and to assault you, yet shall there no one returne from them to beare message of the victorie, or to bring glad tidings to their wiues and children. This prudence and prowesie is giuen you by Gods prouidence, who onely can and may abase the power of greatnesse, and repaire the weakenesse of obscuritie. Thus spake the Wisard in his propheticall Balac being displeased reprehendeth Balaam. spirit, being transported beyond himselfe, and rauished with a supernaturall furie. But Balac was sore incensed against him, exclaiming that he had not kept couenant, although by great rewards he had been by his Confederate drawne thither to curse them, vrging it against him, that in steed of execrations against them, he had published their pietie and praises. To whom the Prophet M made this answer: Thinkest thou (said he) that it lyeth in our power, as often as destinies are Balaams answer. to be discouered, to speak or conceale what we list, at such time, as God speaketh in our mouthes? No, he himselfe vttereth those words which him listeth, and publisheth those oracles by vs, which neither we know, nor euer thought vpon. Verily I sufficiētly remember whereunto I was perswaded by the sollicitation of the Madianites, & for that cause came I hither, to execute that which they extorted from my hands; but God is more powerfull then my will, who contrary to the [Page 85] will of God, and for the particular fauour of men, had purposed to speake otherwise: but as soone The yeare of the world, 2493. before Christs Natiuitie, 1471. A as he entreth into our hearts, there remayneth no more of our selues in our selues. Truly I had determined in my self to speak nothing in their praises, neither was it in my mind to reckon vp what God had decreed to bestow vpon that nation, but the fauourable power which befriendeth them, & studieth nothing more then the felicitie & glory of that nation, hath in his prescience put these words into my mouth: now therfore (since it is my desire to gratifie both thee, & the Madianites, whose prayers I ought not but admit) go to let vs erect new Altars, & prepare fresh sacrifice, and make trial if perhaps God wil be moued to grant me licence to curse these kind of men.’Hereunto Balac gaue his consent, yet did not God ratifie those his imprecations made against the Israelites, notwithstanding he had sacrificed twice; so that falling on his face, he declared the occurrences Num. 25. Balaams prophecy of things to come. of their kingdomes and commonweales, of most esteeme (of which some one were not as yet B built) and such things likewise as should thereafter happen to those men both by land and sea, euen to our daies: out of all which things (accomplished according to his predictions) we may gather most assuredly that, which of his prophecie is to be fulfilled, will surely take effect. Balac being sore displeased because the Israelites could not be cursed, sent Balaam backe againe without honor: who returning homewards (at such time as he came vnto Euphrates) called Balac Balaams counsell against the Hebrewes. and the Princes of the Madianites, & spake thus vnto them. ‘Balac and you Princes of Madian, it behooueth me to gratifie you (although it be against the will of God) for which cause giue eare vnto me: All the sorts of death that may be to the vttermost, cannot extinguish the race of the Hebrewes, neyther by warre or pestilence, or famine, or any other chance may they be ruinated: for God hath care to preserue that nation from all euill, so that no slaughter can fall vpon them, C whereby the whole multitude shall be extinguished: yet in the meane while some things may not be auoyded, whereby afflicted for a time; they may presently flourish more then they did before, being by such a chasticement reduced to better health. For which cause if you seeke to obtaine some short victorie ouer them; by this my counsell you shall bring your wishes to effect.’ Send me the fairest of your daughters, as trimly decked and beautified as is possible, who by their beautie may conquer, and by their loue allure their hearts; let these wander about their campe, and offer themselues to entertaine a familiar embrace, if by the young men they shall be solicited thereunto: and as soone as they shall espie them to be surprised with desire, let them sodainly breake from them, and when as they shall be required by them to stay, let them not yeeld, except they will be perswaded to forsake their countrey lawes, and the seruice of God from whom D they receiued them, and honour the gods of the Madianites, and Moabites. For by this meanes shal they incense Gods wrath against themselues. Which when he had certified and admonished them of, he departed. Now whē the Madianites (according as they were counselled) sent out their daughters, the younger sort of the Hebrewes were intangled with the beautie of the damsels, and The daughters of the Madianites come to the campe of the Hebrewes. growing in talke with them, they prayed them that they would not enuie them the opportunity to reape the pleasure and enioyment of their beautie, neyther that they would disdaine their intercourse: they willingly both admit the words, and the embraces of the young men, and hauing well hette them with dalliance, they addressed themselues to leaue them in the heat of their desires. Whereupon they discomforted at the womens departure did instantly intreat them, that they should not in that sort forsake them, but that in hope of future mariage and possession of E their greatest goods, they should remaine and dwell with them. These promises they confirmed with othes, and sealed with teares, calling God to witnesse (the rather to perswade and conforme them vnto mercy) where upon they (after they perceiued that they were surprised, and besorted with their company) answered after this manner. ‘Valiant young men, we want not at home neyther ample faculties, or the affections of our, parents, and domesticall friends; neither edme we hither vnto you for want of these things; neyther admit will your prayers, in that we meane to make sale of our beauties but being perswaded that you are honest men, we haue not disdained to entertaine you with this gracious hospitalitie, in that we see ye had need thereof, and for that cause haue we shewed our selues courteous vnto you: now therefore because you say you loue vs, and that you are sore aggrieued at this our departure, we haue thought good not F to gainsay your intreaties: if therefore you will plight your faith, and promise vs mariage (which thing onely is that which must satisfie vs) we will willingly liue with you as your lawfull wiues; but we feare least when your lusts are satisfied, you should with iniurie and continuely send vs backe againe to our parents: to which suspect of ours it becommeth you (if you so please) to giue a lawfull pardon. But they promised to giue their faith in what manner soeuer, & refused no condition (by reason of their extreme loue.) Well then (said the virgins) since that you are so pleased, [Page 86] and that you haue manners so different from others, that you also vse your proper meats according The yeare of the world. 2493. before Christs Natiuitie. 1471. The daughters of Madiā allure the Israelites to idolatrie. G to your peculiar manner, neyther can you endure that your drinke be common with other mens; it behooueth you if you will liue with vs to adore our gods. For by no other argument may you perswade vs that your loue is vnfained, except you honour as we doe the same gods: neither shall you be blamed if you honour the Gods of that countrey into which you are come, considering that our gods are common vnto all nations, whereas your god is adored by none other but your selues. It behooued you therefore (said they) to conforme your selues in opinion with other men, or that you seeke out an other world, wherein you might liue soly according to your particular policy and religion.’
The Hebrewes blinded with the loue which they bare vnto the virgins, conceiued wel of their The Hebrewes blinded with the loue of the women, reuolt from the lawes of their fathers words, & consented to that which they said, suffering themselues to be seduced according as they H were inuited; so that they transgressed the ordinances of their fathers in following strange gods, to whom they purposed to do sacrifice according to the maner of the countrey. They tooke pleasure also to eat strange kinds of meats which were prohibited them by the law, & addicted themselues to all kinds of pleasure, according as the women perswaded them; so that the whole armie was infected with a dissolute disorder (amongst the yonger sort) & a worse mutinie arose therby then the precedent, wherethrough it was to be suspected, least the whole course of law and gouernment should be peruerted. For the youth hauing once had a touch of these forrain & lasciuious fashiōs were vnsatiably transported with the same: and if there were any more excellent then others in nobilitie, they together (with the rest of the multitude) were retchlesly corrupted. Zambrias also of the tribe of Simeon (& one of the Princes among them) marying Chosby the Madianite (daughter I Zambrias and Chosbi. Moses accuseth the Israelites of idolatrie and voluptuousnes vnto Vri a gouernour of that country) at the commandement of his wife, & in contempt of Moses lawes, for her sake did sacrifice after a forrain maner, & contrary to the law disported with his forraine wife which was a stranger. During this estate of affaires, Moses being afraid least some more grieuous mischiefe should succeed, called the people together, accusing no man in particular, (for that he was vnwilling to draw them into desperatiō, who whilest they thinke they lye hidden, may be reduced to a better mind) but he told them that it was a thing vnworthie & ill beseeming themselues or their elders, that they should set more by their pleasures, then by God and their religion. That it behooued them whilest they had time, to repent themselues, & that they shewed themselues to be valiant men, not by contempt of lawes, but by appeasing their disordinate desires. Besides he told them that it was an absurd thing, that whereas in the desart they liued modestly, K they should now in a plentifull countrey grow so dissolute and disordinate, as to lose that by affluence, which they had got by temperance. In such like speeches he indeuoured to correct the youth, and to reduce them to a better mind: whereupon Zambrias rising vp, spake after this manner. Moses (saith he) vse thou thine owne lawes (whereunto by long vse thou hast addedZambrias oration against Moses.strength and confirmation) which hadst thou not done, oft times ere this hadst thou suffered punishment, and learnt (to thine owne miserie) that the Hebrewes were not to be deluded: for my selfe thou shalt neuer tye me to thy tyrannical decrees, for hitherto hast thou indeuoured nought else, but vnder pretext of law & religion to bring vs into seruitude and subiection; and thy selfe by thy subtile and sinister meanes, to honour and soueraintie; taking from vs the pleasures and libertie of our liues (things that belong to free men, and such as appertaine or liue not vnder any L mans gouernment.) For this should be worse then an Aegyptian thraldome to punish euery man by thy lawes, according to thine owne pleasure; whereas thou thy selfe art more worthie to be punished, in that thou disanullest that thing which is approued by all mens consent: and desirest that thy decrees should be of more force, then all the resolutions of all other mortall men whatsoeuer. But I (as touching that which I doe) in that I suppose it to be well done, am not affraid to confesse it in this assemblie, namely, that I haue taken a straunger to wife: thou hearest mine actions from mine owne mouth, as from a free and resolute man, neither doe I desire that they should be hidden. I likewise sacrifice to the gods contrarie to our custome, because I suppose it to be both iust and necessarie, that from many I seeke the truth, and (not depending as it were vpon a tyranny, or liuing thereunder) to build my faith vpon one only: for no man shal please me, M that will haue more interest in mine actions then my selfe. Whilest Zambrias alledged this both for himselfe, and other of his faction; the people silently expected the issue of this audacious boldnes, especially for that they saw their lawmaker would not contend any longer, least he should make an insolent man more outragious; for he feared least diuers such in imitation of him growing impudent in their speeches, should stirre vp tumults amongst the people: so that the assembly for this time was after this manner dissolued, and perhaps this mischiefe had taken further [Page 87] head, except Zambrias had beene sodainly cut off, by such a meanes as ensueth. Phinees (both The yeare of the world, 2493. before Christs Na [...]itie, 1571. A in respect of other things, as also the dignitie of his father, the chiefest among the youths, and the sonne of Eleazar the high Priest, whose great vncle Moses was) was grieuously discontented with Zambrias contumacy, and least by his impunitie the law might grow into contempt, he resolued to be reuenged vpon the transgressors, being well assured how [...]uch the example of great men preuaileth on both parts: and whereas he was of so much strength of mind and of bodie, as that he would not attempt any thing rashly which he would not bring to issue, he repayred to Zambrias tent, and at one stroke slew both him and Chosbi his wife. By whose example the rest Phinees thrusteth Zambri, and Chosbi thorow at one time. of the youth (being exasperated by this his worthie act) enforced thēselues to do iustice on those that had committed the like offence; so that they slew a great part of them by the sword, and the rest by the pestilence (which was inflicted by Gods iudgement on them) were vtterly rooted out. B Neither spared he those, who though by reason of consanguinity theyought to haue restrained & disswaded their kinsmen from lewdnes, yet had rather either dissemble or kindle their lust in them, then counsaile them; neyther intermitted he from punishing those men till fourteene thousand of them were done to death by sicknes. For which cause Moses (being incensed against the Madianites) Otherwise. 240 [...]0. Moses sendeth forces against the Madianites. sent out an army to destroy that nation (of which expeditiō we wil presently discourse, after that we haue annexed that which was omitted in this historie.) For reason would that we should not pretermit to praise the deseigne of our law maker in this behalfe. For in regard of Balaam, (sought out by the Madianites vnder the intent to curse the Hebrewes, although he could not do it, being hindred therefro by the prouidence of God, who notwithstanding gaue that counsell to the enemie, by meanes whereof within a little space a great multitude of the Hebrewes were C corrupted in their course of life, and diuers haue been grieuously plagued with sicknes) in regard I say of this Balaam, he hath greatly honoured him in chronicling his predictions in his writings. And although it had beene easie for him to haue depriued him of the glory, and to haue appropriated it to himselfe, by reason that there was not any witnesse that might contradict him; yet neglected he not to giue testimonie of him, and to make mention of him in his writings: Yet let euerie one thinke of this according as it shall seeme good vnto him. But Moses (as I began to say) sent an army of twelue thousand men against the Madianites, chosing out of euerie tribe one thousand soldiers, and appointed Phinees captaine ouer these forces, by whose industrie (as a little before I haue declared) both the lawes were satisfied, and Zambri (that brake the same) was punished. D
CHAP. VII.
The Hebrewes fight against the Madianites, and ouercome them.
BVt the Madianites (hauing intelligence that their enemies drew neere vnto them, and that they were not farre o [...]f from their borders) gathered their forces together, and beset Hedio cap. 9. Ruffinus. ch. 5. all those passages of their countrey, by which they thought their enemie might breake in, addressing themselues to repulse them with force and valour: but no sooner did Phinees with his forces charge them and set vpon them, but that (vpon the first encounter) so great a multitude E of the Madianites was slaine, that the number of the carcasses might not be accounted: Fiue kings of the Madianit [...] slaine. Otherwise Areceme or Arcae. neyther were their kings in like sort saued from the sword. These were Og, Sures, Robeas, Vbes & the fift Recemus (from whom the chiefest Citie of the Arabians deriueth his name, and at this day retayneth the same, and is called Receme, which the Graecians had rather call Petra.) The Hebrewes hauing thus put their enemies to flight, foraged the whole Region, and caried and droue away with them a great pray; and killing all the inhabitants threof both men & women, they only spared the virgins (for this commaund had Phinees receiued from Moses hand [...]) who returning home with his armie in safetie, brought with him a memorable and mightie pray of Oxen, fiftie A great pray gotten from the Madianites. and two thousand, sixtie and seuen: of Asses, sixtie thousand: of golden and siluer vessels a great number (which those of that countrey were wont to vse in their domesticall affaires.) For by F reason of their great riches, they liued verie delicately: there were also led captiue from thence about thirtie thousand virgins. But Moses (diuiding the pray) gaue the fiftith part thereof to Eleazar and the Priests, and to the Leuites another fiftie: as for the remainder he distributed it N [...]. 27. Deut. 3. Moses appointeth Iosuah for his successor. amongst the people. Whence i [...] came to passe, that euer afterwards they liued in great security, hauing gotten riches by their ver [...]ue, and peace also to enioy the same. Now for that Moses was well [Page 88] stricken in yeares, he appoynted Iesus (who if need were might succeed him in the offices, both G The yeare of the world. 2493. before Christs Natiuitie. 1471. of a Prophet and a Prince and gouernour; for God had so commaunded that he should make choyse of him) to be his successor in the principalitie. For he was most expert in all diuine and humane knowledge; being therein instructed by his master Moses. About that time the two tribes of [...]d and Ruben, with the halfe tribe of Manasses (being abundantly stored with cattell, and all other manner of riches) by common consent besought Moses, that he would giue and assigne to them in particular the countrey of the Amorites, which not long since they had conquered by the sword, for that it was full of rich pastures. But he (suspecting least surprised with feare, they did detract and withdraw themselues from the battell of the Chanaanites, and that vnder pretext of the care of their cattell, they couered their sloth) highly taunted and controuled them, saying, that they were fearefull dissemblers: H Num. 32. The tribes of Ruben, G [...]d, and the halfe of Manasses, require the l [...]d of the Amorites. He accused them likewise, that their desire was to possesse that land which was conquered by the common valour of the people, to the end they might lead their liues in idlenes and pleasure; and that bearing armes with the rest of the host, they would not helpe to possesse the land beyond Iordane which God had promised them, by ouercomming those nations which he commaunded them to account for their enemies. Who perceiuing that hee was displeased (least he should seeme to be deseruedly incensed against them) aunswered, that neyther thorow feare they fled daunger, neyther by reason of sloth esteemed labour, but onely shot at this, that leauing their pray in commodious places, they might be more fit to enter conflict: saying, that they were readie (if so be they might receiue Cities for the defence and receit of their wiues, children, and substance) to follow the rest of the armie whither soeuer I they were conducted; and to aduenture their liues with them for the common successe. Whereupon Moses (allowing their forwardnes, and assembling Eleazar the high Priest, and Iesus, with the rest of the Magistrates) granted them the land of the Amorites, with this condition, that (together with the people ioyned vnto them in c [...]nsanguinitie) they should warfare against their common enemie, till all things were accomplished according to their desires: and by this meanes hauing receiued that which they demaunded, and building them walled Cities, they left their children, wiues, and substance in the same. Moses also builded ten Cities in that Region (which are to be reckoned in the number of those fortie and eight) Num. 35. Deut. 4. 43. Ios. 20. in three whereof he appointed sanctuaries and places of refuge, which they onely might take benefit of, who fled thither for chaunce-medlie; and he appointed them their tearme of K exile till such time as the high Priest died, vnder whom the manslaughter was committed: at such time they might safely returne into their countrey. And during the time of their exile, it was lawfull for any of the kinne, to take reuenge against the offender by his death, onely at The Cities of refuge. such time as he found him without the Citie of refuge, and that right he onely ratified to those that were akinne, but not vnto others. Now the Cities of refuge were these: in the confines of Arabia Bosora: in the Region of Galadena, Arimanum: in the countrey of Bataneades, Gauladeaman: And after the conquest of Chanaan so many Cities of the Leuites (by the commaundement of Moses) were appointed to that end that they might giue refuge and habitatior to such sort of offenders. At that time when one of the Magistrates called Salpades, of the tribe of Manasses, was dead (and had onely left behind him children of the worser sexe) the L gouernours of the tribe came vnto Moses, and asked his counsell, whether in the distribution Num. 27. 36 The daughters of Salpades haue their inheritance in their fathers place. of the lands, they should leuie out any part of portion for them: who aunswered them, that if they married within their tribe, they should haue their dowrie; but if they made choyce to handfast themselues in an other tribe, that then they should leese their patrimonie in their owne: and for this cause made he this ordinaunce, to the ende that euerie tribe should continually possesse his proper inheritaunce. But whereas now there remayned but thirtie daies onely, to fulfill the number of those fortie yeares since their departure The historie of Deuteronomy. out of Egypt, he (sommoning an assemblie in that place neere to Iordan, where now the Citie of Abila is scituate, inuironed with a fielde beset with Palme trees) as soone as hee Ruffin, cha. 5. Hedio. chap. 8. Deut. 4. saw the people addressed to heare him, spake vnto them after this manner. M
CHAP. VIII. The yeare of the world. 2493. before Christs birth 1471. A
Moses Lawes, and how he was taken out of this world from the companie of men.
MY deare friends and fellow soldiers, companions in my long trauell, since it is so thought requisite by God, and mine age (attayning to the full number of one hundreth and twentie yeares) requireth no lesse, but that I must depart out of this life; and sinceMoses oration vnto the people before his death.it seemeth not good in Gods sight, that eyther I should be agent; or assistant in your affaires beyond Iordan: I haue thought it requisite that (in as much as appertayneth to your felicitie) I should not now also faile or default in my dutie towards you; but that according to the grace that is giuē me, I should prouide, that by laying open the way vnto you that leadeth to the same, I may B seeme worthie amongst you to merit eternal glorie & memorie. Giue therfore eare vnto me, that when as I haue first declared vnto you, wherein both your felicitie and the happines of your posterity consisteth, and haue left this perpetual testimonie & monument of my intire loue towards you, I may willingly depart out of this life: for well I know that I deserue to be credited by you, both for that before times I haue incessantly (in studying for your profits) neuer deceiued you, as also for that the soule (being readie to be separated from the bodie) becommeth more accomplished in all vertue and veritie. Ye sonnes of Israel, there is but one onely cause whereby men attaine vnto felicitie, to wit, the fauour of God, which he is onely able to giue to those that deserue it, and to withdraw if from those that offend him: towards whom if you continue dutiful (according as he requireth, and in such manner as I according to his direction, do institute you) C you shall neuer faile to multiply in vertue, and to draw all men into emulation of your happines, and that which is more, those goods which you haue now obtayned shall be perpetuall, and that which you want shall shortly be plentifully bestowed on you. Onely indeuour you your selues to be subiect to Gods will, and obedient to his commandements: and neither propose vnto yourMoses exhorteth the people to be obedient to Gods will.selues any other lawes then those I haue giuen you, neither thorow contempt innouate any thing in your religion. Which if you shall performe, you shall excell all other nations in warre, and grow inuincible against your enemies: for by Gods assistance all threats are easily contemned. Moreouer there are great rewards (in all the course of life) proposed vnto vertue, and she her selfe to her selfe is a chiefe and especiall reward: besides, by her all other blessings are easily obtayned, which if you intertaine amongst your selues, you shal both lead a blessed life & obtaine immortal D glorie, not onely amongst straungers, but also in all posterities. These things are you to hope vpon, if neither you your selues violate those lawes which (by Gods commaund, and mine industrie)The promise of Gods assistāce.are set downe vnto you, neither suffer any other to violate the same, but in your selues continually meditate vpon the vnderstanding & vse therof. As for my selfe, I depart this life in fulnes of ioy, reioycing at these your good fortunes, & commending you all to the lawes of pietie and prudence, & the vertue of your guides & magistrates, who hereafter are to take care of your safe [...]ie and felicitie. God likewise, vnder whose conduct you haue liued (and to whose fauour you owe whatsoeuer profit you haue receiued by me) will not faile to take care of you, but (as longObedience to the Magistrates.as you shall honour both him and pietie, so long shall you remaine in securitie vnder his protection: neither shall you want such men, who shall giue you ghostly instructions, whose counsels if E you obey, you shal be fortunate (namely Eleazar the high priest, & Iesus, with the Senate and Magistrates of the tribes) towards whom beware that you grow stifnecked, knowing and remembring this, that he that is instructed to obey well (when he shall attaine vnto dignitie) will gouerne well. Neither suppose you that libertie consisteth herein, if you mutine against the commaundements of your Princes: for hitherto haue you reposed your libertie in your contumacie towards your benefactors; from which sinne if hereafter you shall blesse your selues, you shall see your estate waxe still more flourishing, and fortunate: And God forbid that you should euer be so exasperated against these, as you haue beene sometimes incensed against me. For if you remember your selues, I haue beene more oftentimes in hazard of my life by your meanes, then by the enemie: Which I speake not therefore vnto you to vpb [...]aid you therewith; F for I would not leaue you afflicted with the remembrance hereof, at the houre of my death, (who euen at that time entertained the iniurie with a quiet mind) but to the end that being by mee admonished, you should henceforward bee wiser in those things which hereafter shall concerne you; and least you should grow contumelious against your gouernours, being made proude with the affluence of your riches, which you shall enioy at such time as you haue ouerpassed Iordan, and conquered Chanaan. Otherwise if made more insolent [Page 90] by these blessings you fall into contumacie and contempt of vertue, Gods fauour will neuerThe yeare of the world. 2493. before Christes Natiuity. 1471.G bee extended towards you; whom if by your sinnes you shall incense against your selues, you shall both lose the land which you haue conquered by your courage (by being shamefully oppressed by your enemies) and beeing dispersed ouer the face of the whole earth, you shall fill both the land and sea with your seruitude; which if it should come to passe, then were it too late to repent you, that you haue not obserued the lawes of your nation. Wherefore (to the intent to auoid this danger, and for feare you violate the same) suffer not any of your enemies, after your victorie is once gotten, to liue; and think it more conducible for your affaires, for feare least liuing with them, and entangled in the like studies & delights, you corruptThe Israelites are commanded to kil their enemies, and destroy their idols.and depraue your countrie lawes and institutions. Moreouer, I command you to destroy their woods, their altars, and temples, as many soeuer as you shall meet with, and so to race them both H with fire and flame, as there may not remaine anie token or memorie of them anie more: For so shall you more safely maintaine your estates. But least through ignorance of better things, your nature be depraued by the worser, by Gods commandement I haue written you lawes, and a forme of administration both of the common weale, and your priuate estates; from which if you shall no wayes diuert or wander, you shall proue the most fortunate people of the earth. When he had spoken these things, he deliuered them a booke, containing in writing their lawes, Moses deliuereth the I [...]raelites a booke wherein their lawes and maner of life was written. and customes of good life: which when they had heard and receiued, they melted in teares, and now lamented they both for the losse of their Captaine, as also for that they remembred them how many perils he had suffered, and how diligently he had procured their safetie and securitie: & they grew carefull of the time to come, for that they were not like to recouer so good I a Prince: and they suspected likewise that God would not hereafter be so fauourable vnto them, in that they had not a Moses to pray for them. Besides, they repented them of those things which (through furie) they committed against him in the desart, and were grieuously sorie; so that all the people (breaking out into teares) would admit no consolation. But Moses recomforted them, and prayed them to giue ouer weeping, & encouraged them to receiue their lawes: and so for this time dissolued the assembly. But now before I addresse my self to manifest the rest, I haue thought it meete to insert in this place the lawes of this lawgiuer, worthy both his maiestie and vertue: [...]awes made by Moses. Ru [...]finus. ch. 7. The excuse of the Writer of this Historie why he innouated the order of the lawes. whereby the Reader may know what our lawes haue beene, euen from the first time, and institution of our common weale. For all those things are extant which this man wrote, for that wee neede not faine or affixe anie thing in way of ornament: we haue onely renewed the order, K and those lawes which he scatteringly set downe according as he receiued them from God, we haue generally digested into their places: whereof I thought good to admonish the Reader, for feare least herafter anie of our Tribes comming to the view hereof, should rashly accuse me, for that I had not scarce faithfully deliuered the writings & institutions of Moses. Now will I reckon vp those lawes in especiall, which appertaine to the publike institution and rites of our Nation: but those things that concerne priuate customes and contracts, either betwixt our selues or forraine nations, I haue deferred to bee discoursed of in that commentarie, wherein (by Gods assistance) I intend to debate of our maners and method in sacred causes.
After that you haue gotten the land of Canaan, built your cities, and haue begun in securitie Item the Israelites shall liue in the land of Canaan. A sacred citie and Temple in Canaan. to reape the fruit thereof; in obseruation of these commandements, you shall gratifie God L highly, and establish your atchieued felicitie. Let there be one sacred citie in the region of Canaan, situate in a famous & fertile place, which God shal make choise of for himself, and his Prophets: In the same let there be one onely Temple built, and one Altar erected of rough and vnpolished stones, & such as are gathered here and there, which shall be conueniently placed and finished with decencie, as touching the outward ornament: and let not the ascent of the same be made by degrees, but let the earth be easily and fitly raised. But in anie other Citie let there neither be Altar, nor Temple: for God is one, and the Hebrew nation is one. Whosoeuer shall blaspheme God, let him be stoned to death, and hanged for a day, and bee afterwards ignominiously Blasphemie against God. and obscurely buried.
Let all the Hebrewes from their seuerall prouinces assemble themselues thrise in the yeare M in the sacred Citie and Temple; that they may giue thankes vnto God for the benefites they Leuit. 4. Deut. 16. Thrise in the yeare the Hebrewes ought to meete. haue receiued, and that they may by their prayers demerit his graces in future time; and that by their conuersation and mutuall entertainments, they may increase their beneuolence and loue the one towards the other. For it is behoouefull that they should know one another, who are of the same stocke, and are delighted in the same studies. And this very fitly falleth out by their meetings after this kind of maner, whilest both the countenance and discourse as yet taketh [Page 91] deepe roote in mens minds; as contrariwise, they that neuer meet, it behooueth them to be strangers A The yeare of the world, 2493. before Chri [...]s Na [...]tie, 1571. Tenths. De [...]. 18. the one vnto the other.
Besides, let the tenth part of the fruits (besides them that are due to the Priests and Leuites) which you are accustomed to sell in your markets (being reduced into readie money) be spent on sacrifices and banquets in the sacred Citie. For it is requisite to celebrate feasts in Gods honour of the fruits of the earth, which we haue receiued from his hands.
Let no sacrifice be made of the hire of an harlot: for neither doth any thing delight God which is annexed with iniurie; neither is there greater vncleannes, then the shamefull and vnlawfull The hire of a harlot. mixture of our bodies.
Likewise, if any man take reward for couering a bitch (whether she be for the chase, or for the flocke) it is not lawfull to make sacrifice vnto God thereof. Let no man speake ill of those B gods which other countries and Cities suppose to be gods. Let no man spoile any straunge Other gods. Deut. 22. Linnen and woollen. Deut. 11. The booke of the law is to be read on the fea [...]t of the Tabernacles. Temple, nor take that which is dedicated to any god. Let no man weare a garment wouen of linnen and woollen, for it belongeth onely to the Priests.
Euerie seuenth yeare, when the people shall be assembled together in the sacred Citie to sacrifice vpon the feast of Tabernacles, at such time as the feast approcheth, the high Priest from a high pulpit (from whence he may be heard by the whole multitude) shall read the law vnto all of them: so that neither women nor children shall be exempted from the hearing of the same, no not the verie slaues and bondmen. For it is requisite that they retaine the perpetuall memory thereof alwaies imprinted in their minds: for so shall they sinne the lesse, in that they vnderstand what is decreed in the law. The lawes likewise shall be of more force in the consciences of those C that shall offend, whilest they infixe in the minds of those that heare them, their doctrines intermingled with menaces: so that the wil to performe the law shal neuer be inwardly extinguished; & besides that the remembrance wil liue in thē, how many plagues they incur by contempt therof. Let children in especiall learne the lawes, then which discipline there is not any more honest, neither Children shall learne the law. Deut. 6. more conducible vnto felicitie. Twice in the day, in the morning, & in the euening about bed time, let God be honoured for his benefit of our deliuerance out of Egypt. For it is a thing in [...]ture reasonable, to giue thanks vnto God as well in acknowledgement of the goods which we haue before time receiued, as in expectation of his future mercies. The chiefe of these also are to be written ouer our doores, and worne on our armes: and those things which declare his Th [...] signes of the law. power and beneficence, are to be borne about written on the head and armes, that euerie way D Gods bountie may be seene towards his people. In euerie Citie or township let there be seuen gouernours, such as are approued in vertue and famous for their iustice: let each one of these magistrats The seuen P [...]dents. Honour to the Magistrate. haue two ministers of the tribe of Leui. Let those that are appointed Iudges in the Cities be held in high reputation: so that in their presence no man presume either to vrge contumelies, or iniurious speeches: for so shall it come to passe that men accustomed to doe reuerence, shall also exercise themselues in pietie, and grow so much the farther from contempt of God and his power. Whatsoeuer seemeth good to the Iudges to decree, let that be held inuiolable; except it be apparant that they be corrupted with money, or that they may be manifestly conuicted of a wrongfull iudgement. They ought likewise to iudge without respect of lucre or dignitie, and preferre iustice before all other things: for this iniurie sorteth out to Gods contumelie, as if it were E to be supposed, that he is to be suspected to be weaker then they, for whose sake they wrest the The office of Iudges. law contrarie to equitie: for Gods power is iustice; he therefore that giueth iudgement in fauour and partialitie of great men, he maketh them greater then God himselfe. And if the Iudges cannot Iustice is Gods power. determine of the matter in question (as it oftentimes falleth out) let them referre the cause to the sacred Citie, and then shall the high Priest and the Prophet, with the assistance of the Senate, determine that which shall be conuenient.
The testimonie of one witnesse shall not be receiued, but of three, or at leastwise of two, whose testimonie shall be made good by the examination of their behauiour and life. As for women, it Deut. 19. is not lawfull for them to beare any witnesse; by reason of the leuitie and temeritie of that sexe. Neither is it lawfull for a man seruant to bring in testimonie, by reason of his degenerate and ignoble F The punishment of a falle witnesse. Deut. 21. mind: for it is to be suspected, that either for lucre sake, or for feare, he will depose an vntrue testimonie. And if any false witnesse shall fortune to be beleeued, and he afterwards be conuicted of periurie, let him be subiect to that penaltie, which he should haue endured that should haue beene cast by his false accusation. If manslaughter be committed in any place, and the offender may not be found out, neither there appeare any likelihood, that the man is slaine of malice, Of homicide committed. let there be a diligent and carefull inquisition made (with rewards prefixed to the discouerer) [Page 92] but if no probabilities or coniectures may be gathered, then let the magistrates of the G The yeare of the world, 2493. before Christs birth 1471. next Cities (that adioyne the place where the slaughter is committed) and the ancients of the same, assemble together, and measure from the place where the dead bodie lieth: and let the township that is found to be neerest, and the inhabitants thereof, buy a Heifer which they shall bring into a place vnlaboured and vnplanted, where they shall (after they haue cut the nerues of the necke) kill it, and the Priests, the Leuites and ancients of the Citie shall wash their hands in the bloud: then shall they lift vp their hands ouer the head of the said Heifer, and crie out with a loud voice, that they haue their hands cleane frō that homicide, the which they haue not done, neither were they present at such time as it was perpetrated; and they shall call vpon the mercie of God, beseeching him not to permit that any such grieuous accident euer fall out in their countrey. H
The gouernment of the Peeres is the best kind of regiment of all other sorts of gouernment, take you therefore heed that you desire no other forme of pollicy, but retaine and continue the Aristocracie the best kind of gouernment. Deus. 17 same, hauing no other superiours but the lawes; and managing your affaires by your selues. For it sufficeth you that God is your Prince.
Yet notwithstanding if you shall grow in desire to haue a King, see that you elect one of your owne nation, that he in all things be studious to procure iustice and all other vertues, perswading Of the election of a king. himselfe that God and the lawes are most vpright: Let him not vndertake any thing without the aduice of the high Priest, and the counsell of the elders. Let him not haue diuers wiues, neyther let him hunt after huge treasures, nor multitudes of horse: for feare least possessing them, he become so insolent, as that he raise his power and will aboue the lawes: and if you see him affectioned I vnto these things, beware least he grow more puissant then is expedient for you.
It is not lawfull for any man to remoue the land markes, neither of his owne land, or any other mans whatsoeuer; for by this meanes is the peace conserued: Let each one therefore forbeare Deus 19. The bounds of lands are not to be remoued to remooue them, because they are as the voyce of God, assured for euer. For warres and soldiers are raised thereby, when such as would augment their inheritance, striue alwaies to enlarge the bounds of their dominion: And they that are so hardie to remooue the same, are not farre from contempt of the lawes.
He that shall plant a peece of ground, and the trees begin to fructifie before the fourth yeare, the first fruits thereof shall not be offerd vnto God, neither shall any man eate thereof, by reason Leui [...]. 25. The plants that are not of foure yeares grouth are prohibited. that the time is inconuenient, and permitteth not that the trees should fructifie as yet; and nature K her selfe is as it were inforced before her time, whereby the fruite is neither conuenable for God, nor conuenient for the vse of man. But all that fruit that shall grow in the fourth yeare (for then is the time that the trees should beare) shall be gathered and brought into the holy Citie (together with the tenth of all other fruits) and they shalbe eaten during the feast which the Lord therof maketh to his friends, and with Orphanes and Widowes: But in the fift yeare it shall be lawfull for him to gather the fruit for himselfe.
Sow not a field that is planted with vines, for it sufficeth that it nourisheth one sort of plants: so that it needeth not to be laboured and manured with the plough. The land is to be plowed Vines to [...] planted. The law of the plough. with Oxen: neither are any other sorts of beasts to be yoaked with them, but the tillage must alwaies be performed by beasts of the same kind. L
The seeds also ought to be cleane and without any mixture; so that two or three sorts ought not to be sowed together: for nature alloweth not a commixtion of things that are different.
It is not lawfull also to couer the female with a male of an other kind: for it is to be feared that this filthines should draw men to forget themselues; and grow in contempt of that sexe which is appropriate vnto them: for it often falleth out, that from small beginnings things waxe worser and worser. For nothing ought to be admitted, by the imitation whereof, there might chance to grow any maime in policie: for which cause the lawes dissemble not (no not the lightest) things, to the end they may no way seeme to be deficient in their nature.
They that mow and reape corne, ought not to gleane, but to leaue some eares for those that are in necessitie, to the end to succour them. They likewise that plant vines, ought to leaue some M clusters for the poore, and some fruit on the Oliue trees, to the intent that they that haue none of these, may gather some little thing for their reliefe: for the owners of the field shall not reape so much profit by the sparing inning of their corne, as may be compared with the good and profit Som gleanings are to be left for the poore in the field. which the poore shall reape by their gleaning: for God will bring to passe that their land (who regard not their particular profit, but shall haue care of the nourishment of those that are in necessitie, shal be farre more fat and fertile to bring forth and nourish her fruit.
[Page 93] Neither is the mouth of the Oxe to be mouzled, at such time as he treadeth the corne in the The yeare of the world. 2493. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1571. De [...]. 25. Oxen [...]eading or g [...]inding. Trauelle [...]s a [...]e not to be d [...] uen away from ripe fruits. A mowe: for it standeth not with reason, that they who haue beene partakers of the labour, and haue trauelled for the increase of the fruites, should bee bridled from the vse and benefite thereof.
Neither ought the trauailer also in his iourney to be denied to gather and taste the fruits of Autumne; but he is to be permitted to take his fill, as if they were his owne, whether hee be of the countrey or a stranger, who shall depart ioyfully, in that they haue beene made partakers of such fruite; but it is not lawfull for them to carie anie away with them.
They likewise that gather grapes, ought not to forbid any man to taste of them as they beare them to the presse: for it is an vniust thing, that the goods which are giuen by the will of God for the sustenance of man, should be denied them that desire to taste the fruit which God B giueth in due season, and must sodainly passe away.
They likewise are to be inuited, that through shame make nice to touch the same, yea and to be intreated to take part (if they be Israelites) for such are companions and maisters, in that they are of the same race; and if they trauell into anie place they ought to be intreated to take part of those benefites which God presented vnto them according to the season. For it is not to be supposed, that that is ill imployed, which in way of curtesie a man permitteth another man to take, since it is God that furnisheth and giueth the abundance and fo [...]son of all things, not to the end to enioy them in priuate, but also to bestow them willingly; and he it is that by this means would declare vnto other people, the good will he beareth to the people of Israel, and the felicitie whereof he maketh them partakers, by reason that in that abundance which they haue, his will is C that other men should haue part thereof. But whosoeuer shall do the contrarie, let him be chastised Thirtie nin [...] stripes. for this his dishonestie, and in publike receiue thirtie nine stripes (if he be a free man) for that making himselfe a slaue vnto his gaine, he hath dishonoured his excellent qualitie.
It shall verie well become you (said Moses) since you haue tasted miseries both in Egypt and the desart; that you haue care of those who are in like estate; and for that you are made rich by Gods mercie and prouidence, it behooueth and becommeth you to impart somewhat to the indigent, who at the present are in that estate in which you were.
Besides the two tenthes which I commaunded you yearely to pay (the one to the Leuites, and The tenth for the poo [...]e. The first fruits Deu [...]. 26. the other for your festiuals) you shal for euery yeare annexe a third, to be distributed amongst the poore, to women, widowes and orphanes. D
Incontinently after a man hath gathered his first fruits, he shall bring them to the Temple; & after he hath giuen thanks vnto God (for that the land which he hath giuen him in possessiō hath brought forth fruit) and as soone as he hath accomplished that sacrifice (which the law commandeth him to make) he shall giue the first portion to the Priests. And after he hath done all that which concerneth him to do (as well the tenths vnto the Leuites, as also those other things which were ordained for the feasts, and first fruits) being readie to returne vnto his home, let him stand vpright neere vnto the Temple, and aboue all things, giue thanks vnto God, that hauing deliuered them from the grieuous seruitude of Egypt, he hath giuen them a plentifull and ample land to enioy: and making protestation that he hath paid the tenths according to Moses law, let him beseech God that he will be fauourable both to himselfe in priuate, and the Hebrewes in E publique; and that he will continue those goods vnto him which hitherto he hath bestowed vpon him, and of his great goodnesse and mercie vouchsafe to encrease them.
Let those that are of full yeares to be married, match themselues with vertuous virgins, and Of marriage. such as are borne of honest parents. And he that will not take a virgin to wife, let him not abuse himselfe with one that is married to another man, least he breed discontent and sorrow in her first husband. Let not free men match themselues with such as are seruants, no not although they be Free men ought not to marry seruāts. thereunto moued by loue. For it is a thing worthie and besitting honour, to surmount a mans affections. Let no man meddle with an Harlot (whose sacrifice God refuseth, by reason of the filthinesse The marriage of an harlot. of her bodie.) For the children shall be of a free heart, and addressed in vertue, not if they be engendred in villanous and vnlawfull concupiscence; but if they be begotten and borne F by a free father and mother. If anie one that is married for a virgin, bee afterwards found to the contrarie, let her be brought before the Iudge, and let him produce all the signes that hee can, The penaltie of a woman married for a virgin, and not found so. and let the new married wiues cause be defended by her father, or brother, or by them who next vnto them shall seeme to be her next in bloud; and if the Damosell be found to haue committed no crime, let her returne & dwell with him that hath accused her, who cannot any more refuse her, except she giue him great occasions, whereunto she cannot contradict. But hee that Deu [...]. 24. [Page 94] without cause and rashly shall accuse and slaunder his wife, he shall be punished with thirtie nine G The yeare of the world. 2493. before Christes Natiuity. 1471. stripes; and in way of amends shall pay fiftie sicles to her father. But if it be proued that she hath beene defloured; and hath beene common, then shall she be stoned to death, for that she hath not chastlie conserued her virginitie, till the time of her lawfull marriage; and if she be of the race of the Priests, she shall be burned aliue.
If any man haue two wiues, the one of which he holdeth in great honour and amitie, either for loue, or by reason of her beautie; and that the other be not in the like condition and estimate; Deut 21. The first begotten should hold his right. if the sonne of her that is better beloued, demaundeth to haue the prerogatiue of the elder, which is two portions of that which commeth to all the rest by his fathers patrimonie (for so much import our ordinances) and challengeth the same by reason that his father more dearely loueth his mother then the other, let it not be granted him. For it is an act against iustice, H that the eldest should be depriued of that which appertaineth vnto him, because his mothers condition is inferiour to that of the others, by reason of his fathers affection.
Whosoeuer shall violate a maiden being betrothed to another man (if by perswasion she hath consented to lie with him) let her die with him. For they are both of them equally guiltie The punishment of adulterie, or rather rauishing, Deut. 22. of sinne: the man, because he hath perswaded the maiden to suffer an insufferable dishonour, and to preferre her lust before an honest mariage: and the maid, for suffering her selfe to be ouercome, and abandoning her bodie to villany either for lust or lucres sake: But if meeting her alone he inforce her, and she haue none to succour her hard by, let him die alone.
He that shall defloure the virgin that is vnmarried, he shall take her to wife: but if he condescend not to the father to entertaine her in wedlocke, he shall pay fiftie sicles for amends of I The deflouring of a virgin the iniurie.
If any man pretend to separate himselfe from his wife for certaine causes, such as ordinarily happen amongst married couples: let him confirme it in writing, that he will neuer more entertaine her againe, and so may she marrie againe vnto another, and refuse the former husband: And if it hapned that she were euill intreated by the second, or that he being dead, the first would take her againe in marriage, it is not lawfull for the wife to returne vnto him.
If the brother of him that is deceased without issue, take to wife her whom his deceased brother had married; and that the sonne which was borne by this second wedlocke, beareth his name: let Leuit. 25. The wife of the dead brother married. him be brought vp as the successor of his inheritāce (which thing is granted for publike profit sake K to the end that families should not come to ruine, and that the goods should remaine to those of the same kinred.) Furthermore it is allowed for the comfort of afflicted women, that they may be ioyned in marriage with the next akin of their first husbands: but if the brother will not take her to wife, she shall repaire vnto the Senate and make this protestation, that the brother of her deceased husband will not intertaine her (although she had desired to remaine in that line, and bring forth infants vnto him) protesting that by him onely the memorie of her deceased husband was dishonoured. And when the Senate shall haue examined the cause why he estrangeth himselfe from this marriage, his excuse shall be allowed of how great or sleight consequence soeuer it be; and then shall the widow vnloose his shoe, and spit in his face, and tell him that he hath deseruedly suffered these things, in that he hath iniured the memorie of his dead brother: and L thus shall he depart out of the court, being defamed for his whole life time, and the woman may marry whomsoeuer she list.
If any man take a virgin prisoner, or such a one as hath beene alreadie married, and bee desirous to take her to his wife, it is not lawfull for him to touch or approch her before such time as Marriage with a bondman. Deut. 21. she hath beene shauen, and (hauing put on her mourning apparrell) hath bewailed her parents, or friends slaine in battell: but after she hath in this sort asswaged her sorrow, she may afterwards addict her selfe to mirth and marriage. For it is a matter both honest and iust, that he that entertaineth her to haue issue by her, should condescend vnto her wil in all that wherein he might gratifie her, and that he should not onely addict himselfe to the pursuit of his pleasure: when as then The lamentation & mour ning of thirtie daies. the thirtie daies of mourning shall be expired (for that time is sufficient for the wife to bewaile M her friends in) then may she harken after marriage: and if after he hath had his pleasure with her, it fortune that he mislike her, and will not accept her for his wife, he can no more make her his slaue, but she may goe whither soeuer she pleaseth, for that she beareth with her, her liberite.
All those young men that shall make no reckoning of their fathers and mothers, and that shall not doe them that honour which belongeth vnto them (whether the same proceed of shame, or Deut. 21. Disobedience. [...]. spring from folly, by which meanes they grow to neglect their dutie) these first of all shall be [Page 95] admonished by discreete counsel of their parents (who are by nature appointed sufficient iudges The yeare of the world. 2493. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1571. A in that behalfe) who shall signifie vnto them, that they were matched together in matrimonie, not for their pleasures sake, neither that by vniting their possessions, they might become the more richer; but to the end they might beget children, who might nourish them in their age, and minister vnto them in their necessities. That they had receiued them at Gods hands with great thanksgiuing and infinite ioy, and brought them vp with great care and diligence, sparing nothing that might appertaine to their sustenance or instruction. Now therfore (shall they say, surely the follies of youth are to be pardoned) let this suffice you that hitherto you haue forgotten your duetie: for which cause, remember your selfe, and grow wise: thinking with your selfe that God is grieuously offended against those who disobey or disdaine their parents, by reason that he himselfe is the father of all mankind, who seemeth to be preiudiced in himselfe, in that dishonour B which is done vnto those that beare his name, at such time as they receiue not such dutie from their childrens hands, as he commaundeth. The law likewise inflicted an meuitable punishment against such, which thou oughtest with all prouidence to preuent and not incurre. If by these medicines the vnbridled irregard of youth may be healed, let no man either impute or reproch him in his submission: for in so doing, the law-maker shall be accounted mercifull, and the parents shall be held to be happie, when as they see that their sonne or daughter is exempt from punishment. But if such speeches and instructions of the father are set light by the sonne, let the lawes be irreconciliable enemies against such continuall outrages committed by the children against their parents, and let them drag them out of the Citie in the sight and presence of all the people, and there let him be stoned to death: and after the offender hath lien there a whole day in C the sight of the people, let him be interred and buried by night. In like manner ought they to be buried, who for any occasion whatsoeuer are condemned and executed by iustice.
Let the enemie also be enterred after the same manner, and let no dead man lye vnburied after such time as he hath beene iudged, and hath satisfied the lawes. Enemies to be buried. Deut. 23.
It is not lawfull for any Hebrewe to lend vpon vsurie, whether it be meat or drinke: for it is an vniust thing to make profit of the forumes of the tribes; but it is better to succour their necessities; and impute their thanksgiuing and Gods retribution, to be a gaine vnto them, which are wont to follow such kind of benefits. But they that haue borrowed either money or any fruit, either drie or moist; when as by the fauour and assistance of God, they shall reape their owne That which is borrowed must be paid. Deut. 24. A pledge. haruest and gather their fruit, let them make a willing restitution to those that haue lent them, D as if they laid them vp for themselues, to possesse them at such time as they had need of them. But if there be any so impudent as they will not make satisfaction, let no man enter into their houses to take a pawne, before the iudges haue giuen order that the pledge should be demanded before their doore; and the debter without contradiction shall bring it vnto him, being assisted by the maiestie of the law. If he of whom the pledge is taken haue sufficient abilitie, the creditor may retaine the gage, till such time as he be paid: but if he be poore, he shall restore him his pawne before the sunne set; and especially if it be any garment whereon he is accustomed to sleepe: for God doth naturally bestow his mercy on those that are poore. It is not lawful to receiue in way of gage either a mill, or ought else that belongeth thereunto; least any debter should be depriued of the necessarie instruments to prouide his victuals with, and he should endure any E euill thorow pouertie. Let him that committeth any theft be punished with death, but he that hath stolne either gold or siluer, let him restore it twofold. If any man kill such as breake into Theft. their houses to rob them, or they that breake their walles, let not such a one be punished. Who so shall steale a beast shall restore foure for it, except it be an Oxe, for which one shall satisfie fiuefolde and if the thiefe want meanes to pay this penaltie, let him be their slaue against whom they haue trespassed, and at whose suit they are condemned. If any one be sold vnto one of his owne tribe, let him serue him seuen yeares, and at the seuen yeares end, he shall depart with libertie: An Hebrew slaue is to be set at liberty after seuen yeares. but if during the time that he remaineth with the buyer, he beget any child vpon a female fellow slaue, and that he be willing to serue by reason of the good affection and great amitie that he beareth vnto the house, in the yeare of lubile (which happeneth euerie fiftith yeare) let him be set F at liberty, leading away with him his children, & wife, with their freedom. If any man find money or gold by the way, let him seeke out him that hath lost it, and make knowne the place where he Goods that are sound. found it, to the intent he may restore it, knowing that the profit is not good, which commeth and accrueth by an other mans iniurie. The like is to be done with beasts, for if any man find them straied in the desart, if he find not out the owner, let him presently keepe it by him, taking God to witnesse that he will not detaine with him an other mans goods. If any man find an other [Page 96] mans beasts bemired or bebogd, let him not passe further, but succour them: or if he find them G The yeare of the world. 2493. before Christes Natiuity. 1471. trauailed with foule weather, let him indeuour himselfe to saue the same, and helpe him that is the owner, not sparing or making nice of any labour.
Let each man direct the ignorant trauailer in his way, and set him in the right path if he wander, without deluding him, or hindering him in his necessities, or misleading him in his iourney. Let no man speake ill of him that is either absent or deafe. If any man be stroken in a quarrell, and it be not with a weapon, let him that stroke him be presently punished in receiuing the like Deut. 22 The law of violence. outrage, as he hath offered him. But if he be caried into his house, and lie sicke vpon it diuers daies, and in the end die thereof, he shall be exempt of the penaltie. But if he escapeth, and during the time of his sicknes hath beene greatly hindred and charged; then let him that stroke him pay all the charges he hath beene at during the time he kept his bed, and satisfie the Phisitions. H He that with his foot shall strike a woman with child, if the woman miscarry, he shall be by the Iudges amerced in a summe of money: for that he hath lesned the number of the people by the losse of him that is dead in his mothers wombe. Let him likewise be condemned to pay a summe of money vnto the husband. But if the woman die of the stroke, he that offered the violence must die the death also, by reason that the law iustly ordaineth, that life should be satisfied with life.
Let not any one among the Israelites vse any mortall poyson, nor any drugge that may do hurt vnto any man: and if any man be found with such things about him, let him die, dying that death Poyson. which he determined they should suffer, for whō he had prepared the poyson. Who so hath maimed any man, or puld out his eye, let him in like manner be maimed and blinded, being depriued Talions law. I of the same member of his bodie whereof he hath depriued another man; except he that is maimed had rather haue a pecuniarie amends, by reason that the law remitteth it to the election of the offender to estimate his iniurie, and if he will be more seuere he may. If any one haue an Oxe that striketh with his horne, let him kill him: and if the same Oxe striketh and killeth any Of an Oxe striking with his horne. man in the field, or mow, let him be stoned to death, and let no man eate the flesh thereof. And if it be approued that the master which oweth the same hath heretofore knowne the qualitie of the beast, and hath not taken order he should do no harme, let him also he put to death, as being the author of the murther committed by the Oxe. But if the said Oxe kill a slaue, either male or female, he shall be stoned; and the owner thereof shall pay thirtie fieles to the master of the slaue that is slaine. If one Oxe be strooken by another, so as he die thereof, let both of them (both K that which is dead, and that which stroke the other to death) be sold, and the price thereof shall be departed equally betwixt both their owners. They that dig a pit or cesteme, must be carefull that they inclose and fence it in with planks or bars, not to hinder any man from drawing water, Deut. 21. A pit. but least any man by misfortune should fall into the same. And if any mans beast shall fall into the same (and it vndefenced) the owner of the pit must pay to the owner of the beast the price thereof: and euer after let it be conered as it were with a wall; for feare least any thereafter fall into the same. Let him that receiueth any thing in trust keepe it carefully, as a thing sacred and Deut. 24. diuine; and let neither man nor woman attempt to alien that which is committed to his custody, although thereby he might gaine an infinite sum of gold; and although there were not any man that could conuince him therof. For since that generally the conscience knoweth the same, euery L one ought to indeuour himselfe to deale vprightly; & supposing himselfe to be a sufficient witnes against himselfe, let him do those things which are laudable in the sight of men, but in especiall that which is pleasing to God; from whose sight no wrongfull dealing is concealed: if notwithstanding he to whom this trust is committed (without any fraud on his part) shall chance to lose the thing that is so left in trust; let him present himself before seuen Iudges, and there take an oth that nothing is lost by his wil or witting; & that he hath not conuerted any part dierof to his own vse, whereupon let him be dismissed without any further enquirie. But if he haue made vse of the least part of that which hath beene committed to his charge & trust, and that he happen to lose it, In the same place. he shall be condemned to restore all that which was committed to his keeping. As it hath beene ordained in respect of matters in trust, the like is decreed as touching hire which is due vnto the M labourer; and let each man take heed least he defraud a poore man of his hire, knowing that Hire. God gaue him his hands in stead of lands and other possessions. For which cause the paiment of hire ought not to be deferred, but satisfied the same day, by reason that God permitteth not that the labourer should lose the fruit of his trauell. The children shall not be punished for the misdeeds Children are not to be punished for their parents offences. of their parents, but if they be vertuous and are begotten by lewde fathers, they rather merit that men should haue compassion of them, then that they should hate them: neither are [Page 97] the offences of the children to be imputed to the parents, by reason that youth oftentimes engageth A The yeare of the world, 2493. before Christs Natiuitie, 1471. Eunuches. it selfe in those follies, which he neither learned by examples, nor for which he endureth not to be reproued. Eunuches are to be detested, and their companies to be fled, because they depriue themselues of manhood, and the gift of begetting children, which God hath giuen vnto men for the increase of mankind. Such people therefore are to be driuen farre from vs, and esteemed wholie inexcusable, who kill their children before they be borne. For it is a matter verie manifest, that their spirits being effeminate, their bodies also are degenerate. Each thing also that is monstrous to behold, is to be driuen away: neither is it lawfull to geld either men or beasts. Let this be the disposition of those lawes, wherewith you shall be pollicied and gouerned in time of peace, and God be fauourable vnto you, and giue you grace to vse them in good order, and without confusion. And since it cannot otherwise be but that humane affaires must somtimes B fall into troubles and daungers, somewhiles beyond desire and expectation, and otherwhiles of set purpose: I will briefely set you downe certaine lawes as touching that point, to the intent that being fore instructed of that which you ought to do, you may haue aboundance of holsome remedies, and being well prouided and instructed in that which you ought to do, you may preuent and not fall into any daunger and calamitie.
God grant that you may inioy the countrey (which he hath giuen you) in contempt of trauels, and in exercise of vertues: and that you may possesse the same in securitie and peace, and that strangers may not leuie armies to ouerthrow you, and that no ciuill mutinie may be raised amongst you, which may bring to passe that that, which hath been well ordered and decreed by your auncestors, doe come to nought, when you shall happen to commit the contrarie. Liue C therefore, and persist you to conforme your selues to those lawes, which both God hath approued for good, and hath also giuen you. But if perhaps your selues at this present, or your successours hereafter, shall fortune to entertaine and vndertake a warre, God grant it may happen without The lawes of warre. Deut., 20. Heraulds to be sent. the confines of your countrey: But if the matter must needs be tried out by the sword, you shall send certaine heraulds to your destinated enemies. For before you enter battell, it shall be requisite first of all to parlee with them, and to declare vnto them that you haue a great army, and horses, and weapons, and (besides all these) that you haue Gods fauour and assistance: who shall require them therefore that you may not be inforced to warre against them, nor to make bootie of their goods, and to carrie them away in spight of their resist. If they condescend vnto any reasonable conditions, then entertaine peace; making your accompt that they are stronger D then you be: but if they will needs offer you iniurie, you shall lead foorth your army against them, hauing God for your Generall and soueraigne conductor; and for his Lieutenant, him whom you your selues haue chosen; surpassing all the rest in valour. For whereas there are diuers commanders, it falleth out that that which ought necessarily and readily to be executed, is hindered; and commonly the issue is vnfortunate, where there are diuers commanders. Let your army be generally leuied of men that are strong in body, and hardie in courage, and sequester from your armie him that is fearefull, least such men hapning to flie when they ought to fight, do giue your enemies the aduantage. Let them also be free from warre, who hauing built them a new house, haue not enioyed the same for a yeares space; as also he, that hath planted a vineyard and hath not gathered the fruit thereof; and besides these, he that hath wedded a wife, and hath E not as yet brought her home to his house: least being transported with the desire of these things, and reseruing themselues to their forsaken pleasures, in the behalfe of their wiues, they fight but faintly and coldly.
But when you haue brought your army into the field, take heed you commit no outrage: and when you shall assault any Cities, if you fortune to haue any need of matter to make engins of; grub not the land, neither see you cut downe the fruitfull trees, but spare them, remembring you Fruitfull trees are not to be cut downe. that they are planted for the good of men, and that if they could speake they would accuse you, alledging that without cause of warre they are ill intreated against all right: and that if they had the power to depart from thence, they would dislodge and remoue into another countrey.
But when the battell is ended, and the day is yours, kill all those enemies that resisted you in F the skirmish, the rest reserue as your tributaries (except the people of the land of Chanaan, for The Chanaanites are wholy to be extinguished. Deut 30. 31. 32 33. 34. Moses song and blessing. they with all their families are to be ruinated.) Beware also (but especially in warre) that neither a woman vse a mans apparrell, neither a man a womans raiment. These are the lawes which Moses left. He gaue them likewise certaine institutions (which he had written fortie yeares before that time) whereof we will speake in an other treatise. Some few daies after (for he assembled the people sixe daies one after the other) he gaue them his blessing, and pronounced his maledictions [Page 98] against those which should not liue according to his lawes, but should transgresse the determinations The yeare of the world, 2493 before Christs birth 1471. G thereof: He red also vnto them a Poeme of sixe measures (which he had enregistred in the holy booke) contayning a prediction of things to come, according to which all things haue and doe fall out, without varying any waies from the truth and veritie. These volumes and the Arke, gaue he vnto the Priests; in which he also placed the ten commaundements written in the two tables. He committed also vnto them the custodie of the Tabernacle. He likewise exhorted the people that (at such time as by force they had conquered the promised countrey, and were planted therein) they should not forget the iniurie which the Amalechites had done vnto them, but that they should lead forth their army against them, and take vengeance of the wrongs The Amalechites to be punished. they had done them, at such time, as they were in the desart. And commaunded them that as soone as they had taken the countrey of Chanaan, they should exterminate and extinguish all H the people.
He willed them also to erect an Altar toward the rising of the sunne (not farre from the citie of Sichem, betweene two mountaines, the one Garizim, on the right hand; and the other called Gebal, on the left) and that distributing the people into two parts (sixe tribes in euery part) they should plant them on the mountaines. And he commaunded that the Leuites and Priests should be with them, to the intent that they first of all that were vpon the mountaine of Garizim, should beseech God that he would multiply his blessings vpon them that should be zealous of his seruice, and carefull of the conseruation of his lawes, without diuerting from that which Moses had commaunded. The sixe other also were appointed to answere the like: and when as likewise these six last had praied the sixe first were to answere them, and confirme that which they had pronounced. I This done, they pronounced maledictions against the transgressors (each one answering other) in ratification of that which had beene spoken. He reduced also vnder writing these blessings and curses, to the intent that the memorie thereof might neuer be suppressed or extinguished by time, which he also (being neere vnto his death) caused to be written in the Altar on the one side thereof, in that part which extended it selfe toward the place where the people stood, at such time as they sacrificed and offered burnt offerings. Since which day there were no more sacrafices offered in that place: because it was contrarie to law. Thus did Moses establish, Deut. 29. and these the Hebrewe nation obserue continually and vnuiolably, euen vnto this day.
On the next morrow, he reassembled all the people, themselues, their wiues, and children: he likewise commaunded that the slaues should be there present, binding them by an oth that they K Moses bindeth the Hebrewes by an oth to keepe the law. should maintaine & keepe the lawes, and that diligently tying themselues to the will of God, they should not so much esteeme either their kinred, or meanes of perils, or any other cause whatsoeuer, as that thereby they should be driuen to neglect their lawes, or depart from the ordinances thereof: but whether it were any one of their kinred, or any Citie whatsoeuer, that would seeke to alter and disturbe the same, or striue to weaken the estate thereof, that both in particular and in publike, they should expose themselues and endeuour to punish them: and if they should fortune to take such a Citie, that they should race and vtterly deface the same; and if it were possible not to leaue one stone vpon another, but to destroy the foundation. But if they were too feeble to take such a reuenge, yet that they should make it knowen that they were not consenting to their impietie. Hereunto the whole people subscribed and sealed it with an oth. L He afterwards told them, how the people should know when the sacrifice were agreeable vnto God, and how they ought to march out to battell, taking a signe of the stones of which I haue forespoken.
Iosuah likewise, during the life and in the presence of Moses, foreprophecied whatsoeuer he intended to performe for the profit of the people, either abroad in the administration of warre, or home in prescribing lawes; and preparing them to an order of life (which was newly prescribed them) he told them that by instructions from God he foreprophecied, that if they violated their countrey religion, they should not escape their destruction; for that both their country should be filled with forraine armes, and their Cities sackt, and their Temple burnt, & that they themselues should be sold vnder the speare, & that they should serue a nation which would not be moued M or touched with commiseration of their afflictions and miseries; and that at length they should too lately and vnprofitably repent them of their errour: yet that God their establisher should restore Cities to the Citizens, and a Temple to his people: And that it should come to passe, that they should not lose this only one time, but also very many times. Then did Moses also exhort Iesus that he should lead his army against the Chanaanits, promising him that God would be assistant in his actions, prophecying besides much good hap vnto the people. Moses exhorteth Iosuah.
[Page 99] ‘Since that (saith he) I go vnto mine ancestors, and that God hath prefixed this day and time The yeare of the world. 2493. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1471. Deut 31. Deut. 33. 34. A of my departure, I protest before you, that liuing as yet and standing in your presence. I giue him thanks for the care and prouidence, which he hath hitherto had of your affaires, not onely in propulsing your aduersaries, but also in largely imparting his blessings vnto you, and for that he hath alwaies fauourably helpt me whilst I indeuoured by my labour and care to reduce your fortunes to a better state: And that which is more, it is he that hath giuen both the entrance and the issue; making vse of me but as his committee and seruant in all that good, which he would should be done vnto his people. For all which things I haue thought it requisite, that (in departing from you) I should blesse the power of God, who in time to come shall haue the care and charge of you: And to acquit my selfe of that debt, I leaue you this in remembrance, which is, that you ought to serue and honour him, and reuerence the ordinances which he hath giuen you, B whereby (continuing his fauours towards you) he will grant you grace to conserue and keepe this excellent gift. Truly that law-maker (that were no more then a man) would be greatly displeased and highly discontented with those men, who should violate his ordinances, and should set them at noughts: doe not you therefore tempt God, who is prouoked vnto anger, when those lawes, which he himselfe hath established and giuen you, shall be contemned and neglected.’
Whilest Moses pronounced these his last words, and discoursed vnto the tribes their seuerall The Hebrewes lamentation at Moses death. destinies, the whole multitude brake into teares; and the women beating their breasts, shewed and expressed the sorrow they had conceiued at his death. The children likewise lamented, making it knowne that they could not be masters of their owne sorrow, because that in their tender yeares they had vnderstood the vertue and famous acts of Moses; and betwixt the elder C and younger sort, there was as it were a conflict who should weepe more bitterly: for the one vnderstanding of how worthie a gouernour they were depriued, lamented the time to come; and the other were perplexed, because they should then forsake him, before they had sufficiently tasted and made triall how great his vertue was. But how great the compassion and complaint of the people was, a man may make coniecture by this that then befell the Prophet. For although he were assuredly perswaded, that a man was not to lament vpon the instant of his death (in that it chanced vnto him both according to the will of God, and the law of nature) yet he beholding the affection of the people could not temperate and restraine himselfe from teares: And whilest he was borne thither where he vanished out of their sight, all of them followed him, wetting their faces and bosomes with flowing teares. Then did Moses (beckening with his hand) warne D them from a farre off, that they should stand stil and keep their places, & exhorted them that were neerest him, by word of mouth, that they should not follow nor prosecute him any further with teares, for feare least they should make his departure tragicall and lamentable. Onely the Senate led him forth, and Eleazar the high Priest, and the chiefetaine Iesus. And when he was arriued vpon the mountaine called Abarim (which is verie hie, and scituate neere vnto Iericho, and from whence he might discouer the greater part of the land of Chanaan) he dismissed the elders: and whilest with mutuall embraces he tooke his last leaue of Eleazar and Iesus, and discoursed with them, a cloud sodainly enuironed him, and he was taken away into a certaine valley: but in the scripture he writeth that he died, fearing least for the excellencie of his vertue, they might report that he was rauished and taken away by God. The whole time of his life was one E hundreth and twentie yeares, the third part whereof he spent in gouernment (one month onely Moses when he died was 120, yeares old. exempted.) He died the last month of the yeare, & the first day of that month which the Macedonians call Dystrus, and our countrimen Adar. Of all men the wisest that euer was, and who in execution of his good counsels had no man to equall him. Moreouer in eloquence he was incomparable, Amongst the Hebrewes Adar is the 12. month, but amongst vs it is called March. and in dexteritie and grace to intertaine and perswade the people, he had no second: and so were his affections alwaies leuelled and limited by his wisedome, that he seemed vtterly to want them, and that onely he knew the names of those passions which he perceiued to be too actiue in other men. In his gouernment he was matchlesse, in his prophecies peerlesse, so that all the orations that he made seemed to be Oracles. For which cause the whole multitude mourned for him during the terme of thirtie daies: neither were the Hebrewes euer seased with so extreme F griefe, as they were at that time when the Prophet died; neither did he onely leaue behind Moses was a good gouernour, and a great prophet. him a present desire of him, but a great estimation amongst all men, who haue euer chanced to read and examine his writings, whilst by them they make estimate of his vertues. And these are those things which I thought good to be spoken of the death of Moses.
THE FIFTH BOOKE G OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 How Iesus Generall of the Hebrewes, hauing ouercome and slaine the Chanaanites, deuided their land amongst the Tribes by Lot.
- 2 How after the death of the Generall, the Israelites (neglecting the ordinances of their forefathers) fell into extreme calamities, and thorow a ciuill warre that was raised amongst them, there were but 300. of the tribe of Beniamin left aliue.
- 3 How for their impietie the people of Israel were deliuered by God into captiuitie under the Assyrians.
- 4 Their libertie by Cenizus.
- 5 How the people once more were ouercome by the Moabites, and exempt from seruitude by Iodes I otherwise called Ehud.
- 6 How they were brought vnder the subiection of the Chanaanites, and restored to their libertie by Barac.
- 7 How the Amalechites (hauing entred the countrey of the Israelites, and conquered them) possessed and spoyled the same for the space of seuen yeares.
- 8 How Gedeon deliuered the people.
- 9 How some successors of Gedeon waged warre against the neighbour nations round about them.
- 10 Of Sampsons strength, and what mischiefes he did in Palestine.
- 11 How the sonnes of Eli the Prophet were slaine in battell by the Palestines.
- 12 How Eli (hearing of the death of his sonnes, and the losse of the Arke) fell downe from his K throne and died.
CHAP. I.
How Iesus Generall of the Hebrewes, hauing ouercome and slaine the Chanaanites, deuided their land amongst the tribes by Lot.
AFter that Moses had bin taken from amongst men (after the manner as I haue The yeare of the world. 2494. before Christes Natiuity. 1470. declared) and that all whatsoeuer he had ordained, was dulie performed, and his funerall obsequies were at an end: Iesus commaunded the people to prepare themselues, and to march forward into battell. He sent espials likewise into Iericho, who might both sound their minds, and discouer their forces: L Iesus sendeth spies into Iericho. presently after he dislodged, and encamped in the open field, intending with all expedition to passe the riuer of Iordan, as soone as any oportunitie offered it selfe. Then assembled he together the Princes of the tribes of Ruben and Gad, and the halfe tribe of Manasses (for to this half tribe the countrey of the Amorites was giuen for an habitation, which was the seuenth part of Chanaan) and remembred them of that which they had promised vnto Moses, entreating them (in memorie and fauour of him, who in the last period of his life was not wearied to take care of their common-weale, and publike profit) speedily and willingly to Iesus calleth to memory & reckoneth vp what the tribes of Gad. Ruben, and Manasses had promised Moses. Num 13. performe that which they had promised vnto him: who shewing themselues readie and willing, to performe that which hee commaunded them, he armed and arranged fiftie thousand men, that were his followers, and afterwards (departing from the Citie of Abila) he drewe towards Iordan, M and marched forward some sixtie furlongs. As soone as he was encamped, the spies returned againe and presented themselues vnto him, certifying him of the whole estate of the Chanaanites. For being vnknowne and vnsuspected, vpon their first arriuall they obserued and viewed the walles and strength of the Citie at their pleasure, searching which of The spies suruay Iericho. them were more or lesse defensed, and which of the gates were easiest or hardest to assault; neither did any of those that mette them, offer any offence vnto them: Whilest they [Page 101] thus pried into, and viewed euerie place, the Citizens interpreted their diligence to be The yeare of the world. 2494. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1470. A rather an accustomed curiositie of straungers, then suspected them that they intended any hostile stratageme. About the shutting in of the euening they retired themselues into a certaine hostrie that adioyned the walles, into which they had beene directed to take their repast: and whilest after supper time they consulted vpon their returne, the King was giuen to vnderstand (as he sate at his supper) that certaine Spies sent out of the Hebrewes campe, had suruayed the Citie, and taken vp their lodging in Rahabs house, where they supposed to conceale themselues til they might gaine them opportunitie to depart. Whereupon the King sent a speedie commandement and officers to apprehend them, to the end that being brought before him, he might by torture extort from them the cause and reason why they came into his Citie. Of whose approch, when Rahab had gotten some priuate intelligence, she hid the Spies vnder certaine B Rachab hideth the spies. packes of linnen, which she dried neere vnto the wals, and told them that were sent by the King, that certaine strange guests a little before Sunne-set had supt in her house, but that they were departed; who if they were suspected by the King, as such as intended any detriment to the common weale, they might with little labour and pursuit be easily surprised in their way. They hearing the woman speake after this maner, and imagining no subtiltie or deceit in her, returned backe againe without searching the hostrie. But after they were busied and trauelled in the pursuit and search after them euerie way, and tracting of euery path, whereby they might be suspected to trauell towards Iordan, and perceiuing no signe of their flight, they desisted anie further to pursue them. No sooner was the tumult appeased, but Rahab called forth the Spies, and told them the dangers to which shee had exposed her selfe for their securitie sake (for had she C beene conuinced to haue concealed them, she might by no meanes haue escaped the punishment of the King, but that both she & all her family had miserably perished:) She therfore required them, that at such time as they should be Lords of the countrey of Canaan, and had both the occasion and power to requite her curtesies, that they would haue her in remembrance. This said, she dismissed them (to the end they might returne home againe.) But before their departure she tooke an oth of them, to warrantize both her selfe and all that which appertained vnto her, at such time as they should become Maisters of the citie, and had destroyed all the citizens thereof, according to the arrest & sentence giuen against them; which she knew should come to passe, hauing certaine apprehension of the same, by certaine signes and tokens from God: whereupon for the present with manie thankesgiuings they protested, and for the future auowed and swore D vnto her, to acknowledge her kindnesse not in words, but in deedes. At such time therefore as she should perceiue that the Citie was readie to be surprised, they counselled her that she should retire all her substance, and all those that appertained vnto her, into her house; and that before the doore thereof she should spread some crimson garment, to the intent that the Generall perceiuing the same, might inhibite the souldiours from pillaging and spoyling her house: For said they) we will giue him notice hereof (by reason of that willing forwardnesse that hath beene in thee to saue our liues) and if by misfortune anie of thy friends die in the combate, do not impute the fault vnto vs; and we beseech God (by whom we haue sworne) that he be not displeased with anie of vs, except against such as falsifie their oathes. Hauing after this manner accorded vpon the couenant, they let downe one another from the wall; and when they were arriued E in fafetie among their nation, they recounted vnto them all that which had happened since their arriuall in the Citie. Iosuah hereupon declared vnto Eleazar the high Priest and the rest Iosuh. 3. Iesus passeth Iordan with his armie. of the Elders, what oath his Spies had sworne vnto Rahab, who all of them ratified the promise they had made. But the Generall was pensiue and sore troubled, for that he knew not which way he might passe the riuer of Iordan, by reason that for the present it was verie deepe and without bridges. For before that time there was not any bridge built thereupon; and if they would haue built one, the enemie would haue interrupted them: and further besides that, there were not anie places conuenient to stay in. But God made him a promise that he would make the waters fall, and giue them passage therethrough. Iosuah therefore encamped his hoste for the terme of two dayes (to the end he might passe ouer his whole Armie, and the rest of the people, after F this maner following.) The Priests marched before with the Arke. After them went the Leuites bearing the Tabernacle, and those vessels which were destinated for sacrifice. Then followed the Iosuah. 4. 3 whole multitude, distinguished in their Tribes, hauing inclosed within their battels the women & children, whereby they might be the more secure from the force of the floud. But when as the Priests had marched formost, and found the riuer passible, and that the water was decreased, and that the current thereof was not so violent, neither the billowes so incensed, but that in the [Page 102] bottome there was good footing (for that the grauell and sand was not quicke but setled) G The yeare of the world, 2494. before Christs birth 1470. then all of them without feare passed ouer the foord, finding all things assuredly perfourmed vnto them, which God had both foreprophesied, and promised vnto them: but the Priests kept them in the midst of the channell vntill the multitude were past ouer, and were in securitie, and when as euerie one had go [...]en the other banke, the priests issued out, permitting the riuer to flow according to his free and ordinarie course: which pleasantly flowing grew to that greatnesse and swiftnes which it retained at the first. Now when the Hebrewes had marched fiftie furlongs, they incamped themselues some ten furlongs from Hiericho. But Iesus building an Altar of stones (which euery one of the Princes of the tribes had gathered out of the channell of Iesus buildeth an Altar on the other side of Iordan. The Israelites celebrate Easter, enioy the fruites of the earth, and cease to feede on Manna. Iordan, according as the Prophet had commaunded) to the end it might be a monument of the prodigious restrainment of the floud, and on the same he sacrificed vnto God, and the solemnity H of the Paschal was celebrated in that place; and at that time they, who in times past were in great necessitie, were largely furnished with all plentie and aboundance: for they did reape the corne of the Chanaanits (which at that time was ripe) & caried away the rest for a pray. In the same season likewise their nourishment of Manna failed thē, wheron they had fed for the space of forty yeers. And whereas the Israelites did all these things with securitie and freely, and the Chanaanites neuer sallied out against them, but appauled with feare, shut themselues vp within their wals; Iesus decreed and resolued to besiege them in their cities: so that on the first day of the feast, the Priests bearing the arke, and garded on euerie side with troupes of armed men drew neere vnto the Citie, Iosuah. 6. Iesus with his army walketh about the citie. sounding their seuen hornes: and exhorting their soldiers to behaue themselues manfully, they walked about and inuironed the walles round about, being attended both by the Senate and I Elders, neither did they any other thing but blow their hornes, and so returned backe into their campe. Which when they had done for the space of sixe daies, on the seuenth Iosuah assembled the armie and all the people, bringing them ioyfull newes of the Citie, which that day should be surprised without labour (the walles falling downe of their owne accord, and without mans hand, and yeelding them free passage and entrance into the Citie) and he encouraged them to kill all those whom they met withall, and not to giue ouer the slaughter of their enemies, although they were wearie, neither to be moued with compassion, nor allured from the slaughter and execution by desire of pray, or to permit the enemie in any sort to flie, but that they should extinguish and roote out all that which breathed and had life, reseruing nothing for pray or priuate profit. He commaunded likewise that all that which was found (either of gold or siluer) should be K brought into one place, & reserued to be the first fruites of the happie works of God; and after the surprisall first of the Citie, that onely Rahab with her kinred should be saued, by reason of the othes which the spies had sworn vnto her. This said, he arranged his host, and made them approch Iesus commā deth that none but Rahab and hirs should be saued. the Citie, then did they once more walke round about the City, the Arke marching before them, and encouraging the armie to valour by the sound of their Cornets. And after they had enuironed the wals seuen times, and had a little reposed themselues, the walles fell (whereas then neither the Hebrewes had enforced any engine against them, or vsed any other violence.) So that they entring into the Citie slue all those that were therein, who were alreadie discomforted by the sodaine The wals of Iericho fall downe of themselues. and vnexpected ouerthrow of their walles, and thorow their sodaine feare made vnapt to fight, so that they were slaine amidst their streets, finding neither refuge nor reliefe to succour L them: yea so were they fleshed in the slaughter, that they neither spared women nor children, but Iericho is takē the men slain, the citie destroyed, and burnt: Rahab and hers reserued. filled the Citie with dead carcasses, which at length being set on fire, serued them for a funerall flame to consume them in, and with equall furie rauaged and burnt the fields. Only Rahab and her houshold (who kept themselues within her hostrie) were saued by the spies, who brought to Iosuahs presence, he gaue her thanks for sauing his spies, and promised her that he would reward her courtesies, and anone after gaue her possessions, and euer after held her in great honour. All that of the Citie which the fire spared, the sword consumed. And Iosuah pronounced curses against those, who should afterward endeuour to erect that which he had ruinated: namely that he that should lay the first foundation, should be depriued of his first begotten sonne, and he that should finish the worke might lose his yongest sonne; neither pleased it God that this imprecation M of his should be frustrate, as hereafter it shall be spoken. At the surprise and sacke of this Citie, there was gathered an infinite quantitie of gold, siluer, and brasse; so that no man brake the Edict, or sought any pray or lucre thereby for himselfe. These spoiles Iesus deliuered vnto the Priests, to be laid vp in the treasurie, and after this manner was the citie of Iericho destroied. But Achar the sonne of Zebed of the tribe of Iuda, hauing gotten a royall pall altogether embrodered with gold, with an ingot of gold of three hundreth sicles in waight, and thinking in himselfe [Page 103] that it were a verie fond thing, that the profit he had made by the hazard of his life, should be taken A The yeare of the world. 2494. before Christs birth 1470. Ios. 7. 8. Achar hideth certaine parts of the pray contrary to Gods commandement. Galgal signifieth liberty. Iosuah. 5. The Israelites are put to flight by the Ainites. from him and presented vnto God, who had no need thereof, digged a deepe pit in his tent, and buried his spoiles therein, thinking by this means to defraud God, and deceiue his companions. At that time their tents were pitched in a place which was called Galgal (which signifieth Enfranchized, because that hauing past the riuer Iordan they knew that they should be delmered from the affliction of Egypt, and the penurie of the desart.) But some few daies after the destruction of Iericho, Iosuah sent out three thousand armed men against Ainan (a Citie scituate a little aboue lericho) who encountring with the Ainites in battell, and by them put to flight, lost thirtie and sixe of their company. The newes of which disaster being brought into the campe, the Israelites were seased with exceeding griefe, not onely for the men they had lost (which were all of them valiant men and worthie of honour) but also by reason of the despaire they conceiued B of their future successe. For being alreadie perswaded that they were masters of the field, and that their armie should be alwaies warranted and safe at such time as they should fight (according as before times God had promised them) they saw (contrarie to their opinion) that their aduersaries had taken heart; insomuch as clothing themselues in sackcloth vpon their raiments, they spent all the day in teares & lamentations without tasting any meate; so grieuously were they afflicted with the inconuenient that had hapned. But Iosuah perceiuing the army discomfited after this manner, Iosuahs praier vnto God. and conceiuing some sinister hope of their estates, boldly addressed himselfe vnto God saying. ‘We haue not beene induced by our owne temerity to attempt the conquest of this land by force, but we haue beene hereunto incouraged by thy seruant Moses, to whom thou hast promised by diuers signes that thou wouldest giue vs this country to inhabite in, & that our army should haue C alwaies the vpper hand in battell, and of these thy promises we haue often times experimented the euent. But now beyond all expectation (hauing receiued an ouerthrow and lost some of our soldiers) being terrified by this accident, and suspitious of thy promises to Moses, we both abstaine from warre, and (after so many enterprises and entrances of warre) we cannot hope of any fortunate or succesful proceedings. Be thou therefore assistant vnto vs, O Lord (for it lieth in thy power) & by thy mercy relieue our present sorrow with a largesse of victory, & take from vs the thought of despaire wherein we are too farre plunged.’ Iosuah lying prostrate on his face made this praier vnto God, who presently answered him, that he should arise; commāding him to purge the army Gods answere to losuahs praier. of that pollution that had hapned therein, and of a theft committed by one of the multitude, who was so hardie as to violate and conceale those things which were [...]onsecrated vnto him, D assuring him that that cause was the meanes of the present calamitie: but that as soone as he had searched out, and punished the sacriledge, the Israelites should become fortunate and obtaine the victory. This Oracle Iosuah declared vnto the people, and calling for the high Priest and the Magistrates, he cast lots vpon the tribes, and when as the lot had fallen on the tribe of Iuda, it was againe cast by kinreds; and when againe the sacriledge was found to be committed in Zacharias kinred, they examined the same once more man by man, and found out Achar: who hauing no meanes to denie the same, and being discouered by God himselfe, confessed the fact, and Achar found out by Lot and punished. brought forth those things, which he had concealed: Whereupon being presently put to death, he was by night buried after an ignominious manner, according as he deserued it. But Iosuah hauing purified the people, led them forth against Ainan, and laying an Ambuscado by night E time aboue the Citie, early in the morning he drew the enemie out to fight, who boldly broke forth (being incouraged by their former victorie) but Iosuah making a shew of retreat, drew them farther off from their Citie (forming in them an imaginarie hope that the Israelites fled, and that they should gaine a second victorie ouer them.) But when Iosuah sodainly made a stand, and freshly charged them, and gaue a signall vnto those that lay in ambush, they were incontinently addressed Ainan sackt and burnt. and incouraged to fight, and with all expedition entred the gates of the Citie, on the walles whereof there stood diuers of the inhabitants, being eye witnesses (as they thought) of their atchieued victorie. In this manner was the Citie taken, and all they that were therein, were slaine: and Iosuah on the other side inforced those in such manner (with whom he maintained skirmish) that they turned their backs, and fled towards the Citie, as if it had beene in F the same estate as they left it: but when they perceiued that it was surprised, and saw both it, their wiues, and children consumed with fire, they scattered themselues about the fields, not being able to rallie themselues, by reason of their disturbance and disorder. After this ouerthrow of the Ainites, there were a great number of women, children, and bondslaues taken captiue, and store of all sorts of moueables. The Hebrewes also became Lords of much cattell, and gathered The pray distributed amongst the people. a great quantitie of siluer (for the countrey was rich.) All which Iosuah (vpon his returue to [Page 104] Galgal) distributed amongst the soldiers. But the Gabeonites (who dwelt not farre off from Ierusalem) The yeare of the world. 2494. before Christs Natiuitie. 1470. Iosua. 9. G vnderstanding what had hapned to them of Hiericho (and seeing the estate of the Ainites, and fearing least the like misfortune might fall vpon them) thought it not good to offer treaties of peace to Iosuah, supposing they should find no tolerable conditions at his hands because they knew that he warred vnder that resolution, vtterly to roote out and extinguish the nation of the Canaanites from off the earth. They therefore made a league with the Cepherites, and Cathierimites their neighbours, telling them that they should not escape the daunger if so be it so fell out that the Gabeonites were first taken by the Israelites: but that if they were vnited together, they might both resist the greatnesse, and auoid the dangers of them. Which counsell of theirs being accepted, they sent Embassadours vnto Iosuah (such men as they thought The Gabeonites send Embassors to Iesus to be both most capable and wisest amongst them in the affaires of common-weale) to the intent H to entreate a peace betwixt them and the Israelites: who knowing that it would be verie dangerous for them, if they should say that they were Canaanites; & that on the contrarie side, they should auoid the danger, if they protested that they had no communitie or alliance with them, but that they dwelled far off from them; told Iosuah that (being incited by his fame) they had vndertaken a long iourney, the truth whereof he might coniecture by their habits: for vpon their setting forth their garments were new, and now by their long iourney quite worne (for they had purposely put vpon them old raiment, to the end it might be sutable to their subtill insinuation.) Standing vp therefore in the middest of the multitude (attired after this maner) they told them The Gabeonites oration to the Hebrewes. that they were sent by the Gabeonites, and the neighbouring Cities thereabouts (farre disioyned from that countrey) to articulate and ratifie a peace betweene them, according as they haue bin I accustomed to proceed in their accords: For knowing well that the countrey of Canaan was giuen vnto them by the grace and gratuitie of God (to the end they should be maste [...] and possessours thereof) they were much reioyced thereat, and required them to be receiued as their confederates. By these words, and tokens of their garments, and intimation of their long iourney, they perswaded the Hebrewes to intreate an accord and amitie with them. And the high Iesus maketh a couenant with the Gabeonits. Priest Eleazar with the councell of the Elders sware vnto them, that they should be reputed for friends and allies, and that no vniust action should be enterprised against them; the people likewise approued their oathes. But Iosuah encamping with his Armie vpon their confines, and vnderstanding that the Gabeonites dwelt not far off from Ierusalem, and that they likewise were of the race of the Canaanites, he sent for the principall and princes amongst them, and complained K and vp braided them of their deceit: whereunto they answered, that they had no other means to procure their safetie and securitie, and for that cause (and their necessitie sake) that they had sought their refuge thereby. Whereupon he called vnto him Eleazar the high Priest and the councell of the Elders, who told him that he might not infringe the oath which they had made The Gabeonites are appointed to publike ministeries. Iosuah. 10. The king of Ierusalem moueth warre against the Gabeonites. vnto them, but that he might depute them to serue the publique ministeries. Whereupon they were adiudged to attend on these seruices: and by this meanes deliuered they themselues from their imminent perill. But for that the king of Ierusalem was sore incensed against the Gabeonites (for that they had reuolted, and submitted to Iesus) he assembled together the Kings of his neighbour nations, to make warre against them. The Gabeonites perceiuing the danger they were in, and how the enemie was prepared to assault them (and how to that intent they had pitched L their tents neere vnto a certaine fountaine not farre off from the Citie) they required Iesus to assist and defend them. For their affaires were in that estate, that they expected death from the hands of their friends: & contrariwise hoped for helpe to be warranted by those Hebrewes, with whō they had contracted amitie (notwithstāding that they arriued in that countrie to destroy the whole nation of the Cananites) Iosuah therefore (hastning onward with his whole armie to giue Iesus driueth them of Ierusalem to flight. them assistance, and marching both day and night) early in the morning charged the enemie (at such time as he entended his assault) and hauing put them to flight, he pursued them by a steepy tract, which place is called Bethora, where hee knew that God had fought for him (as it appeared manifestly by the thunder, lightening and haile that fell at that time, far bigger then was accustomed.) The day likewise (the like whereof was neuer heard of before) was lengthened, least by M the speedy approch of the night the enemie should escape from the victor: whereupon it came The Sun stood still. to passe that Iesus tooke all those fiue Kings in a certaine caue neere Makkedah, where they were hidden, and condemned them all to the death. And that the day at that time increased aboue common custome it is extant & registred in the sacred volumes, which are reserued in the Temple. When after this manner the Kings that inuaded the Gabeonites were slaine and conquered, Fiue kings slaine. Iosuah 11. Iesus led his Armie into the mountaines of Canaan, where hauing made a great slaughter [Page 105] of men, and taken a rich bootie, he brought backe his armie into Galgal. Now when The yeare of the world, 2494. before Christs Natiuitie, 1470. The kings of the Chanaanites moue warre against the Hebrewes. A the renowne of the Hebrewes valiant acts, and the admirable number of those that were slaughtered, were bruited and scattered farre and neere amongst the neighbour nations; they were surprised with a sodaine feare: so that the Kings of the Chanaanites that bordered vpon Libanus, and they also of the plaine of Cha [...]an, ioyned themselues confederates with the Palestines, and all of them were incensed against them, and incamped neere vnto Berotha (a Citie of the higher Galilee, not farre from Cedesa, which is also scituate in the land of Chanaan.) The whole armie of them consisted of three hundreth thousand footmen, ten thousand horsemen, and twenty The huge army of the Chanaanites. thousand chariots. This great multitude of the enemie astonished Iosuah, and the Israelites, and (by reason of the assured feare wherewith they were seased) they conceiued but little hope of obtaining the vpper hand: but God reproched him, and vp braided him of that his timiditie; and B for that they suspected themselues to be scarcely secured vnder his protection, he promised them likewise that he would ouercome their enemies, and make their horses vnprofitable, and would consume their chariots by fire. Iosuah therefore was emboldened by these promises from God, and marched out against his enemies, whom he surprised on the fift day. The incounter was strong, & the slaughter so great, that they who should but heare the same would scarcely beleeue it: many also were slaine in the pursuite; so that (a few onely excepted) the whole armie was put to the sword. The Kings also were all of them slaine, and of their men there remained not any All the kings of the Chanaanites slain, Iosuah spoyleth the whole land of Chanaan. one aliue. Iosuah also commaunded that their horses should be slaine, and hee burned their chariots, & securely marched thorow the whole countrey: so that no man durst sallie out, or make head against him. He besieged likewise their strong places, and killed all those whom he might C apprehend. Now when the fift yeare was fully finished, and not any one of the Chanaanites were left al [...]e (except such as were fled into their Cities and forts of defences) Iosuah once more retired his campe toward the mountaines, and placed the sacred Tabernacle in the Citie of Siloe (which seemed to be a verie conuenient place, by reason of the beautie of the same, where the arke might remaine til such time as their affaires of estate permitted them to build a Temple.) From thence he departed with all the people to repaire vnto Sichem, and there builded he an Altar in that place (according as before time Moses had commaunded and enioyned) and hauing deuided his army, he planted the halfe of them on the mountaine of Garizim, and the other Iosuah deuideth his armie into parts. halfe on the mountain of Gebal (on which also there is an Altar) with the Leuites and the Priests, and after they had sacrificed and done their execrations, and ingrauen them on the Altars, they D returned into Siloe. Now insomuch as Iosuah was wel strooken in yeares, and verie well perceiued that the cities of the Chanaanits were hardly to be assaulted (both in respect of the places wherin they were scituate, as also for the munitions, wherwith (besides other aduantages of nature) their The yeare of the world. 2499. before the birth of Christ. 1465. Hedio & Ruffinus. ch. 3. Ios. 13. 14. 18. walles were strengthned and fortified: for the Chanaanites hauing intelligence of the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt, and how they hastned thitherward, to the intent vtterly to extinguish and ouerthrow that nation, spent all that time in defencing and fortifying their Cities) he assembled all the people in Siloe, where when (with mutuall and frequent concourse) they were assembled, he declared vnto them the happy successe (which till that time) had befallen them; and the braue executions worthy in their euents to challenge God for their author; furthermore the excellency of the ordinances vnder which they liued, alledging that the thirty one kings E which had beene so hardy as to encounter them hand to hand, had by them beene ouercome: that all the army that had vndertaken to ouerthrow them in battell, was wholy discomfited, so that there remained not any memory of them. But for that certaine of the Cities were taken, and the rest better defenced, & for this cause more obstinate; had need of a longer assault and exp [...]gnation, he thought good that they (who had beene drawne from out the countrey scituate beyond Iordan to be associates in this common cause of conquest, and by reason of affinitie had Iosuah commandeth the deuiding of the countrey, & counselleth that the two tribes and a halfe should be dismissed. made themselues copartners and companions in their perils) should be sent backe into their owne countrey with all complement of thankes, and gratuitie. Afterwards, that some one of each tribe of approued vprightnes and loyalty; should be pickt out, who leuying out and suruaying the countrey, might faithfully and without fraud report the greatnes thereof. This sentence F was approued by the whole multitude, and thereupon diuers men were sent (accompanied with such as were skilfull in Geometry, who in respect of their science could neither erre, nor be deceiued) to measure out the land, according to the goodnes thereof. For the nature of the land of Iosuah sendeth certaine men, to measure and deuide the land. Chanaan is such, that there are great plaines very fruitfull, and which (being compared with other places) might be esteemed happy and fruitfull in all sorts of fruit: but if they be compared with the other countries of Iericho, and the land about Ierusalem, they seeme to be nothing [Page 106] worth: for although in generalitie the whole countrey be small, and for the greater part mountainous, The yeare of the world. 2499. before Christs Natiuitie. 1465. Iosuah. 9. G yet in respect of the aboundance, bountie, and incredible beautie of the fruits thereof, it is second to no other whatsoeuer. For this cause he thought good that the portions should rather be estimated according to their value, thē their measure; by reason that oftentimes one plow land was worth one thousand other. Those which were sent were ten in number, who (hauing trauailed ouer the whole countrey and suruaied the same) returned againe to Siloe, at the end of sixe moneths, where the Arke was kept.
Then Iosuah (taking vnto him Eleazar with the Elders, and Princes of the tribes) deuided the Region amongst nine tribes, and the halfe part of the tribe of Manasses (hauing an vnpartiall Iosuah deuideth the Region of Chanaāto thenine tribes, and the halfe tribe of Manasses. respect of the greatnes of euery tribe) and when as each mans lot was cast, there fell to Iudahs part all the higher Iudaea (which extendeth it selfe in length euen vnto Ierusalem, and in H breadth to the lake of Sodome; to which likewise were annexed the cities of Ascalon and Gaza.) The tribe of Simeon (which was the second) obtained a part of Idumaea, confining vpon Aegypt and Arabia. The Beniamites had that countrey which extendeth from Iordan vnto the sea in Iosua. 16. 17. 18 length, and in breadth vnto Ierusalem and Bethel: and this portion was verie small (by reason that the countrey was good) for it contained the Cities of Iericho and Ierusalem. The tribe of Ephraim was allotted his portion in length, from Iordan vnto Gadera; and in bredth from Bethel vnto the great plaine. The halfe tribe of the Manassites was valued from Iordan to the citie of Dor in length, and in bredth vnto Bethsan (which is at this day called Scythopolis.) After them Isachar had the mount of Carmel, and the floud of Iordan, for their limits and termes of his length, and the mountaine Itabir for the bounds of his bredth. The Zabulonites were allowed that I countrey, which stretcheth out as farre as Genazereth, and that abutteth on the mountaine Carmel, and the sea. The countrey which is betwixt Carmell and Sidon, was adiudged to the Asserites, in which portion was comprised the Citie of Arce, which is also called Actipus. The Nephthalites possessed that quarter that stretcheth out from the East vnto the Citie of Damascus, and the lower Galilee as farre as the mountaine of Libanus, and the head of Iordan, that issueth from the same, on that side where are the borders of the Citie of Arce on the North side. To them of Dan was assigned the valley that is extended to the Westward, and is terminated by the Supra lib. 4. chap. 7. Cities of Azoth and Dor, that containeth all the countrey of Iamnia and Gitta, from Abaron euen vnto that mountaine where beginneth the tribe of Iuda. After this manner did Iesus deuide the countrey of the sixe nations (bearing the name of Chanaan) and gaue it in possession to K nine tribes and a halfe. For Amorrhaea (so called by one of the sonnes of Chanaan) had beene Num. 32. Iosuah. 13. alreadie taken by Moses, and assigned by him to two tribes and a halfe, as I haue alreadie heretofore declared. But all the quarter of Sidon, of the Aruceans, Amatheans and Aritheans were not comprised in this deuision, neither was it tilled. But Iesus seeing himselfe ouerburdned with yeares, and vnfit to execute in his owne person those counsels, which he had concluded vpon; and foreseeing that the Gouemours of the people which should succeed after him, would be negligent in procuring the common profit) commaunded euery seuerall tribe in particular, that Iesus seuerally commaundeth euerl tribe to root out the race of the Chanaanites. (when they should possesse the countrey thus distributed amongst them) they should not suffer any one of the race of the Chanaanites to liue. For Moses had before time told and perswaded them, that their securitie and the maintenance of the customes of their forefathers consisted in L that one point) which he had likewise leamt by his owne experience. Further, that they should deliuer vnto the Leuites thirtie and eight Cities, because they had alreadie ten in their possession, within the land of Amorrhea: three of which were ordained for Cities of refuge to those that fled: (for he aduised them with all consideration and care to omit nothing of that which Moses had commaunded them) of the tribe of Iuda Hebron; of that of Ephraim, Sichem; and of Nepthali, Cedesa: which is a place in higher Galilee. Moreouer he distributed vnto them the surplusage of the pray which was verie great, so that not onely in publike, but in priuate, they got no small The eities of refuge. Num. 35. Deut 4. Iosuah. 20. The distribution of the pray. Iosuahs oration to those that dwelt on the other side of lordan, and had serued with the rest. quantitie of substance, for there was so much gold and rayment, and household stuffe, and so great store of cattell and horses, as the number may not be comprehended. After which he assembled the whole armie, and to those that were planted on the other side of Iordan (who had borne M armes with the rest, and were in number no lesse then fiftie thousand) he spake after this manner.
Since God (the father and master of our Hebrew nation) hath giuen this countrey into our possession, and hath promised (that at such time as it shall be conquered) that he will continue and conserue the same in our possession, and since likewise you haue willingly and forwardly asassisted vs in all our necessities and daungers (according to Gods commaund and direction) it [Page 107] is requisite at this present (since there remaineth not any further matter wherein we haue neede The yeare of the world. 2499. before Christs birth 1465. A to employ you) that we dismisse you, and abuse not your forwardnesse and readinesse any further, (by reason we are assured that if hereafter we shall haue need of you, you will with no lesse endeuour and willingnes be as industrious to do vs kindnes.) We therfore yeeld you heartie thanks for that you haue vouchsafed to be companions in our perils: and we require you, that you will perseuere in this your mutual beneuolence, remembring you of your friends, and how you haue gotten your possessions by our helpe, as we (by Gods fauour and your assistance) haue attained to this our present felicite. Neither hau you aduentured without some reward of your trauels: for in this your warfare you are inriched, and shal beare away with you a great pray both of gold and siluer: and besides all these, our beneuolence and loue, tied ynto you with all alacritie and readines when soeuer you shall haue cause to vse vs. For you haue neither forgot nor set light by B Moses commaund before he departed out of this life, and haue spared no indeuour, whereby you might allie and tie our affections to you: we therefore dismisse you to your owne possessions in complete fulnes of your delight, praying you to remember your selues onely of these things, that you will suppose that no terme can terminate our kinred: Neither (by reason of the entercourse of the riuer Iordan betwixt you and vs) suppose you vs to be any others then Hebrewes. For all of vs (both those that dwell on this side, and on the other side of Iordan) are the posteritie of Abraham: and one and the same God hath brought to light both yours and our progenitors, whose lawes and religion (instituted by Moses) are diligently to be obserued: for by this meanes, he will become our helper and fauourer; as on the contrarie side (if we shall degenerate from his statutes) he will be an enemie against vs.After he had spoken vnto C them after this manner, he embraced in particular all those that were in dignitie, and in generall the whole people. This done, he stayed in that place, but the rest of the whole people conueyed Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4. Iosuah. 22 The Israelites after they had past ouer lordan builded an Altar on the banke thereof. them onward with teares, and they departed the one from the other with great griefe and remorse. But after that the tribe of Ruben and of Gad, and the rest of the Manassites had passed ouer Iordan, they builded an Altar vpon the banke of the riuer, that might serue for a memoriall to posteritie, and a token for the present of the coniunction, which they had with those that dwelt on the other side of Iordan. But when the tidings hereof came vnto their eares that dwelt on the further side of the riuer, and that they knew that they had builded an Altar, but notwithstanding were ignorant of the respect and cause they had in building it, they supposed that seeking to innouate their religion, they would introduce the seruice of forraine and false gods; and being D rashly stirred vp with this suspition of the violation of their religion, they put themselues in armes with this resolution, to reuenge themselues of those who had builded that Altar, and to take punishment of them for that they had forsaken the lawes and ordinances of their forefathers. For they supposed that they were not so farre to respect their parentage or dignitie (who were accused) as to forget the will of God, and that seruice which was agreeable in his sight: for which cause (being in this manner incensed) they prepared themselues to the expedition. But Iosuah and the high Priest Eleazar, with the rest of the Elders restrained them, counselling them first of all to sound their deliberation, and afterward (if it should be apparant vnto them that they did it vnder a sinister intent) at that time they might lawfully inuade them by the sword. The embassage of the ten tribes to the rest of the Israelites. Hereupon they sent Phinees the sonne of Eleazar, and ten other of the most noblest amongst the E Hebrewes, as Embassadours vnto them, to know what the intent and reason was, why they had builded that Altar on the banke of Iordan.
Now when these Embassadours had past the floud, and were come amongst them, they summoned Phinees oration to the Rubonites. an assembly, and Phinees standing vp in the midst of them, spake after this manner. ‘You haue committed so hainous an offence (saith he) as there is no question either to reproue or punish the same hence forward in words: yet notwithstanding we haue not vpon the instant taken armes, neither assaulted you in battell, or had reference or regard to the hainousnesse of your crime, to the intent to punish you, but we haue bin sent vnto you as Embassadours (in considera tion of our alliance) & for that (as we suppose) you may be drawen by good perswasions to the acknowledgement and detestation of your misdeeds, to the end that when we are informed of the F cause that hath induced you to erect this Altar, it might not be thought that we haue headlong thrust our selues into armes against you, if vnder an holy affection you haue builded the same: and if it appeareth otherwise, that the offence is iustly imputed and grounded against you, we may take reuenge of the same, according as reason requireth. For scarcely could we beleeue that you (who are inwardly grounded in the knowledge of God, and who are hearers of those lawes which he himselfe hath giuen you) should (since your departure from vs, and vpon your arriuall [Page 108] in your owne patrimonie (which you haue obtained by lot by the meanes of his grace, and peaceably The yeare of the world. 2499. before Christes Natiuity. 1565. G enioy by the power of his prouidence) should forget him, so soone as to forsake the Tabernacle, Arke, and Altar, which we haue by hereditarie right receiued from our progenitours, and introduce strange gods, to the intent to be partakers of the impieties of the Chanaanites. But if you repent your misdeedes, and plunge your selues no further in so great madnesse, but reclaime your thoughts, and reuerence your domesticall and ancient lawes, the pardon is graunted you: but if you obstinately persist in your wickednes, we will refuse no trauell for the maintenance of our lawes, but passing the riuer in defence both of them (or to speake more fitly) of our God, and accounting you no lesse hatefull and impious then Chanaanites, we will vtterly roote out and race both their memorie, and your posteritie together. For do not suppose this, that because you haue past the riuer, you are exempt from Gods power, because in what place H soeuer you be, you are numbred amongst them that appertaine vnto him; and it is impossible for you to auoid either his power, or his vengeance: And if you thinke that the place is an impediment and let vnto you from following the better course, it were better for you to make a new diuision of lands, and leaue this region to be conuerted into pastures. It behooueth you therefore to grow better aduised, and that changing your purpose, you desist from innouation: Whereunto we exhort you by that loue which you beare to your children and wines, and beseech you by the respect you hold of that which is most deare vnto you, that you enforce vs not to wage warre against you, who are wholy vnwilling to listen to your iniuries. Resolue yourselues therefore in this present matter, assuring your selues that therein consisteth the issue, whether you had rather perpetually enioy your peace and affections by our perswasion, or expose both I you and yours to the perill of a bloudy warre.’
After that Phinees had finished this his oration, they that were the Peeres and principals of The Rubenites answer. the assembly, gaue this answere in defence of the common cause. ‘Men and brethren, neither will we neglect our kinred, neither innouate any thing in that religion, of which we make a reuerend account: we know that there is one God cōmon vnto all the nation of the Hebrewes, and acknowledge also his brasen Altar which is before the Tabernacle, and no other but that shal receiue our sacrifices. As for that which we haue now erected, and that breedeth in you at this present a cause of suspition, we built it not to the intent to pacific God by sacrifices, but that it might remaine as a perpetuall argument of our friendship, and might admonish vs of our countrey religion, not to the end you should suspect it were an induction toward the violating of religion: K And that this was the onely cause which allured and induced vs to build the same, we onely challenge God for our faithfull witnesse (for which cause hereafter conceiue a better opinion of vs) and God forbid you should suppose vs to be so besotted in that sinne, of which, whosoeuer of Abrahams posteritie is guiltie, and whosoeuer shall degenerate from the maners and customes of his forefathers, may not expiate that crime without a capitall punishment.’As soone as Phinees had heard these things, and praised their constancie; he returned vnto Iesus, and declared all those things vnto the people, who reioycing (in that they had no occasion to leuie men, nor cause of ciuill warre or bloudshed) offered vnto God their sacrifices of thankgiuing, and presently dissoluing the assembly, each man returned vnto his owne home, but Iesus chose his habitation in Iosuah dwelt in Sichama. Sichama. Twentie yeares after, Iosuah being extremely old (calling vnto him the most honourable L of euery Citie, and both the Elders and Magistrates, and as many of the people as might commodiously be assistant) spake vnto them after this maner. First he called vnto their Iosuahs exhortation at his death, to the magistrates and Elders amongst the Hebrewes. remembrance the diuers benefites which God had bestowed vpon them, by meanes whereof from their poore and afflicted estates, they had attained to so great riches and glorie: then exhorted he them, that they should endeuour themselues hereafter in such sort as God might hold and continue his mercifull hand ouer them; since they knew, that his beneuolence could be allied vnto them by no other meanes, but by their good indeuours he further alledged, that it was his dutie before he departed out of this life to admonish them of their duty; last of all he required them that they should accept of that his good admonition, and should be perpetually mindfull of the same. After this his oration he paid the due of nature, and died in the hundreth and tenth M yeere of his life, whereof he spent fortie as minister vnder Moses their magistrate, and after his Iosuh, 23. 24. Iosuahs death. death, gouerned the common-weale twentie fiue yeares: a man of incomparable both prudence and eloquence. Moreouer strong and expedite in matter of gouernement, and both good and profitable in affaires of peace; finally most exact in all sorts of vertue: he was buried in a Citie called Thamna belonging to the Tribe of the Ephraimites. About the same time likewise died Eleazar the high Priest (leauing the inheritance of the Priesthood to Phinees) the monument Eleazars death [Page 109] laid on his sepulcher is extant in the Citie Gabatha. After their deaths Phinees being demaunded A The yeare of the world. 24 [...]. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 14 [...]5. Iudg. 1. by the people what Gods pleasure was, and to whose charge the affaires and warres against the Chanaanites should be committed, answered them that God commaunded them to giue the gouernment to the tribe of Iuda, which by election chosing Simeon and his, they for their associates vndertook the warre vnder this condition, that when they had vtterly rooted out the remnant of the Chanaanites out of their owne dition, they should likewise employ themselues to extinguish all the reliques of that race amongst the other tribes.
CHAP. II.
How the Israelites after the death of their Emperour, forgetting the religion of their forefathers, fell into extreme calamities: and how thorow a ciuill B warre raised amongst them, therewere onely 600. of the tribe of Beniamin left aliue.
BVt the Chanaanites (whose estate at that time was in sufficient securitie) expected them with a great host about the Citie of Bezeca, hauing their army conducted by the Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. al. 2. king of that place called Adoni-Bezec, which name signifieth Lord of the Bezecenites: (for Adoni in the Hebrewe tongue is as much to say as Lord) now these men promised vnto themselues the vpper hand, by reason that Iosuah was deceased. Against these (of whom I haue forespoken) the two tribes sought verie valiantly, and slaying ten thousand of them (whilest they pursued the rest) they tooke Adoni-Bezec captiue, who hauing his hands and feete cut off, acknowledged C the diuine iustice: for he confessed that he had vsed seuentie and two kings before Ten thousand Chanaanites flame, and Adoni-Bezec taken. The yeare of the world. 2525. before the birth of Christ. 1439. Ios. 11. times after the same maner. In this plight they conducted him neere vnto Ierusalem, where departing out of this life they buried him. Then ouerranne they the countrey, sacking and taking the Cities, and after they had diuers of them in their possession they besieged Ierusalem, and entring the lower Citie thereof, they put all the inhabitants to the sword. But the higher towne was verie hard to be assaulted (by reason of the fortresses and strength of the walles, and the naturall and strong scituation of the place) which was the cause that they leuied their campe to goe and besiege Hebron, which they tooke, & slew all those that were therin. In that time there were some remainder of the race of Giants, who in that they were greater in stature, & vnlike vnto other mē, were horrible to behold, and terrible to be heard. Their bones are to be seene as yet at this day, D which for their highnes surpasse all credulitie or conceit. This Citie was giuen in way of honour to the Leuites with two thousand cubits of land, or there abouts: and as touching the rest of the countrey, it was freely giuen to Caleb, according as Moses had commaunded it (this was one of those spies which Moses sent to ouerlooke the land of Chanaan.) They gaue lands and possessions Iethroes posteritie who was the father of Moses possested of lands. likewise to Iethro the Madianites posteritie (who was father in law to Moses) for that they had forsaken their owne territories, and annexed themselues to the Israelites, and had beene with them in the desart. The tribe of Iuda and Simeon tooke those Cities of the mountainous countrey of Chanaan, and those that were in the plaine neere vnto the sea coast (namely Ascalon and Azoth.) But as touching Gaza and Accaron, they escaped: for these Cities being in the plaine, and defenced with a great number of chariots, repulsed those that assaulted the same to their disaduantage. E So these two tribes hauing had good successe in warres, retired themselues into their Cities, and laid aside their weapons.
As touching the Beniamites to whom Ierusalem appertained, they receiued the inhabitants The Israelites ouercame [...] the Chanaanites at one time. thereof as their tributaries, so that all of them being in peace, and the one ceasing from slaughter, and the other assured from daunger, both of them imployed themselues in manuring the countrey. The rest of the tribes did the like, conforming themselues according to the example of the Beniamites; and contenting themselues to receiue their tributes, they suffered the Chanaanites to liue in peace. The tribe of Ephraim (besieging the Citie of Bethel) could not see such an end of their desseigne, as the length of time and the trauels they had taken in the siege required: and The Ephraimites recouer Bethel by a stratageme. although they were very much toyled and wearied with the same, yet desisted they not the continuance F of the siege. At last they tooke one of the Citie (who issued forth to find out certaine necessarie things that he wanted) whom they assured that if he would deliuer them the Citie, they would saue him, and grant life and liberty likewise to all them that were of his linage; who sware vnto them that he would deliuer the Citie into their hand: which when he had performed, both he and his were wholy warranted; but all the rest of the inhabitants were put to the sword. From that time forward the Israelites behaued themselues more mildly towards the enemie, and imployed [Page 110] them in tillage of their lands, and husbanding their fruits: and being growen in riches G The yeare of the world, 2525. before Christs birth 1439. Hedio & Ruffinus, ch. 6. al 3. The Israelites omit warre. they followed the delights and pleasures of the world, yea in such sort grew they dissolute, that they had no mind neither of their pollicy, nor the lawes of their forefathers. Whereupon God was grieuously incensed against them, who gaue them to vnderstand first of all, that contrarie to his commaund they had spared the Chanaanites: & afterwards, that those Chanaanites in time to come should exercise great cruelties against them. And although they were astonished at that which was declared vnto them, yet notwithstanding they tooke no pleasure in feats of armes, both for that they had receiued many profits by the Chanaanits, as also for that (being effeminate thorow delights) they were vnapt for labour. It hapned thē at such time as their Aristocratical gouerment was corrupted, and that they respected not their elders, or any other magistrates before time ordained, and were extremly addicted vnto gaine, & infinitely tooke pleasure therein; that amidst H their greatest securitie, a grieuous mutinie and commotion was once more raysed amongst them, so that at length they fell at oddes one with another, on that occasion which ensueth.
A certaine Leuite and one of them of the common sort, that dwelt within the dominions of the Ephraimites, tooke a wife that was borne in the Citie of Bethleem, which pertaineth to the Iudg. 19. The historie of the Leuites wife. tribe of Iuda, whom (by reason of her incomparable beautie) he most intirely loued; and found himselfe much aggrieued, for that he found not her affection answerable to his loue: at last his passion so much preuailed with him, as they grew at ods, and fell into contentious mislikes, whence at last it fell out that the woman (tired with disquiet) forsooke her husband, and went and dwelt with her father: The husband sore aggrieued thereat (by reason of the loue which he bare her) came vnto her fathers house and appeased the differents, and was reconciled vnto her: I There abode he for the space of foure daies, being friendly intreated and intertained by his wiues father and mother. On the fift day, he thought good to returne to his owne dwelling, and both of them departed about mid-day (by reason that the father and the mother gaue them a loth farewell, and consumed the better part of the day in entertainement.) They had a seruant which followed them, & an asse likewise, on which the woman was mounted. Now when they had traueled the space of thirty Stadia or furlongs, & that they drew neere the citie of Ierusalem: their seruant counselled them to take vp their lodging in some place, for feare least by their The yeare of the world. 2526. before Christs birth 1438. Thirtie stadia are foure Italian miles. Two Italian miles & a halfe late trauell they might fall into some disaster, the rather for that they were not farre from the enemies countrie, and that the present time was such, as might make those things that were most assured, suspected. But this opinion of his pleased not his maister, who would not lodge amongst K those of a forraine nation (for the citie pertained to the Chanaanites) but his intent was to passe further, and trauell yet twentie furlongs more, to take vp his lodging in one of their cities. This aduise of his being allowed, they came to Gaba of the Tribe of Beniemin, when it was late: and whereas they found no man in the market place that might lodge them; at length a certaine old man, returning out of the countrey to his house (who was by birth an Ephraimite, and dwelt in that Citie) meeting with him, asked him what he was, and for what cause so late as it was hee sought for his supper? He answered, that he was a Leuite, and that he brought his wife with him from her father and mother, and was returning to his house, which was amongst the Tribe of Ephraim. The old man hauing regard vnto parentage (by reason that he was of the same tribe, and that by good hap they had after that maner met the one with the other) lodged him in his L The horrible wickednes of the Gabeonites. owne house. But certaine yong men amongst the Gabeonites, perceiuing the woman in that place, were rauished in admiration of her beautie and good graces, and getting some notice afterwards that she had beene brought thither as a guest, they set light by him (by reason of his weakenes and age, and the smal retinue that he had in his house) and came & knockt at his doore. The old man required them to depart, and that they should offer him no violence, nor to her outrage. But contrariwise they importuned him to deliuer them his guest, and that done they promised him in no sort to procure his further molestation. But although that the old man alleaged that she was of his parentage, and that her husband was a Leuite, and that they should commit an hainous offence, in sinning for their corrupt pleasures sake against the lawes: yet had they no regard of equitie, but mocked him, menacing him likewise to murther him, because he M hindred them from satisfying their lust. Finally, he was driuen to that exigent, that (to the intent they should not offer violence to his guest, and a stranger) he abandoned and prostituted vnto them his owne daughter, supposing it to be a lesse inconuenient to let them satisfie their vnbridled concupiscence on her, then that his guest should suffer any villany; at leastwise he made this account, that by this meanes he should not be guiltie of any iniurie done vnto them. Notwithstanding all this, they intermitted not to sollicit and vrge the deliuerie of the woman (being [Page 111] incēnsed in vnbridled lust towards her.) Contrariwise he besought them that they would not be so The yeare of the world, 2526. before Christs Natiuitie, 1438. A audacious as to violate the lawes: but they seconded their disordinate desires with extreme violence, and rauished her perforce, and led her to their owne lodgings. Afterwards (when as during all the night time they had lewdly appeased their lusts on her) they thrust her out of doores from them vpon the breake of day. But she being wholy desolate, and discomforted by this desaster, returned to her lodging, and both by reason of the agonie which she had suffered, as also for the shame that hindered her from appearing before her husband, who would be incredibly and extremely tormented with that accident, she fell downe and gaue vp the ghost. Her husband supposing that she was onely seased with some sound sleepe (not suspecting any other inconuenient) thought to awake her, with that deliberation to comfort her, because she had not willingly condescended to their violences and lusts, but maugre her resist was rauished by them, and B taken out of his lodging. But so soone as he perceiued that she was dead, he moderated his affections, considering the extremitie of his euils, and laying the dead bodie vpon his Asse, he caried it to his house; where he no sooner arriued, but that he deuided and cut the same into twelue pieces, which he sent to the twelue tribes of Israel; commaunding them that bare the same to tell The Leuite deuideth the bodie of his wife into 12. parts, and sent them to the 12. tribes, Iudg. 20. euerie tribe, who they were that were the authors of the death of his wife, and what villany they had practised against her. The tribes were verie much discontented at that which they both saw, and heard (hauing neuer before that time heard of any the like aduenture) and incensed with extreme displeasure (and yet iust) they assembled themselues in Siloe, and being arraunged before the Arke, they resolued sodainly to take armes, and to assaile the Gabeonites as their capitall and mortall enemies. But the elders with-held them, declaring vnto them that they ought C not after that manner enterprise a headlong warre against their brethren, before they had conferred and debated the cause with them, and examined the crimes whereof they were accused; the rather, for that the law permitteth not any warre (no not against straungers) before an enterparle & embassage, which might reclaime those that were held culpable & reduce them to reason. For which cause they told them that they should conforme themselues both according to the letter of the law, and the bond of brotherhood, to send certaine messengers to the Gabeonites to demaund at their hands the authors of that villanie, to the end that when they were deliuered, they might take their satisfaction by their punishment: but if they should not regard that which was demaunded, then that it was lawfull for them to assaile them with open warre. Hereupon they The Israelites send Embassa. dours to the Gabeonites to require those at their hands that had committed the rape. They denie to yeeld thē vp, hereupon the Israelites make an oth neuer to match their daughters with any one of thē tribe of Beniamin, and they leuy and lead out against thē an army of foure hundreth thousand men. Twenty two thousand Israelites slain in battell. Eighteen thousand Israelites more slaine. The Israelites place one half of their battell in ambush, and as if they fought with disaduantage they retired by little and little. sent certaine messengers to the Gabeonites to accuse those yong men that had perpetrated that D indignity against the woman, to demaund them at their hands, to the intent they might suffer condigne punishment by death for the breach they had made of the law. But the Gabeonites would not yeeld vp the young men, supposing it to be an indignity for them for feare of warre to be obedient to other mens commaundements, by reason that they thought themselues no waies inferiour vnto others in feats of warre, both in respect of their number, and the courage both in the one and the other. The rest of the tribe also made great preparation, by reason they were all of thē resolued, & vnited together mutually to defend thēselues against whosoeuer should assaile them. After that the report of the Gabeonites answer was brought vnto the Israelites, they sware an oth the one vnto the other, that none of thē would giue their daughters in mariage to a Beniamite, promising each of them to issue & make warre against them: against whom they were more incensed, E then our predecessors haue bin animated against the Chanaanites, as we haue bin giuen to vnderstand. They speedily therfore leuied & led into the field an armie of 400000, men against them. The Beniamites host consisted of 26000. armed men, and 600. others, fiftie of which were expert in shooting, and fighting with the left hand. The field was fought neere to Gaba, wherein the Beniamites put the Israelites to flight, who were slaine to the number of twentie & two thousand, and more of them had bin slaughtered that day, had not the night sodainly ouertaken them and ended the skirmish. Thus did the Beniamites ioyfully returne vnto their cities, & the Israelites were discomforted thorow their vnexpected calamitie. The next day they once more renewed the battel, and the Beniamites had the vpper hand once againe: so that the Israelites lost eighteene thousand men more, and by that meane forsooke their campe thorow feare, and retired to Bethel, F which was not farre off from the place. The day after they fasted, and besought God (by the mediation of Phinees the high Priest) that it would please him to appease his wrath against them, and that contenting himselfe with the two ouerthrowes which he had sent them, he would now at last both giue them victorie and valour to encounter their enemies. All which God promised them by the prophecy of Phinees. Whereupon they deuided their army into two parts, and laid the one thereof in ambush neere vnto the Citie. In the meane time (whilest the other halfe that [Page 112] made head against the Beniamites retired themselues, to the intent their enemies should assault G The yeare of the world. 2526. before Christes Natiuity. 1438. them) the Beniamites sodainly issued, and set vpon them that orderly retired, and the more they retired (vnder purpose to draw them the further from the towne) the more eagerly the enemie insisted: so that all they likewise, who thorow age and weaknes were left in the Citie, sallied out as companions and sharers in the future pray. But when as they were drawne farre enough from the Citie, the Hebrewes staied, made head and fought against them. Then gaue they a signe to those that were in ambush, in such sort as was accorded amongst them: who sodainly issuing out together, rushed in vpon their enemies with a huge crie. Who seeing themselues so sodainly surprised knew not what to doe, but retiring themselues into certaine Baricadoes, they defended themselues with arrowes, but all of them were slaine (except it were sixe hundreth) who making head, and closely filletted and embattailed together, thrust themselues desperately into H the midst of their enemies, and by this meanes escaped they into the mountaines hard by, where Fiue and twentie thousand Beniamites slaine, & onely sixe hundreth escapealiue. labes & other Cities of the Beniamites burned. Iud. 21. they encamped. All the rest to the number of twentie fiue thousand or thereabouts were slaine. And the Israelites burned Gaba vtterly, & slew both the women and children. They exercised no lesse iustice on the other cities of Beniamin (so much were they fleshed and transported with furie) And for that Iabes (a Citie of Galaad) would not ioyne with them in battell against the Beniamites, they sent twelue thousand chosen men out of their companies to destroy the same, who slew all those that might beare armes, with their wiues and children, except foure hundreth virgins. So much griefe and furie had they conceiued thorow the accident that chaunced to this woman, and the despight they had conceiued against the Beniamites for prouoking them vnto armes: which furie when it was somewhat appeased, they repented themselues, reputing themselues I to be depriued of one tribe: And although they thought them iustly oppressed in battell (by reason they had offended against the lawes of God) yet celebrated they a fast in the behalfe The Israelites reuoke the sixe hundreth that were fled. of the dead. They sent Embassadours also, and reuoked those sixe hundreth that were fled, and held a certaine rocke in the desart which was call Rhoa. The Embassadours complained not onely for that the warre had extinguished them, but also for that the Israelites had lost their parents: and by these perswasions they preuailed so much, that they bare their crosse and losse with lesse grief; and they came vnto them & besought them that they would not giue sentence of the total extinctiō of the tribe of Beniamin. We grant you (said they) the reuenues of your whole tribe, and as much bootie as you may driue away. But they acknowledging their iniustice, and that they were condemned by the iustiudgement of God, returned into the possessions of their tribe, K and the Israelites gaue them in marriage those foure hundreth virgins of Iabes: and for the rest The Israelites gaue the Beniamites the foure hundreth virgins of labes in mariage (which were two hundreth) they deliberated with themselues how they might prouide them of wiues, to the intent they might haue issue. And when as before time in the beginning of their warre it was decreed by an oath, that none of them might match his daughter with any of the tribe of Beniamin; there were some of them that thought good that the oth might be despensed withal (by reason it was grounded vpon wrath, & not on iudgement) alledging further, that they should do nothing contrarie to the will of God, if they might saue a tribe which was in daunger When & how an oth ought to be kept. vtterly to be extinct. That periuries were daungerous and noysome, not at such time as they are inforced by constraint, but when they are practised with an intent to do euill. But when as the Elders reclaimed hereagainst (abhorring the mention of periurie) there arose vp a certaine L The Beniamites are permitted to rauish them wiues. man amongst them, that said he had a pollicie, whereby without breach of oth the Beniamites might light vpon wiues. And being commaunded by the Senate to expresse the same, we haue a custome euery yeare (said he) to assemble and keepe a feast at Siloe, and for companions in those our congregations we haue both our wiues and daughters: as many of these as they can rauish, let the Beniamites lay hold of, without reproofe (neither being inhibited nor encouraged by vs) and if their fathers shall be displeased therewith, and shall require reuenge, we will say that they are in the fault who haue negligently kept their daughters, & that we ought not too much to whet our wrath against the Beniamites, for that we had too much alreadie vsed and abused the same towards them. This sentence was allowed by all of them, and it was decreed, that it was lawfull for the Beniamites to rauish and violently take to themselues wiues amongst them. M Now when the feast was at hand, the two hundreth Beniamites (of whom we haue spoken) came two by two, and three by three, and lay in ambush neere vnto the Citie (amongst the vines and other thickets, and close places, in which they might hide themselues to surprise the Damsels.) Now they suspecting nothing, securely and pleasantly wantoned on their way: but the yong men breaking from their ambush, laid hold of them (being scattered and diuided here and there) and after they had married them, they departed home to labour their land, and began to studie [Page 113] anew how to recouer their former good hap. Thus the tribe of Beniamin (which was welny vtterly The yeare of the world. 2526. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1438. A exterminated) was restored to his former dignitie after this manner, by the wisedome of the Israelites: and it incontinently flourished and increased in a little time, as well in number of men as in all other things. Thus finished this fatall warre.
The like accident hapned to the Tribe of Dan, which fell into the like incombrance for this Hedio & Rufsinus, chap. 7. al. 4. cause which ensueth.
The Israelites about this time hauing forgotten the exercise of armes, and being onely occupied in tilling, and trimming their land: the Chanaanites (in contempt of that nation) raised forces, Iudg. 18. The tribe of Dan oppressed by the Chanaanites. not for that they were affraid of their owne estates, but to the intent that ouerlopping the Hebrewes with some memorable ouerthrow, they might more securely inhabite their Cities thereafter: and conspiring togither (and arming a great number of footmen; and ioyning to B them certaine chariots) they drew Ascalon and Accharon (two cities within the Lot of Iuda) into their confederacie, and diuers other cities of the Champion countrey: so as they of Dan were driuen into the mountaines, hauing no place in the champion where they might peaceably inhabite; who (for that neither in warre they were able to confront them, neither had sufficient habitation for the number of men, which they had) sent fiue men of their tribe into the Champion countrey and Midland, to spie if they could finde any place that were fit and conuenient for them to establish and fixe their Colonies in. These trauelled a daies iourney not farre from the mountaine of Libanus, and more lower then are the sources of Iordan, bordering vpon the They of Dan seeke out a place to inhabite. great plaine of the Citie of Sidon. In which place (hauing obserued that the land was good and fertile in all sorts of fruites) they made it knowne vnto their people, who trauailing thither C with their army, builded a citie in that place called Dan (by the name of the sonne of Iacob so called, and in honour of the tribe of Dan.) Many aduersities befell the Israelites from that time forwards, both for that they were vnexercised in trauaile, and for that they contemned pietie. For hauing once forsaken the obseruation of their ordinances, they suffered themselues to be deuoured in pleasures, liuing according to their own appetites: so that they gorged and glutted themselues with those vices, which were most of all accustomed and vsuall amongst the Chanaanites.
CHAP. III.
How the people of Israell by reason of their wickednesse, were by God deliuered to the D seruitude of the Assyrians.
FOr this cause the wrath of God was kindled against them in such sort, as (thorow their negligence) they lost the good which they had gotten by infinite trauaile. For Schisart Iudg. 3. The Israelites oppressed by Schisar. king of the Assyrians leuied an army against them, who killed a great number of their men in the fight, and either by force, or composition, tooke diuers of them prisoners; and brought their citie vnder his subiection. Diuers also willingly submitted themselues vnto him, (thorow the feare they had conceiued) and they paied tributes exceeding their powers, induring all kind of outrage for the space of eight yeares, after which they were deliuered by these meanes following.
CHAP. IIII. E
Their libertie restored by Cenizus.
A Certaine man of the Tribe of Iuda called Cenizus, a man of execution and of braue Ibidem. Cenizus or as the holy scripture speakes, his sonne Athniel raigned eight yeares. courage, was aduertised by a voice from heauen, that he should not permit the Israelites in that sort to be reduced into so extreame necessitie, without taking care for them, but that he ought to aduenture himselfe to set them at libertie. For which cause, calling vnto him some fewe companions of his perils, who were discontented with their present estate, and desired a change, he first of all discomfited the garrison which Schisart had placed ouer them: and so much was he furthered with his first successe, that the number of his followers increased F more and more, so that they seemed sufficient to equall the enemy in open field: whereupon encountring him in one battaile, they ouercame him, and recouered their libertie; and the rest of the scattered and confused army retyred themselues toward Euphrates. Now after that Cenizus had by this effect giuen proofe of his valour, he receiued the gouernment at the peoples hands, and exercised the office of iudge fortie yeares, at the end whereof he died.
CHAP. V. The yeare of the world, 2526 before Christs birth 1438. G
How the people were againe made subiect to the Moabites, and how by Iodes they were exempt from seruitude.
AFter whose death (the gouernment and seate being voide) the affaires of the Israelites began againe to fall to ruine, and the rather for that they neither yeelded due honour vnto Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. Iudg. 3. Eglon king of the Moabites cōquereth the Israelites. God, neither obedience to the lawes: whence it came to passe, that Eglon king of the Moabites (seeing the disorder of their pollicie) set them at nought, so that he waged warre against them, and ouercame them many times. And for that he was a prince of greater forecast then any of his predecessors, he fought against them and weakened their forces, and constrained them to H pay tribute.
This man (translating his court to Iericho, and proud in his victories) omitted no meanes whereby he might vexe and molest the people: so that they liued for the space of 18. yeares in great miserie. But God (being moued with their calamities, and supplications) deliuered them The yeare of the world. 2534. before Christs birth 1430. Iodes or Ehud insinuateth himselfe into Eglons familiaritie. from their intolerable thraldome after this manner. Iodes the sonne of Gera of the tribe of Beniamin (a yong man, both addressed by valour of minde, and strength of hand to attempt any worthy action) dwelt at Iericho. This man insinuated himselfe into Eglons familiaritie, and by presents and gifts entertained and courted him in such sort, as he was well beloued and esteemed amongst all those courtiers that were neerest about the king. It chanced one day, that bearing certaine presents vnto the king (attended by two of his houshold seruants) he secretly girt a I dagger to his right thigh, at such time as he entred into the king: now it was about midsommer and mid-day likewise, whereby the watch was growne the more carelesse and slothfull, partly by reason of the heate, and partly for that the guard were occupied about their dinner. The yong man therefore offering his presents vnto Eglon (who at that time disported himselfe in a certaine sommer chamber) began to discourse with him. Now they were both alone (by reason that the king resoluing to talke familiarlie with Iodes, had sent away his guard, and sate him downe in a seate:) but Iodes fearing, least failing to stab home enough, he should not giue him a fatall and deadly wound, required him to rise, telling him that he had a dreame to report vnto him by the commandement of God. Whereat he reioicing very much, leapt from his seate; whereupon Iodes stabd him to the heart: and leauing the poiniard sticking in his wound, he escaped and locked Iodes killeth Eglon. K the doore after him; the guard making no noise at all, supposing that the king had laide him downe to rest. But Iodes giuing priuate notice hereof to them of Iericho, offered himselfe to be their leader in the recouerie of their former libertie: who (willingly accepting thereof) presently tooke armes, and sent trumpets to publish the same thorow the whole countrey: (for after that manner were they woont to assemble the people.) They that were about Eglon were wholy ignorant of that which had hapned: but about the eeuen-tide (fearing least some mishap had befallen him) they entred into the place where he was, & found him dead; wherat they were greatly astonished, so as they knew not what to doe. For before they had assembled their forces togither, the Israelites fiercely charged them, and some they killed instantly; the rest that were ten thousand The Moabites put to flight & slaine by the Israelites. L in number, betooke then selues to flie, vnder hope to recouer their countrey of Moab: but the Israelites (hauing before that, laide and fortified the passages of Iordan) pursued them and slew them: so that diuers of them perished in the Ferrie, and not one of them remained that escaped their hands. By this meanes the Israelites were deliuered from the seruitude of the Moabites: and for this cause Iodes was aduanced to the gouernment of the people. Finally, after he had liued for the space of fourescore yeares, he died. A man (besides the act of late rehearsed) worthy of praise in all other things. After him Sanagar the sonne of Anath was elected gouernour, The yeare of the world. 2614. before the birth of Christ. 1350. and in the first yeare of his raigne, he left this life to partake the fruition of another.
CHAP. VI.
How the Israelites were brought vnder the subiection of the Chanaanites, and raunsomed M from seruitude by Barac.
BVt the Israelites (in no sort reclaimed or reconciled by their forepassed calamities) fell Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 9. Iudg. 4. Iabin king of the Chanaanites, subdueth the Israelites. againe into their former impietie and disobedlence: and before they had sufficiently shaken off the seruitude of the Moabites, were subiected vnto Iabin king of the Chanaanites. This man kept his residence imperiall at Asor (a Citie scituate on the lake of Sachonites) [Page 115] he had in pay thirtie thousand foore, and ten thousand horse: and besides these, hee had three The yeare of the world 2614. before Christs birth 1350. Sylares or Sylara the captain of the host A thousand warlike Chariots. Ouer all this huge army commanded Sisares (an especiall man amongst the kings fauourites) who encountring with the Israelites, brought their affaires into so desperate an estate, that they willingly (for their owne securitie sake) accepted seruitude, and paied tribute (whereunto they were inforced through the austeritie of their subiection, almost for the space of twentie yeares, not daring to lift vp their heads) all which fell vpon them by the will of God, to the end he might punish the too great contumacie and ingratitude of that nation. Who at length repenting themselues, and acknowledging the cause of their calamities (namely that it proceeded from the contempt of their lawes) they repaired to a certaine Prophetesse called Debora (which name in the Hebrew toong signifieth a Bee) beseeching her that by Debora the Prophetesse. her prayers she would endeuour to prouoke God vnto mercie (to the intent he should not suffer B them so to be oppressed by the Chanaanites.) Hereupon God (being inclined to take compassion on them) granted them helpe, and appointed Barac to be their gouernour (a man of the Barac appointed Emperour against the enemy. tribe of Nephthali, whose name signifieth lightning.) Debora therefore sending for Barac commandeth him to picke out, and muster ten thousand chosen men, and lead them foorth against the enemy: alleadging that they were sufficient to obtaine the victorie which God had promised by his Oracle. But Barac denying to vndertake the gouernment, except she also would administer the same with him, she moued therewith, spake thes: ‘Wilt thou (said she) surrender the dignitie which God hath giuen thee to a woman? well I will not refuse it.’Whereupon leuying ten thousand men, they pitched their tents neere to the mountaine of Itabyr. Sisara at that time (according as the king had commanded him) presently marched out to meete them, and C encamped himselfe not farre from the enemy. But Barac and the rest of the Israelites (being terrified with the multitude of the enemies) was encouraged by Debora, who commanded them Debora and Barac charge the enemy. that verie day to enter and vndertake the battell, assuring them that the victorie should be theirs, and that God would both assist and helpe them: whereupon they charged the enemy, and there sodainly fell a storme of raine mixed with haile, which the winde droue against the faces of the Chanaanites, and tooke away their sight, making those that carried dartes, and such as serued with the sling, vnprofitable in their seruice: the Targetiers likewise hauing their hands benumbed with colde, could scarcely wield their swords. But the tempest beating on the backes of the Israelites, not onely wrought them lesse offence, but made them also more forward (being whetted thereunto by the manifest signe of Gods fauour and presence:) Whereupon disarraying D and breaking thorow their enemies battell, they made a great slaughter of them, so as part of them fell by the weapons of the Israelites: the rest were ouerrunne by their owne horsemen and chariots. Sisara also as soone as he saw his souldiers turne their backes (leaping from his chariot) Sisara slaine with his host. fled away hastily, till at last he arriued in the tent of a woman of Cenetis called Iael, who being desired by him to conceale and hide him, entertained him: and whereas he required drink she gaue him sowre milke, which when he had ouergreedily drunke, he fell a sleepe: and whilest he so lay buried in his slumbers, Iael tooke a mallet and droue an yron nayle thorow his temples, Iael killeth Sysara with an yron naile. and fastned him to the pauement: and anon after, when Baracs souldiers came vnto her, she shewed him vnto them, in such manner as he was nailed. And thus a woman (according as Debora had foretold) was the author of this victorie. But Barac leading his army to Asor, slew Iabin E Barac gouerned the Israelites 40. years. that came out against him: and hauing slaine the king, and leuelled the citie with the ground, he gouerned the Israelites for the space of fortie yeares.
CHAP. VII.
How the Amalechites ouer comming the Israelites, destroyed their countrey for the The yeare of the world, 2654. before Christs birth 1310. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 10. Iudg. 6. The Madianites confederate with the Amelechites ouercome the Israelites in a great battell. space of seuen yeares.
BVt when Barac and Debora were dead, about the verie same time and hard after, the Madianites (accompanied with the Amalechites and Arabians) armed themselues against the men of Israell; and encountring them in open field ouercame them in a great battell, and (destroying their fruits and haruest) led away a great pray, and when as they continued these their incursions for the space of seuen yeares, they compelled the Israelites to forsake the Champion, and flie vnto the mountaines: who digging them dens and houses vnder the earth, kept al that secretly hiddē which they had reserued & conueied from the surie of the enemy. For the Madianites inuading them in the sommer time, permitted the Israelites to plie their husbandrie in the winter, to the intent they might spoile and depopulate their [Page 116] countrey the more. Thus liued they in perpetuall famine and want: neither was there any other G The yeare of the world. 2654. before Christs Natiuitie. 1310. hope or succours left them, but onely by prayers and supplications vnto God.
CHAP. VIII.
How Gedeon deliuered the Israelites.
ABout that time, Gedeon (the sonne of Iasus, one of the chiefest of the tribe of Manasses) ground certaine sheaues of corne which he had secretly conueied into his presse: for he durst not bring them openly, for feare the enemy should haue espied him. To him appeared God commandeth Gedeon to deliuer the Israelites from the Madianites Iudg. 7. there a vision in the forme of a yoong man, which said vnto him, that he was happy and H beloued of God: and that a certaine signe of his good happe should bee, that he should vse his presse in steed of his grange; willing him to be of good courage, and to endeuour himselfe to recouer his countries libertie. Gedeon answered, that it was impossible, by reason that the tribe whereof he was descended, had verie few men in it; and that hee was too yoong and feeble to thinke on affaires of so great consequence: but God promised him to supply his necessities in whatsoeuer he held himselfe deficient; and assured him (vnder his conduct) that he would giue the Israelites the victorie. These things Gedeon communicated with certaine yoong men, who willingly beleeuing the Oracle, answered, that for the present they had ten thousand souldiers in a readinesse, most readie to attempt any thing in regard of their libertie. But God appeared to Gedeon in a dreame, and told him that men naturally were louers of themselues, and haters I God commandeth Gedeon to choose a few men. The victorie is to be attributed to God. of those who were excellent in vertues: so that if there grow any question of victorie they forget God, and appropriate the same vnto themselues, saying; that they are many, and all valiant men at armes. To the end therefore that they may conceiue his handie worke in their deliuerance, he counselled him that about the mid-time of the day, at such time as the heate was most vehement, he should conduct his army to the riuer; and that being there, he should diligently obserue those that bowed themselues to drinke, which he might esteeme for men of valour: but all those that dranke hastily and with noise, should be marked as men fearefull and affraid of the enemy. Gedeon did according as God had commaunded him, and there were found three hundreth men that lifted water to their mouthes with their handes, with feare and trouble: God willed him that he should assaile the enemy with those three hundred, promising K that he would giue him the victorie. About this time were they incamped vpon the banke of Iordan, readie to passe the foord the next morrow. But Gedeon was sore troubled, by reason that God had before times told him that he should assaile the enemy by night: but God willing to deliuer him of this feare, commanded him to take one of his souldiers with him, and enter the Gedeon repaireth to the enemies tents, and by them in confirmed by a dreame. campe of the Madianites, assuring him that he should be both aduised and encouraged by themselues: whereunto he obeyed, and for his better assurance, he tooke with him one of his seruants: Now as he drew nie a certaine tent, he perceiued that they that were within the same were awake, and that one of them with a loud voice, told his companion the dreame which that night he had had; which Gedeon ouer-heard, and thus it was. Him seemed that he saw a barley cake (so loathsome as no man would feed vpon the same) which rowled thorow the camp, which L first ouerthrew the kings tent, & afterward the tents of all his soldiers: alleadging that this vision signified the losse of the whole army. Annexing to this his allegation the reasons that induced him thereunto; namely that of all sortes of corne barley is most contemptible; and amongst all the nations of Asia, there were not this day any people to be found more disgraced and contemned then the Israelites, and that in this respect they resembled barley. That which at this day seemeth to encourage them is Gedeon, and the army that is with him: and whereas this cake turned to ouerthrow our tents, I feare me least God hath giuen some signe of victorie vnto Gedeon. Gedeon (hauing ouerheard all these things) conceiued good hope, and attempted with a valiant heart, and presently commanded his domesticall seruants to arme themselues, discoursing vnto them the vision which appeared to their enemy: whereupon they speedily prepared themselues M at his commaundement, ruminating and hammering in their mindes vpon that discourse which he had declared vnto them. About the latter watch of the night, Gedeon led foorth his army, and diuided them into three bands, and in euery band he put a hundreth men: all of these bare in their hands emptie pots, in which were hidden burning torches, in such sort as the enemy might not discouer them when they sallied out: moreouer they bare rams hornes in their Gedeon with three hūdreth attempteth the fight. right hands, which they vsed in steed of trumpets. The aduerse army tooke vp much ground (by [Page 117] reason that they had a great number of Camels, and were distributed by nations) yet notwithstanding A The yeare of the world, 2054. before Christ Natiuitie, 1310. were all of them comprehended in one inclosure.
The Hebrewes hauing had instructions from their captaine what they ought to doe, at such time as they approched neere vnto their enemies, and the signe of battell was giuen, they sounded their hornes, and brake their pots, and with their flaming lights brake into the enemies campe; crying victorie, victorie, by the assistance of God, and the strength of Gedeon. Hereupon such a trouble and feare surprised the enemie, as they lay a sleepe (for this accident fell out in the night time, and God disposed all things to this issue) that few of them fel by the Hebrewes sword, but they thēselues slew one another in great numbers (by reason that they were different The Madianites and their confederates kill one another. in language.) For confusedly encountring one another, they massacred all those that encountred them, supposing them to be enemies. When the rumour of this slaughter, and Gedeons victorie B came vnto the eares of the rest of the Israelites, they armed themselues, and pursued and ouertooke the enemie (being entangled and circumuented in certaine places made vnpassable thorow many running brooks) so that being inuironed on euery side, they were all of thē put to the sword, amongst which were their two kings Oreb and Zeb. The rest of the chieftaines trouping onward with their soldiers to the number of eighteene thousand or thereabouts, encamped not farre from The Israelites pursue their enemies, and kill Oreb and Zeb. Iudg. 8. Gedeon taketh Zeeb and Ezarbon. One hundreth and twentie thousand Madianites with their confederates slaine. the Israelites: but Gedeon was no waies astonished hereat, but pursuing them valiantly with his whole armie, & charging them desperately, he discomfited all the rest of the enemies, & led away captiues those chieftaines which remained, namely Zeeb & Ezarbon. There died in this battell of the Madianites and Arabians their allies to the number almost of six score thousand: besides that the Hebrewes tooke an inestimable pray of gold, siluer, apparrel, Camels, & other horses. But Gedeon C returning into his country, Ephraim slue the rest of the kings of the Madianites: naitheles the tribe of Ephraim being displeased with his happie execution, resolued to make warre against him, accusing him for that he had not made them priuy of his stratageme intended against the enemy. But Gedeon being a temperate man, and endowed with all kind of vertue, gaue them this modest answere, that it was not he that by his owne direction had set vpon the enemie, but that it was Gods onely handie worke: notwithstaning that the victorie was no lesse theirs, then his or those his followers that atchieued the enterprise. And with these his words appeasing their wrath, he no lesse profited the Hebrewes thereby, then by his valiant actions, by reason that he deliuered them from a ciuill warre, whereunto they had fallen, if his discretion had not preuented it. This tribe was punished for this outrage offered to so noble a personage, as we will declare D hereafter in his place. Gedeon labouring to dismisse himselfe of the gouernment, was forced to The yeare of the world, 2292. before Christs natiuitie, 1270. Gedeon raigned 40. yeares. continue the same, and ruled the Israelites for the space of fortie yeares, doing iustice to euerie one that required the same at his hands, and deciding their controuersies (so irreuocable and certaine was that esteemed which he had decreed.) Finally he died when he was verie old, and was buried in the countrey of Ephraim.
CHAP. IX.
How some of Gedeons successours made warre with the nations round about them.
GEdeon had seuentie lawfull sonnes begotten on diuers lawfull wiues: he had likewise one Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 1. Iudg. 69. Abimelech killeth 69. of his brethren. bastard by his concubine Druma, which he called Abimelech, who after the decease of his father, retired himselfe to Sichem (where his mother was borne) there (assisted with money by his mothers kinred, & backed by thē who were men resolute & addressed to all facinorous actions) he returned vnto his fathers house, where he slue all his brethren (except Iothan, who by good hap saued himselfe by flight) now when as Abimelech had once obtained the tyrannie, he ruled all things according to his lust, and neglected the ordinances and prescript of law, hating all those that in any sort were maintainers of equitie. One day therefore whilest there was a solemne feast held at Sichem (whereunto the whole people were vsually wont to resort) Iothan his brother (who as we said, saued himselfe by flight) climing the mountaine of Garizim, which Iothan by an allusion vpbraideth the Sichemites of their ingratitude towards Gedeon. The counsaile, of the trees in choice of a king. F ouerhangeth the Citie of Sichem, with a loud voyce (which might easily be ouerheard by the people, and in a generall silence of the whole multitude) he besought them that they would heare him in a few words, and when as they intentiuely listned with a greater and more reuerend silence: He told them in times past the trees were accustomed articulately to speake after the manner of men, and that (in a certaine assembly wherein they were to consult of their gouernment) they besought the fig tree to accept the soueraigntie ouer them, which when she refused, [Page 118] and pleaded in his owne behalfe that he was contented with that honour which he reaped by the G The yeare of the world. 1694. before Christes Natiuity. 1270. meanes of the fruit which he bare, & sought not further. The trees surceased not to seeke an other prince, resoluing with themselues to ascribe that honour to the Vine, which in as many words as the Fig tree refused the same: and no lesse did the Oliue tree: At last they preferred their humble protestation of election to the great Bramble (whose wood is good for firing) he answered if you do vnfainedly require me for your king, repose your selues vnder my shadow; but if you intend treasons against me, there shall a fire issue from me and consume you. These things, said Iothan, I report vnto you not to moue you to laughter, but for that you (hauing receiued many benefits at the hands of Gedeon) suffer Abimelech, who in spirit differeth nothing from the fire to vsurpe the Princedome after the slaughter of my brethren. When he had spoken after this manner he departed, and for three yeares space liued hidden amongst the mountaines, flying the H power of Abimelech. Neither did there many daies ouerpasse, but that the Sichemites (being The Sichemites banish Abimelech. moued with compassion and iust reuenge in respect of the murther which was committed vpon the sonnes of Gedeon) banished Abimelech out of their Citie, and the whole tribe. Whereupon he resolued to do some mischief to both the Citie and Citizens: and for that their vintage was at hand, & they durst not gather the fruit, fearing least they should receiue some iniury at the hands of Abimelech. By good hap about that time a certaine Prince called Gaal retired thither with a troupe of soldiours and his kinred, him did the Sichemites beseech that he would grant them a conuoy, whilest they had gathered in their haruest: which request of theirs being accepted by Gaal, they issued out with their forces, being seconded by him and his, and securely brought in their fruits, and feasting one with another in companies, they were so bold as to scoffe at Abimelech, I and the chiefest of his followers: and the chiefest of those straungers among them, that came into the city to their assistance, surprised by Ambuscado diuers of Abimelechs people & slew them. But Zebel one of the Sichemites and Abimeleches host signified vnto him by a messenger, how Gaal incited the people against him, inuiting him to lie in wait for him neere about the Abimelechs practise against the Sichemits. Citie, promising him that he would bring Gaal thither, to the end that he might easily reuenge him of that iniurie which his enemie had offered him. Which done, he promised to worke so wisely that he would reconcile him to the peoples fauour againe, and whenas Abimelech had chosen a place fit to lie in ambush, and Gaal with Zebel too carelesly liued and walked in the suburbes, at length he sodainly espying certaine armed men, cried out to Zebel, that he had discouered the enemie, whereunto Zebel replied that they were the shadowes of rocks: but Gaal drawing more K neere vnto them, and perceiuing apparantly who they were, answered Zebel, that they were no shadowes, but ambushes of men. Whereunto Zebel replied, dost not thou obiect cowardise to Abimelech, why therefore shewest thou not thy great valour in fighting with him? Gaal confusedly amazed, assailed the soldiours of Abimelech, in which conflict certaine of his followers were slaine, and he himselfe fled into the Citie (giuing example vnto the rest to follow him.) Hereupon Zebel laboured that Gaal might be expulsed out of the Citie, accusing him of his cowardly Gaal put to flight by Abimelech, is banished out of Sichem. encountry with the soldiers of Abimelech. Now when as the same Abimelech had afterwards gotten certaine intelligence, that the Sichemites would issue anew to gather to their vintage, he laid an ambush neere vnto the Citie. And no sooner were they issued, but that the third part of his troopes surprised and seazed the gates to cut them off from their returne, that thought L to reenter; the rest ranne after those that were scattered here and there: so that there was a great slaughter on euerie side, and the Citie was ruinated euen vnto the verie foundations (for they could not withstand the siege) and they sowed salt vpon the ruines thereof. Thus perished all they that were in the Citie of Sichem. But they that escaped thorow the conntrey, Sichem takē and sacked and rased to the ground. and had auoided the daunger, assembled and fortified themselues vpon a strong rocke, and there incamped and began to defence the same. But as soone as Abimelech had notice of their intention, he hasted thither with his forces, and inuironed the place with fagots of dry wood (carying them thither in his owne person, and encouraging thereby those of his armie to doe the like) so that the rocke was incontinently compassed with wood. Whereunto he set fire round about, and The Sichemites flying are burned vpō a rocke. in an instant it flamed and burned vehemently, so as none of them were saued, but all of them M perished with their wiues and children, to the number of fifteene hundred men, besides many other of the weaker sort. This calamitie hapned to the Sichemites (in so grieuous a measure that there is not any griefe sufficient to deplore it) were it not that that so horrible misfortune fel vpon them, by reason of their ingratitude they had shewed to so vpright a iudge, and so gratious a benefactor. Abimelech alaid the courage of the Israelites by this encounter and conquest of the Sichemites, and gaue sufficient testimonie that he aspired more higher, and that he would neuer [Page 119] terminate his violence vntill he had vtterly extinguished them. He therefore led forth his army The yeare of the world 2694. before Christis birth 1270. Abimelech taketh Tebe [...]. A against the Tebeans and their Citie, which he tookè: but in that towne there was a great tower, whither all the people had retired themselues, and whilest he prepared himselfe to besiege the same, and approched likewise neere vnto the gates, a certaine woman cast a peece of a milstone at him, and hit him on the head: which was the cause that Abimelech called at that time for his squier, commaunding him to dispatch him, to the intent it might not be reported that he died by the hands of a woman. His squier did according as he had commaunded him, and reuenged A woman woudeth Abimelech and his squier killeth him. on Abimelech (by putting him to death) the crueltie he had committed against his brethren, and the tyranny executed vpon the Sichemites; on whom all these misfortunes fell according as Iothan had foretold them. As soone as Abimelech was slaine, all the armie was dispersed, and euery one returned vnto his dwelling place: and Iair the Galeadite of the tribe of Manasses Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 12. al. 19. Iudg. 10. B tooke vpon him the gouernment. Amongst other conditions of this man, these were of the greatest note, that he was rich, and had thirtie worthie sonnes, all expert vpon horse backe, and exercised the magistracie in the countrey of Galaad: he (after he had gouerned the people for the space of twentie yeares) died, when he was very old, and was honourably intombed in Chamon a citie of Galaad. From this time forward the pollicie and estate of the Hebrewes grew The yeare of the world. 2697. before Christs birth 1267. Thola raigned 23. yeares. After him lair 22. yeares. more and more disordered, and the lawes began to be neglected: Whence it came to passe that the Ammonites and Philistines (setting light by them) destroyed all their countrey with a great army, during which time they occupied all the land on this side Iordan, and so much were they heartned, as that they pressed further, and possessed the better part on the other side of the riuer, and conquered the same. Wherupon the Hebrewes being brought to more moderation by these C their aduersities, had their recourse vnto God by praiers and sacrifices, requiring him that it might please him to moderate his wrath, and that hauing regard and respect of their supplication, he would be pleased to stay his heauie hand ouer them. This submission of theirs preuailed with God, who inclined himselfe to assist them. Whilest therefore the Ammonites led their armie into Galaad, they of the countrey arose to meete and fight with them, being disfurnished of a gouernour to conduct them. Now there was a certaine man called Ieptha, of great estimation, The yeare of the world. 2719. before the birth of Christ. 1245. The Israelites oppressed by the Ammonites and Palestines. as well for the vertue of his ancestors, as his owne particular valour (the rather for that he had beene trained and maintained in warlike seruice.) To him they sent a messenger, requiring him that he would assist them; promising him, that he should continue in the gouernment during the terme of his life. But he was nothing mollified with this their request, but reprochfully obiected D against them, that they had abandoned him at that time, when as his brothers had done him open wrong: for (by reason he was not their brother by the same mother, but a straunger, begotten on a woman which their father had entertained for his paramour, they had driuen him out of their family, setting light by him, by reason of his base birth) yet notwithstanding he had liued in Galaad, receiuing all those into wages which came vnto him, of what place soeuer they were. But after they had besought him, and sworne vnto him that he should continue in the gouernment, The yeare of the world. 2742, be Christs birth. 1222. Ieptha is created the Iudge of Israel. he became their generall in warre, and speedily (prouiding and foreseeing whatsoeuer was necessarie) he encamped himselfe neere vnto Maspha, and sent Embassadours to the Ammonites, accusing them for inuading a countrey that belonged not vnto them. They contrariwise blamed the Israelites, for that they were fled like fugitiues from Egypt, and commaunded E that the Israelites should depart out of Amorrhaea (which was their ancient patrimonie.) Ieptha answered that they had no reason to accuse their ancestors, in respect of Amorrhaea: but rather that they ought to giue them thanks, for that they hac permitted them to enioy the countrey of Ammon, by reason it was in Moses power to haue commaunded the same. In a word, they were The yeare of the world, 2760 before Christs birth 1204. resolued not to forsake the countrey which God had both giuen and purchased for them, and which they had held in their possession for the space of three hundreth yeares, alledging that he would defend the same against them by dint of sword: with these words dismissed he the Embassadours of the Ammonites. Then besought he God that it might please him to grant him victotie: Ieptha maketh a vow. and he made a vow, that if he returned vnto his house whole and in safetie, he would offer vp in sacrifice, that of his which he should first meete withall in his returne: whereupon incountring F the enemie he defeated him, and pursued him, killing those that fled continually till he came to the Citie of Maniathen. Then entring the countrey of the Ammonites, he destroyed diuers He ouercommeth the Ammonites. Cities, and led away a great pray, and deliuered and ransomed diuers slaues of that nation, who had endured that seruitude for the space of eighteene yeares. But as he returned homeward, he fell into such an inconuenient, as was no waies answerable to his noble actions. For his onely daughter (of the age of eighteene yeares) came out to meete him: whereupon resoluing and [Page 120] melting himself into teares, he began to checke her for that so hastily she had issued forth to meet G The yeare of the world 2760. before Christs Natiuitie. 1204. him, by reason he had consecrated the first thing he mette withal to God. But this accident was no waies displeasant vnto the Damsell, but that she willingly died, both for the victorie of her father, and the deliuerance of her brethren: she therefore besought her father that it would please him to grant her two months before she should be sacrificed, to the end she might lament her youth with her companions: and that after that terme, her father might acquit himselfe of that vowe which he had made. Ieptha granted her the terme and time she had limited, which being expired, he sacrificed his daughter for a burnt offering: which oblation of his was neither conformable to the law, nor agreeable vnto God (by reason he examined not in his vnderstanding Ieptha sacrificeth his daughter. before [...]ee committed the act, how it would be taken by those that should heare the report thereof.) H
The tribe of Ephraim hearing of his victories, would haue sent out men of warre against The Ephaimites are incensed against Ieptha. Iud. 12. him (by reason he had not communicated his enterprise against the Ammonites with them, but had onely reserued the pray, and vsurped the honour of the execution to himselfe) whereunto he answered first of all, that being of his kinred, they could not be ignorant that both hee and his were assailed by warre; and had besides that also beene required to giue them their assistance, whereunto they had answered verie faintly, and being requested would not be present. Secondly, he tould them that that which they vndertooke was both vnlawfull and most wicked, in that (not daring to confront or assaile the enemie) they made no bones to set vpon and assault their own brothers and familiars, threatning them that if they gouerned not themselues, he would (by the assistance of God) be reuenged on them. But these words of his were both neglected and I despised, so that he was forced to arme himselfe against them, and with an host of men sent from Galaad, he made a great slaughter, partly in pursuing those that fled, partly also in preuenting Almost fortie thousand of the Ephraimites slaine. Ieptha dieth. Apsan was for seuen yeares space the Iudge in Israel. Elon raigned ten yeares. their passage who fled vnto Iordan, and the number of those that were slaine amounted to fortie thousand or thereabouts. But after that Ieptha had gouerned sixe yeares he deceased, and was buried in Sebei, in the place where he was borne, and in the countrey of Galaad. After his decease, Apsan tooke vpon him the gouernment. He was of the tribe of Iuda, of the Citie of Bethleem, and had sixtie children, thirtie males & thirtie females, which he left all aliue and maried: he died when he was verie old, without performing any thing worthie either recitall or memory, during the space of his seuen yeers gouerment: he was buried in his countrey. Elon a Zabulonite his successour differed nothing from him in the same, & during the terme of ten yeares wherein he gouerned, The yeare of the world, 27 [...]3. before Christs natiuitie, 1191. Abdon Iudge. K he atchieued nothing that was worthie commendation. Abdon the sonne of Elon (of the tribe of Ephraim of the Citie of Pharathon) was declared soueraigne Iudge after Elon, and is renowmed onely for his felicitie in his children (by reason that the estate was in peace and securitie, and that he exployted nothing worthy glorie) he had fortie sonnes, who had thirtie other children, and he rode accompanied with these seuentie, who were all of them expert on horsebacke. He left them all aliue, and died when he was verie old, and was magnifically buried in Pharathon.
CHAP. X.
Of Sampsons valour, and how many mischiefes he did vnto the Philistines. L
AFter his death, the Philistines had the vpper hand ouer the Israelites, and exacted tribute from them for the space of fortie yeares. From that miserie were they ransomed after this manner: Manoach (an excellent man, and one of the chiefest of the tribe of The Israelites are ouercome by the Palestines. Dan, recounted without exception for the onely esteemed Prince amongst them) had a wife most famous for her beautie, and excellent amongst all other of that time; yet had he no children by her: whereat he was verie sore displeased: and for this cause he made his continuall Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 13. al. 10. praiers vnto God (departing with his wife to his countrey farme) beseeching him that it might please his maiestie, to grant him some lawfull heire and successour (now the place whither they resorted was scituate in a broad plaine.) Furthermore he loued his wife so exceedingly, that he M almost doted on her, and for this occasion he was extremely iealous of her. Whilest thus the woman liued solitarily by her selfe, an Angell of God appeared vnto her in a vision, promising The yeare of the world. 2783. before Christs birth 1181. The Angell foretelleth Sampsons birth. her a goodly, faire and puissant sonne, who denounced vnto her the pleasant message of the birth of her child, which God by his prouidence would bestow vpon her, who should be goodly and admirable in his forces, and vnder whom also as soone (as he should attaine to mans estate) the Philistines should endure many ouerthrowes: exhorting her not to cut his haire, commaunding [Page 121] likewise that he should tast no other drinke but water (because that God had so commanded it:) The yeare of the world 2783. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1181. A and after he had finished these sayings, he departed according to the pleasure of God. As soone as her husband returned home againe, she told him all that which the Angell had said vnto her, who was amased at the beautie and greatnesse of the yoong messenger, who appeared vnto her after so strange a manner, as Manoach was almost spent with iealousie and suspition (which such a passion is woont to engender.) But she desirous to mitigate his discontent, and that distrust which he had vainely and vnaduisedly conceiued; besought God that it might please him once more to send his Angell vnto her, to the intent that her husband might see him. Whilest therefore they liued in this sort out of towne, the Angell presented himselfe againe (thorow the grace of God) and appeared vnto the woman (being apart from her husband.) But she besought him The Angel appeareth once more vnto Manoach. to abide vntill such time as she had called her husband: which when she had obtained, she went B and fetcht Manoach, who notwithstanding was not deliuered of his suspition: but required him that he would relate againe vnto him all that which he had signified to his wife. The Angell answered him, that it sufficed that she onely knew it: whereupon he asked him what he was, to the end that when his sonne should be borne, he might both giue him presents, and present him thanks. The Angell answered, that he had no need thereof, by reason that he had not brought that good newes of the birth of his sonne for any necessitie that he had: Manoach besought him to stay and receiue some token of kindnes: but he would not consent. Finally, being instantly pressed to abide and receiue some gift: Manoach killed a kid, and commanded his wife to rost the same. And when as all things were in readinesse, the Angell commanded them to lay the bread and flesh vpon a rock without dishes: which being done, he touched the flesh with a wand C which he bare in his hand, and sodainly a flaming fire consumed both the bread, and flesh; and the Angell was seene to ascend vp into heauen in the smoake as it were in a chariot. Manoach was affraid least some inconuenient should happen vnto him, by reason that they had in that sort seene God: but his wife recomforted him, by reason that God had appeared vnto them for their profit sake. Anon after she became big with childe, and obserued all that which had been commanded her, and when the infant was borne she called his name Sampson (which is as much to say, as strong) who presently endowed with an excellent beautie both of mind and body, vsing Sampsons birth. Iudg. 14. his haire vnshorne, and sobriety in his diet, he seemed to make shew in himselfe of some propheticall, and more then humane forwardnesse.
It happened one day that there was a solemnitie celebrated in Thamna a Citie of the Philistines, D whither Sampson resorted with his father and mother, and was surprised with the loue of one of the damsels of that place, requiring his father and mother that this mayden might be giuen him in marriage: which they refused to doe; alleadging that she was not of the same linage that he was of, and that God would prouide him of a match to the good and profit of those of his nation: but in the end he preuailed so much, that he espoused the maiden. Now as he ordinarily walked to her parents, it hapned one day, that being disarmed, he met with a Lyon vpon the way, whom he grasped and strangled with his hands; and hauing slaine him, he cast the bodie of the beast into a wood not farre distant from the hie way. An other day, and at another Sampsons teareth a lion in pieces with his hands. time, returning in like sort to the damsell, he found a swarme of Bees which went and made their hony and habitation in the breast of the same beast, and he tooke three hony combes which he E caried with other presents vnto his betrothed. After this he inuited the Thamnites to the celebration Sampson marrieth one of the daughters of the Palestines. of his marriage, who (for that they suspected his forces) vnder colour to doe him honour, chose out thirtie of their strongest and valiantest yoong men, whom in words they assigned for his companions, but in effect appointed for his guardians; to the end he might not attempt any commotion at such time as he had drunke deepely: and there was nothing intended but sport, according as it is the custome in other such like occasions. To whom Sampson said, I will propose a question vnto you, which if any one of you can resolue, I wil giue each of you a fine linnen shirt, & other vestments in reward of your prudence. They being very desirous both to be reputed wise, as also to gaine the reward which was proposed, willed him to propound his question: which he did in these tearmes. He that deuoureth all, and that of himselfe is vnpleasant Sampson propoundeth a riddle to the Thamnites. F to be fed vpon, hath brought foorth a most pleasant kind of meat. They trauelled for the space of three daies to finde out the sense thereof, but they could not: and therefore they required Sampsons best beloued, that she would sound the secrets thereof, and disclose the same vnto them; which if she failed to performe, they threatned to burne her to death. Sampson at the first (notwithstanding all her flatteries and solicitations) denyed to tell it her: at last she vrged him so instantly, and shed so many teares (telling him that if he did not expound the question vnto her, [Page 122] that she would take it for a certaine signe that he hated her) that at last he told her what hapned G The yeare of the world, 2791. before Christs birth 1173. Sampsons wife discouereth the riddle to the Thamnites with the Lyon which he had slaine, and how in him he had the three hony combes which hee brought vnto her: and (suspectlesse of either fraud or guile) he disciphered the whole storie vnto her, and she afterwards reported the same to those that had besought her in that behalfe. When as therefore the seuenth day was come wherein the question was to be decided, they assembled themselues togither about sunne set, and said: There is nothing more irkesome to meete withal then a Lyon, neither any thing more pleasant to tast, then hony: Whereunto Sampson replied, that there was not any thing more fraudulent then a woman, for she it is that hath reported my Sampson killeth certaine Ascalonites & his wife marieth with an other. Iudg. 15. words vnto you. Notwithstanding all this, he deliuered that which he had promised them out of that bootie, which he had taken from certaine Ascalonites, whom he encountred vpon the way. From that time forward he forsooke this marriage, and the woman (the more to despite him) H married one of his friends, who had in his behalfe first sollicited the marriage. Sampson (being the more incensed by this iniurie) resolued to reuenge himselfe both on her, and the whole nation: For which cause in the sommer season (when the corne was readie to be reapt) he tooke Sampson burneth the Palestines fruit. three hundreth foxes, to whose tailes he fastned flaming torches, and droue them into the Philistines fields of corne, consuming by this meanes all their haruest hope. The Philistines vnderstanding that Sampson had done this, and conceiuing the reason that induced him to execute this action, sent their garrison of Thamna, and burnt this woman aliue with all her kinred, as the authors of that losse that had hapned vnto them. After that Sampson had slaine diuers Philistines in the countrey, he went and dwelt at Etam (which is a strong rocke in the tribe of Iuda.) For which cause the Philistines assailed that tribe, who certified them that there was no reason I why they should suffer for those offences which were committed by Sampson, and that in especiall, because they paied them tribute. The Philistines replied, that except they would not be maintainers of this act of iniustice, they should deliuer Sampson vnto them. They therefore (desirous that the Philistines should haue no cause of quarrell against them) came vnto the rocke to the number of three thousand men, or thereabouts, and blamed Sampson for those actions which he dared to commit against the Philistines (a people that might endomage all the nation of the Hebrewes) alleadging further, that they came to the end to take, surprise, and deliuer him into the Philistines hands, praying him to submit himselfe voluntarily to that their resolution. Sampson made them sweare that they would doe him no further iniurie, but deliuer him only vnto their enemies, and that done he descended from the rocke, surrendring himselfe to the hands of those K of Iuda, who bound him with two cables, and led him away to deliuer him to the Philistines. Now being arriued in a certaine place, which before that time had no name, and at this present Sampson is deliuered to the Palestines. is called the Maxilla, that is to say, a Iawe (by reason of the valour which Sampson shewed in that place) and approching neere the Philistines campe, shouting and reioycing in their presence, (by reason that they had faithfully executed that which they willed them) Sampson brake his bonds, and catching vp the iawe of an Asse which he found at his feet, and marching foorth against Sampson with the lawbone of an Asse killeth a thousand men. the Philistines, he slew and beat downe to the number almost of two thousand of them, putting all the rest to flight and confusion. Sampson (becomming more elate after this execution then he ought to haue been, and confessing not that it was done by the assistance of God, but attributing the same to his owne vertue) gloried, that with the iawe of an Asse he had partly L slaine, and partly constrained the enemies both to feare and flie. But being seased with an exceeding Sampson by his praiers causeth a fountain to breake out of a rocke. thirst, he reknowledged and confessed that mans force is of no force, and protested that all ought to be ascribed to God, whom he besought that he would not be displeased with that which he had spoken, but that it might be remitted, and himselfe deliuered from the present danger. Whereupon God heard his praiers, and caused a pleasant and aboundant fountaine to issue and spring from the foote of a rocke: for which cause Sampson called the place Maxilla or Iaw, which name continueth euen vnto this day. After this battaile Sampson set light by the Philistines, and went to Gaza where he soiourned in an Inne. The gouernours of the Citie vnderstanding of his arriuall, set men to keepe the gates, to the end he might not depart without their knowledge. But Sampson (being no waies ignorant of that which they intended against him) arose about M midnight and caried away the gates, with the hinges and lockes and all the furniture of the same, Sampson beareth away the gates of Gaza. and laying them on his shoulders, caried and cast them on the mountaine Hebron. Not long after that he transgressed the ordinance of his fathers, and corrupted his domesticall manner of liuing, conforming himselfe to the fashions of the Gentiles, which was the source and ofspring of all his ruine. For he was surprised and entangled with the loue of one that was called Dalila (which was a common strumpet amongst the Philistines.) To her resorted the gouernours of the [Page 123] Philistines, and by promises wrought so much with her, that they wrought her to worke out of The yeare of the world, 2791. before Christs Natiuitie, 1171. Dalila the strumpet soundeth Sampson to finde our wherein his strength consisted and is dcluded. A him wherein his force consisted, & what the cause was that he might not be apprehended by his enemies. She (conuersing with him in drinking and keeping him company) tolde him that she maruailed at his actions, and by subtill insinuations practised to vnderstand the manner and cause that made him so excellent in vertue. But Sampson (that as yet was subtill, staied and well gouerned) in counter check of her craft answered her: that if he were tied with seuen vine branches that were yoong and pliant, he should become the most feeblest amongst men. Whereupon for that time she contented her selfe; and hauing giuen notice thereof to the gouernours of the Philistines, she had in her house certaine men of warre; then when he was drunke and a sleepe, she bound him as strongly fast as might be possible, and sodainly waking him told him that certaine souldiers were at hand to assaile him: but Sampson brake his bonds of the vine branches, B and addressed himselfe to repulse the assaults of those that lay in waight to offend him. The woman frustrate of that hope which she expected, not longtime after that (getting a fit oportunitie, in that Sampson conuersed continually) began grieuously to complaine against him, for that distrusting her loue and constancie, he had concealed that from her which she most of all desired to know, as if she had been insufficient to conceale that which might any waies concerne the fortune and safetie of her beloued: But he deceiued her the second time, and said vnto her, that if he were tied with seuen cordes, he should lose his force. Which when she had done, and found a contrarie issue to her expectation, the third time Sampson told her, that if she plighted his haire with a fillet, he should be weakened: and hauing experimented that also, she found that it was false. Finally (for that a great misfortune attended vpon him) she besought him so C much, that at last he condescended to gratifie her, and spake vnto her after this manner. God hath care ouer me, and I am by his especiall prouidence bred and brought vp: for this cause I Sampson discouereth to Dalila wherin his strength consisted, his eies are pulled out and he is led away prisoner. The yeare of the world, 2811. before Christs birth 1153. nourish this haire, for that God hath commanded me not to cut the same, because my force shal endure and augment as long as these lockes shall endure and grow. Which when she vnderstood, she shaued off his haire and betraied him to his enemies, whose forces at that time he was too feeble to resist, who plucked out his eies, and led him away bound. But in space of time his haire grew againe, and at such time as the Philistines celebrated a publike feast (wherein the princes and peeres banquetted and entertained one another in one place, which was a house, the couer whereof was sustained with two pillars) Sampson was sent for, and brought to the feast, to the end they might mocke at him in the midst of their feasts and drunkennesse. But he taking it D more grieuously then all other the euils which he indured, that he might not reuenge himselfe on those that thus iniuriously did iniure him: he wrought so much with the boy that led him, that he approched and tooke hold of the foresaid pillars, telling him that he had great need to repose himselfe, considering the trauaile that he had sustained. As soone as therfore he got hold on them, he shooke them in such a sort, as they were ouerturned, & the house fell vpon those that Sampson with three thousand Palestines is slaine. Sampson ruled twenty yeares. were therein, who died to the number of three thousand men: with these also died Sampson, who finished his daies in this sort, after he had commanded ouer Israell for the space of twenty yeares. He was a man of great vertue, force, and magnanimitie: and especially in that which concerneth his end, he meriteth to be admired at, because that euen vnto his latter houre he was animated against the Philistines. And whereas he was allured and besotted by a woman, it ought to be E attributed to humane nature, which is so weake that it cannot resist sinne: otherwise in all other things, we ought to yeeld testimony of his vertue. His kinsfolke tooke his body and buried it in Sarasa his countrey, by his parents.
CHAP. XI.
How the sonnes of Eli the high Priest, were slaine in battell by the Palestines.
AFter the decease of Sampson, Eli the high Priest tooke vpon him the gouernment ouer Ruth. 1. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 14. A famine in the daies of Eli. the Israelites. During his time there was a great famine, and Elimelech vnable to endure the miserie thereof, came from Bethleem a Citie of the tribe of Iuda to inhabite in the F countrey of Moab, bringing with him Naomi his wife, and Chelion and Maalon his sons, whom he had by her. Now when as his affaires had fallen out with as fortunate successe as might be desired, he married his sonnes to certaine daughters of the Moabites, Chelion vnto Orpha, and Maalon to Ruth. Some ten yeares after, Elimelech and his sonnes died, the one after the other. By which mishappe Naomi being cast into great sorrowe and destitute of their companie, whose deare familiaritie she had preferred before the loue of her countrey: changing her resolution [Page 124] (according to those occurrences that had happened her) she determined to returne vnto her G The yeare of the world. 2811. before Christes Natiuity. 1153. friends, by reason she had receiued intelligence that her countrey at that time was in good estate. But her daughter in lawes could no waies endure to be separated from her, and will shee nill shee, they would needs accompany her: but she wishing them a more happy marriage then that which they enioyed with her sonnes, and in all other things prosperitie, and protesting vnto them that there was no abilitie in her to doe them good; she besought them that they would stay in that place, and not (desiring to follow their wretched mother in law in an vncertaine euent) to lose the certaine pleasure and peaceable fruition of their countrey. These her perswasions tooke effect with Orpha: but Ruth (resolued in no sort to forsake her) attended on her mother Naomi after the decease of her husband & sonnes departeth with Ruth into her owne countrey. Ruth goeth into Bethleem. Ruth 2. in law (as an assured and future companion of whatsoeuer fortune should fal vpon her.) Now when as both of them were arriued in Bethleem, Boos (Abimelechs kinsman) entertained them in H his house: and whereas the Citizens called her by the name of Naamis, she said vnto them, that it was more seemely for them to call her Mara (for Naomi in the Hebrew toong signifieth good hap, and Mara is as much to say as bitternesse.) Whereas then it was haruest time, Ruth by the permission of her mother, went out into the fields to glean, and gather corne for her sustenance: and it fortuned that she met by good hap in the fields with Boos, who came thither likewise not Boos friend to Naomi and Ruth. long after; who beholding her, enquired and questioned with the chiefe reaper as touching the woman. Now had he a little before that time vnderstood by her, her whole estate, which hee declared vnto his master, who gaue her thankes for the good affection which she bare vnto her mother in law, and of the care she had of her deceased sonne, whom Ruth had married, wishing her in effect all good fortune, and not suffering her to gleane, he permitted her to reape and to I gather all that which she might, commanding his master-reaper that he should no waies let her from taking whatsoeuer she pleased: giuing order likewise that when the reapers should take their refection, they should giue her both meate and drinke. Now when as Ruth had receiued graine at their hands, she reserued it for her mother in lawe, and came home at night and brought her the sheaues. In like manner Naomi had reserued a portion of certaine victuals for her, which in way of honour her neighbours had sent her. Vpon her returne Ruth reported vnto her all those words that Boos had said vnto her: and Naomi gaue her to vnderstand that Boos was of her kin, & that it might be that he was moued by deuotion towards God to haue care of her. Some other daies after, Ruth issued againe with Boos handmaides to gather her gleanings. And certaine daies Ruth 3. after (and about that time that they threshed barley) Boos came and slept on the floore: which K when Naomi vnderstood, she bethought her selfe of some subtill practise, whereby shee might make Ruth lie with him (presuming that it would be a verie good fortune for the yoong woman Ruth by her mother in laws perswasion lieth at Boos feete. if they might grow in acquaintance togither) for which cause she sent her to sleepe at his feeto. Ruth (that made it a conscience to contradict hir mother in lawe in whatsoeuer she commaunded her) repaired thither, and vpon her first arriuall Boos perceiued nothing (because he was fast asleepe:) but when he awaked about midnight, and felt that there was some body that lay fast by him, he demaunded what she was: whereupon she told him her name, requesting him as her master, that he would permit her to repose in that place for that time. But early in the morning before the seruants began to fall to their worke, he commanded her to arise, and to take as much barley with her as she could beare, to the end she might returne vnto her mother in lawe, before L that any man might perceiue that she had slept in that place (because it is wisedome to auoide slaunder, especially at such time when there is occasion offered for a man to speake ill.) Touching the rest (said he) the matter standeth thus: Thou hast a kinsman (said he) that is more neere thee in bloud then I am; thou must enquire of him, if it be his pleasure to take thee to his wife: & if he saith that he liketh thee, thou then must necessarily submit vnto him: but if he refuse thee, I will take thee for my wife, according as the lawe intendeth. Now when she had reported these Ruth 4. newes vnto her mother in lawe, she gathered courage and conceiued hope that Boos would take care of her. Thereupon Boos came into the Citie about noone-daies, and called a councell of the Elders, and sent for Ruth and his kinsman, to whom in person he spake thus: Doest thou possesse the heritage of Abimelech and his successors? Who when he had publikely declared that M he was seased thereof in right of proximitie, according to the ordinance of the lawe: Boos replyed. Thou must not (saith he) onely obserue the lawes in part; but thou must precisely execute them according as they are. For behold here a yoong woman, whom it behooueth thee to marrie according to the law, if thou wilt be inheritor of his possessions. But he surrendred Boos exhorteth his kinsman to marry Ruth. vnto Boos, not onely the possessions, but also the woman; by reason that Boos was allied also to those that were dead, and especially for that the said kinsman had already both wife and children. [Page 125] Boos therefore (hauing first of all taken witnesse of all the councell) called for the woman, The yeare of the world. 28 [...]1. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1153. A and willed her to draw neere vnto her kinsman, and to vnloose his shoe, and strike him on the face (according as the law had ordained) which done, Boos espoused Ruth, by whom (about a yeare after) he had a sonne which Naomi brought vp, and by the aduice of the women she called his name Obed (because she had nourished him in her age: for Obed in the Hebrew tongue signifieth a slaue.) Obed begat Iesse, and Iesse Dauid, who was king, and Boos begetteth Obed Dauids grandfather vpon Ruth. 1 King. 2. who left the Realme vnto his successours for one and twentie generations of men. I haue beene enforced to declare these things as touching Ruth, because I haue an intent to declare the power of God, to whom it is possible to raise men from obscuritie to the highest tip and tittle of dignitie, as he hath chosen Dauid, who descended from these of whom I haue spoken. B
The affaires of the Hebrewes were at this time in verie poore estate, and they armed themselues Ophni and Phinees the wicked sonnes [...] Eli the high Priest. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 15. al. 12. anew against the Philistines vpon this occasion. The high Priest Eli had two sonnes Ophni and Phinees. They against all right and law (offering outrages to men, and vrging impieties against God) suffered no sinne to ouerslip them which they committed not: for they tooke presents (partly in way of honour, partly rauished by force and rapine.) And as touching those women that came vnto the Tabernacle in way of deuotion, they abused them, and rauishing some against their wils, and corrupting some other by presents, they so lewdly liued, that their life seemed to be a true and licentious tyrannie: for this cause their father was sore displeased with them, but the people were so much the more ouerburdened with griefe, because as yet they perceiued not that Gods punishmēt should so sodainly fal vpon them. But incontinently after that God had C declared to Eli and the Prophet Samuel (who about that time was verie young) what mishappe should fall vpon Elies children, he mourned ouer them, as if they had beene alreadie dead. (But I will first of all declare somwhat vnto you as concerning the Prophet Samuel, and afterwards wil I speak of the children of Eli, & what inconueniēt fell vpon all the Hebrew nation.) Elcana was a Leuite of base condition, liuing in Ramatha a part of Ephraim: he had maried two wiues, the one called Anna, the other Phenanna: by Phenanna he had children; yet notwithstanding loued he Anna verie intirely, although she were barren. Now as Elcana with his wiues repaired to Silo, Anna the wife of Elcana requireth a son at Gods hands. The yeare of the world. 2818. before Christs birth 1146. where the Tabernacle of God was resident (as we haue before declared) to the intent to offer sacrifice in that place: whilest I say, during the festiuall he distributed the portion of his meat to his wiues and children, Anna (beholding the children of his other wife sitting round about their D mother) began to weepe and lament with her selfe, because she was without issue and alone. And after that by her grief she had ouercome all that consolation which her husband could giue her, she went vnto the Tabernacle to beseech God that it might please him to giue her a sonne, and make her a mother; promising that her first begotten sonne should be dedicated vnto the seruice of God, and should lead a particular life farre differing from that of other liuing men. And for that she employed long time in making her praiers, the hie Priest Eli, who sate before the Tabernacle, commaunded hir to depart from thence, supposing that she had tasted too much wine: but after that she had told him that she drunke nothing but water, and that (being oppressed with griefe) she was come into the Tabernacle to beseech God that it might please him to grant her children; he exhorted her to be of good courage, promising her that God had heard her praiers: E whereupon she returned to her husband replenished with good hope, and tooke her repast with ioy and gladnes. When as then they returned to their owne house, she began to waxe big with child, and at last she bare a little young sonne, whom she called Samuel (that is to say, Requested at Gods hands.) Afterwards they returned to offer sacrifice and giue thanks vnto God for the birth of the child, which God had giuen them, and to bring their tenths: whereupon the woman (remembring her of the vow she had made in his behalfe) deliuered him into the hands of Eli, and consecrated him vnto God to be his Prophet. For which cause they suffered his haire to grow, and he dranke nothing but water, and Samuel was nourished and brought vp in the Anna bare Samuel to Elcana her husband. Temple: Elcana had by Anna other sonnes and three daughters. But as touching Samuel (incontinently after he attained to the age of twelue yeares) he prophecied. On a certaine night F therefore whilest he slept, God called him by his name: and he supposing that the high Priest had wakened him, came vnto him: but he told him that he had not called him. This notwithstanding, God continued to call him three times: whereat Eli being fore amased, he said vnto him, Samuel, I neither now at this present, nor before this time haue spoken vnto thee, but it is God that calleth 1. King. 3. thee, answere him therefore, and say here I am. Now it chanced that he heard the voice of God once more; and he required him that it might please him to speake, and he would answere, not [Page 126] failing any waies to doe him seruice in that wherein he should command him. Whereunto God G The yeare of the world, 2818 before Christs birth 1146. God foreshewed Samuel of the death of Eli and his sonnes Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 16. 1. Reg. 4. answered saying: since (saith he) thou art here, know that so great a calamitie shall fall vpon the Israelites, that there is not any tongue that may expresse the same, or man that may beleeue it. The sonnes of Eli shall die, and the Priesthood shall be transported into the family of Eleazar: For Eli hath more loued his children then my seruice, and more then was expedient for them.
Eli inforced the Prophet by imprecations to declare vnto him that, which he had heard. But Samuel (for feare he should discomfort him) would not disclose the same vnto him, which made him the more assured of the intended and imminent death of his sonnes. And because that which Samuel prophecied in effect proued true, his reputation increased daily more and more. H
In that time the Philistines (leading out their armie against the Israelites) incamped neere The Palestines kill foure thousand of the Israelites. The yeare of the world, 2850. before Christs birth 1114. vnto the Citie of Amphec, and for that the Hebrewes were negligent to withstand them, they passed further into the countries thereabout: so that in fighting with their enemies, the Philistines at last got the vpper hand, and slew the Hebrewes, and had them in chace for the space of foure miles, pursuing the rest of those that fled euen vnto their owne tents. Whereupon the Hebrewes grew iealous and affraid of their whole estate: and therefore sent they to the councell of the Elders and the high Priest, praying them to bring the Arke of God with them, to the end that (hauing it in presence with them) they might strike the battell and ouercome their enemies. But they bethought them not that he, that had pronounced the sentence of their calamitie against The Hebrewes bring the Arke into the battel them, was greater then the Arke which was made for him. The Arke then was brought, and I the sonnes of Eli attended it, whom their father had expresly commaunded, that if it so fell out that the Arke were taken, they should neuer more come before his presence, except they would die. Now Phinees executed the office of the high Priest, by the permission of his father, by reason he was verie aged.
The Hebrewes (because of the presence of the Arke) conceiued very great hope and assurance, that they should haue the vpper hand of their enemies. The Philistines likewise were sore amazed, fearing the presence of the same: but the issues were not answerable according to the one or the others expectation. For when they ioyned battell, the victorie which the Hebrewes hoped should be theirs, fell vnto the Philistines; & the losse which the Philistines feared, fell vpon Ophni and Phinees with thirty thousand are slaine. and the Arke is surprised by the enemie. the Hebrewes, who at last perceiued that they had reposed their confidence on the Arke all in K vaine. For as soone as their enemies, and they fought pell mell with them, they turned their backs and lost about thirtie thousand men, amongst whom the sonnes of the high Priest were slaine, and the Arke was taken and carried away by the enemie.
CHAP. XII.
Eli vnderstanding of the losse of his sonnes, fell from his seate and died.
AS soone as the newes of this ouerthrow was brought into Silo, and that it was certainly knowne that the Arke was taken (for a young Beniamite, who was at the execution, L was come to bring tidings thereof) all the Citie was filled with sorrow: and Eli the high Eli vnderstandeth of the losse of his sonnes, and the surprisall of the Arke. Priest (who sate in one of the gates on a high throne) vnderstanding the lamentation, and iudging that some desaster had befallen his people; sent to seeke out this young messenger, by whom he was aduertised of that which had hapned. This accident of his sonnes and the army he bare with great moderation, because that before that time he had vnderstood by God what should happen (for those aduersities which are least suspected do more grieuously oppresse vs, at such time as they happen:) But when he knew that the Arke was surprised, and in the enemies hands, by reason that it hapned beyond his expectation, he was in such sort attainted with griefe, that Eli hearing of the losse of the Arke died. he suffered himselfe to fall from his throne vpon the ground where he died: he liued ninetie and eight yeares in all, and had spent fortie of them in the gouernment of the people. M
The same day died the wife of Phinees the sonne of Eli, who had no more power to liue when she vnderstood of the misfortune of her husband: for she was with child at such time as the message of this his death was brought vnto her, and she brought forth a sonne in the seuenth month, which liued and was called Ichabod (which signifieth ignominie) by reason of the infamie Phinees wife bare Ichabod and died. receiued at that time by the armie.
Eli was the first that gouerned among the successours of Ithamar, one of the sonnes of Aaron: [Page 127] for before that time the house of Eleazar was possessed of the Priesthood (the sonne receiuing The yeare of the world. 2850. before Christs birth 1114. The genealogie and progenie of Eli the high priest. A it from his father) Eli transferred it to Phinees, after him Abiezar his sonne occupied the place, and left it to his sonne Boci, whose sonne called Ozes receiued it, after whom Eli (of whom we speake at this present) tooke the same, whose posteritie retained that dignitie till the time of the raigne of Salomon: for at that time the posteritie of Eleazar were reinstalled.
THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE B IEWES,
- 1 How the Palestines compelled by pestilence and famine, sent the Arke of God backe againe vnto the Hebrewes.
- 2 The victorie of the Hebrewes vnder the conduct of Samuel.
- 3 How Samuel when his strength failed him thorow age, committed the administration of the affaires C to his sonnes.
- 4 How the people being offended with the manners of Samuels sonnes, required a King that might rule ouer them.
- 5 Saul by Gods commaundement was annointed King.
- 6 Sauls victorie against the Ammonites.
- 7 The Palestines assailing the Hebrewes, are ouercome by them in battell.
- 8 The victorie of Saul against the Amalechites.
- 9 Samuel translateth the Royall dignitie vnto Dauid.
- 10 The expedition of the Palestines against the Hebrewes.
- 11 Dauids single fight with Golias, and the slaughter of the Palestines that succeeded. D
- 12 Saul admiring Dauids fortitude, giueth him his daughter in marriage.
- 13 How the King sought Dauids death.
- 14 How Dauid oftentimes hardly escaped from the kings treasons, yet hauing him twice in his power how he would not hurt him.
- 15 The Hebrewes are ouercome in a great battell by the Palestines, wherein Saul the king, and his sonnes fighting valiantly are slaine.
CHAP. I.
How the Palestines compelled by pestilence and famine, sent backe the Arke of couenant vnto the Hebrewes. E
AFter that the Philistines had gotten the victorie ouer the Hebrewes, and taken the sacred Arke (as we haue before this declared) they brought it with other their spoiles vnto the City of Azot, and placed it in maner of a trophee in the Temple of Dagon their Idoll. But on the next day after (when earely in the morning they came and entred into the Temple to adore their god) 1. King. 5. Hedio & Ruffinus. ch. 1. The sacred Arke is caried into the Temple of Dagon. They of Azot are horribly plagued for taking away the Arke. Mice deuoure the fruit of the countrey of Azot. they found him fallen from that base or pillar that sustained him, and lay along vpon the ground, his face vpward before the Arke; whereat being fore moued, they tooke and fastned him in his former place: and whenas they came verie oftentimes thither, and alwaies found him prostrate, and adoring before the Arke, a great feare F and perturbation inuaded the whole people. At length a grieuous plague, not onely raunged in the Citie of Azot, but also seased on all the inhabitants of the countrey. For the people being sodainly taken with the flixe, died in great torment, and some of them vomited vp their bowels, being corrupted and corroded with the disease. Besides this, the whole land swarmed with mice, who destroying all things, neither spared the corne, nor any other fruit. The Azotians being thus ouerpressed with these calamities, and vnable any longer to indure the same, [Page 128] vnderstood that the Arke was the the cause thereof, and that neither the victorie, neither the surprisall Thereare of the world. 2350. before Christs Natiuitie. 1 [...]4. G of the same, had any waies procured either their good or profit. They therefore sent vnto the Ascalonites, requiring them that they would receiue the Arke into their Citie, who (willingly condescending to their embassage and demaund) receiued the Arke, and were presently plagued with the same sicknesses and mishappes which the Azotians had suffered. For together with the Arke the calamities also were translated, for which cause it was likewise sent from this place into an other, with whom it remained but a little while: for the inhabitants of that place being afflicted by the same grieuāces which the other indured, sent it to their neighbour Cities, so that after this sort the Arke was conuaied to fiue Cities of the Palestines: (exacting as it were by those plagues a tribute in euerie one of them of violated religion) who wearied with so many euils, and made examples vnto others not to entertaine the Arke, which so H grieuously recompenced those that receiued the same, perceiued that there was no other waies 1. King. 6. left them but to finde out some good meanes to rid themselues of the same. Whenas therefore the Princes of the fiue Cities, of Geth, Accaron, Ascalon, Gaza, and Azot were assembled, they consulted amongst themselues what were best to be done, and first of all they resolued to send Consultation about the Arke. backe the Arke vnto those to whom it appertained, whose captiuitie God did reuenge in that with it many plagues entred into the same Region, & ceased not to wast both their men and their countrey. There were some that said that this resolution was vnseemely to be executed, denying that these things should be imputed to the captiuitie of the Arke (whose power if it were so great as they intended, or if God had any waies care of the same; he would neuer haue permitted it to haue fallen into the hands of men of a contrarie religion) perswading them to digest these I misfortunes with an equall mind, and so to thinke that all these things were nothing else but the effects of nature, which in certaine periods of times is wont to ingenerate in mens bodies, in the earth, and in plants (and in other things subiect to her power) these kinds of alterations and mutations. But the counsell of those men, that had approued their vnderstanding and wisedome in times past, was preferred before their opinion. For the assistance supposed that in this deliberation, as also their opinion and counsell was most conuenient. They therefore aduised that the Arke should be sent backe and not retained, and that the fiue Cities should dedicate fiue golden statuaes in testimonie of their gratuitie, because they had beene preserued by his fauour from that plague, from which by humane remedies it was impossible to escape: they annexed also so many golden mice vnto them, like vnto those that spoiled their countrey; K all these locked in a chest and laid vpon the Arke, they commaunded that a new Cart should be built, and that they should yoake and tie to the same certaine kine that had new calued, locking vp their calues from them, least they should be an impediment to their dammes, and (to the intent that thorow the desire to see their young) they should haste the faster. That done, that driuing the chariot and them, they should leaue them in a place that had three waies, and suffer them to draw that way that them listed: and if they tooke the way of the Hebrewes, and should trauell towards their countrey, they then should assure themselues that it was the Arke which was the cause of their euils; but if they drewe another way, let them (said they) be driuen backe againe, being most assured that the Arke hath no such vertue in it. This counsell was approued The conclusion of the counsaile as touching the sacred Arke. by euery one of the assembly, and presently effected: so hauing prepared all those things L whereof we haue spoken, they brought the chariot into a high way that extended three waies, and leauing it in that place they returned backe againe.
CHAP. II.
The victorie of the Hebrewes vnder the conduct of Samuel.
NOw when the kine entred and kept the right beaten way, and trauailed therein no otherwaies then if some men had led them, the gouernours of the Philistines followed after The yeare of the world. 2851. before the birth of Christ. 1113. The sacred Arke commeth to Bethsama The gratulatiō of the Bethsamites vpon the artiuall of the Arke. them, desirous to vnderstand whither they would trauel, & in what place they would rest M both themselues and the chariot. There is a borough in the tribe of Iuda called Bethsama, towards which they drewe: and although they had a verie faire plaine before them, yet would they not trauell any further, but rested the chariot in that place. The inhabitants came vnto this spectacle, and greatly reioyced thereat: for although it was sommer time (wherein euery one busied himself in gathering in the fruits of the field) yet so it was, that when they perceiued the Arke, they were so transported with the pleasure that they had, that they laid aside the worke which they had [Page 129] in hand, and ran presently vnto the chariot. Then taking downe the Arke and the Cofer (wherein The yeare of the world, 285 [...]. before Christs Natiuitie, 11 13. A the statuaes of golde, and golden rats were) they laid them vpon a certaine rocke in the field, and after they had solemnly sacrificed and royally feasted togither; they offered vp both the chariot and kine for a burnt offring vnto God. Which when the Princes of the Palestines perceiued, they returned backe againe into their owne countrey. But Gods indignation and displeasure was Ruffinus writeth that God strooke 70. of the greatest, and 50000 of the common sort as it is, 1. Kin. 6, 1 Kin. 7. whetted against the Bethsamites: so that seuentie of them were slaine, by reason they had touched the Arke, and with prophane hands (not being Priests) attempted to sustaine it. For which cause the inhabitants thereabouts lamented their losse, and mourned for that their countrimen were extinguished by no fatall death, but by a punishment and plague sent from God, lamenting in particular euerie one of their alliance. And supposing that they were vnworthy that the Arke should remaine with them, they sent messengers to the gouernours and the rest of the Hebrewes, B to let them vnderstand that they had recouered the Arke out of the hands of the Philistines; who being made priuie to euerie accident, placed the same in Cariathiarim a Citie bordering vpon the Bethsamites. In that place there dwelt a man of the race of the Leuites called The Arke is transferred into Cariathiarim. Aminadab (who had the honour and reputation of a good man, and was renowmed for his good and godly life) to his house directed they the Arke, as to a place agreeable vnto God, because there dwelled in the same a man of so much vertue. His sonnes had the charge of the Arke, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 2. I he punishment of the Israelites. and continued in that seruice for the space of twenty yeares, during which time it remained in Cariathiarim, after it had only remained 4. moneths with the Philistines. During the time that the Arke was in the Citie of Cariathiarim, all the people conuerted themselues vnto God with prayers and sacrifices, shewing great deuotion and forwardnesse in his seruice. The Prophet C Samuel perceiuing this their readinesse in courage, and supposing he had got a fit occasion to exhort Samuels oration to the people. them vnto libertie, and those profits which consequently follow the same; and applying his speech vnto the oportunitie, time, & affaires, spake vnto them such words as sounded to this effect. ‘Yee men of Israel, since at this present the Philistines cease not to molest you, and God beginneth to shew himselfe mercifull and fauourable vnto you: it behooueth you, not only to be touched with a desire to recouer your libertie, but also to endeuour your selues to purchase the same in effect. Beware therefore least thorow your owne manners you make your selues vnworthy thereof, and let each one of you endeuour to follow iustice; and expulsing all sinne out of your mindes, conuert your selues in all puritie vnto God, and perseuer constantly in his seruice. For Samuels exhortation to the people, as touching their repentance. in doing these things, you shall shortly obtaine all felicitie, and especially purchase vnto your D selues a new libertie, and an assured victorie against your enemies; which neither by armes, neither by the strength of your bodies, neither by the multitude of your armies, you were able to obtaine: for God hath not proposed rewards for these things, but for vertue and iustice, who (trust me) will not deceiue your expectation, nor faile in the execution of his promises.’When he had spoken after this manner, all the people testified their consent in good words, shewing the pleasure they had conceiued by his discourse; promising to doe that which should be well liking and agreeable vnto God. Whereupon Samuel assembled them the second time in the citie of Maspha (which word signifieth conspicuous) there erected they an altar and sacrificed vnto God, and after they had fasted for a daies space, they publikely addressed them to call vpon the The yeare of the world, 2871. before Christs natiuitie, 1093. The praiers, supplications and fasts of the Israelites in Maspha. name of God. The Philistines in the mean space, who were assembled togither in the same place, E had an inckling of that which the Hebrewes did, and being certified of this assembly came with a great army and many forces, intending to intrap the Hebrewes, who neither expected or were prepared for them. This sodaine attempt of theirs sore dismaied and troubled the Hebrewes: so that they repairing and running vnto Samuel, told him that their hearts failed them thorow feare, and their mindes were troubled thorow the remembrance of those precedent losses which they had receiued: For which cause they ought to hold themselues in quiet, for feare least the enemy should inforce his power against them. Whilest (said they) thou hast led vs hither to pray, acrifice, & offer vp our vowes vnto God, they are encamped nere vnto vs, being ready to surprise What things in warfare are to be opposed against the enemie. Samuel cōforted the people vs that are naked and disarmed: we haue no other hope therefore of our security, but that proceedeth from thee and God; who being moued by thy prayer, may giue vs meanes to escape from F their hands. Samuel in way of answere wished them to be of good cheere, promising them that God would yeeld them some testimony of his assistance: whereupon sacrificing a sucking lamb for the people, he besought God that it might please him to stretch forth his right hand for them in this battell against the Philistines, and that he would not permit them to fall this second time into the enemies hands. To these prayers of his God listned with intentiue eares, and accepted Samuels sacrifice and praier. their humble hearts and dutifull obseruance, smiling vpon their offering, and promising them [Page 130] both force, and victorie. But before the sacrifice was wholy consumed with flame, and the ceremonies The yeare of the world. 2871. before Christes Natiuity. 1093. The sacrifice deuoured by caelestial firme a token of Gods assistāce. A horrible earthquake among the enemies. G performed; the enemies arranged their battels in the Israelites sight, supposing that the day was already theirs, in that they had intercepted the Iewes who were vnprepared for the fight (who were not onely disappointed, but also assembled in that place to no such end.) But the matter fell out farre contrarie to that which they expected (and had they beene foretold the same, they had scarcely beleeued it.) For first of all by Gods commandement the earth trembled vnder their feet, and with vncertaine pace they knocked their heads the one against the other; some likewise were sodainly swallowed vp by the earth-quake: at length astonished by often flashes, and hauing both their eies and hands halfe blasted and burned by the firie lightnings that fell (so that they could not wield nor mannage their weapons) they reposed all their hope and confidence in flight. But Samuel seeing them in this sort dismaied, sodainly set vpon them, H Samuels victorie ouer the enemy. and killing many of them, he ceased not to pursue the rest as farre as a place called Corraeus, where he fixed and erected a stone or trophee, as a marke both of his owne victorie, and the enemies flight, and called the same the strong rocke; as a witnesse of the force that God had giuen him against the Philistines; who after they receiued this ouerthrow, sallied not out any more against the Israelites. But remembring themselues of their feare and those accidents that fell vpon them, they remained in peace, offering no further inuasion: for the confidence which the Philistines had before that time conceiued and gotten against the Hebrewes, translated it selfe and remained with the Hebrewes euer after this victorie. And Samuel led forth his army against Samuel recouereth those lands which the Israelites had lost. them, and slew a great number of them, and for euer abased their pride, taking from them that countrey which before times they by conquest had cut off from the inheritance of the Iewes, I which countrey extendeth it selfe from the frontire of Geth, to the Citie of Accaron: and the rest of the Chanaanites at that time had peace with the Israelites.
CHAP. III.
Samuel weakned by reason of his olde age cannot any longer gouerne the estate, and committeth it to the administration of his sonnes.
NOw when the Prophet Samuel had reduced and brought the people to a good forme of gouernment, he assigned them a Citie whither they might appeale and decide those differents Samuel prescribeth lawes and disposeth the iudgment seat in seuerall cities. K that might fall out amongst them: and as touching himselfe, he trauailed twice euerie yeare from citie to citie, to administer iustice vnto them, and continued the maintenance of this pollicie for a long time. But as soone as he perceiued himselfe to be ouerburdened with yeares, and vnapt to execute his ordinarie offices, he reserued the gouernment and superintendence Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 3. 1. King. 8. Samuel committeth the gouernment and care of the commonweale to his two sons locl and Abia. of the people to his sonnes, the elder of whom was called Ioel and the yonger Abia; and he commanded that the one of them should make his seat of iustice in Bethel, and that the other should giue audience at Bersabe, diuiding the people, and attributing each part to his particular Iudge. In these was there a manifest example and infallible testimonie, that children are not alwaies borne like vnto their fathers: but that sometimes of euil parents there are good children bred, as contrariwise at that time of a good father there were euill sonnes begotten. For L forsaking the instructions of their father, they followed a quite contrarie course; and oppressed iustice thorow corruptions and rewards; and swallowed vp and surfeited in delights and pleasures, they both contemned the will of God, and the instructions of their father, who had no other care, then that the people should study to liue well, and vprightly.
CHAP. IIII.
How the people being displeased with the manners and gouernment of the sonnes of Samuel demanded a King.
WHen as therefore the people perceiued, that the sonnes of the Prophet had committed M The Israelites report vnto Samuel the lewd behauiour of his sons and beseech him to nominate a king that may raign ouer them. so many outrages against their lawes and pollicie, they were very sore displeased, and had recourse vnto their father where hee dwelled in the Citie of Ramatha; where reckoning vp vnto him the misdemeanors of his sonnes, and how thorow the multitude of his yeares, he was vnfit according to his accustomed manner to administer the affaires of the common weale, they earnestly intreated and besought him, that he would nominate and elect some King ouer them, who might both command their nation and Empire, and exact due punishment [Page 131] on the Palestines, for their many and too oftentimes offered iniuries. This resolution of The yeare of the world 2871. before Christs birth 1093. A the people grieuously tormented Samuels minde, who by reason of his innated and vpright iustice misliked of the kingly authoritie, as a stile and state too imperious: for he greatly delighted himselfe in the Aristocracie or gouernment of the elders, deeming no estate more conducible, or auaileable for the securitie and prosperitie of the people, then that was. And so did this matter Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 4. Samuel is discomforted thorow the peoples demand. Samuel is comforted by God. distemper and distract this man, as by reason of his care he could neither tast food, nor entertaine sleepe: but all the night long tossed and tumbled in his bed, during those tmies complotting & imagining many things in his mind. Whilest these his indispositions continued, God appeared vnto him, & comforted him, willing him not to be agrieued at that which the people had required: but that he should suppose that this iniurie, not onely concerned him, but God himselfe, whom they disclaimed also for their king and sole gouernour ouer them. The effect B whereof they had complotted, from the day that they departed out of Aegypt: but eare it be long (said he) they shall repent themselues, yet shall not their repentance vndoe that which shall be done; and it shall appeare by those counsailes they haue taken, that they haue bin contemners & ingratefull toward me by their own confession, and towards thee also which hast been their Prophet. I will therefore that thou choose them a king, and such a one as I shall nominate vnto thee, God commandeth Samuel to create a king. (after thou hast aduertised them what euils they shall endure, at such time as they shall haue a King) and hast publikely declared vnto them, what inconuenients follow the change which so vehemently and vnhappily they pursue. When Samuel vnderstood these sayings, he assembled the people about the breake of day, and protested publikely vnto them, that he would establish them a King. ‘But saith he, before I shall effect that which you request, I must expose and declare C vnto you what estate you shall liue in, being vnder the subiection of royaltie; & how many Samuel expresseth vnto the Israelites those inconueniences they shall suffer vnder a king. and grieuous euils you shall be pressed withall, by those Kings that shal gouerne you. Know therfore first of all, that they will take your children from you, & make some of them coachmen, and other some their horsemen and archers of their guard others their posts, and tribunes and centurions; some likewise their handicraftsmen, and armorers, and chariot-makers, and smithes, and forgers of other sorts of weapons, besides husbandmen of his fields, and plowes, and diggers of his vineyards: neither is there any thing which they shall not be cōpelled to do after the manner of bondslaues, that are bought with money. They shall take your daughters also, and make them their perfumers, cookes and bakers; and they shall imploy them in all seruile offices, whereunto their chambermaides are to be imployed either by stripes or torture. They shall take from you D your substance, and giue it to their Eunuches, and guard. They shall take your slocks, and distribute them amongst their seruants: In a word, you and all yours shall serue one king, and shall be of no better reckoning then the slaues of his houshold. When you shall endure these paines, then shall you call to remembrance all these things which I haue tolde you, and with repentance you shall beseech God, that he will haue mercie vpon you, and giue you a speedy deliuerance from the seruitude of your kings: but he shall not respect your prayers, but neglecting and repulsing them, shall suffer you to beare the penaltie of your euill counsaile.’Although these future inconueniences were foretold them, yet did the people neglect and set light by them: and not suffering that sinister opinion which before that time they had conceiued in their minds, to be altered or frustrated in them, they insisted with all obstinacie; requiring (without any care of future E mishaps) that they might haue a king created ouer them, because (as they said) it was very necessary that they should haue a king that might wage warre with them, to reuenge them on their The people obstinarely perseuereth in crauing a king. enemies, and represse their aduersaries forces, and that there was no absurditie in it, but that they might be gouerned in the same sort as their neighbours were. Samuel perceiuing that his perswasions could preuaile nothing at all with them, and that they could not be diuerted from that resolution wherein they persisted, he spake thus: Go your waies for this time euerie one of you vnto your houses, and I will cause you to be assembled when the cause requireth, and when God shall haue informed me what king he will giue you.
CHAP. V. F
Saul by the commandement of God is declared King.
THere was a certaine man of the tribe of Beniamin, noble in birth, and commendable The yeare of the world, 2880. before Christs natiuitie, 1084. 1. King. 9. in manners called Cis, who had a yoong sonne faire in face, great in body; hauing a spirit and iudgement farre more excellent then were the lineaments and perfections of his body, whose name was Saul. This Cis hauing faire Asses, wherein he tooke more pleasure then [Page 132] in any other kinde of cattell, had lost certaine of them which were straied from the rest of his G The yeare of the world. 2880. before Christs Natiuitie. 1084. Saul seeketh the Asses that were lost. flocke: whereupon he sent his son accompanied with a seruant to search & seeke them out; who hauing trauersed and trauailed in quest of them thorow all his fathers tribe, iourneied thorow the rest of the tribes, without any hope or inckling of them: for which cause hee determined to returne home againe, for feare least his father should conceiue some care and griefe in his absence. Whilest then he arriued neere vnto the Citie of Ramatha, the seruant that followed him, certified him that there dwelt a Prophet in that place, to whose foresight the knowledge of the truth was subiect, towards whom he counsailed him to addresse himselfe, with assurance and confidence, that by him he should vnderstand what was become of his Asses. Saul replied, that he had no meanes lest to recompence the Prophet, by reason they had consumed all the money they had brought foorth with them in their iourney. His seruant told him that he had as yet the H fourth part of a sicle, which they might giue him: but they were both of them deceiued, in that they were ignorant that the Prophet was not to be bribed. When as therefore they drew neere vnto the gates of the Citie, they met with certaine maidens that went out to fetch water, of whom Saul asketh where the Prophet dwelleth. they demaunded where the Prophet dwelt: who gaue them directions, telling them that they were to make haste before that he were set downe to supper, by reason he at that time entertained diuers guests, and he himselfe was first wont to sit downe at the vpper end of the table. Samuel had inuited this company, by reason that all the day long he had instantly besought God, that he would declare vnto him, who it was that should be established king, and God also gaue him to vnderstand that he would informe him the next day after, and that about the same houre he would send a yoong man vnto him of the tribe of Beniamin. For this cause Samuel I sat in his house expecting the assignation, which being come, he came downe vnder pretence to God certifieth Samuel whom he should create king. go to supper, and in the way he met with Saul. At that verie instant God signified vnto Samuel, that it was he whom he should elect Prince and gouernour ouer the people.
Saul addressing himselfe vnto Samuel, besought him that he would shew him the Prophets lodging, by reason that he was a stranger and knew it not. Samuel told him that himselfe was the Saul commeth vnto Samuel. Samuel certifieth Saul how he shall enioy the kingdome. Samuel conducteth Saul vnto the banquet. man to whom hee spake, and led him to the banquet; assuring him that his Asses (in search of whom he had trauailed so long) were in safetie, and that all mens goods were at his commaund. Saul answered: My Lord, I am too base to hope or expect so much; and further, my family is the least of all the families: you therefore iest and mocke at me, in speaking of such things as surpasse my condition. The Prophet tooke him by the hand, and brought both him and his seruant K to the table, and placed him aboue all those that were inuited, who were to the number of seuentie. Samuel commanded that the royall portion should be set before Saul: and when the houre of bed time came, all the rest arose and departed to their houses, but Saul and his seruant lodged that night with the Prophet: and as soone as it was day, Samuel awaked Saul, and departing with him out of towne, he commanded him to send his seruant before, and to remaine himselfe with him behind, because he had certaine things to impart vnto him in priuate. Hereupon Saul sent away his seruant, and Samuel taking a cruet with oyle, poured the same vpon the yong mans head, and embracing him said: Be thou King elected by God against the Philistines, and 1. King. 10. Samuel annointed Saul king. for the defence of the Hebrewes. Thou shalt haue this signe which I now shall informe thee of, of thy future honour. When thou shalt bee parted from hence, thou shalt ouertake three men L in the way, who trauell to Bethel to adore and sacrifice vnto God: the first of which, thou shalt Samuel in way of confirmatiō telleth Saul what shall befortune him in his iourney. see bearing three loaues, the second shall beare a goate, and the third shal follow carrying a glasse of wine. These shall embrace thee and caresse thee: they shall giue thee two loaues, and thou shalt receiue them. And from thence shalt thou depart vnto that monument that beareth the name of Rachel, where thou shalt meet with a messenger, that shall certifie thee that the Asses are found. From thence comming vnto Gabatha, thou shalt finde the Prophets assembled in their congregation, and being rauished by the spirit of God, thou shalt prophecy amongst them: so that whosoeuer shall behold thee, shall be rauished in admiration, and shall say: whence commeth it to passe, that the sonne of Cis hath attained to so good fortune? and when thou hast had these signes, know that God shall be with thee: salute thy Father and thy kinsmen in my behalfe. M Hereafter thou shalt repaire and be sent vnto me vnto Galgal, to ofter sacrifices of thankes giuing vnto God. Hauing in this manner told and foretold him that which is forespoken, he gaue him licence to depart, and all these things hapned vnto Saul, according as the Prophet Samuel had prophecied vnto him. When Saul was arriued at Abenars house, who was his vnckle, whom he loued aboue all the rest of his other familiars: Abner questioned with him about his voiage, and as touching those things which had chaunced vnto him: and Saul hid nothing from him, [Page 133] but point by point informed him of all that which had hapned vnto him, during his being and aboad A The yeare of the world. 2880. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1084. Saul concealed his royall dignitie. The vnconstancie of mans loue. with the Prophet Samuel, and how he had declared vnto him the recouery of his Asles: but as touching the royaltie and those things that concerned the same, he concealed them; supposing that if it should be made knowen, it would not be beleeued; but that he should reape hate thereby. For although he were both his friend and cousen; yet thought he it more secure and conuenient for him to burie the same in silence, reputing (as I suppose) in himselfe the infirmitie of mans nature, that no man is constant in loue, but although by manifest assistance from God felicitie fall vpon any man, yet other men do grieue & repine that any one should be preferred before them.
After this, Samuel assembled the people in the Citie of Maspha, where he framed his speech in such sort as he certified them of those things which he had receiued from God, namely, that he B hauing procured their libertie, and brought their enemies in subiection vnder them; next how Samuels oration to the people as concerning Saul. they were forgetfull of so many benefits, and had degraded God of his royaltie; as if they were ignorant, that the greatest good that might happen vnto men, is to be gouerned by him that is the soueraigne good; how they had determined to haue a man to their King, who according to his pleasure & appetite, or according to the vnbridled bent of his passion, would vse them like slaues made subiect vnto him, and would vsurpe vpon their goods without forbearing any thing whatsoeuer; that men are not so studious to maintaine their handie works and labours, as God, who hath an inestimable care of those whom he hath created. Notwithstanding (saith he) since you haue thus determined, and are after this manner resolued, and that the outrage which you haue enterprised against God, preuaileth with you, set your selues all of you in order according C to your tribes and families, and let each of you cast your lots. To this the people condescended, and the lot fell on the tribe of Beniamin, which being cast the second time light on the family of Lots cast thorow euery tribe & family. Metri, and afterwards being approued by the people it fell to Sauls lot, who was the sonne of Cis, to haue the kingdome. The young man, who before that time knew what should happen, had stept aside, to the intent (as I suppose) that it might not seeme that he had desired this dignitie: and such moderation & temperance shewed he in this matter, that although it so fel out that diuers cannot conceale the ioy they conceiue, if any face of felicitie smile vpon them, bur manifest Sauls modesty and temperāce in vndertaking the gouernment. Saul hideth himselfe from the presence of the people. the same vnto all men; yet notwithstanding he not onely was void of vaine appearance (although he were to be King and Lord of so many worthie people) but that which is more, he stole away from the presence of those men ouer whom he should commaund, and so handled all things D that he made them seeke after him, and trauell to find him out. Whilest therefore they carefully sought & knew not what was become of Saul, the Prophet praied God that he would shew them where he was, & that he would bring him into their presence: whenas therfore he was enformed by God in what place he remained; Samuel sent out certaine messengers to conduct him thither, & assoone as he came amongst them Samuel set and placed him in the midst of the people: now Saul of a high slature. was he more higher then any of the company by the shoulders; and had a kingly and goodly shape and appearence: then spake the Prophet after this manner. God hath giuen you this man to be your King, behold how he surpasseth you al, and sheweth himselfe worthy to be your Prince. Saul saluted by the people for their king. But assoone as the people had cried God saue the King; the Prophet, who had reduced into writings all those mischiefes that should befall them, red the same vnto them in the hearing of the E King, and put the booke into the Tabernacle of God for a perpetual testimonie vnto posterity of those things, which in future ages should succeed, according as he had foreprophecied, which done, Samuel dismissed the people and returned to the Citie of Ramath, which was his countrey. Diuers attend on Saul, other some cōtemn [...] him. But Saul departing vnto Gabatha, diuers worthy men gaue their attendance on him, and did him the honour that appertained vnto a king. But diuers seditious and loose companions, who set him at noughts, both mocked them and those things which they did, neither brought they any presents vnto Saul, neither seemed they either in affection or in word, any waies to respect their King. A moneth after his instalment there fell a warre betwixt him and Naas King of the Ammonites, which was the originall of that honour which was generally attributed vnto him by the Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 5. 1. King. [...]. whole multitude: this Naas had offered diuers outrages vnto those Iewes that dwell on the other F side of Iordan. For he had trauersed the riuer with a great and huge armie leuied against them, & had ouercome diuers of their Cities. For at that time he vsed force and violence against thē, & to the intent that they might not rebel, neither deliuer thēselues from his subiection, he vsed this subtiltie and preuention to cut off all colour and occasion from them of opposition. For to those that surrendred themselues, & subscribed to his mercy, & to those that were takē captiues, or conquered in the warres, he plucked out their right eies: and this did he to that intent that when they [Page 134] should defend themselues, they should haue their left eies couered with their bucklers, and by G The yeare of the world, 2880. before Christs birth 1084. Sauls warre against the Ammonites. that meanes be made vnapt to enter battell. The King of the Ammonites hauing after this manner dealt with those on the other side of Iordan, he led his army towards the Galaadites, and encamped neere vnto their chiefe Citie called Iabes, to which he sent heraulds to sommon the inhabitantes to surrender the same vnder these conditions: Either to suffer their right eies to be pulled out, or else by induring the siege, to see the finall ouerthrow both of themselues and of their Citie: wishing them to make choice of which they list, whether they would lose a little part of their bodie, or hazard both their fortunes and liues at once. The Galaadites, terrified with this so doubtfull and dreadfull an election, neither durst returne an hostile or peaceable answere, but asked truce for seuen daies, to the end, that sending their messenger to their kinsfolke, they might craue their aide: which if they could obtaine they would warre; and otherwise they promised H to submit themselues vnto the enemie vnder what condition soeuer were best pleasing vnto him. Naas, that neither cared for the Galaadites, neither for their answere, granted them that Naas king of the Ammonits offereth vniust conditions of peace to the Galaadites. The Embassadours of the Galaadites to the Israelites. time of truce which they demaunded, and permitted them likewise to craue assistance at all their hands, who were their associates. Wherupon they presently sent messengers from citie to Citie, and certified the Israelites of all that which Naas had done vnto them, and the extremitie whereunto they were reduced. The Israelites hauing before time vnderstood in what estate they of Iabes were, had grieuously lamented and conceiued great displeasure thereat; but the feare that afflicted them, suffered them to assist their friends in no other manner then by commiseration: yet as soone as their messengers arriued in the Citie where Saul was, and that they had recounted vnto him the daungers wherewith the Iabasites were oppressed; the people were as in times past I moued with compassion. For they lamented the miserie of their parents: but as touching Saul, he returning from the fields into the Citie, perceiued the inhabitants drowned in their teares, and enquiring of them for what cause they were so confused and abashed, he was certified of that, which the messengers had reported: and on the instant he was rauished by a diuine motion, and sent the Embassadours backe againe to those that sent them, promising that within three daies he would come and succour them, and that he would haue the vpper hand of the enemie before Saul promiseth assistance to the Iabasites. sunne rise, to the end that the rising sunne might behold them victorious, and deliuered from all feare. Meane while he commaunded some of them to make stay with him, to the intent they might guide and direct him in his way.
CHAP. VI. K
The combate and victorie of Saul against the Ammonites.
SAul desirous to incite the people to issue out and make warre vpon the Ammonites, to the intent vnder a penaltie he might assemble them with more readines, he houghed his Sauls serious exhortation and command for warre. owne oxen, and threatned all those whom he met withall to doe the like vnto theirs, except the next day they presented themselues with their armes vpon the banke of Iordan to follow the King and the Prophet Samuel, and march vnto the place whither by them they should be conducted.
The feare of this penaltie published among the tribes made them gather to head about the L same time, so that all the assemblies of the people were mustered in the Citie of Bala. In this suruey 1. Reg. 12. besides those of the tribe of Iuda, there were numbred seuen hundreth thousand men, and of the tribe of Iuda in particular there were seuentie thousand. Hauing therefore passed Iordan, and marched some ten cables length of Nilus (which is about some three leagues) all the night Ten Schaeni or cables length of Nilus so-called by the cords that drew the ships vp Nilus, make 37. Italian miles. Saul killeth the Ammonites, and Naas their king. Saul made his name famous amongst the Hebrewes. Saul is praised by the people. time, before the sunne rise he attained the place whither he intended to conduct them, and deuiding his army into three parts, he assailed the enemie on euery side that expected no such encountry, and fighting valiantly against them, he slew diuers, and amongst the rest Nahas king of the Ammonites. This victorie made Sauls name famous amongst all the Hebrewes, so that he was wonderfully praised and honoured for his valour: so that if before that time any one had contemned him, at that time they chaunged their opinions, and honoured him, and accounted M him the worthiest of them all. For he was not satisfied to redeeme and deliuer those of Iabes, but he entred the countrey of the Ammonites also, and forraged the same with his army, and vtterly ouerthrew them: and after he had obtained a great bootie and pray, both he and his victoriously & magnifically returnd to their dwelling places. The people highly pleased with this noble action atchieued by Saul, reioyced because they had chosen them so noble a King, and exclaimed against those that said, that it would be discommodious and vnprofitable for their [Page 135] common-weale, saying, where are now these murmurers, let them be put to death: with other The yeare of the world, 2880. before Christs Natiuitie, 1084. Sauls lenitie against his aduersaries. A such like words that a people besorted with some good successe, is wont to speake and inforce against them that set light by the authors & inducers of the same. Saul receiued great content and comfort thorow this good liking and allowance of the people: yet notwithstanding he swore that no one of their tribe should be put to death that day, because it would not seeme conuenient nor agreeable, that the victorie which was giuen them by God should be mixed with the bloud of their brethren; but rather that it was more decent and comely, that the time should be spent in feast and iollitie. Hereupon Samuel told them, that it behooued them to confirme the kingdome to Saul by a second election, and to that end, they assembled together in the Citie of Galgal, according as he had commanded them: and there in the sight of all the people Samuel annointed Saul the second time with the consecrated oyle, and proclaimed him king ar [...]ew. Thus B was the Aristocracie and gouernment of the better sort amongst the Hebrewes, turned into a Saul once more annointed king by Samuel. The distinct gouernments of the Hebrewes. Monarchie. For vnder Moses and his disciple Iesus, who gouerned the Empyre and armie at that time, the nobilitie and elected worthie men ruled the state. After whose death for the space of 18. whole yeares, the people was without gouernment, the common-weale not long after reassumed her pristine pollicie, and the gouernment was giuen vnto him, which was esteemed the most valiant in warre, and the most vpright in doing of Iustice. All which time for this cause hath beene called the time of the Iudges.
After this the Prophet Samuel assembled the people, and spake vnto them after this manner: ‘I coniure you by that great God that hath giuen life to those two brothers (I meane Moses and Samuels iustification of him selfe in the presence of the people. Aaron) and that hath deliuered your forefathers from the Egyptians, and their tyranny, that without C any affection either of feare or shame, or instigation of any other passion, you truly testifie whether I haue committed any sinister or wicked act, either for profit sake, or for auarice, or fauor. Reproue me, if I haue taken away any mans calfe, or sheepe, or any other thing-whatsoeuer, but that which I might lawfully take for my reliefe and sustenance, and at such hands as willingly offered me the same; or if I haue drawen any mans beasts to my vse, or vsed his cattell to my profit and his hinderance: in these and such like, if I haue offended any man, let him now accuse me in the presence of the king. All of them cried out with one voice, that no such default had beene committed by him, but that he had gouerned their nation in holines and iustice.’ After that the people had thus publikely testified in the behalfe of Samuel, he said vnto them: ‘Since you haue liberally & freely protested, that you haue no cause of wrong to vrge or inforce against me, heare, D I pray you, that wherewith I can iustly accuse you of. You haue grieuously offended against the maiestie of God, in that you haue required a king at his hands: you should haue rather remembred, that your old father Iacob accompanied onely with his 70. sons came into Egypt, constrained Samuel expostulateth with the people, and obiecteth their sinnes & ingratitude. thereunto by famine, and that in that countrey diuers thousands of persons issued from his loynes, whom the Egyptians kept in captiuitie, offering them extreme outrages: And whenas your fathers called vpon God, how he wonderfully deliuered thē from the necessities wherin they were, without giuing them any king, contenting themselues with two brothers Moses and Aaron, who brought and conducted you into this countrey which you possesse at this present. And although you participated these benefits by the hands of God, yet notwithstanding you haue not forborne both to forget religion, and neglect pietie. This notwithstanding, at such time as you E haue beene conquered by your enemies, he hath set you free, gracing you first of all with the ouerthrow of the Assyrians & their forces: secondly, giuing you victorie ouer the Ammonites, and Moabites: and finally ouer the Philistines. Now these great exploits were performed by you, not vnder the conduct of a king, but by the direction of Ieptha and Gedeon, what folly therefore hath bewirched you to make you flie from God, and to seeke to liue vnder the subiection of a king? But I haue named such a one vnto you, whom God hath chosen to be your gouernour. Notwithstāding to the intent that I may giue you a manifest testimony, that Gods wrath is whetted against you, because you haue desired to haue a king; I will striue to expresse it vnto you, by visible signes done by God himselfe. I will therefore require of God that he wil make you see in this place, and in the hart of sommer such a storme, that there is not any one of you that hath euer seene the F like thereof:’Scarce had he spoken the words, but that so dainly there fell great store of lightning, thunder and haile, in approbation of that which the Prophet had said: so that amased and transported with feare, all of them confessed that they had offended. They notwithstanding professed A huge tempest falleth vpon Samuels praier. that their errour was of ignorance, not of obstinacie, and besought the Prophet that with a good and fatherly affection, he would beseech God to appease his wrath towards them, and forgiue them their offences at that present, which to their other grieuous negligences they had [Page 136] annexed, and whereby they had transgressed his holy will. All which Samuel promised them to G The yeare of the world. 2880. before Christes Natiuity. 1084. do, and besought God that it would please him to pardon them the errour which they had committed in that behalfe, and that it would please him to be appeased by his praiers. Besides this, he exhorted them to liue vprightly, and to keepe in their continuall remembrance what euils had hapned vnto them, for that they had forsaken the way of vertue; and what wonders God had done, and what lawes he had giuen by Moses, all which they ought to meditate on, if they desired to be in safetie, and liue happily with their king. But if they should contemne the same, he An exhortatiō to the consideration of Gods assistance and benefits bestowed on the Israelites. foretold them that both themselues & their kings should be grieuously punished. Samuel hauing prophecied these things vnto the Hebrewes, dismissed them to their own dwellings, after he had confirmed the kingdome to Saul the second time.
CHAP. VII. H
The Palestines assailing the Hebrewes, are ouercome in battell.
BVt when the king had mustered his men, and chosen out three thousand of the choisest soldiers, he appointed two thousand of thē for the guard of his person, & with them went Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 6. Saul elected two thousand for his owne guard, and one thousand for Ionathans. Saul ouercommeth the Philistines. & dwelt at Bethel. The rest he gaue in charge to his son Ionathan, & sent them into Gaba to attend and guard him there, who followed by them valiantly ouercame a garrison of the Philistines neere vnto Gebal. For the Philistines of Gaba hauing gotten the vpper hand ouer the Iewes, had taken their armes from them, and seased and fortified both with men and munition I the strongest Cities of their countrey; prohibiting them to beare armes, and in generall from the vse of any yron: by reason of which inhibition, if their husbandmen had at any time need of anie yron worke, as of plough-shares, mattockes, or any other such instrument fit for mannuring or tillage of their landes, they were inforced to fetch it and get it forged amongst the Philistines.
Now when the Philistines had gotten some intelligence that their garrison was after this maner defeated, they were wonderfully moued, and supposing amongst themselues that the iniurie The Philistines prepare to inuade the Israelites. and outrage was in no sort to be suffered, they armed themselues against the Iewes, and went out embattailed with three hundreth thousand footmen, thirtie thousand chariots, and sixe thousand horse, encamping with their whole host neere vnto the Citie of Machmas. Which when Saul the K king of the Hebrewes vnderstood, he marched towards the Citie of Galgal, and as he trauailed thorow the countrey, he animated and encouraged the people to recouer their libertie, proclaiming warre against the Philistines: whose forces he so little feared, as he mockt thereat, saying, that they deserued not to be feared for their multitudes, nor any daunger which might acrewe by their encountry. But when Sauls souldiers were certified of the true number of their enemies, they were wholy discomforted, so that some of them hid themselues in dennes and places vnder The Israelites dismaid at the report of the army of the Philistines. the earth, othersome fled on the other side of Iordan into the countrey of the Gadites and Rubenites. But Saul sent for the Prophet, resoluing to consult with him vpō the estate of the warre, who gaue him answere that he should attend in the same place where he was, and that he should prepare beasts for sacrifice, because that within seuen daies he would come vnto him and sacrifice on L the seuenth day, which done, he might encounter the enemie. According to this direction of the Prophet he expected, yet obserued he not intirely all that which Samuel had enioyned him. For when he perceiued that he was somewhat slacke in comming, and that his soldiers waxed wearie, he tooke the beasts that were prepared for the sacrifice, and offered a burnt offering: but afterwards Saul sacrificeth contrarie to God and the Prophets direction. Samuel accuseth Saul. vnderstanding that Samuel was arriued, he went out to meete him, and doe him honour. Samuel told him, that he had done amisse, by reason he had neglected that which was commanded him, presuming before his arriuall (who was sent thither by the conduct and will of God) to offer praiers and sacrifice for the people: in which action of his, he both discouered his rashnes, and disorder in sacrificing. Saul excused himselfe, alledging that he had staied during the terme of seuen daies which were appointed him: vrging further that necessitie, and the depart of his M soldiours, together with the feare of the aduerse army which were in Machmas, and the intelligence he had receiued that Samuel was gone to Galgal, had induced him to offer sacrifice: Samuel replied saying. Thou hadst done more aduisedly, if thou hadst obeyed, and not contemned God by thine ouerhaste, whose minister and Prophet I am: for by thine obedience thou mightest both haue gotten an assurance and continuance of thy kingdome to thy selfe, and succession to thy posteritie. This said, being displeased with that which had hapned, he retired backe [Page 137] to his owne house, and Saul with sixe hundreth soldiers (onely accompanied with his sonne Ionathan) A The yeare of the world. 2880. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1084. Hedio & Ruffinus. Galgala. The Palestines spoile the countrey of the Hebrewes. came vnto the Citie of Gabeon. The greater part of these men were disarmed, by reason that the countrey was intirely destitute of iron, and workemen that were expert and skilfull in forging & making armour: for the Philistines permitted them not to haue any, as we haue declared a little before. These diuiding their army into three battels, inuaded the countrey of the Hebrewes by so many waies, destroying and foraging all things both in the sight of king Saul, and of his son, who neither could inhibite their incursions, nor by reason of their multitudes make head against them. Both he therefore and his sonne and Achias the high Priest, sate them downe vpon a hillocke, and seeing the countrey spoyled round about them, they were much dismaied. But Sauls sonne conspired and concluded with his esquire and harnesse-bearer, to enter secretly into the enemies campe, and raise an vprore and allarum in the same; who willingly promising 1. Reg 14. Ionathan with his harnes bearer doe priuily enter the enemies campe. B and offering him his seruice to aduenture with him in all occasions and places, with the hazard of his life: they both of them descended from the mountaine, and marched directly towards the enemies campe, who had pitched their tents on a hie pointed rocke, which extended it selfe in length with three Angles, and was each way begirt with a banke, as it were a wall and fortification against the incursion of their enemies. For which cause they kept their watch somewhat too carelesly, because the place was fortified by nature: so that no man might ascend or assaile them, but with disaduantage. When as therefore they had gotten neere vnto the campe, Ionathan incouraged his companion, and animated him to assaile the enemy after this manner. If (saith he) they espie vs and will vs ascend, let vs take this sommons of theirs for an assured token of victorie: but if they hold their peace and call vs not, let vs returne backe againe. C
As therefore they approched the enemies host about the beginning and brie of day, the Philistines said the one vnto the other: the Hebrewes creepe out of their caues and dens. Then cried they out to Ionathan and his harnesse-bearer, saying: Come hither, come hither vnto vs, to the end we may plague you according to your audacious enterprise. Sauls sonne quickly taking hold of these their words, and esteeming them for an ominous and assured token of victorie, departed with his esquire from the place where they were first discouered; answering them that he would shortly visit them. So withdrawing himselfe on the other side of the rocke, which by reason of the scituation thereof was left vnguarded, ouercomming the difficultie of the place with great labour; at last they attained the place where the enemy was, whom they found asleepe, and assailing Ionathan slayeth a certaine number in the enimies camp, the rest inuade one another, and are put to flight. them slew twenty of them, and filled the whole army with terrour and amasednesse: so that D casting away their weapons they fled amain: some other, being ignorant which were either their friends or foes, inuaded one another as enemies. For imagining with themselues that onely two Hebrewes durst neuer ascend and enter their campe, they addressed themselues to their mutuall murther and slaughter: so that some of them were slaine, others fled to escape the sword and fell headlong downe the rockes. But when as the kings espials had told him what confusion and disorder was befallen in the campe of the Philistines, Saul demaunded whether any of his companie were absent, and hearing that his sonne and his harnesse-bearer were missing, he commanded the high Priest, that attired in his pontificall ornamens, he should prophecie that which should Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 7. Saul hearing that there was a tumult in the Palestines campe, sallieth out vpon thē. succeede, who assuring him that he should obtaine the victorie ouer his enemies, he sallied out and assaulted the Philistines, and ran vpon them, who were thus confused and disordered, and E whetted the one against the other. To him there flocked in great multitudes such, as before times were fled into dens and places vnder ground, as soone as they heard that the victorie inclined on Sauls side: so that gathering togither to the number often thousand Hebrewes, he pursued his scattered enemies thorow all the countrey. But afterward, a great inconuenient hapned vnto Saul, proceeding from the ioy he had conceiued by this victorie (for commonly such as are blessed by such good fortunes, are not masters of their owne affections and reasons) or rather proceeding from his ignorance. For intending to saciate himselfe with reuenge for all those iniuries he had receiued from the Philistines, he published an imprecation or curse amongst the Hebrewes against any one whomsoeuer, that intermitting the chase and slaughter should take sustenance before night, purposing vntill darke night neither to giue ouer pursuit or slaughter. F This execration thus published by Saul, it chanced that his sonne that had not as yet heard of the imprecation of his father, nor the generall ratification and allowance of the same by the people, Sauls edict vnwittingly broken by Ionathan. falling into a certaine groue belonging to the tribe of Ephraim, wherein were many swarms of bees, he by chance light vpon a hony combe, and pressing the hony thereout, afterwards did eat the same. Afterwards hauing intelligence that his father had vnder a grieuous penaltie of execration, forbidden any man to taste any sort of meate before sunne set, he gaue ouer eating further: [Page 138] yet said he, that his father had done amisse therein in publishing that prohibition, by reason The yeare of the world, 2880 before Christs birth 1084. G that if they had receiued sustenance, they might with greater force and forwardnesse pursue the enemy that fled, and ouertake and slaughter them in greater number. Killing therefore many thousands on the Palestines partie, about the euening they began to ransacke and spoyle the campe of the Philistines, and bore away from thence great spoyles, and a wonderfull number of cattell, part of which were slaine and eaten with the bloud, contrarie to lawe. Which when the Scribes had certified and signified to the king, how the people had offended against God, by The Hebrewes feed on bloudy flesh. slaughtering the beasts and eating the flesh of them, before it was either washt or purified from the bloud: Saul commanded that a great stone should be rowled into the midst of the place, and commanded the people to kill and sacrifice their beasts vpon the same: and that they should forbeare to eate the flesh with the bloud, because it was not agreeable vnto God. All which was H performed according as the king had commanded; and Saul erected an altar in that place, on which he offered a burnt sacrifice vnto God. This was the first altar that he erected. But Saul being desirous incontinently to assaile the enemies campe, and sacke all that was therein before the day spring, whilest his men of warre diligently followed him, and shewed great forwardnes in the execution of his command: the king asked counsaile of the high Priest Achitob, whether God would giue him the victorie, and permit those that should enter the enemies campe, to returne from thence with victorie. The high Priest certified him that God returned him no answere: which when he vnderstood; It is not without cause, said he, that God is thus silent, who heretofore was wont to giue a willing answere in that which we ought to doe: but there must needs be some hidden sinne in vs, that breeding an offence in him, procureth him to be silent. But I sweare I by the same God, that although mine owne sonne Ionathan hath committed that sinne, to the end I may appease God, I will with no lesse seueritie execute him, then any one stranger that is neither by alliance nor affinitie tied vnto me. Now when the people cried out and encouraged him to the performance of that he had spoken, he presently assembled them in one place, and he standing Saul trieth by lot who hath displeased God. with his sonne apart, began by casting lots to find out him that was faultie. Now when the lot fell on Ionathan, he asked him what he had committed, and what crime in his owne conscience he was guiltie of. To whom he answered, I know no other thing, but that yesterday being in pursuit of the enemy, and ignorant of thine edict, I tasted of a hony combe: but Saul swore that he would slay him, setting more by his oath, then either by kinred, nature, or affection. He Saul intendeth to kil his owne sonne, being prepared and resolute to die. nothing astonished with his present perill, with a generous and dreadlesse mind presented himselfe K with this reply: O father (saith he) I intreat no fauour at thy hands: for I will willingly submit to that death, which may discharge thee of thy vow, the more contentedly because I haue seene so famous a victorie: For I shall die thorowly contented to see the insolencie of the Palestines ouermastred by the power of the Hebrewes. This valour and courage of the yoong man moued the whole multitude to remorse and commiseration: so that they swore all of them that they would not suffer that Ionathan, who was the author of so famous a victorie, should be slaine: The Israelites rescue Ionathan from his displeased father. and therefore rescued they the yoong man from his displeased father, and made vowes vnto God to the end he might pardon him that fault. Saul after he had slaine about sixtie thousand of his enemies, returned with victorie to his owne home, and raigned afterwards very happily, and ouercame by force the Ammonites, Philistines, Moabites, Idumeans, Amalechites, and king Oba L that dwelt neere about him. He had three sonnes, Ionathan, Iosuah and Melchi; and two daughters, Merob and Michal. The generall of his army was Abner, the sonne of his vnckle called Ner: Oba or Soba. for Ner and Cis Sauls father, were brothers and sonnes of Abiel. He was verie rich both in horse and chariots, and against whatsoeuer enemy he marched forth, he alwaies returned with victorie: so that he reduced the affaires of the Hebrewes to a happy estate, and so much increased Saul alwaies conquerour. their power that they weare feared by all those nations that neighboured vpon them. But the chiefest of the youth, that either preuailed in strength, or exceeded in beauty, he chose to be of his guarde.
CHAP. VIII. M
Sauls victorie against the Amalechites.
BVt Samuel comming vnto Saul, told him that he was sent vnto him by God, to admonish him how he had chosen him aboue the rest, and preferred him to the kingdome: Hedio & Ruffinus. ch. 8. 1. Reg. 15. & for that cause that it behooued him to be obedient vnto him in all things, because he ruled the people; but God both kings, kingdomes, and all things. Thus therefore (said hee) [Page 139] doth God command thee. Since the Amalechites offered many iniuries vnto the Hebrewes in The yeare of the world 2883. before Christs birth 1081. Samuel by Gods commandement addresseth Saul to make warre vpon the Amalechites. Saul mustring his people, findeth in the tribe of Iuda onely thirtie thousand men A the desert, whilest in their departure out of Aegypt, they trauelled into that region which they now inhabite: it behooueth thee to punish them by a most iust warre; and hauing ouercome them, that thou vtterly extinguish their memorie, without regard of either sex or yeares; and this reuenge shalt thou execute vpon them in repaiment of those iniuries they in times past offered to our forefathers. Neither shalt thou spare either beast or horse, or flocke to apply them to thy profit or particular vse: but thou shalt consecrate all vnto God, and according as Moses commanded it, deface the name of the Amalechites from of the earth. All these things did Saul promise to performe, and supposing obedience consisted in this, not onely in the acting, but also the speedie execution of that which was enioyned him, he presently assembled all his forces togither, and mustring his souldiers at Galgal, he found about fortie thousand besides the tribe of B Iuda, which of it selfe affoorded and allowed thirty thousand chosen men: with these did Saul enter the countrey of the Amalechites, and layd diuers ambushes neere vnto a riuer, not onely to afflict them with open and hostile warre, but also to enclose and surprise them at vnwares, and kill them amidst their hie waies: He charged them therefore and put them to flight, and discomfited Saul raseth the cities of the Amalechites. their whole army, pursuing them that fled. Which execution of his, hauing that answerable successe (according as God had promised him before) he marched onwards, and besieged the Cities of the Amalechites, and ouercame some of them by batterie, some by mines and countermures raised on the outside: other some by famine and thirst, and diuers other waies. And in those Cities which he ouercame, he neither spared women nor children, neither supposing their murther to be cruell, neither inhumane: first for that he executed it vpon his enemie; next C for that he did nothing but according to Gods commandement, towards whom his disobedience might redound to his vtter ouerthrow. He tooke Agag prisoner also, who was the king Saul taketh Agag the king of the Amalechites prisoner, and keepeth him aliue contrarie to Gods commandement. of the Amalechites, whose beautie and personage seemed vnto him so well proportioned and perfect, that he wondred thereat and thought him worthy to be kept aliue; and that not by Gods commandement, but ouercome by his owne affection, vsurping vpon an vngranted priuiledge of mercie to his owne preiudice: For God so hated the Amalechites, that he spared not their infants, who ought in naturall compassion to haue beene more pitied then the rest. But Saul kept aliue the king of his enemies and the author of all the Hebrewes euils, setting more by his beauty then Gods commandement. This sinne of his the people presently imitated: for they spared both horse and other kind of cattell, and made pray of them, notwithstanding that God had D charged them to reserue nothing. They caried away with them all other moueables and riches, The people contrarie to that which god had ordained driue away the horse and cattell of the Amalechites. and only consumed those things which were of smalest valew by fire. This victorie had Saul ouer those people that dwell betwixt Pelusium, which is a Citie on the borders of Aegypt, vnto the red sea. But he medled not with the Sichemites, which inhabite in the midst of the Madianites, whom before the battell he had commaunded to retire themselues, least they should partake the calamities of the Amalechites: for in that they were allied vnto them, by reason of Raguel Moses father in lawe; the Hebrewes had cause to procure their safetie. Saul hauing obtained this victorie & reioycing at his good successe, returned to his owne home as full of content, as if he had pretermitted nothing of that, which God had commanded him by the Prophet Samuel before his warre with the Amalechites, but as if he had precisely obserued all that which was enioyned E him. But God was sore displeased, both for that the king of the Amalechites was preserued, and for that the people had made pray of their cattell: for both these actions of theirs Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 9. God displeased with Sauls disobdience. were expressely against Gods permission. For it was not to be tolerated no not in a mortall king, that they should neglect and contemne his lawes and decrees, by whose onely meanes they were furthered and fauoured in their victorie. For which cause God told the Prophet Samuel, that he repented him in that he had chosen Saul for their king, considering that he infringed his commandements, and gouerned himselfe according to his owne appetites. When Samuel heard these words, he was sore troubled, and besought God all the night long, that he would appease his wrath and displeasure conceiued against Saul: but notwithstanding al the importunities and Samuel striueth to reconcile Saul vnto God. praiers which the Prophet made for him, God would in no sort be reconciled, because it was F inconuenient that the sinnes, which were committed by Saul, should be remitted by Samuels submission and intercession. For sinne neuer more augmenteth and increaseth, then when such as are offenced are too remisse in their punishments: for whilest they would be reputed both for Too much indulgence and lenity confirmeth the wicked in their vngodlines. good and mercifull, they themselues both vnwares and vnwitting become the authors of sinne. When as therefore God had denied the Prophet his request, and it manifestly appeared that no praiers or supplication might appease him; as soone as it was day, Samuel repaired to Saul, who [Page 140] at that time remained in Galgal. Now as soone as the king apperceiued him, he ranne vnto him G The yeare of the world. 2883. before Christs Natiuitie. 1081. and embraced him, saying: I giue God thankes for the victorie; and all those things which hee commanded me, I haue performed. But Samuel replied and said: How commeth it then to passe, that I heare this bleating of sheepe, and bellowing of beasts thorow the army? Saul answered, that the people had reserued that cattell for sacrifice; and that besides them, all the nation of the Amalechites was exterminated according as God had commanded, and that there was not any one remaining, but that he onelie had reserued the king, whom he would cause to be presented before him, to the end they might consult togither what should be done with him. Hereunto the Prophet answered: That God tooke no pleasure in sacrifices, but such as were good and iust, and such (said he) are they that are according to his will and commandement; since no action Samuel chideth Saul. may be reputed good, but in respect of the reference it hath to Gods will: for God refuseth, H not him that sacrificeth not, but him that disobeyeth him. For he willingly accepteth not those sacrifices, that are offered vnto him by those that submit not themselues vnto him, and offer not vnto him the true and onely offering; yea though they present diuers and many great sacrifices, The contempt of God wherein it consisteth A pleasing and acceptable sacrifice vnto God. and bring him sundrie Iewels of gold and siluer, but reiecteth such things, and respecteth them not as pledges of pietie, but testimonies of wickednesse: But he taketh pleasure in those onely that obserue that which he hath pronounced and commanded, making choise rather to die, then any waies to infringe the same: not seeking that sacrifices should be offered vnto him; but if they be offered, although of small and no valew, yet are they more acceptable vnto him in pouertie and obedience, then all those which the richest hand, or strongest fortune can affoord him any waies. Know thou therefore (said he) that thou hast incurd Gods displeasure, in that thou hast I contemned and neglected his commandements: for how canst thou thinke that he will regard thy sacrifices with a gracious eie, which hee himselfe hath adiudged to vtter perdition and ruine, except thou thinke that to offer such thinges vnto God, be in effect no lesse then to seeke out death: Be assured therefore of the losse both of thy kingdome and power, which Samuel telleth Saul of Gods displeasure, & the losse of his kingdome. Saul cōfesseth his sinne, and craueth pardō, which not withstanding is denied him. hath in such sort transported thee, that thou hast contemned God, who bestowed the same vpon thee. But Saul confessed that he had sinned and done amisse, in that hee had not obeyed the words of the Prophet; yet alleadged he that he was compelled to doe the same, in that he durst not restraine the souldier, who was whet and kindled vpon the pray: but, said he, be fauourable and mercifull vnto me, for her after I will take heede least I fall into the like sinne: and he besought him that he would stay with him so long whilest he might offer a peace offering in his K behalfe. But he that foresaw and knew that God would be mooued by no sacrifice, began to depart.
CHAP. IX.
Samuel proclaimed Dauid King.
BVt Saul willing to retaine Samuel, tooke hold of his garment, and for that the Prophet Saul striuing to stay Samuel rent [...]th his garment. hastily withdrew himselfe, he tore away a part thereof, by reason that Samuel violently withdrew himselfe from him. To whom the Prophet sayd, that in like sort his kingdome should be rent from him, and that another who was more honest and L vpright, should take possession therof: for God continued in his determination intended against him, because that to change & varie opinion is humane passion and not diuine puissance. Saul answered, that he had grieuously sinned, but that it was impossible for him to recal that which was done: he notwithstanding besought him, that in the presence of the people he would as yet doe him honor, at such time as he should walke with him, & cast himself before the presence of God: which Samuel condescended vnto, and went with him to adore God. After this, Agag the king of the Amalechites was brought before Samuel, who heard him lament and complaine that death was verie bitter and tedious; to whom he answered in this manner following. As thou hast caused Hedio & Ruffinus. ch. 10. The king of the Amalechites is slaine by Samuels commaund. 1. Reg. 16. God sendeth Samuel to Bethleem to annoint Dauid king. diuers mothers amongst the Hebrews to weepe and lament the losse of their children; so shalt thou cause thy mothers sorrow and torment for thy death, which said, he presently commanded M that he should be put to death in Galgal: as for himselfe he returned backe againe to the city of Ramath. But the king, perceiuing in himself into how many mischiefs he had fallen by his offences committed against God, departed to his chiefe city called Gaba (which name signifieth a hillock) and from that day forwards he neuermore came into the prophet Samuels presence, who was hartily sory for his fall: But God commanded him to giue ouer his care, & that taking with him the sacred oile he should repaire to the city of Bethleem to Iesse the son of Obed, and that there he [Page 141] should annoint one of his sons for king according as he had cōmanded him: & when as the Prophet A The yeare of the world, 2883. before Christs Natiuitie, 1081. said that he was afraid, lest Saul getting notice therof, should either by treason or opē force seeke to slay him, being incouraged & assured in his attempt, he came to the forenamed town. In that place was he saluted with great concourse of people, & each of thē inquired of him to what intent he repaired thither: who answered them that he came to offer sacrifice vnto God. Now when the oblations were performed, he inuited Iesse and his sonnes to banquet with him, and beholding the eldest of them to be faire and well proportioned, he coniectured by his stature and seemelines, that it should be he that was to be elected king; but in this matter he attained not the scope of Gods prouidence. For demanding whether he should annoint that young man, God respecteth not the beauties of the bodie, but the perfections of the mind. whom in admiration he thought so worthie of the kingdome: it was answered him that men saw not in such manner as God doth. For thou (said he) beholding the beautie of the young man, B supposest him worthie of the kingdome: but I prise not royaltie and gouernment of estate, by the beauties of the bodie, but by the vertues of the soule: and him require I that is perfectly furnished herewith, and hath his mind beautified with pietie, iustice, obedience and fortitude. Vpon these words Samuel commaunded Iesse to bring all his other sonnes into his presence, who presented him with fiue others, the eldest of which was called Eliab, the second Aminadab, the third Sala, the fourth Nathaneel, the fift Rael, and the sixt Asam. Now when the Prophet beheld these Iesses sonnes being goodly in personage, were not to be perferred to the souerainty likewise no lesse beautifull men then was the eldest, he asked of God which of them he should choose for king; he answered him that he should choose neither of them: for which cause he enquired of Iesse whether he had any other sons besides them, who told him that he had one which was called Dauid, who had the care and custodie of his flockes. Him did the Prophet sodainly C commaund him to send for, alledging that it was impossible for them to sit downe to the banquet, except he were present. Now when Dauid was arriued according as his father had commanded him, Samuel seeing him faire in colour, quicke in eye, and otherwaies answerable to his naturall ornaments: This is he (said he in priuate to himself) who is accepted and elected by God to be our king. This said, he sat downe at the table, and made the young man sit aboue him, and both Iesse his father and his other brethren. Afterwards taking the cruet of oyle in the presence Samuel annointeth Dauid king. of the said Dauid, he annointed him and told him in his eare, how God had chosen him to be king, and exhorted him to studie iustice, and to be obedient to that which should be commaunded him, assuring him by that meanes, that his kingdome should be of long continuance, his family and stocke should be famous and renowmed, & that he should ouercome the Philistines, and D conquer those nations against whom he should fight, & obtaine glorious renowne in his life time, and leaue the same to his successors as an inheritance. Samuel hauing made this exhortation departed from him, and the spirit of God abandoned Saul, and entred into Dauid, so as he began Gods spirit forsaking Saul, descendeth on Dauid, who beginneth to prophecie. to prophecie, by meanes of a diuine spirit whereiwth he was seased: whereas on the other side Saul was tormented with straunge passions of the euill spirit, whereby he fell into straunge suffocations, and straunglings: so as his Phisitions could not inuent any remedie for him, but gaue counsell that search should be made, if a man might be found that were expert and cunning in singing & playing on the harpe, to the end that when the euil spirit should assault & trouble him, he might stand at his head, and both with voice and instrument sing sacred hymnes before him. And when as the king had giuen present and speedie command, that such a one should be sought E after, one of those that were assistant tolde him that he had seene in Bethleem a sonne of Iesses, a young man of excellent feature; and besides his other good parts and bringing vp, verie cunning both in song and playing on the harpe: and besides that, addrest enough and toward in feates of armes. He therefore sent messengers to Iesse to commaund him to withdraw Dauid from the folds, and to send him vnto him, because that hauing heard report of his beautie and valour, he was desirous to see him. This commaund of his did Iesse obey, and sent his sonne with presents vnto Saul the king, who greatly reioyced vpon his arriuall, and made him his pentioner, and honoured Saul maketh Dauid one of his pentioner, or guard. him diuers waies. For he was refreshed by him, and was his onely phisition against the vexation of euill spirits, at such time as they seased and possessed him: for by reciting and singing Psalmes vpon his Harpe, he restored the king to his right mind: he therefore requested Iesse that F he would suffer him to liue with him, and attend vpon him because he was so much delighted with his presence, whereunto he condescended, permitting him to dwell with the king.
CHAP. X. The yeare of the world. 2883. before Christes Natiuity. 1081. G
A second expedition of the Palestines against the Hebrewes.
NOt long time after this, the Philistines assembled themselues, and gathered together Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. 1. Reg. 17. Another expedition of the Palestines against the Hebrewes. Goliah a man of prodigious statute amongst the Palestines. great companies of men of warre, with whom they assailed the Israelites, and subdued all that which is betweene Sucoth and Azeca, where they incamped. Saul on the other side led forth his army against them, and encamping himselfe vpon a certaine mountaine, he constrained the Philistines to dislodge from their first campe, and entrench themselues vpon an other mountaine right ouer against that where he pitched his tents. The campes being thus separated the one from the other, there was a valley that extended it selfe betweene both the H armies: Into this there descended a certaine man called Goliah, a Gittite, of huge stature, being foure cubits and a span length in height, hauing his limmes couered with huge and mightie armour: for his curets which he bare on his backe waighed fiue thousand sicles; his helmet and pouldrons were of brasse, made fit to couer his massie mēbers; his speare which he bare in his hand was no light lance, but he bare it on his shoulder, & the head therof waighed 600. sicles, and after him there followed diuers men bearing armes. Now when he came betwixt both the armies, he stood vp & cried with a loud voice, addressing his speach to Saul and the Hebrewes in these termes: Hebrewes, Goliah challēgeth a single combate at the Hebrewes hands. what need you to hazard the doubtfull fortune of warre, single me out an aduersary, and let vs determine by our two hazards on whose side the victorie and conquest shal fall: so that whosoeuers soldiour shall be ouer come, let his partie be adiudged subiect to their sides who haue I the victorie: for it were better that some one among you then the whole armie should be brought in hazard. When he had spoken thus, he returned backe to his owne camp. The next day he came forth againe and vsed the same words, and thus for fortie daies space ceased he not to defie the Hebrewes in such like words, and vnder the same conditions: so that both Saul and all his army were displeased, and kept themselues alwaies readie and arraunged in battell, although the fight was begunne on neither side. During the time that Saul addressed himselfe to this expedition, he sent Dauid backe againe to Iesse his father (contenting himselfe with his other three brothers, who at that time serued vnder his royall standard) whereas he intended his intermitted care of Saul sendeth Dauid backe againe to his father. keeping his flocks: But whilst the warre was rather protracted then performed, whether his father had sent him to carie victuals to his brothers, and to know how their affaires went in the armie; K and whilest that Dauid deuized with his brothers as touching those things which his father had committed to his charge, he heard the Philistine blaspheming and rayling vpon the Hebrew armie, and was therewith so greatly moued that turning himselfe vnto his brothers, he told them Dauid desireth to fight with Goliah. that he was readie and addrest to fight hand to hand against that enemie. But Eliab the elder brother reproued him for so speaking, telling him that he was more hardie then became his age, and that he knew not what concerned those matters, willing him to returne vnto his father and intend his flocks. Dauid for the reuerence he bare vnto his brother departed from thence, and meeting with certaine soldiers said vnto them, that he had a wil to encounter that proud challenger: which they presently signified vnto Saul, who incontinently sent to seeke him out. Now when he came before his presence, he asked him what he intended to doe: O king (said he) let not thy L courage be abated, nor thy feare ouermaster thee. For I am he that will abate the pride of this enemie, and encounter and enter combate with him, and how great and high soeuer he be, how clate and fierce soeuer he shew himselfe, I will subdue him, and turne his terrour to derision; and so much the more shall thy glorie and the honour of thy army be enhanced, by how much so great and expert a man at armes shall be subdued by a young man, and an vnexperienced souldier. Saul amased at his hardines and great courage; yet notwithstanding suspecting him by reason of his yeares; told him that he was too feeble, to encounter a man so expert in feats of armes, whereunto Dauid made this answere. That which I promise you my soueraigne, is vnder the assurance which I haue in God, which heretofore I haue proued, and the succours which at other times I haue receiued at his hands. For whilest I fed my fathers flocks, I redeemed M Dauid redeemed a lambe from the lawes of a lion, and slew him, Dauid killed a beare. a lambe that was rauished out of my fold, out of the lions iawes; and catching the wild beast by the taile, that with open mouth assaulted and sought to deuou [...] me, I bet him to the ground, and slue him. Neither with lesse successe inuaded I a beare that set vpon my flocke; and as light doe I set by this monster also: who vomiting out his slaunderous raylings both against God and men, shall neither escape the diuine arme of iustice which he so wickedly prouoketh, neither flie from my hands, who am prepared to [...]counter him.
[Page 143] So much preuailed this forward readinesse in the yoong man, that the king beseeching Gods The yeare of the world 1883. before Christs birth 1081. Dauid laying aside those armes wherewith he was furnished to fight with Goliah, marcheth forward with his sling against the enemie. A assistance to second his courage, furnished him with a royall armour, a sword and a helmet, and sent him forth to the battell. But Dauid feeling the waight of his armour, and seeming rather to be loaded then defenced with the same, said vnto him: Let these armes (O king) serue to inclose and defence thy body, who art able to beare them, and suffer me I beseech thee, who am thy seruant, to fight according to mine owne fantasie. He therefore laid-by his armour, & tooke a staffe in his hand, and fiue stones which he gathered on the bankes of the torrent, which he put in his scrip, his sling he bore in his right hand: and being thus armed, he marched forward to encounter his enemy. Now when the Barbarian saw him thus furnished, he so much contemned him, that in way of scorne he asked him, whether he thought him to be a dogge, that he thus came foorth to fight with him, with weapons fit to scarre dogges. Nay (said Dauid) I esteeme B thee worser then a dogge: which so much peruerted Goliahs patience, that he cursed the name of his God, thundring out threats, that he would cast out his carkasse to be deuoured by the beasts Dauid drawing neere his enemie is contemned. of the field and the birds of the ayre. But Dauid answered, Thou commest against me with thy sword, thy iauelin and curets: but contrariwise, I march out against thee vnder the warrantise and protection of God, who shall destroy thee by my hand; and with thee, thy whole army: for Dauids talke with Goliah before the combate. this day will I take thy head from thy shoulders, and cast the rest of thy body to the dogs whom thou resemblest, and all men shall know that God is the Prince of the Hebrewes, and that our armes and forces are the cares that it pleaseth him to haue of vs, and that all other furniture of warre is vnprofitable, except it be assisted by God. The waight of the Philistines armes hindred him from marching readily: so that he marched foote by foote towards Dauid, contemning him, C and trusting that he should kill him easily, both for that he was disarmed, as also because he was yoong and tender in yeates.
CHAP. XI.
The single combate betwixt Dauid and Goliah, and the slaughter of the Palestines that followed after.
DAuid set forward to make head against his enemy, being assisted by a companion whom he saw not, which was God; drawing therefore one of the stones, which he had gathered on the bankes of the torrent, out of his scrip, and hauing fitted it in his sling, he forced D Dauids victory against Goliah The I alestines fly and are discomfited. it against Goliah; and gaue him such a stroke on the forehead, that he pierced him to the verie braine: so that Goliah fell downe sodainly dead, and he running vpon him as he lay sprawling on the earth, cut off his head with his owne sword: for he himselfe [...]ad none. As soone as he was stroken downe, discomfiture and flight seazed all the army of the Philistines: for seeing the most esteemed warriour amongst them ouerthrowne and slaine, they began to suspect the generall issue of their warre, and resolued to retire from thence; so tooke they their flight in disorder and confusion, supposing by that meanes to deliuer themselues out of dangers. But Saul and the whole army of the Hebrewes sallied out against them, with great shoutes and cries, and in the pursuit made a great slaughter of them, and droue them to the borders of Geth and the gates of Ascalon. In this battell there died on the Philistines side aboue thirtie thousand, and Thirtie thousand of the Palestines slaine. E the rest that were hurt and wounded, were twise as many. Saul returning backe into his campe pillaged and burnt their tents: but Dauid bore Goliahs head into his pauillion, and hung his sword in the tabernacle, and consecrated the same vnto God. But Saul afterward conceiued a priuie hatred against Dauid, vpon this occasion which ensueth: For whereas he returned triumphant like a conquerour with the army, and the women and maidens singing and dauncing to their cymbals and timbrels, in way of honour came out to meete him. The women sung, that 1. Reg. 18. Saul priuily hateth Dauid. Saul had slaine diuers thousands of the Philistines; and the virgins answered, that Dauid had slain diuers ten thousands. Which when Saul vnderstood, and saw that the lesser testimony of thousands was referred to him, and that the ten thousands were attributed to Dauid, he supposed that after so glorious a renowm, there wanted nothing for Dauid, except to be king. For which cause Saul from one of his chiefe nobles maketh Dauid a tribune, to the end that being often drawen out by the enemie he might be slain. F he began to feare and suspect him: so that by reason of the feare he had of him, he thought that he was too neere his owne person, and therefore from being one of the chiefest in authoritie about him, which was to bee one of his chiefest commaunders and guard, he made him captaine ouer a thousand, rather respecting his owne securitie, then the others honor; to the intent, that being often charged by incursions of the enemy, hee might by some desaster be depriued of his life. But Dauid hauing in all places the assistance of almightie God, returned alwaies [Page 144] with good successe and happy issue: so that for the excellencie of his valour, the people intirely G The yeare of the world. 2883. before Christs Natiuitie. 1081. Sauls daughter in loue with Dauid. Saul subtilly obiecteth Dauid to slaughter vnder a colourable cō ditiō of slaughtering the Palestines, Saul vnder couenant of 600. Philistines heads promiseth Dauid his daughter. loued him: And Sauls daughter also, that was about that time mariageable, began to be enamoured with him, and so great and apparant was her affection towards Dauid, as the certaine notice thereof came vnto her fathers eares, who was sore displeased therewith; yet hoping by that meanes the sooner to entrap him, hee gaue eare thereto with some shew of allowance, and told them who discouered their loues vnto him, that he would willingly giue him his daughter to wife, vnder pretence that the enioying of her might be the meanes of his vtter ouerthrow. For (said he) I am content to giue him my daughter in mariage, vnder that condition, that hee bring me six hundreth enemies heads; and he desirous to gette so high and famous a reward, and in like sort to obtaine honour by an act both so dangerous and admirable, will vndertake the execution thereof, and shall be slaine by the hands of the Philistines, and that intention which I H haue conceiued against him, shall succeede according to mine owne hearts desire: for I shall be deliuered of him, in sending him out of the world, not by my meanes, but other mens hands. Further, he charged his Courtiers to sound and seeke out Dauids resolution, and how he was affectioned towardes marriage: who began to deuize with him, telling him that the king bare him a most intire fauour, and that the people admired him, and how they would procure him the mariage of the kings daughter. Whereunto Dauid replied: Thinke you it to be a small matter to be son in law vnto the king? for my selfe I esteeme otherwise, considering in especial mine own base condition, who haue neither reputation nor any honorable qualitie. When Sauls seruants had related vnto him what answere Dauid had made them: Tell him (said he) that I neither want goods nor presents (for that were to expose my daughter to sale, and not to match her with a I husband.) I seeke for a sonne in law that hath valour, and that is adorned with all vertue, such as is manifest and apparant in thee: and my desire is, that for the dower of my daughter, thou giue me neither gold nor siluer, nor any other valuable wealth out of thy fathers house; but the punishment of the Philistines, and six hundreth of their heads, which shall be the most desired and accepted dower thou canst present me with. My daughter also requesteth aboue all the dowers, that may accrew vnto her by order of law, to be married to such a man that is so enobled and famous by the ouerthrow of his enemies.
When these words were reported vnto Dauid, he was verie ioyfull, thinking that Saul spake sincerely of this affinitie, and without delay or taking counsaile or deliberation, whether the thing were easie or impossible for him to execute, hee incontinently departed with his company K to go and finde out the enemy, and execute the condition, vnder which the marriage was promised him. For it was God that made all things easie and possible to Dauid: for after he had slaine diuers of them, and cut off six hundreth of their heads, he returned and presented them to the king, and in consideration thereof, required the performance of his marriage.
CHAP. XII.
Saul admiring Dauids fortitude, giueth him his daughter to wife.
BVt Saul that could not flie from his promise (for feare least it should be a great dishonour 1. Reg. 19. Saul marieth Michol to Dauid. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. [...]. Saul resolueth to kill Dauid. Ionathā loueth Dauid, and sheweth him his fathers determination, and counselleth him to haue care of his safety, and stand on his guard. L for him to be found a lier, or to haue promised Dauid his daughter vnder colour, either to murther him, or to draw him to the execution of things that were impossible) deliuered his daughter Michol vnto him. But his intention was not to continue long in that mind. For perceiuing that Dauid was gracious in Gods sight, and in good reputation amongst the people, he was affraid of him: and being vnable to conceale his feare he had conceiued, to be depriued of two things of such consequence, as were his kingdome and life, he resolued to kill Dauid; giuing commission to his sonne Ionathan and diuers other of his seruants to execute the same. But Ionathan amased to see this change in his father in steed of the singular good liking he had of Dauid in times past, sought to hurt Dauid not in any slight sort, but by indangering his life: and on the other side being singularly affected towards him, and respecting of his vertue, M he communicated the secret and deliberation of his father with him, counselling him to haue care of himselfe, and to flie vpon the next morrow, and that in the meane time he would go and salute his father, and as soone as the occasion presented it selfe, hee would speake and conferre with him, to know the cause of his conceiued displeasure against him, to the intent he might pacifie the same: supposing it to bee a matter vnreasonable that he should be depriued of life to whom the people were so much indebted, and who in particular was his esteemed and vowed [Page 145] friend: yea in respect of his former merits, although he were found guiltie of many hainous offences, A The yeare of the world. 2883. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1081. yet ought he to obtaine a deserued pardon. I will tell thee afterward (said he) what my fathers resolution is. Dauid gaue credit to his holesome counsaile, and retired himselfe from the presence of the king.
CHAP. XIII.
How the King practised to murther Dauid.
THe next day after, Ionathan came vnto Saul, and finding him merrie and well disposed, Ionathan reckoneth vp vnto his father the good deserts of Dauid, praying him to pacific his displeasure conceiued against him. he began to speake vnto him to this effect, as concerning Dauid. ‘In what fault (O Father) either great or small haue you found Dauid guiltie, that you haue ordained & commanded B him to be done to death? who is such a man as for the conseruation of your own person, hath been very profitable, and besides that hath preiudiced the estate of the Philistines, and inhaunced the honour of the people of the Hebrewes, and hath deliuered them from that disgrace and mockerie, wherewith they haue been curbed for the space of fortie yeares: so that he onely hath dared, and opposed himselfe against the proud defies of the enemy; and since that time hath brought so many of the Philistines heads as was commanded him, in recompence whereof he hath had my sister to wife: so that his death should be a great displeasure vnto vs, not onely by reason of the vertue wherwith he is endowed, but also thorow occasion of his alliance with vs in bloud and consanguinitie. For by his death your daughter shall partake part of the iniurie, by reason that she shall suffer the incommoditie of widowhood, before she hath tasted the fruites C and commodities of marriage. Way these things, and pacifie your displeasure, and do no wrong vnto such a man, who first of all hath beene the author of your so good and great fortunes, as is the conseruation of your person at such time, as you were possessed and tormented with euil spirits: and hath brought to passe that your furies are alayed: and secondly, hath reuenged you of your enemies. For it is a thing vnworthy either your maiestie or the name of a man, to forget good deserts.’ With these words was Saul pacified, so that he swore vnto his sonne that he would Ionathan certifieth Dauid how he hath pacified his father. not iniure Dauid: for his iust perswasions and arguments were more stronger, then the choler and feare of the king. Ionathan sent to seeke out Dauid, and told him these good and happy tidings from his father, and brought him vnto him, where he liued and remained in sort as he did before time. D
CHAP. XIIII.
How hardly Dauid escaped the ambushes that were often layd for him by the king, yet hauing him twice at aduantage and in his power, would not murther him.
ABout the same time, whilest the Philistines led forth their army anew against the Hebrewes, Dauid hath a great victorie against the Palestines. Saul sent out Dauid against them accompanied with his forces, who encountring them slew a great number of them, & returned vnto the king with a great victorie. But Saul entertained him not, both as he deserued, and the happy exploit atchieued by him did E merit; but despited and enuied his good actions & honorable deserts, as if Dauids happy successe had bin Sauls disaduantage and preiudice. But at such time as the euill spirit returned anew and both seased and vexed him, he lodged him in his owne chamber where he lay, and hauing at that time a iauelin in his hand, he commanded him to play on his harp & to sing hymnes. Now whilest Dauid executed that his commandement, Saul stretching out his arme threw his dart at him: but Dauid foreseeing it, auoided the stroke, and fled into his owne house, where he soiourned all Saul darteth his Iauclin at Dauid. the day long. Now when the night was come, the king sent out certaine of his seruants to watch his house for feare least he should escape, to the end that the next day being drawen and appearing in iudgement, he might be condemned and put to death. But Michol Dauids wife and Sauls daughter, hauing intelligence of her fathers intention, ran vnto her husband, telling him in how F great peril both he and she were, who without his presence neither could nor would liue any longer. Beware (said she) least the sunne finde thee in this place, for he shall no more behold thee here hereafter. Flie therefore whilest the present night offereth thee opportunitie, which God doth lengthen for thy safetie-sake: for be assured that if thou beest surprised in this place, my father will make thee die a miserable death. This said, she let him downe by a window, and so saued him; and incontinently after, she prepared his bed, and trimmed it as if he laye sicke [Page 146] therein, and vnder the couering thereof, she laid the liuer of a new slanghtered Kid: and when G The yeare of the world, 2883 before Christs birth 1081. Michol perswadeth the kings seruants that Dauid is sicke. her father had sent the next morning to apprehend Dauid, she answered that he had beene sicke all the night long: then discouering the bed that was couered, she gaue them to vnderstand that Dauid was laid therein, making them touch the couerlet vnder which the liuer stirred, and made them beleeue that the liuer that lay there was Dauid, who panted & breathed verie hardly. Which being signified vnto Saul, he commaunded that he should be brought vnto him in that estate wherein he was, because he was resolued to put him to death. But when Sauls messengers were arriued and returned thither, and had discouered the bed, they perceiued Michols subtiltie, and went and certified the king thereof: who reproued her verie grieuously for that she had saued his aduersarie, and deceiued her father. But she defended her selfe with words full of good apparance, saying, that Dauid had threatned to kill hir, and how for that cause, and by the impulsion H of feare, she was drawen and induced to aide and saue him. For which cause she ought to be pardoned, since by constraint and not of set purpose she had furthered his escape. For (said she) Michol excufeth her selfe for deliuering Dauid. I thinke that you seeke not so greedily after the death of your enemie, as you preferre the same before the safetie and securitie of your daughter. On these perswasions Saul pardoned his daughter.
Dauid deliuered from this perill came vnto the Prophet Samuel to Ramatha, and told him what ambushes the king had laid for him, & how hardly he had escaped death by the stroke of his Dauid expresseth to Samuel how the [...]ing was affected towards him. Iauelin; whereas in all things that concerned Saul, he had alwaies shewed himselfe obedient: againe how he had neuer ceased to warre vpon his enemies, and had by Gods assistance beene fortunate in all things, which was the cause that Saul was so displeased with him. The Prophet I informed of Sauls iniustice forsooke the Citie of Ramath, and led Dauid to a certaine place called Saul sent armed soldiers to apprehend Dauid, who began to prophecie, and he himselfe likewise comming thither prophecieth. [...]. Reg. 20. Galbaath where he remained with him. But as soone as Saul was informed that Dauid was retired and accompanied with the Prophet, he sent out certaine soldiers to lay hands on him, and bring him vnto him: who repairing to Samuel, and finding the congregation of the Prophets, were seased with the spirit of God and began to prophecie. Which when Saul vnderstood, he sent out others, who had the like incounter with the first. For which cause he sent out others, and seeing the third companie prophecie likewise, he was in the end so much despited, that he came thither in his owne person. And when he drew neere the place before that Samuel saw him, he made him prophecie so that Saul comming towards him, was seased by aboundance of the spirit: so that he was rauished out of himselfe, and hauing despoyled himselfe of his raiment, he lay K Dauid complaineth vnto Ionathan of his fathers iniuries, Ionathā exculeth his father. prostrate all the day and the night long in the presence both of Samuel and Dauid. Dauid departed from thence, and went vnto Ionathan, to whom he complained of those ambushes which his father had laid to intrap him, in telling him that notwithstanding he had neuer committed either iniurie or fault against his father, yet did he earnestly pursue him to put him to death. Ionathan perswaded him that he should neither rashly suspect these things, nor be ouer-credulous in those reports which perhaps might be brought vnto him, but that he should trust him onely, who was assured that his father intended no euill against him: For if he had, he would haue told him, who is neuer wont to act any thing without his counsell. But Dauid sware vnto him that it was so, and besought him that he would beleeue his vnfained assertiōs, wherby he might the more easily procure his securitie, least contemning his words, and supposing them to be fained and friuolous, he L should by his death be ascertained of the sight and truth thereof: For he assured him that his father for that cause did not communicate his counsailes with him, because he was assured of the loue and friendship that was betweene them. Ionathan sore aggrieued, that Dauid was so perswaded, Dauid desired Ionathan to sound his father how he was affected towards him. and Sauls intention was such, asked him what he desired at his hands, or wherein he might shew him friendship? Dauid said vnto him, I know that thou wilt further me in what thou maist, and refuse me in nothing. Now to morrow is the first day of the moneth, in which I was accustomed to dine at the kings table, and if thou thinkest good I will depart out of the Citie into the field, where I will lie hidden: if he aske for me, thou shalt say I am gone into the countrey of Bethleem where my tribe solemnizeth a feast; thou shalt certifie him also that thou hast giuen me leaue. And if he say God speed him, which is an ordinary wish that friends vse to such as go a iorney, M know that he hath no hiddē rancor, nor secret malice conceiued against me; but if he answer otherwise, it shall be an assured testimonie that he complotteth some mischiefe against me, and this shalt thou ascertaine me of, as both becommeth my present calamitie, and our mutual friendship, which by vowed oth thou being my Lord, hast plighted with me who am thy seruant: And if thou thinke me vnworthie of this fauour and iniurious towards thy father, without expecting the sentence of his iustice, kill me now at this present with thine owne sword. These his last words so [Page 147] grieuously stroke Ionathan to the heart, that he promised him to accomplish his request, assuring A The yeare of the world, 2883. before Christs Natiuitie, 1081. him to certifie him if he any waies could perceiue that his father was ill affected towards him; and to the intent he might the better be beleeued, he caused him to walke forth with him into the cleare and open ayre, and there sware vnto him that he would not pretermit any thing that might tend to the conseruation of Dauid. For (said he) that God that filleth and moderateth Ionathan confirmeth his friendship towards Dauid with an oth. all things in this wide spred Vniuers, and who, before I speake, knoweth my mind: he I say, shall beare witnesse of that accord which shall be ratified betweene thee and me, that I will not cease to sound my father till such [...]ime as I know and haue conceiued his intention, and that I haue entred into his secrets to know what sicknes his soule is seazed with; and that when as I shall apprehend the same, I will not conceale it from thee, but giue thee notice thereof, be it that he be appeased or displeased against thee. The same God knoweth how incessantly I beseech him to be B assistant vnto thee, as also he is at this present: and that he abandon thee neuer, but make thee Lord ouer thine enemies, yea though it were my father, or my selfe. Onely remember me in this point, that after my death (if I chance to die before thee) thou take care of my children, and be as fauourable towards them, as I am affected to theeward at this present. After he had sworne this oth, he dismissed Dauid; willing him to conceale himselfe in a certaine place of the plaine, Ionathā giueth Dauid certaine signes whereby he should know whether his father were displeased with him. where he ordinarily exercised himselfe: For that as soone as he vnderstood his fathers mind, he would returne thither with his Page, and if (saith he) hauing shot three shafts at the marke, I shall commaund my Page to gather them, and bring them backe againe to me, for that they are right before him, know thou that thou art to expect no euill from my father: but if thou hearest me speake to the contrarie, thinke thou that my father is incensed and misaffected towards thee; C yet howsoeuer it happen, I will doe my best, that nothing shall befall thee otherwaies then we expect and wish. Be thou therefore mindfull of these things at such time as thou shalt obtaine thy happie daies, and be thou fauourable vnto my children. Dauid being confirmed by Ionathans promises, retired himselfe to the appointed place. The next day after, which was the solemnitie of the new moone, after the king was purified according to the custome, he sate downe to take his repast: Now when his sonne Ionathan was set on his right side, and Abner the General of his Armie on the left, Saul perceiued Dauids place was void, and spake not a word, supposing that hee was absent from that companie by reason he was not purified since he had the companie of his wife; but seeing the second day of the new Moone that he was absent likewise, he asked his sonne Ionathan why Iesses sonne both the day before, and at that instant, was not present at that fast; Saul questioneth about Dauids absence, Ionathan by his answer as [...]eth to know his fathers mind. D who answered him, that he was gone into his countrie (prosecuting the storie, according as it had beene concluded betweene them) alleaging that his Tribe celebrated a feast, and that he had permitted him to assist the same. Further (said he) he inuited me to the banquet, and if it stand with your pleasure, I will assist the feast: for you know how intirely I loue the man. At this time knew Ionathan the displeasure his father had conceiued against Dauid, and perceiued most apparantly how hainously he was affected: for Saul could not conceale his choler, but began to raile vpon his sonne, calling him rebell and his enemie, and companion and confederate with Dauid, telling Saul discouereth his [...] hate against Dauid. him that he shewed reuerence neither to him, nor to his mother, since he was so minded: and that he would not beleeue, but that, as long as Dauid liued, their royall estate should be alwayes in continual disturbance: He commanded him therefore to bring him before him, to E the end that he might do iustice vpon him. Ionathan replied, What euill hath Dauid committed, for which he should be punished? Hereupon Saul not onely expressed his choler in words and Ionathan [...] cusing Dauid to his father is almost slaine with a Iauelin by him. Ionathan flieth from the banquet. disgraces, but taking hold of a iauelin, he assaulted him, and would haue slaine him: but he missed his purpose, by reason he was retained by his friends. At that time did Ionathan clearely discouer the hatred that Saul bare towards Dauid, and how instantly & furiously he sought his ruine, since welny for Dauids sake he had slaine his owne & eldest sonne. Then did Ionathan withdraw himselfe from the banquet, seeing with how little profit he had pleaded, and so much was he grieued that he ceased not to weepe, and the rather since welny his father had vnkindly slaine him: And seeing that Dauid was adiudged to die, he passed all the night long without sleepe, and about the day spring he departed out of the Citie to the appointed field, making a shew that he walked out F to take his exercise, but indeed it was to discouer vnto his friend the intent which his father had, according as it was couenanted betweene them. After that Ionathan had done that which he had promised, & sending backe his Page into the citie, he came vnto Dauid both to see and speak with Ionathan and Dauid meete in the field. He dio & Ruffinus. chap. 13. 1. Reg 21. him in priuate: who as soone as he perceiued him, cast himselfe prostrate at Ionathans feet, calling him the conseruer and maintainer of his life. But Ionathan lifted him vp from the earth, so that both of them embracing one another, and intermixing their mutuall kisses for a long time, [Page 148] lamented their yeares with warme teares, and their vnfortunate friendshippe with bitter sighes: G The yeare of the world. 1883 before Christes Natiuity. 108 [...]. they bewailed likewise their future separation no lesse grieuous vnto them, then death it selfe. Finally, scarcely giuing any truce to their aboundant teares, and exhorting one another to haue in perpetuall remembrance their plighted faiths and promises, they departed the one from the other.
Dauid flying from the king and the war which he made against him, retired himselfe to the city of Nob to Achimelech the priest, who seeing Dauid come alone vnto him without either friend Dauid cōmeth to Naban or Nob to Achimelech the high Priest, or seruant, was amased; and desired to know the cause why he thus wandred without any attendance. Dauid told him that the king had sent him about some secret execution, which might not be communicated vnto him, although he were desirous to know it: and as touching my seruants (said he) I haue commanded them to attend me in this place. He further required him, H that he would giue him such things as were necessarie for his voyage that he had to make, wherin he might performe the part of a friend, in succouring him at such time as he had neede of him. Which when he had condescended vnto, he requested him to giue him some armes, either sword or iauelin (now in this place was there present one of Sauls seruants that was called Doeg, a Syrian by nation, and the pastor of the kings mulets.) The Priest answered him, that he had no such Dauid receiuing Goliahs sword, flieth to Geth, to Achis king of the Palestines. thing by him except it were Goliahs sword, which he himselfe had hanged in the Tabernacle and dedicated vnto God, at such time as he slew the Philistine. Dauid hauing gotten it, fled out of the countrey of the Hebrewes, and went vnto Geth, a countrey of the Philistines, wherein Achis was king. There being knowne by the kings seruants, hee was discouered and noted to be that Dauid, that had slaine many thousand Philistines. Dauid fearing to be put to death by him, I and suspecting least he should fall into the same daunger which hee had escaped by flying from Dauid coūterseits madnes to escape the furie of Achis. 1. Reg. 22. Saul, counterfeited himselfe to be foolish and mad: so that the some frothed and issued out of his mouth; and counterfeited in all things so cunningly, that he made the king of Geth beleeue most stedfastly that he was besotted and frenzie in his sicknesse. For which cause the king was wroth with his seruants in that they had brought him a madman, and commanded them with all expedition that might be, to driue him out of his countrey. Hauing in this sort escaped out of the countrey of the Geths, he transported himselfe into the tribe of Iuda, and being in the caue of Adullam, he sent vnto his brothers to let them vnderstand that he was there, who came vnto him with all their linage, and diuers others that either were in need or stood in feare of Saul, resorted vnto him, saying, that they were ready to performe whatsoeuer he should command them: K all which amounted to the number of foure hundreth or thereabouts. Dauid therfore being thus assured, by reason of the succours and forces that come vnto him, dislodged from thence & went to the king of the Moabites, beseeching him that he would bee pleased to entertaine his father and mother in that countrey, vntill such time as he vnderstood what should be the issue or end Dauid repairing to the king of the Moabits, committeth his father and mother to his protection. Dauid commeth to Sarō. Saul feareth Dauid. of his affaires. The king vouchsafed him this fauour, and did them great honour all the time they were in his countrey. And as touching Dauid, he hauing receiued instructions by the commandement of the Prophet to abandon the desart, & to soiourne in the tribe of Iuda: he obeyed him, so that comming to Saron, he made his aboade in that place. But when Saul had vnderstood that Dauid had beene seene with a number of men, he fell into an extraordinarie feare and trouble of minde: for knowing both the vnderstanding and courage of the man, he thought L inwardly with himselfe that he would attempt no action that was not great, and such a one as might not onely endanger his kingdome, or at leastwise breed him much difficultie & labor. For which cause, assembling his friends and captaines, and those of his tribe in Gaba where he kept his royall court, there sitting in a place called Aror, where all his honourable and ciuill magistrates, with the rest of his captaines and souldiers enuironed him round about, hee spake vnto them after this manner. ‘Beloued friends, I know that you can beare witnesse of my bountie, and how I haue aduanced some of you to honours, signiories and possessions, and haue preferred you to the chiefest dignities and prerogatiues amongst the people. Now would I know of Sauls oration to his captains, friends and estates against Dauid. you whether you hope or expect from the sonne of Iesse greater bountie and larger benefits, then I haue bestowed vpon you: I know that all of you are confederated with him, and that M my sonne Ionathan likewise is of the same faction, and hath perswaded you to follow and fauour him. For I am not ignorant both of the othes and couenants that are past twixt him and Dauid, and am well assured that he is both a counseller and assister vnto him in whatsoeuer he vndertaketh against me: yet are none of you touched with these cares, but intending your owne quiet, you expect the euent of these matters.’
When the king had spoken thus, there were none of the assistants that replied: onely Doeg [Page 149] the Syrian master of the kings mulets, arose and said: That he had seene Dauid in the Citie of The yeare of the world. 2883. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1081. Doeg telleth Saul how he saw Dauid in Noba with Achimelech. Saul reproueth Achimelech for furnishing Dauid with victuals and armes. Achimelech [...] Apologie to Sauls accusation of treason. A Nob, who resorted to the high Priest Achimelech, to aske counsel of him as touching his assaires; that there he had receiued those things that were needfull to furnish him in his voyage, and Goliahs sword likewise; and how he was safely conducted towards the place whither he pretended. to go. Hereupon Saul sent for the high Priest and all his kinred, and spake thus vnto him. What wrong or displeasure haue I done thee, that thou hast entertained the sonne of Iesse? and hast deliuered him victuals and armes; to him, I say, that seeketh but the meanes to possesse himselfe of my kingdome? What answere hast thou made him as touching those demaunds he presented thee, in regard of his future fortunes? for thou hast not been ignorant that he fled from me, and what hatred he beareth against both me & my family. The high priest denied none of these things, but freely confessed that he had deliuered him such things as were reported, but not with an intent B to gratifie Dauid, but the king: for I entertained him (said he) not as thine enemy, but as thy faithfull minister and tribune; nay which is more, as thy sonne in law, and such a one as was tied vnto thee by neere alliance. For who would haue thought, that he, who was intitled to so much honour by thee, should be thine enemie: nay rather, who would not esteeme him for thy sauourite and neerest friend? And where as he asked counsell of me as touching Gods will, this is not the first time, I haue answered him, but oft & many other times haue I aduised him. And where as he said, that he was sent by thee about some hastie and secret businesse, should I haue refused him those supplies which he required at my hands, I might haue bin iudged rather to haue done iniurie to thy maiestie then to him. For which cause thou art not to suspect or thinke euil of me, or if thou hast receiued any aduertisement, that Dauid at this time intendeth some trouble & innouation C against thee, oughtst thou to thinke that by reason of the curtesie I haue shewed him, that I either fauor him or maintain him against thee: for what I bestowed, I imployed as on thy friend, thy sonne in law and thy tribune; and whatsoeuer curtesie he receiued from me, it was done vnto The vniust slaughter of Achimelech with his whole family. Noba the citie of the priests it burnt, and all the inhabitāts slaine. Sup li. 5. ca. 11. 1. Reg. 2. & 3. thee. Notwithstanding all these iust allegations, yet could Saul be no waies induced to beleeue them: but contrariwise, his vehement feare made him suspect the true iustifications of Achimelech: so that he commanded certaine armed men that were about him, that they should put both him and all his family to the sword, But when they held it no lesse then sacriledge, to violate by violent death such as were men consecrated vnto God: Saul commanded Doeg the Syrian to perpetrate the slaughter, who ioyning to himselfe certaine other sacrilegious and impious men, he murthered Achimelech and all his race, who were in number three hundreth, thirtie and fiue D men. He further sent to Nob the citie of the Priests, and put all of them vnto the sword, neither sparing woman nor childe, nor hauing respect vnto any other age, but consumed the whole Citie with fire, onely one sonne of Achimelech escaped, who was called Abiathar. All which befortuned according as God had foretold the high priest Eli, saying, that by reason of the transgression of his two sonnes, his posteritie should be extinguished. A manifest exemplification of that proueth. Honours chaungeth maners.
This cruell and malicious act perpetrated by king Saul (in extinguishing all the race of the sacerdotall order, without compassion either of infants, or reuerence of old age: this destruction of his of that Citie, which God had chosen to be the countrey and common nurse of the Priests and Prophets, and which he elected to be a receptacle and refuge of all that sort of men) manifestly expresseth and declareth vnto all men, how depraued and corrupt the mindes of menNote di [...]gerly.E are. For so long as they are humble, and limited by a base and priuate estate, because they neither dare nor can haue libertie to giue scope to their vnbridled natures: they seeme to be good and iust men; and make shew of a wonderfull studie of iustice, accompanying the same with pietie, and are perswaded that God is present in all our actions: finally, that he beholdeth all our cogitations. But no sooner haue they attained to power and empire, laying aside their former and reformed manners, and taking vpon them as it were in a stage play, both a new habite and an other personage, but they are deuoured in all audaciousnes and insolencie, and contempt of both diuine and humane lawes. And when as to ouercome their enuie that had most need of pietie and iustice; and when as not onely all their actions; but also their wils are exposed to all mens eies, then most of all, as if either God dissembled, or feared their power, they F exercise their tyrannies vpon their subiects, and whatsoeuer they decree, either thorowe vaine feare, hatred or vnreasonable fauour, that suppose they both to be ratified by men, and allowed by God: being altogither depriued of either respect or reason of those things that are to come. For whatsoeuer they be that spend their many and vnexhausted labours in their seruice, those do they first preferre: and afterwards when they haue loaden them with the burthen of dignities, they thorow enuie not onely depriue of those dignities;but thorow slander also doe oftentimes [Page 150] oppresse them, not considering how deseruedly they oppresse, but onely giuing credit without G The yeare of the world, 2883 before Christs birth 1081. proofe to rash and scandalous detractions, executing and satiating their rage, not on those they ought to punish, but those that may most easilie be depressed and ouerthrown. The manifest example hereof appeareth vnto vs in Saul the sonne of Cis, who after the gouernment of the nobilitie was extinct, and the supreme magistracie of iudges was disanulled, being the first created king of the Hebrewes, onely for that he suspected Achimelech, he slew three hundreth priests and prophets, and after he had slaine them destroied their citie with fire; and as much as in him lay, depriued the high temple of God, not only of priests but sacred ministers; and after so hideous a slaughter, neither spared their countrey nor any one of their ofspring to be left aliue. But Abiathar Achimelechs sonne, who only escaped with life amidst all his slaughtered family, flying Abiathar escaping from Sauls hands, telleth Dauid of the slaughter of Achimelech his father and of the priests. vnto Dauid, declared vnto him both the ouerthrow of his family and the death of his father. H Dauid answered him, that he expected no lesse then that which hapned, at such time as he espied Doeg there, who as his minde gaue him would not faile to reproue and scandale Achimelech to Saul, yet tooke he it on him that the misfortune hapned vnto his friend by his meanes: he therefore praied him to remaine with him, because he could not be concealed or secured in any place better then with himselfe.
About the same time, Dauid vnderstanding that the Philistines made a road into the countrey of Cilla, and praied the same, determined to assault them, if after the Prophet had asked counsell Dauid defendeth Cilla against the incursions of the Palestines. 1. Reg 23. of God, he should be by the oracle animated to the performance thereof: which accordingly falling out, he sallied out accompanied with his friends, and set vpon the Philistines, and made a great slaughter of them, and recouered a verie rich pray, and gaue conuoy to the Cillans, till I such time as they had safely gathered in and housed all their corne and fruit. The rumour of this his exploit was presently brought vnto Saul: for this noble act and happy execution was not only not shut within the limits of the place wherein it was performed, but the renowme thereof was dispersed euerie where both in other mens eares as also in the kings, and both the action and the authour thereof were highly commended. Saul was verie ioyfull to heare that Dauid was in Cilla, and said thus: God hath deliuered him into my hands, by inforcing Saul seeketh to besiege Dauid in Cilla. him to shut vp himselfe within a citie inclosed with wals, gates, and bars: whereupon he sodainly gaue commandement that all the people should march against Cilla, and besiege the same and surprise or kill Dauid.
But Dauid hauing intelligence hereof, and aduertised by God that if he staied among the K Cillans, they would deliuer him into the hands of Saul, hee tooke with him his foure hundreth men, and retired himselfe from the Citie into the desart, and encamped on a defenced Dauid admonished by God flieth from his daunger. Dauid came with his army to Caena or Ziphia, where Ionathan commeth vnto him cōforteth him and renueth his couenant. hill called Engaddi: so that the king being aduertised that he was fled from the Cillans, ceased to issue out in armes against him. From thence Dauid departed to a certaine place of the Ziphians, where Ionathan Sauls sonne met with him, and after he had embraced him, he exhorted him to be of good cheere, and to conceiue an assured hope of future good fortune, and not to giue place to his present miseries, by reason that he should obtaine the kingdome, and should haue the whole power of the Hebrewes subiected vnto him, but that such things were not-wont to happen, except they were accompanied with great trauailes: and after they had once more renued the oth of mutual and lasting amitie and faith betweene them, during all the time of their L liues, calling God to witnesse with imprecations against him, that should contradict or in any sort change those conuentions; Ionathan left Dauid somewhat eased in heart, and disburdned of his conceiued feare, and that done, returned to his owne home. But the Ziphians intending to gratifie Saul, told him that Dauid was amongst them, and promised him to deliuer him The Ziphians certifie Saul of Dauids abode in their countrey. prisoner into his hands, if so be he would issue out against him: in so much as if he would seaze all the streights of the countrey, it should bee impossible for him to flie into any other place. The king praised their forwardnesse and promised them to requite their loyalty, and to remunerate them shortly for this their good affection, and withall sent out certaine men to seeke out Dauid and to beake ouer the forrest, promising them that shortly he would follow after them. Thus did the gouernours & princes of the Ziphians offer themselues vnto the king to search out M and apprehend him, expressing their affection therein, not onely in outward shew, but also with their whole power labouring what they might, that surprising him they might deliuer him to the kings hands. But their iniust desire had as infortunate successe, who being to incurre no perill by concealing him from pursuit, promised to betray into the kings hands thorow adulation and Dauid hearing of the kings comming, flieth to saue himselfe. auarice, a man that was both vertuous and wrongfully persecuted to death by his enemies. For Dauid being made priuie to their malice, and ascertained of the Kings approch, leauing [Page 151] those narrow streights wherin they then incamped, escaped to a certaine rocke which is situate in The yeare of the world. 2883. before Christs birth 1081. Saul pursueth Dauid, and hauing circumuēted him had taken him, had not he receiued newes that renoked him. A the desarts of Simon: Neither desisted Saul to pursue him, for knowing by the way that he had ouercome the streights, he came to the other side of the rock, & Dauid had surely both bin taken and circumuented, had not the king beene reuoked by fearfull tidings, which assured him that the Palestines had forcibly entred and spoiled his kingdome. For he thought it more conuenient to reuenge himselfe on those his hostile and sworne enemies, and to giue succour to his countrey and people, being ready to be spoiled and wasted, then vnder desire to lay hands on a priuate enemie, to betray both his countrie & subiects to their swords; and thus was Dauid saued beyond all expectation, and retired himselfe to the streights of Engaddi. But after that Saul had repulsed the Palestines, certaine newes was brought him that Dauid dwelt in the streights of Engaddi: whereupon presently taking with him three thousand of the choisest men in all his armie, heled B them speedily to the forenamed place, and being not farre from thence he perceiued neere vnto the high way, a deepe, hollowe, large, long and open caue, whereas Dauid with his foure hundreth men might be hidden, and descended himselfe alone into the caue to disburthen the necessities of nature. This was presently discouered by one of Dauids followers, who told him that God had presented him a fit oportunitie to reuenge him on his enimie, and counselled him to cut off Sauls head, and discharge himselfe thereby of much trouble, and torment; who arising and finding him out, onely cut off the lap of the vesture wherewith Saul was attired, and presently thereupon repented himself, saying, that it were a wicked deed in him to kil his lord, whom God by election had raised to the estate of Maiestie and Empire. For (said he) although he be vniust toward me, yet ought I not to be iniurious towards him. But when Saul was issued out of the C caue, Dauid went out after, and cried with a loud voice, beseeching Saul that he would giue him audience: who turning backe vnto him, he cast himselfe prostrate before his feete, and humbled Dauid cut off the lap of Sauls garmēt. Dauid vpbraideth Saul for his subtilties to seeke his death who was innocent. him on his face according to the custome, and spake after this manner. ‘How vnworthie is it for thee O King, that opening thy eares to scandalous backbiters, and giuing trust and credit to vaine & loose men, thou suspectest thy most tried friends, whom thou rather oughtest to iudge by their sincere and vpright actions: for words may be either false or true, but the mind may be discouered by none more apparant arguments then by mens actions: as at this present thou maist iudge whether thou hast rashly beleeued them, that make me guiltie before thy Maiestie of that crime, that was neuer yet so much as thought vpon, and haue so much exasperated thee against me, that day and night thou thinkest on nothing more then my destruction. Seest thou not now how D vaine thy opinion is, whereby they perswade thee, that I am an enimie of thy house, and earnestly desirous of thy death. Or with what eies thinkest thou doth God behold thy crueltie, who requirest his death, who hauing occasion and opportunitie offered him to be reuenged on thee, spareth thy life, whose life were it in thy hands were assuredly lost: for as easily might I haue cut off thy head as this lap of thy garment (and therewithall in confirmation of his words, he shewed it him) yet did I forbeare this iust reuenge, yet contrariwise art not thou afraid to exercise thy vniust tyrannies against me.’ But God shall beare witnesse hereof, and shall approue which of vs Saul acknowledgeth his malice & Dauids innocency, and requesteth him that when he hath obtained the kingdom, he would be fauourable to his family. both are of more peaceable behauiours. Saul amased to see how straungely his life had beene preserued, and rauished to consider the naturall mildnes and moderation in Dauid, began to weepe, and Dauid wept also: but Saul said that he had greater cause to lament then he. For (said he) E by thy meanes haue I receiued many benefits, and thou at my hands hast been repaid with infinit iniuries. This day hast thou testified that thou retainest the ancient iustice of thy progenitors, who commaunded that their enemies should be dismissed with life, at such time as they were surprised in the desart: now am I thorowly perswaded that God hath reserued the kingdome for thee, and that the Empire of all the Hebrewes attendeth thee. Assure thou me therefore by an oth, that thou wilt not exterminate my race, neither remember thee of those iniuries I haue done vnto thee, but that sparing my posteritie, thou warrantise and keepe them vnder thy protection. Dauid sware vnto him according as he had required, and suffered him to returne into his Realme, and both he and his companies retired themselues to the streights of Maspha. About the same time died Samuel the Prophet, a man who by his merit was in great estimation amongst the Hebrewes, F the famous testimonie of whose vertue, and the peoples obseruation towards him was Samuels death and buriall. 1. Reg. 25. expressed in this, in that they celebrated his funerall, and set out his sepulcher with great pompe, and when they had performed his rites, they buried him in Ramath his countrey, and lamented him many daies, not after the manner of a common or forraine misery, but as if each one of them had in particular a preiudice and losse to lament for. For he was a man that was naturally framed to all iustice and goodnes, and for these his vertues most acceptable vnto God. He [Page 152] gouerned the people after the death of Eli the high Priest, first in his owne person for the space G The yeare of the world. 2883. before Christs Natiuitie. 1081. of twelue yeares, and afterwards during the raigne of Saul eighteene yeares, whose death hapned (as I said) about this time. But in those places where Dauid at that time remained, there was a certaine Ziphian in a towne called Emma, a man verie rich, and Lord of much cattell. For he had a troupe of three thousand sheepe, and a heard of a thousand Goats. On these did Dauid commaund his people to commit no waste, neither thorow desire, nor necessitie, nor hope of concealement, they should doe him any hurt. Charging them moreouer that they should offer Nabals flocks spared by Dauid. no wrong vnto any man, because that to violate and take another mans goods was both vnlawfull and wicked, and contrarie to Gods commandement. Hee instructed them in this sort, imagining with himselfe that he should gratifie a good man, and such a one as deserued to be in like sort fauoured: but Nabal (for such was his name) was a rude and currish person, leading his H life in hunting. Yet had he a wife that was good, wise and faire.
To this Nabal did Dauid send tenne of his seruants about the time of his sheepe-shearing Dauids embassage to Nabal to require reliefe, and his currish answer. both to salute him, as also to wish him all good, and to beseech God that for diuers yeares, hee would grant him grace to doe the like. Meane while he requested him that he would impart vnto him somewhat of that which was in his power, when as his shepheards could informe him, that hauing long time remained in the desart, we haue (said they) beene so farre off from doing your flockes any harme, as we haue rather seemed to be their shepheards and keepers: they promised him likewise, that whatsoeuer courtesie he should shew vnto Dauid, he should bestowe it on a mindfull and thankfull personage. Thus spake the messengers vnto Nabal: but he answered them verie discourteously, and rudely demaunding of them what that Dauid was, and being I informed that he was the sonne of Iesse: Now (said he) these fugitiues and slaues forsaking their masters, liue proudly and insolently. Dauid hearing of this report was grieuously displeased, and commanded fower hundreth of his men to take vp their weapons and follow him, commanding two hundreth to keepe the baggage (for at that time he had sixe hundreth) and in this equipage marched he forward against Nabal, swearing that that verie night he would vtterly exterminate & Dauid sallieth out against Nabal with 400. armed men. roote out all his race, and ransacke all his riches. Neither was he onely displeased for that Nabal was ingratefull towards them, without respect of that humanitie which they had shewed towards him and his, but also for that without any cause or iniurie offered, he had iniured & outraged him in words.
In the meane while certaine shepheards that attended Nabals cattell, told their mistresse K their maisters wife, that Dauid hauing sent vnto her husband to require some small courtesie, had not onely obtained nothing, but also receiued insupportable iniuries, whereas till that day he had suffered his flocks to be vntouched: telling her that that insolencie of their Lord might breede them all much woe and miserie. Which when Abigal heard (for so was the woman called) she loded diuers Asses with all sorts of presents (without making any motion to her husband, who Abigal Nabals wife appeaseth Dauid with presents. was so drunke that he was insensible) and went towards Dauid. As therefore she descended the streights of the mountaine, Dauid encountred her, marching towards Nabal, accompanied with foure hundreth men: As soone as Abigal perceiued him, she leaped from her Steed, and falling vpon her face, she prostrated her selfe before him, beseeching him to forget Nabals words, knowing that Nabals nature was answerable to his name. For in the Hebrew tongue Nabal signifieth L folly: she excused her selfe likewise, saying, that she saw none of them that were sent vnto her husband. For which cause she said, I beseech thee grant me pardon, and giue God thankes,Nabla signifieth a [...]oole.that by my meanes he hath hindred you from polluting your hands in innocent bloud: for if thou remaine pure and innocent from bloudshed, he shall exact a punishment at their hands that haue hurt thee. For those misfortunes that attend on Nabal, shall fall on the heads of thine enemies: onely be thou fauourable vnto me in accepting these my humble presents, and for my sake remit that wrath which thou hast iustly conceiued against my husband: for clemencie and humanitie becommeth him whom the fates haue destinated a kingdome. Dauid accepting her presents, gaue her an answere after this manner. Women (said he) God of his goodnes hath this day brought thee hither, otherwise thou haddest not liued or seene the next morning. For I M haue sworne that this night I would ouerthrow thy house, and leaue none aliue of that vngratefull mans familie, who hath so contumeliously abused both me and mine: but now God hath put thee in mind wisely to preuent and pacifie my wrath.
As touching Nabal, although at this present he be exempted by thy meanes from punishment, Dauids prophecy of Nabal yet shall he not escape, but he shall lose his life: for his manners vpon an other occasion shall be the cause of his ruine. This said, he dismissed Abigal, who returning to her house, and finding [Page 153] her husband amidst his other companions, loaden and ouerwhelmed in wine, told him nothing A The yeare of the world, 2889. before Christs Natiuitie, 1075. Nabal conceiueth so much sorrow and fea [...]e for his immodesty against Dauid that he dieth Apoplec [...]ique. An example of Gods prouidence that no sin can escape vnpunished. Dauid marieth Abigal Nabals wife. Saul marieth his daughter Michol to an other husband 1. R [...]. 26. The Ziphians once more labour to betray Dauid in their countrey. Dauid once more attended by two entring into Sauls campe, stole away his dart & his pitcher of water. at that time of that which had hapned: but the next day when he was sober, certifying him thereof, he lost all his forces, and his body became mortified thorow the griefe he conceiued at her words: so that some ten daies after and no more, he departed out of this life. Which when Dauid vnderstood, he said that he was deseruedly punished by God, because that his owne wickednesse was the cause of his punishment, and that he was afflicted, and yet his hands who receiued the iniurie were vndistained with bloud: and by this example he learnt that no wicked man can escape Gods iudgement, and that all humane affaires are not rashly disposed, as if neglected by God, but that the good are rewarded with goodnesse, and the wicked punished according to their wickednesse. He afterwards sent messengers to his wife, and caused her to come vnto him, to the intent he might marrie her, and take her to his wife. She answered the messengers, B that she thought her selfe vnworthy to lie at his feete: notwithstanding she repaired vnto him with all her furniture and meanes whatsoeuer, and was married to Dauid, hauing obtained that degree of honour, both in that she was modest and iust, as also for that she was beautifull. Now Dauid had a wife before her, whom he had married out of the Citie of Abesar.
As touching Michol the daughter of Saul, and other-whiles his wife, Saul gaue her to wife at Lissa to the sonne of Phalti of the Citie of Gethla. After this, certaine Ziphians comming vnto Saul, told him that Dauid was returned againe into their countrey, and that if it pleased him to assist them, they might easily apprehend him. Whereupon Saul issued with three thousand armed men, and being surprised by night, he encamped in a certaine place called Sicelleg.
When Dauid was certified that Saul was issued forth against him, he sent out certaine spies, C whom he gaue in charge to bring him intelligence into what place at that time Saul was retired, who ascertaining him that he was at Sicelleg; he watched all that night without the knowledge of any of his followers, and went into Sauls campe, attended onely by Abisai his sister Saruias sonne and Achimelech the Chittite.
Now whilest Saul was a sleepe, and both his generall Abner with all his souldiers wholy deuoured in drowsinesse, Dauid entred into the kings campe, and although he knew the kings pauilion, by reason of his Iauelin that stood at the dore thereof, yet slew he him not, neither permitted he Abisai, who was both willing and addressed to execute the slaughter, to performe it. But this he said, that although the king were euill, yet notwithstanding it were a strange and vndecent thing for him, to slay him who was Gods elected: for that it was Gods right to take reuenge D on him, who had giuen the kingdome: and thus restrained he the others vnbridled furie. Yet to the intent he might certifie the king, that hauing the opportunitie to slay him, he had spared his life, he bare away with him his Iauelin, and the pitcher of water that stood by Saul whilst he slept, without the witting or knowledge of any of the campe; so much were they deuoured and ouerhaled with sleepe. He therefore departed thence in all assurance, hauing executed all that which either the time or his courage would permit him to doe. But after he had passed the riuer, and had attained the top of a mountaine, from whence he might be easily heard, he cried out to Sauls soldiers and their generall Abner so strongly, that he awaked them from their sleepe, and calling vpon Abner as well as the common sort of souldiers, the generall asked who it was Dauid vp [...] deth [...]ner [...] Sau [...] general for suffering his kings Iauelin and pitcher of water to be taken from him. that called him? to whom Dauid answered, It is I, the sonne of Iesse, your fugitiue: but, said he, E how commeth it to passe, that thou who art so great, and in chiefest authoritie about the king, hast so small respect and gard of his person? Thy sleep is more pleasant vnto thee then thy watch for his conseruation. Assuredly this act of thine deserueth a capitall punishment, because thou neither hast discouered me, nor any others before we entred the campe, or approched the [...]ing. Seeke for the kings Iauelin and his pitcher of water, and thou shalt perceiue in what great danger he hath been, euen in the midst of you, without any notice or discouerie of yours. Saul perceiuing that it was Dauids voice, and conceiued how that being in his hands (whom he had surprised in the depth of sleep, thorow the negligence of his guard) he had not slaine him, but pardoned Saul praiseth Dauid, and willeth him to be of good courage, and exhorteth him to returne to his own house. him his life, although it iustly lay in his power to take his head from him: he said, that he gaue him thankes, and acknowledged his life from him, exhorting him to be assured, and without F suspect of any euill to returne home vnto his house, because he was perswaded, that he loued not himselfe so much, as he was intirely affected by Dauid: notwithstanding that he had pursued him, and for a long time past had chased him like a fugitiue, constraining him also by diuers afflictions and great torments of spirit, to be abandoned from his neerest parents and friends: yea from Dauid himselfe, who might haue preserued him, and who had giuen him diuers demonstrations of his good will towards him, and by whom he had been often times preserued; whom [Page 154] notwithstanding he ceased not to pursue vnto the death, who contrariwise desired nothing more G The yeare of the world. 2889. before Christes Natiuity 1075. Dauid declareth his innocencie to Saul. then his life. Hereupon Dauid willed him to send some one of his seruants to bring backe his Iauelin and pitcher of water: protesting that God should be iudge of both their natures, manners & actions, who knew that that day also he had spared his enemy, whom if he had so thought good he might haue extinguished. Saul hauing this second time escaped from Dauids hands, returned to his royall house. But Dauid fearing least if he soiourned in that place he should bee intrapped by Saul, thought good to retire himselfe into the countrey of the Philistines and soiourne there. So that accompanied with six hundreth men which he had with him he transported himselfe to Achis king of Geth, one of their fiue Cities, who receiued him with all his people 1. Reg. 27. Saul desisteth to persecute Dauid. Dauid with six hundreth men and his two wines went into Palestine to Achis king of Gitta. Dauid requireth a certaine place at the kings hands to make his habitation in. The king giueth him Siceleg. Dauid spoyled the Sarr [...]es & Amalechites, and giueth part of the pray to the king, perswading him that he tooke it frō the Iewes that inhabited the South plaine. and gaue him a place to dwell in: so that he aboad in Geth, hauing with him his two wiues Achimaas and Abigal. Which when Saul vnderstood, he made no more account to send or sallie H out against him, because that two seuerall times he had been in danger of his life at such time, as he pursued him to intrap him. Dauid held it not conuenient to remaine in the Citie of Geth, and therfore requested the king of the Philistines, that since he had courteously entertained him, it might please him likewise to do him the fauour to assigne him a certaine place in his countrey, where he might make his habitation, because he feared to be chargeable to him, if so be he remained in the Citie. Achis assigned him a village called Siceleg, which Dauid after he obtained the kingdome, loued and honoured, holding that for his owne demaine, as his owne children and heires did after him. But hereof will we speake in an other place. The time that Dauid liued amongst the Philistines and in the towne of Siceleg, were foure moneths and twentie daies, during which time by seuerall and secret excursions against the bordering Sarrites and Amalechites, I he spoyled their countrey and returned backe againe with a great bootie of oxen and camels: yet brought he thence no bondmen, least Achis by their meanes should haue intelligence of his enterprise. He sent likewise a part of the pray vnto the king, and when he demaunded from whom he had taken the same, he answered that he had taken it from the Iewes that dwelt Southward and in the plaine, perswading him that he had done no losse: so that Achis conceiued an opinion, that since Dauid warred against his owne nation all the time of his aboad with him, hee would be a faithfull seruant vnto him. About the same time the Philistines, hauing determined to lead forth their army against the Israelites, sent out to their allies, requiring them to assist them in that warre, and to make their Rendeuous at Renga, to the intent that being there assembled they might dislodge and assaile the Israelites. Amongst their other auxiliarie companies, Achis K had requested Dauid to assist him, with his six hundreth souldiers, which he promised him willingly to performe, telling him that the opportunitie was now come wherein he might requite his curtesie, and the hospitalitie he had shewed him. Achis promised him that after the victory, when as all things had succeeded according as he desired, he would preferre Dauid to the guard of his person, thinking by the promise of this honour and trust, he might augment Dauids forwardnes and affection towards him.
CHAP. XV.
The Philistines renew their warre against the Hebrewes, and obtaine the L victorie, and Saul with his sonnes are slaine in the battell.
BVt Saul about this time had banished all diuiners and inchanters, and in generall all such as were tellers of fortunes, reseruing none within his countrey, but the Prophets. The yeare of the world, 2890. before Christs birth 1074. Saul banisheth all diuiners & enchanters out of his kingdome. Saul hearing the Philistines made head against him, asked counsel of God. When as therefore hee vnderstood that the Palestines were alreadie vp in armes, and strongly encamped neere to the city of Sonna sciruate in the plain, he marched forward & made head against them with all his forces. And as soone as he drew neere to the mountain of Gelboa, he encamped right ouer against the enemy. Now when his army discouered their great forces, they were much discomforted, & no sooner beheld it but were amased. Being therfore sore troubled herewith, he sought counsel at Gods hands as touching the euent of the battell, & seeing he M returned him no answere, his hart more & more failed him, in that he manifestly perceiued what sinister successe would betide him, if God should not assist him in the conflict. He therfore commāded that they should search him out some Pythonissa or cunning enchantresse, who inuocated and raised the spirits of the dead, to the end that by her meanes he might know if his warres should haue that successe which he pretended (for the diuiners which giue answere by the belly, which the Greekes call Engastrimythes declare their aduentures to those that aske them.) And [Page 155] when as by the report of a certaine familiar friend of his, he was aduertised that there was such The yeare of the world. 2890. before Christs birth 1074. Saul repaireth to Endor to aske counsaile of a [...]. A a one at Endor, vnwitting to his whole arme, and laying aside his royall habites, and attended onely by two whom he esteemed for his most faithfull seruants, he repaired to Endor to this woman, requiring her to diuine and raise vp the spirit of him whom he should name. The woman denied and said, that she ought not contradict the kings edict, who had driuen out of his realme all such sort of soothsaiers, telling him that he did not well, that hauing receiued no wrong at her hands, he should thus sound her and seeke to bring her in lapse of the kings lawes, & cause her to be punished. But Saul swore vnto her, that no man should knowe thereof, and that he would not discouer her diuination to others: briefely that shee should incurre no daunger thereby.
After then that by his othes and protestations he had perswaded her, that she should haue no B cause to feare, he commanded her to raise the spirit of Samuel. She not knowing what Samuel Saul commandeth the witch to raise Samuels ghost. was, called him from hell, and he sodainly appeared. But when she perceiued that it was an honourable man and of diuine semblance, she was sore troubled; and being wholy discomforted with this vision, she turned and said vnto the king: art not thou Saul? for Samuel had certified her no lesse. Saul confessed that it was he, and asked her for what cause she seemed to be so much troubled: she answered, that she saw a man ascend that resembled God. Saul commanded her to declare vnto him his shape, habite and age: and she gaue him to vnderstand that he was a reuerend olde man, attired in the vestment of a high priest. By these markes Saul knew that it was Samuel: whereupon prostrating himselfe on the earth, he adored and saluted him. The spirit of Samuel asked him for what cause he had troubled and raised him? To whom he complained and Saul complaineth him of his miseries to Samuel, and asketh his aduise. C lamented that he was inforced thereunto by necessitie: for that a grieuous host of his enemies were at hand, and that void of counsaile he was forsaken by God, hauing from him no prediction, either by prophecie or dreame: for which cause (said he) I made my recourse vnto thee, who hast alwaies had care both of me and my fortunes. But Samuel foreseeing that the kings death was hard at hand, answered him that it was in vaine for him to question with him, as touching those things that should happen, since thou knowest that thou art forsaken by God. Know therfore Samuels ghost certifieth Saul of the euent of his battell against the Philistines. (said he) that Dauid shall possesse the kingdome, and that it is he that shall establish the estate by armes: but as concerning thy selfe, thou shalt lose both thy kingdome and thy life, because thou hast disobeyed God in thy warre against the Amalechites, and hast not obserued his commandements, according as I foretold thee at such time as I was aliue. Know therefore, that D thy people and host shall be discomfited by the enemy, and that both thou and thy sons shall be to morrow slaine in the battell, and be with me. When Saul vnderstood these things, he became speechlesse, thorow the sorrow wherewith he was seased, and fell downe on the pauement, either for that his forces failed him thorow sodaine griefe, or for his want of meat; because that Saul through sodain sorrow sel in a swoun. The enchantres intreateth him to refresh himselfe and take some refection. neither that night, nor the day before, he had vouchsafed his body any refection or sustenance. At length, hardly recouering himselfe out of his swoun, the woman importuned him to receiue some sustenance, beseeching him to doe her that fauour in recompence of her vnexpected diuination; which though interdicted, she had aduentured to performe for his sake (before she were ascertained that it was he that had forbidden them) in consideration wherof, she prayed him that sitting downe at the table, he would refresh himselfe with some sustenance, to the end he might E be the more able to returne vnto his army. And although he resisted and vtterly refused to eat, in that he had no appetite, and was vtterly desperate; yet so effectually importuned she, that finally she perswaded him to receiue some little nourishment. And whereas shee had but one calfe An example of courtesie and liberalitie in the enchantresse. which she bred vp in her house with some particular care (for she was but a poore woman and had no other riches) yet spared she not to kill it, and dresse the flesh for Saul & his seruants. Thus refected, Saul returned backe againe into his campe. The curtesie of this woman deserueth to be praised: for although she knew that the king had prohibited her art, whereby both she and her family sufficiently maintained themselues: and although before that time she had neuer seene Saul, yet so it is that without remembring her that it was he by whom her art had bin condemned, she entertained him not as a stranger, or like the man she had neuer seene before; but had F compassion of him and comforted him, exhorting him to eate, although he refused it, and presented him willingly and hartily with that little, which she had in her pouertie. All which she did not vnder hope of recompence, or expected preferment (knowing well that Saul should shortly lose his life) nor according to the ordinarie course of men, that naturally honour those that haue bestowed some dignitie vpon them, and become seruiceable to those from whom they pretend to draw some profit hereafter. She therefore ought to be imitated, and in her appeareth an [Page 156] excellent example of bountie, approuing that there is nothing more worthie praise, then to relieue The yeare of the world. 2890. before Christs Natiuitie. 1074. G those that are in necessitie; neither any thing more becomming men, or whereby we may obtaine Gods fauour and graces better, then by it. Thus much sufficeth at this present, in respect of this woman. But now methinketh I shall do vvell if I insert in this place, and in these my vvritings, another eaxmple both profitable to people and nations, and in especiall an incitation to noble men, and such as are borne vnto glory to follow vertue, vvhich also shall expresse vvhat honour is, and exemplifie how a man may eternize his memorie, vvhich ought to engender in the hearts of kings of nations, and of gouerners of commonweales a singular desire and affection to addict themselues to noble actions, and to encourage them to entertaine dangers, yea death it selfe; and teach them to endure all difficulties vvhatsoeuer for their countries cause. To vvhich intent, the historie of Saul the king of the Hebrewes yeeldeth me matter most incident H Iosephus praiseth Saul for a worthy and valiant king in that foreknowing his daunger and death, he exposed himselfe to assuredperil to this purpose. For although he knew that vvhich should befall him, and that his death vvas at hand (according as it had beene foretold him) yet resolued he not to auoid the same, neither so loued he his life, that for the conseruation thereof, he vvould deliuer vp his people into the hands of their enimies, nor dishonour his royall dignitie: but himselfe, vvith his children and all his household, exposed themselues to daunger; thinking it more honourable to die vvith them in fighting for his subiects, and farre more expedient that his children should die like valiant men, then to leaue them aliue in incertitude of estate whereinto they might fall, supposing that hee should haue sufficient successours of his race, if he left behind him a perpetuall memorie and praise both of him and his. For which cause (in my opinion) he was both iust, strong and prudent, and if anie one either is or hath beene like vnto him, I suppose that it becommeth all men to giue testimony I of such a mans vertue. For I thinke that the Historians and ancient Writers haue not worthily entituled them with the stile of valiant men, who attaining some worthie actions, attempted warre vnder assured hope of victorie and safetie, but they only that imitate Saul may deseruedly be called iust, praise-worthie, couragious, hardie, and contemners of all dangers. For what great thing is there in vndertaking the common hazard of warre, and tossing twixt hope and feare to vse fortunes fauour if she fawne vpon vs? but contrariwise, I count it an assured signe of a valiant man, when as without conceit of hope of any goodnes, and knowing his death at hand, and assured in his conflict, is not affraid nor dismaid with such apprehensions, but seeketh out with an inuincible courage his most assured hazard. This is the praise of our Saul, who is an example to all true louers of glory, that if they haue regard to leaue an honest memory to their posterity, they K should vpon the like opportunitie propose the same resolution to themselues: but in especiall kings, who, by reason of the excellencie of their degree, ought not onely forbeare to be euill, but also striue to be excellently vertuous. I could likewise say more of this generous argument of Sauls valour, but least I should seeme too affectionate, I will returne to our former 1. Reg. 29. purpose.
After that the Philistines were thus encamped (according as hath beene afore-spoken) and had numbred their forces according to their nations, kingdomes, and gouernments, king Achis issued Achis leadeth out Dauid with him against the Hebrewes, and is reproued by the chi [...]taines of the Palestines for so doing. in the rereward with his particular companie, whom Dauid followed accompanied with his sixe hundreth soldiers: whom when the chieftaines of the Philistines beheld, they asked the king whence those Hebrewes came, and what their leaders name was? Who answered thē that it was L Dauid, who fled from Saul his master, and how he had entertained him being fled from him: againe how Dauid in recompence of the good he had receiued at his hand, and to reuenge him on Saul, was readie to fight for them against him. But the chieftaines blamed him, because he had chosen an enemie for his associate, counselling him to dismisse him, for feare least he should secretly performe some straunge stratageme against his confederates, because (said they) he hath a fit opportunitie to reconcile himselfe to his master. They therefore willed him to send Dauid backe vvith his sixe hundreth souldiers, vnto the place vvhich he had giuen him to inhabite, because it was the same Dauid of whom the damsels made songs, singing in praise of him, that he had slain many thousand Philistines. When the king of Geth vnderstood these things, he thought their counsell to be laudable, for which cause calling Dauid vnto, himhe said vnto him. I protest M vnto thee (said he) that I beare a most singular affection and good liking towards thee: and for that cause I haue called thee out to assist vs in this battel; but our captaines allow not of my resolution: for which cause retire thy selfe to the place which I haue giuen thee, without conceiuing any euil suspitiō of me. There shalt thou be in garrison to forestal the enemie from foraging our country: and in so doing thou shalt partly assist vs in the warre. Herupon Dauid departed vnto Siceleg, Achis dismisseth Dauid. according as the king had commaunded him.
[Page 157] But during the time that Dauid was in campe, and attended on the Philistines warre, the Amalechites A The yeare of the world. 2890. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1074. The Amalechites in Dauids absence spoile and burne Siceleg, and cary away the pray, arose and tooke Siceleg by force, and burned the Citie: and after they had gathered a great bootie both in that place, and in other villages of the Philistines countrey, they retired backe againe. Now when Dauid arriued at Siceleg and found it wholy ruined and spoiled, and seeing likewise that his two wiues, and the wiues of his companions were prisoners togither with their children: he presently rent his rayment, and began to weepe and lament with his companions; yea so much was he afflicted, that he had scarce any teares left him to bemone himselfe: beside this, his companions amated with the captiuitie of their wiues and children, were readie to stone him to death; accusing him that he was the cause of all that which had hapned. But when as his griefe was after a manner aslaked, and he somwhat returned to himself, he lifted vp his heart vnto God, and commaunded the high Priest Abiathar to put on the Ephod, and aske counsaile Dauid taketh counsell of God whether he will assist him to recouer his wiues and goods out of the hands of the Amalechites. B of God; and that done, to declare vnto him whether by his assistance he might ouertake the Amalechites, if so be he should pursue them; and whether he should recouer his wiues and children that they had led away, and reuenge him of his enemies. As soone as the high Priest had certified him that he might pursue them, he sallied out with sixe hundreth soldiers, and pursued the enemie: and drawing neere vnto the riuer, he found a certaine stragler an Egyptian by nation, wholy discomforted and feeble thorow want and famine wherewith he was pressed, hauing for three daies space wandred in the desart without any sustenance; whom after he had refreshed with meate and drinke, and recomforted, he asked him to whom he belonged, and what he was. The Egyptian told him his nation; and how he had beene left in that place by his master, because that thorow his weaknes it was impossible for him to follow them. He consessed likewise, that his C master was one of the number of those that had burned and sacked, not onely other quarters of Iudea, but Siceleg also. Dauid taking this man for his guide ouertooke them, finding some of Dauid guided by an Egyptian slaue ouertaketh the Amalechites. Dauid assaileth the Amalechites, and maketh a great slaughter of them, and recouereth the whole pray. them lying on the earth; others banquetting and following drunkennesse, and almost sencelesse by ouerdrinking: so recouering both his booty and pillage, and sodainly setting vpon them, he made a great slaughter. For they being naked, and suspecting no such inconuenient, and wholy addicted to frolicke drinking and feasting, were all of them easily defeated: diuers likewise amongst them were slaine as they sate at their meat; others likewise were slaughtered whilest they carroused the one vnto the other; and some of them perished being loaden with sleep, & gorged with wine.
They likewise that were compleatly armed, intending to make resistance were as easily D slaine, as they that lay naked vpon the earth: Thus Dauids men abode with him from the first hower of the morning till the euening, doing nought else but kill & murther, that that only foure hundreth of the Amalechites escaped, who likewise fled being mounted on their Dromodaries. So recouered he all that which the enemie had ransackt, and amongst other things he released both his own wiues & those of his companions. Wherupon they returned to the place where they had left the other two hundreth, which might not follow them, because they were appointed to guard the baggage: To these, the abouesaid foure hundreth would not grant a part of the booty and profit, because they had not (as they said) followed the enimie with them, but shewed themselues Dauid comp [...]mitteth the debate betwixt those that pursued the chace, and those that keptt he baggage touching the pillage. 1. Reg. 31. slacke in the pursuit; alledging that they ought to content themselues with the recouerie of their wiues. But Dauid said, that the sentence which was pronounced by them, was both euill and E vniust: for since God had granted them the grace to defeat their enemies, all of them merited to haue part in the profit, which ought equally to be deuided amongst them, both amongst those that had fought, and amongst those likewise that staied behi [...]d to guard the baggage. And from that day forward this ordinance hath beene held firmely amongst them, that they that keepe the baggage, should haue equall part and portion of the pray with those that should goe out to the battell. But when Dauid was returned to Siceleg, he sent vnto all his familiars and friends of the tribe of Iuda, a seuerall part of the spoyle: In this manner was Siceleg sacked and burned, and thus were the Amalechites discomfited. But the Philistines assailed, and fought a bloudie battell with Saul and his followers, wherein the Philistines had the vpper hand, and slew a great number Saul and his sons seeing their army ouercome by the Philistines are desperately dismaid and slaine. of their enemies. Saul king of Israell with his sonnes fought therin verie valiantly, and with F stout hearts, seeing that all their honour consisted in that onely point to die nobly, and to hazard themselues against all camisadoes of their enemies. For since the Philistines bent all their forces against them, they saw no meanes of recouerie, so that encompassed by them they died in the middest of them, and yet before their death slewe a great number of the Philistines. There were there present Sauls three sonnes Ionathan, Aminadab, and Melchi, who being defeated, all the Hebrewe armie turned their backes: so that being instantly pursued by the enemie, [Page 158] there fell a great disorder, confusion and slaughter amongst them. Saul fled also, although he G The yeare of the world. 2890. before Christes Natiuity. 1074. had about him a strong squadron of men. And although the Philistines marshalled foorth against him a multitude of archers, that shot many dartes and arrowes at him; yet were they all but a verie fewe repulsed: and although he had fought verie brauely, hauing receiued on him diuers wounds, yet being vnable to support the paine and griefe of his woundes, and trauailed with shortnesse of breath, he commanded his esquier to drawe his sword, and to thrust it thorow his body before he should be surprised aliue by his enemies: which his esquire refused to doe, not daring to lay hands vpon his master. For which cause Saul drew his owne sword, and setled the point to his breast and cast himselfe thereon: but vnable to force it home Saul striueth to kil himselfe, and being vnable vseth the assistance of a young Amalechite. enough, nor make it by goaring himselfe thereon to pierce quite thorow him, he looked backe and perceiued a yoong man hard beside him, of whom he demaunded what he was, and hearing H that hee was an Amalechite, he requested him, that since himselfe was vnable to pierce himselfe with his owne hands, that he would leaue vpon him, and make the sword passe thorow him, and bring him to that death which he so earnestly desired: which he did, and hauing taken from him the gold which he had about his armes, and the royall crowne likewise, he fled away. The Esquire seeing Saul dead, sodainly slew himselfe: Not one of all the kings guard escaped, but all of them were slaine neere vnto the mountaine Gelboa. When they that inhabited the valley on the other side of Iordan and in the plaine, had intelligence that Saul and his The Hebrewes that inhabit the valley beyond Iordan, leauing their townes fly to defenced cities sonnes were dead, and with them a great number of their nation was slaine, they abandoned their Cities and fled to others that were more defenced. The Philistines finding these Cities destitute of inhabitants, encamped therein. The next day whilest the Philistines spoyled the I dead, they found the bodies of Saul and his sons, which they spoyled & beheaded; sending their heads round about the countrey, to make it knowne that their enemies were defeated. They offered The Palestines hung vp the bodies of Saul and his sons. vp their armes also in the temple of Astaroth; and as for their bodies they hung them on the wals of the Citie of Bethsan, at this day called Scythopolis. When they of Iabes a Citie of Galaad vnderstood how the Philistines had thus cut off the heads of Saul and his sonnes, they were sore moued, and thought it became them not to be so carelesse of them, but that they should be rescued. For which cause the most valiant and hardie amongst them (for that Citie bringeth vp men both valiant in heart and strong in body) departed and marched all night long, so as they attained Bethsan, and approching neere the wals tooke downe the body of Saul and his sonnes, and carried them vnto Iabes, without any resistance of the enemy, in that they K durst not attempt the rescue. These Iabesians lamented ouer their dead bodies and made publike lamentations, and buried them in the fairest place of their countrey, which place is called The Citizens of Iabes rescue the bodies of Saul and his sons, and both bury and lament them. Arar. They mourned after this manner weeping both men, and women and children, and beating their breasts, and lamenting the king and his sonnes, and tasting neither meat nor drinke. This was the end of Saul, according as Samuel had foretold him, because he had disobeyed God in his war against the Amalechites, and for that he had slaine the race of Achimelech, and Achimelech himselfe also, and destroyed the Citie of the Priests. He raigned during the life of Samuel for the space of eighteene yeares, and twentie two yeares after his death. Thus finished Saul his life. L M
THE SEVENTH BOOKE A OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Dauid is created king of one tribe in Hebron, ouer the rest Sauls sonne obtaineth the soueraignty.
- 2 Isboseth is slaine by the treacherie of his domesticall seruants, and the whole kingdome commeth vnto Dauid.
- 3 Dauid hauing surprised the Citie and cittadell of Ierusalem, driueth the Chananites from thence, and causeth the Iewes to inhabit the same.
- 4 Dauid assayled by the Philistines, obtaineth a famous victorie against them neere vnto Ierusalem.
- 5 Dauid ouercomming the neighbouring nations, imposeth tributes on them.
- 6 They of Damasco are ouercome by Dauid.
- 7 How Dauid ouercame the Mesopotamians.
- 8 How thorow the intestine warres of his family Dauid was expulsed out of his kingdome by his son. C
- 9 Absolon marching out with his army against his father, is ouerthrowne.
- 10 The happy estate of Dauid restored againe into his kingdome.
- 11 Dauid in his life time, annointeth and createth his sonne Salomon king.
- 12 The death of Dauid, and how much he left his sonne towards the building of the temple.
CHAP. I.
Dauid is created King of one Tribe in Hebron, ouer the rest Sauls sonne obtaineth the soueraigntie.
THIs battell was fought on the same day that Dauid returned conquerour The yeare of the world. 2891. before Christs birth 1073. 2. Reg. 1. An Amalechite certifieth Dauid of Sauls death, and in testimony thereof presenteth his bracelets and crowne. D to Siceleg, after he had subdued the Amalechites. But some three daies after his returne, he that slew Saul and had escaped from the battell, hauing his garment rent and ashes cast vpon his head, came and cast himselfe prostrate before Dauid: and being demaunded from whence he came, he answered, from the battell of the Israelites; and certified Dauid of the vnhappy issue thereof: telling him how diuers thousands of the Hebrewes were slaine, and how Saul himselfe and his sonnes were done to death in the conflict. He likewise gaue him to vnderstand, how hee himselfe retreated amongst the Hebrewes, and was present at the flight of the king: confessing likewise that he was the author of his death, vnder purpose to redeeme him E from the hands of his enemies: For (said he) Saul hauing cast himselfe vpon the point of his sword, was so weake, by reason of the agonie of his wounds; that he could not dispatch himselfe. Furthermore, he produced the testimonies of his death, the gold about his armes, and the royall crowne which he tooke and brought from him being dead. Dauid perceiuing no cause wherby he should suspect his death, whereof he had most euident and infallible testimonies, rent his Dauid lamenteth Saul and Ionathans death. garments, and spent the day in weeping and lamenting with his companions. And the more was he ouerpressed with sorrow, by reason of the losse of his most deere friend Ionathan, whom he acknowledged to be the authour and conseruer of his life: And so vertuous and affectionate shewed he himselfe towards Saul, that although he had oftentimes been in danger to haue been slaine by him, yet was he sore agrieued at his death: and not that alone, but he likewise executed F him that slew him, telling him, that he himselfe had accused himselfe for slaying the king, declaring thereby that he was the sonne of an Amalechite, and commanded that he should be put to Dauid commandeth the Amalechite to be slaine that killed Saul. death. He composed likewise lamentations and Epitaphs in praise of Saul and Ionathan, which are as yet extant at this present time where in I liue. After that he had thus honouted the king, and performed his lamentation and obsequies, he asked counsaile of God by the meanes of the Prophet, what Citie of the tribe of Iuda he would giue him to inhabite in: who answered him [Page 160] that he would giue him Hebron. For which cause he forsooke Siceleg, and came and dwelt in G The yeare of the world, 2891 before Christs birth 1073. Dauid by Gods commaundement commeth and dwelleth at Hebron, and is declared king of the tribe of Iuda. Dauid praiseth the Iabesines for burying Saul and his sonnes. Abner the son of Ne [...] crowneth Isboseth Sauls sonne. Abner leadeth out his army against the tribe of Iuda, Ioab with all Dauids army issueth out to meet him. Twelue soldiers fight, and kill one another, and Abners side are ouerthrowne. Azael Ioabs brother pursueth Abner. Hebron, and brought thither his wife and souldiers. All the people of the aforesaid tribe resorted thither vnto him, and proclaimed him king: where vnderstanding how the Iabesins had buried Saul and his sonnes, he sent embassadours vnto them, both to praise and approue their actions, promising them that both he allowed their act, and would remunerate their deuoire which they had extended toward the dead: giuing them likewise to vnderstand, that the tribe of Iuda had chosen him for their king. But Abner the son of Ner General of Sauls army, a man of execution, and of a noble disposition, vnderstanding that Saul and Ionathan and his two other brothers were dead, came into the campe, and bringing with him the onely sonne of Saul that was left, whose name was Isboseth, he passed on the other side of Iordan, and proclaimed him king of all the people except the tribe of Iuda. He appointed likewise for his royall seate and place of residence, H a certaine countrie called in Hebrew Machare, that is to say, the campe. From thence went he with an elected band of souldiers, with a resolution to fight against those of the tribe of Iuda, in that he was displeased with them, because they had made choise of Dauid for their king. Against him marched out Ioab the sonne of Suri and of Saruia Dauids sister, generall of his army, to encounter him, accompanied with his brothers Abisai and Azael, and all Dauids souldiers: and arriuing neere a certaine fountaine of Gabaa, he arranged his army in that place to enter battell. And when as Abner said vnto him, that he desired to make triall whether part had the better souldiers, it was accorded betweene them, that twelue for either side should be chosen out to determine the challenge, who marching out into a certaine place betwixt both the hosts, and hauing darted their Iauelins the one against the other, came at last to the sword, where mutually I assailing, hewing, and butchering one another both in their heads, sides and bowels, they all of them at last fell down dead, as if the plot had bin determined between them. Which done, the two armies ioyned in like sort, and after a cruel battell Abner with his followers were discomfited: who speedily flying were incessantly pursued by Ioab, who in his owne person insisted and exhorted his other soldiers to pursue them hastily, without suffering any of them to escape. But amongst the rest, Ioabs brothers were hot vpon the chase, and the yoongest of them called Azael gaue especiall restimonie of his forwardnesse, thorow that swiftnesse in running wherwith he was endowed: for he ranne not onely more swifte then other men, but outstripped horses also in their race. Whilest thus he pursued Abner with great vehemencie and headlong course, Abner in his flight killeth Azael. without turning either on the one side or on the other; Abner turned back vpon him, and intending K to dignifie him for his forces; he first couenanted with him for one souldiers armour, and another time seeing that he could not be perswaded to stay, he prayed him to arest himselfe and pursue him no further, for feare least being inforced to kill him, he should be depriued of the courage to behold his brother Ioab: But perceiuing that he made no account of his words, but that Azael instantly insisted to pursue him, Abner flying and turning himselfe backe, stroke him with a Iauelin which he had in his hand, in such sort as he presently died. But they that pursued Abner likewise arriuing in the place where Azaels body vnaduenturously fell dead, staied round about him, and surceased to pursue the enemy any further. But Ioab and his brother Abisai outstripping the body with swift running, and conceiuing a more mortall hatred against Abner, for that he had in this sort slaine their brother; they pursued him vntill sun-set, with admirable swiftnesse, Ioab & Abisai pursued Abner till sunne set. L and incredible alacritie vnto a place called Dumaton: There mounting vppon a hillocke, hee sawe Abner with the tribe of Beniamin flying from him; who beganne to crie out vnto him and say, that men of the same tribe should not be so whetted and incensed the one against the other. That their brother Azael was in the fault, because that although he had exhorted him to cease from running after him, yet could he not perswade him, and that for the same cause he had both stroken and slaine him. Ioab wisely disgesting these his sayings, and accepting Ioab sounding a retreat restraineth his soldiers. of them as of holesome and friendly aduertisements and counsailes; he commanded the trumpet to sound retreat, and surceased to pursue them any more, and encamped for that night in the same place: during which time, Abner trauelled without ceasing, and hauing past ouer Iordan, returned to his campe to Isboseth Sauls sonne. The next day Ioab suruaied the dead, and M caused them to be buried. Those that were found dead on Abners side were about three hundreth and sixtie men; and on Dauids side nineteene, ouer and besides Azael, whose body Ioab and Abisai How many on each side died in the battell. 2 Reg 3. The beginning of ciuill warre amongst the Hebrewes. tooke with them, and carried it vnto Bethleem, and after they had enterred it in the toomb of their auncestors, they repaired to Hebron vnto Dauid. From that time forward there arose a ciuill warre amongst the Hebrewes, that endured a long time, in which Dauids followers had alwaies the vpper hand, and neuer aduentured the hazard of the field without returning with some [Page 161] aduentage; whereas the sonne of Saul and his partakers had almost euerie day the worse. Dauid The yeare of the world. 2891. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1073. Dauid had sixe sonnes borne in Hebron Abner bridled and gouerned the multitude so that along time they were subiect to Isboseth. A at that time had sixe sons by so many wiues, the eldest of them was called Ammon the sonne of Achimaas, the second was Daniel the sonne of Abigal, the third was called Absolon the sonne of Machama the daughter of Ptolomey king of Gessur; the fourth was Adomas the sonne of his wife called Aggite: the fift and the sixt were called Gerthessa and Gala. But after this ciuill warre was begunne, and that the kings on both sides had oftentimes encountred and fought togither; Abner generall of the armie for king Sauls sonne, a prudentman, and one that was beloued by the people, endeuored all that in him lay, that the whole country might be commanded by Isboseth, and in effect they all submitted vnto him for a certaine time: but when as it afterwards fell out that Abner was charged and accused to haue kept company with Rispa Sauls concubine, the daughter of Sibath, and that Isboseth likewise had reproued him for the same cause, he conceiued a great griefe B and despite, supposing that he had great iniury done vnto him, considering how carefull he had beene, and was of the kings estate: for which cause he threatned him to establish the kingdome to Dauid, and to make him know, that it was neither his vertue nor prudence that made him soueraigne ouer the tribes on that side Iordan, but that his faith and warlike conduct was the cause thereof. For which cause he sent vnto Hebron to Dauid, requiring him by an oth to accept of him as his confederate and friend, promising him to perswade the people to forsake Sauls sonne, and Abner sendeth embassadours to Dauid in Hebron to [...]e a couenant with him. Dauid requireth his wife Michol at Abners hands. Abner consulteth with the [...]lders and gouerners of the army to reuolt to Dauid. to proclaime him king of the whole region: Dauid sware vnto him, according as he had required, and was verie glad of that embassage that Abner had sent vnto him, and the rather for that vnder assured testimonie of their accords, he had preserued Michol Dauids wife (whom he had purchased C with the price of diuers great daungers, and with sixe hundreth heads of the Philistines presented to his father Saul, to the end he might enioy her) which Michol Abner had sent him backe, hauing taken her from Phalti, who had since that time espoused her: whereunto Isboseth also was assistant, to whom Dauid had written that it was reason that he should recouer his wife. Abner therfore assembled all the elders and gouernours of the people, and told them that at such time as heretofore they were readie to forsake Isboseth, & to submit themselues to Dauid, he had disswaded them from that intent; but at this present if they had the will, hee vvould condescend vnto them, because he was assured that God had chosen Dauid (by the mouth of Samuel the Prophet) to be king ouer all the Hebrewes: and had foretold that he should punish the Philistines, and should ouercome them, and bring them vnder his subiection. Which when the elders and gouernours vnderstood, and were assured likewise that Abner would subscribe to their resolution as D touching the estate, they all of them determined to submit themselues to Dauid. Abner seeing them thus resolued, did afterwards assemble all the tribe of Beniamin (out of which the archers The elders & captaines perswaded by Abner [...]llow Dauid. The Beniamites accord with Abner [...] [...] to Dauid and certifieth him there o [...] Abner being kindly intertained by Dauid is friendly ly dismissed. of Isboseths guard were chosen) and told them the like, and perceiuing that they contradicted him no waies, but submitted themselues vnto his pleasure, he gathered about twentie of his familiar friends, and resorted vnto Dauid to receiue in his owne person Dauids oth: Both for that each man in his owne affaires reposeth greatest confidence in himselfe, as also to giue him intelligence what speech he had held with the elders and the whole tribe. Dauid receiued and entertained him very kindly, and magnificently and sumptuously feasted him at his table for many daies, praying him that he would depart, and returne and bring the people with him, to the end that in their presence and sight, he might deliuer him the gouernment. When Dauid had dismissed Abner, some E little time after his departure; Ioab the generall of Dauids armie came to Hebron, and knowing that Abner had beene with Dauid, and that but some little time before he was departed from him, with accords and promises made vnto him that he should be gouernour; he feared least that if Dauid should place him in honour and dignitie, and should make Abner (who was a man otherwaies exercised in affaires and politique to preuent occasions) as it were his companion in the kingdome, that the said Ioab should be degraded, and depriued of his office; he tooke vpon him a cursed and froward resolution. For first of all he laboured to detract and make him odious in the kings eare, counselling him to stand on his guard, and not to giue eare vnto Abners promises, who vnder colour & subtiltie sought to establish the kingdome vnto Sauls sonne: alledging that he came vnto him vnder colour and ca [...]tele, intending then to leaue him, when F his hopes were satisfied and affaires disposed: But perceiuing that these his subtilties tooke little effect with Dauid, and considering with himselfe likewise that he moued him in no sort, he attempted a more perilous exploit then the former. For resoluing with himselfe to kill Abner, he sent out certaine men after him, whom he gaue in commission that as soone as they should ouertake him, they should vrge their interparlee in the name of Dauid, alledging that they had something to communicate with him as touching the estate, which he had forgot to certifie him of.
[Page 162] When Abner had heard the words of these messengers (who ouertooke him in a place called G The yeare of the [...]orld. 2899. before Christs Natiuity. 1065. Besira, some twentie furlongs off of Hebron) he strooke out of the way without suspition of his future desaster; & Ioab going before him, embraced him with great loue, and like an affectionate friend (for such as enterprise any wicked action do often and subtilly dissemble and make shew of honestie, to the end to expell out of the innocents mind all iealousie or euill suspition) where singling him from his other company, and making a shew to informe him of certaine secrets, and hauing drawne him into a by-way besides the wall, accompanied only with his brother Abisai, he drew his rapier and thrust it into his short ribbes: Of which wound Abner died, surprised by the treason of Ioab; who pretended and coloured that act of his, with the reuenge and death of his brother Azael, whom Abner had slaine vpon the chase in the first warre at Hebron; but in truth it was but the suspition of his greatnesse and honour, fearing least he should be depriued, H and Abner inseated by obtaining the next degree of honour vnto Dauid. Hereby may a man Men inclined to ambition and auarice date al things. conceiue how many and how mightie things men attempt and hazard for their auarice and ambition sake, and to the end they may not be inferiour vnto any others in those matters. For when as they desire to attaine riches and honours, they atchieue it by ten thousand mischiefes; and at such time as they feare to be dispossest, they striue to continue their estates by meanes more pernicious, because they thinke it to be the lesse sinne, and that the calamitie is lesse actiue, rather not to haue obtained to any greatnesse and power, then after the possession thereof, to fall into disgrace. Thence it commeth, that all of them intend and practise many hazards and difficult encountries, thorow the feare they haue to lose their degree. But it sufficeth to haue briefly touched this point. Dauid hauing notice of the murther of Abner conceiued a great griefe in his I heart, and called all his assistants to witnesse, lifting vp his hands vnto God, and protesting that he was no partaker of the murther, and that Abner had beene slaine without his commandement or will. He likewise vttered most grieuous curses against the murtherer, his house and accomplices, by which he wished them to be subiect to the fatal penalty of murther: for he greatly suspected least he should be held in suspition to be a party in that which had hapned vnto Abner, contrarie to his faith, oth and promise, which he had past vnto him. Moreouer, he commanded Dauid with the whole people bewaile Abner and honour his funerals: that all the people should weep and lament for him, and that the funerals of his bodie should be honored according to the accustomed fashion, in renting of garments and putting on sackcloth: and that the same should be done the coffin being carried before, which both he and the chiefest gouernours of the Israelites followed, beating on their breasts, and shedding teares, and testifying K the loue which they bare vnto him during his life, and their displeasure to see him dead, who had bin murthered contrary to their wil and intention. He was entombed in Hebron with great magnificence, and Epitaphs composed in his praise by Dauid himselfe, who setting himselfe on the tombe first of all lamented, and gaue others cause of lamentation. And so much was hee confused at the death of this Abner, that he swore to forbeare all kind of meat vntill the sunne-set, notwithstanding all the instances of his friends, who vrged him to take refection: which act of his purchased him much good will and loue amongst the people. For they that loued Abner were verie glad to be witnesses of that honour which he did him in his death, and that faith which he Dauid salueth his honour, and auoideth the suspition of Abners death. maintained in honouring him, euerie way according to the custome, as if he had been his kinsman or friend, and not embasing him with a vilde and contemptible tombe, as if he had beene his enemie. L And in generall, all of them were so glad of the curtesie, sweetnesse and royall nature of king Dauid, that they esteemed in the like case, that he would haue the like estimate of them, as they saw him haue of deceased Abner. And by this means Dauid happely maintained his credit, and increased the peoples good opinion of him, escaping thereby the suspition and conceit that he might in some sort haue bin accessarie to his death. He protested also vnto the people, that he conceiued no small griefe at the losse of so good a man, declaring thereby that it was no small staine vnto the state of the Hebrewes to be depriued of him, who had the meanes to maintaine their peace by his good aduise, and to ratifie the same by his executions and warlike valour: But God (said he) who hath care of all things shall not suffer him to die vnreuenged: And he it is that shall beare me witnesse, that it lieth not in my power to punish Ioab and Abisai, who haue greater credit in the armie M then my selfe; yet shall they not escape Gods iustice for this fault. Thus ended the life of Abner.
CHAP. II. A The yeare of the world, 2899. before Christs Natiuitie, 106 5.
Isboseth is slaine thorow the treason of his friends and followers, the whole kingdome descendeth to Dauid.
WHen Isboseth Sauls sonne had notice of Abners death, he was sore displeased, not onely for that he perceiuing himselfe to be depriued of his neere kinsman, but also of so great a Hedio & Ruffinus [...]hap. [...], 2, Reg 4. personage as had setled the crowne on his head. Neither did he himselfe long time remaine aliue after him: but by the sonnes of Ieremon Banaoth and Thannus, he was traiterously done to death. These two being Beniamites, and of the chiefest nobilitie amongst them, made their reckoning that they would make away Isboseth, and thereby obtaine great recompence at Dauids hands, B supposing that such an act of theirs would get them the chiefest place and dignitie in the army, or some other credit: For which cause finding Isboseth alone in his house about mid-day laide on his bed and asleepe, and vnassisted by any of his guard, and perciuing likewise that the porter was fast, who thorow his trauaile and other businesse (by reason of the extreme heate) was laid downe to rest: they entred into his lodging whereas Isboseth was a sleepe, and slew him; and hauing cut off his head, they trauelled all the night and day long, as if they fled from those whom they had offended, and sought their rescues from them, who would succour and assure them from perill: and when they came to Hebron, they presented Dauid with Isboseths head, offering themselues as his most dutifull liegemen to doe him seruice, who had deliuered him of an enemy, and made away an aduersarie against his royaltie. But Dauid allowed not their act in such sort as they hoped: but C spake thus vnto them. ‘O cursed men, said he (on whom I intend presently to execute iustice) haue Isboseth. hand is brought to Dauid. Dauids sharpe inuectiue against then urtherers of Isboseth, and their punishment. you not heard how I punished him that murthered Saul, and brought his royall crowne vnto me? Yea although he slew him vpon his owne instant request, and to the intent the enemy should not surprise him aliue? Were you of that opinion that I was changed, and that I am not the same that I was, but that I take delight to be partakers with you in your mischiefes, or that I wil countenance them, as if these actes of yours (who are murtherers of your Master) were laudable in you; in you I say, who haue slaine a good man on his bed, that iniured no man, but was your benefactor, and who had both cherished and honoured you: nay rather assure your selues that you shall be punished in his behalfe, and shall yeeld me satisfaction by the losse of your liues, because you haue thought that Isboseths death would worke my contentment: for you could not in any sort dishonour D me more, then by conceiuing such an opinion of me.’Which said, he adiudged them to die by the most cruell torments that might be imagined, and with all the honour that he might, he caused Isboseths head to be interred in Abners tombe.
These murtherers being thus done to death, all the chiefest of the people repaired to Dauid vnto Hebron (both they that commanded ouer thousands, as such also as were gouernours) and 2. Reg. 5. The nobles of the Hebrewes retaire to Dauid to Hebron, and declate him king. submitted themselues vnto him, reckoning vp the good affection they had borne him, both during Sauls life time, as also the honour which they had neuer discontinued to beare him since the first time that he was Coronell ouer a thousand, especially for that he had beene chosen by God thorowe the mediation of the Proph [...] Samuel, to be their king, and his children after him; declaring vnto him that God had giuen him the countrey of the Hebrewes, to defend the same, and E discomfit the Philistines. Dauid accepted their promptitude and affection, exhorting them to persist, assuring them that they should neuer repent themselues of their obedience, and after he Dauid entertained the nobles kindly. The armed soldiers that came to Dauid had banquetted and entertained them, he sent them to assemble all the people. Of the tribe of Iuda there came togither about six thousand eight hundreth men of war, bearing for their armes a buckler and a iauelin, who before that time had followed Sauls sonnes, and besides whom the tribe of Iuda had assigned the kingdom to Dauid. Of the tribe of Simeon, seuen thousand & a hundreth or somewhat more: of that of Leui 4700. whose chiefetaine was Iodam, with whom was Sadoc the high priest accompanied with 20. & two gouernors of the same linage. Of the tribe of Beniamin 4000. men of warre: for this tribe were as yet of opinion that some of the heires of Saul should raigne. Of that of Ephraim 20800. both strong and stout men. Of that of Manasses almost F the halfe as many, namely 8000. Of that of Issachar 200. who were skilfull in diuination, and 20000. men of warre. Of that of Zabulon 20000. chosen fighting men: For onely this intire tribe was wholy at Dauids commaund, who were armed in like manner as they of Gad were. Of the tribe of Nepthali there were 1000. chiefetaines, famous for their valour, and armed with shield and iauelin, attended by an infinite number of their tribe. Of the tribe of Dan there were 27000. chosen men. Of that of Aser 40000. Of the two tribes on the other side of Iordan, and of the halfe tribe [Page 164] of Manasses six score thousand armed men, with buckler, iauelin, murrion and sword: The rest of G The yeare of the world 1899. before Christs Natiuitie. 1065. the other tribes also wore swords. All this multitude was assembled togither in Hebron before Dauid, with great prouision of victuals and wine, sufficient to sustaine them all, who all of them with one consent appointed Dauid to be their King. Now when the people had mustred and banquetted for three daies space in Hebron, Dauid dislodged from thence with his whole host, and Hedi [...] & Ruffinus, chap. 3. repaired to Ierusalem. But the Iebusites, who at that time inhabited the citie, and were of the race of the Chanaanites, shutting vp their gates against his comming, and placing on their wals as many as were blind and lame, or maimed in any other sort, in contempt of him, scoffingly iested and said, that these were sufficient to keepe out the enemy: so much trusted they to their fortifications. Wherewith Dauid being sore displeased, began to besiege Ierusalem, and vsing all diligence The siege of Ierusalem vndertaken by Dauid Dauid surpriseth the lower towne. Dauid gett [...]th the v [...]per towne. The valour of Dauids soldiers & in especiall of Ioab. and industrie to surprise the same, he incontinently expressed how strong he was, checking H thereby other mens pride, who perhaps would haue done the like vnto him, and afterwards tooke the lower towne. And for that the higher towne was as yet vnsurprised, the king resolued to encourage his men of warre to shew themselues valiant, promising them honors and recompence, proclaiming that he would make him Generall ouer all the people, that should first of all scale, ascend, and seaze the wall. Whilest thus they inforced themselues to mount without refusing any trauell (thorow the desire they had to obtaine the gouernment that was promised) Ioab the sonne of Saruia was the forwardest amongst the rest, and hauing got vpon the wall cried vnto the king, requiring him to grant him the generall gouernment.
CHAP. III. I
Dauid hauing taken Ierusalem by force, casteth out all the Chanaanites from thence, and deliuereth the Citie to be inhabited by the Iewes.
AFter therefore he had cast out the Iebusites out of the higher Citie, and repaired Ierusalem, he called it the Citie of Dauid, and remained therein all the time of his raigne: so Da [...]id expelleth the Iebus [...]tes out of the towne and citie of Ierusalem. that the whole time that he ruled in Hebron ouer the sole tribe of Iuda was seuen yeares and six moneths. But after he had establ [...]shed Ierusalem for his royall Citie, his fortunes daily more and more increased, because God both furthered, and bettered them. Hiram also King of Tire sent vnto him, and made a league of amitie with him: he presented him likewise with presents of Cedar wood, and workemen and masons, to build him a royall house in Ierusalem. Now K The league of [...]hip betw [...] [...]iram & Da [...]id. when the king had seazed the higher Citie, he annexed the rocke thereunto, and made one body of twaine; and hauing walled it in, he gaue the gouernment thereof to Ioab. This king was the first that droue the Iebusites out of Ierusalem, and called the same by his name. For from the How Ierusalem was called Solyma, and what mention Hom [...] made therof. time of Abraham our forefather, it was called Solyma: neither want there some that inferre that Homer vnder that name intended Ierusalem. For in the Hebrew toong, Solyma is, as much to say, as Securitie. All the time from the exploit of warre made by Iosuah against the Chanaanites, and since the diuision of the countrey (during all which time the Israelites could not driue the Chanaanites out of Ierusalem) vntill such time as Dauid tooke the same by force, were fiue The years since Io [...]ua [...]s conquest to this time 515. O [...]phon a Iebusite friend to Dauid. 2. Reg. 24. Dauids sonnes borne in Ierusalem. hundreth and fifteene yeares. But in this place, I will not forget one Orphon, a rich man amongst the Iebusites, who for that he was well affected towards the Hebrewes, was not put to death in L the surprisall which Dauid made of Ierusalem: but (as I will shortly hereafter declare) was graced and greatly honoured by the king. Dauid espoused other wiues besides those which he had; besides many other concubines: By them he had eleuen sonnes, whose names are these which follow, Amnas, Emma, Ebamatha, Salomon, Iebar, Eliel, Phalna, Ennapha, Ienaah, Eliphal: besides these he had a daughter called Thamar. Nine of these were begotten on noble mothers, but the two last (which were named by vs) were the sonnes of concubines. But Thamar was Absalons sister by the same father and mother.
CHAP. IIII.
Dauid assayled by the Palestines, obtaineth a famous victorie against them, M neere vnto Ierusalem.
NOw when the Palestines knew that the Hebrewes had created Dauid king, they led forth their army against him towards Ierusalem, where encamping themselues in the valley of Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 4. the Giants (which is a place not farre off from the Citie) they in that place expected the encountrey. But the king of the Hebrewes, who was wont to do nothing inconsiderately without [Page 165] Gods aduise, commanded the high priest to prophecie and foretell, what successe and euent The yeare of the world. 2899. before Christ [...] [...]rth 1065. The Palestines mouing warre against Dauid are partly staine or put to [...]light. The Palestines inuaded the Hebrewes with a mightie army gathered out of sundry nations. A the warre should haue, who after he had informed him that God smileth on & fauoureth their attempts, he presently drew out his armie against the enemie: and striking the battell, he sodainly assailed the enemies on their backes, and partly slew them, and partly put them to flight. But let no man suspect that the army of the Palestines was either small in number, or weake in courage, (which at that time assailed the Hebrewes) in that he coniectureth in his mind that they were easily ouercome; without either attempting or performing any noble or memorable action. For he is to know that all Syria, Phenicia (and all other warlike nations beyond them) bare armes with them, and were confederates in this warre: which was the onely cause, that notwithstanding they were so many times ouercome, and had lost diuers thousands of men, that they desisted not to assaile the Hebrewes with more great force: and that which is more, hauing beene defeated in B the battels before recited, yet forbare they not to assaile Dauid a new with thrice as much power as before, or to incampe in the same place. For which cause Dauid tooke counsell of God once more, what the issue of this battell should be: and the high Priest told him, that he should encampe in the forrest called Teares, because it was not farre off from the enemies campe, and that he should not depart from thence, neither attempt them in battell, before the trees did shake without any agitation or breath of wind. Whereupon as soone as the trees shooke, and the time which God had appointed was come, without any delay, he issued out to enioy a prepared and manifest victorie. For the squadrons of the enemie were disarrayed, and incontinently betooke them to flight, and were swiftly followed and slaughtered, vntill the Citie of Gerar (which is a frontire towne of their countrey) and their campe was thorowly ransacked, wherein there were The Palestines flight. 2. Reg. 6. C found great riches, and amongst all other things their Gods were beaten to peeces. The battell being brought to this end, it seemed good vnto Dauid (by the counsaile of the Elders and Coronels ouer thousands) that all the flower of their youth should be assembled from all the parts of the countrey, euery one according to his tribe: Secondly, that the Priests and Leuites should repaire to Cariathiarim, and bring from thence the Arke of God, and conueie it to Ierusalem; Dauids commaund as touching the trāsportation of the Arke. to the end that when it should be there, the seruice of God might thereafter be celebrated in that place, & other sacrifices and honours agreeable to the diuine maiesty might be performed: And had the same beene done during the life of Saul, no inconuenient had fallen vpon them. When as al the people were assembled (according as it was decreed by him) the king came forth to transferre the Arke, which the Priests carying out of Aminadabs house, they laid it D vpon a new waine, which (togither with oxen) their brothers and children drewe. The king marched formost, and after him all the people praising God, a [...]d tuning all sorts of melodie then vsuall in that countrey; with diuersitie of sounds of instruments, of Dances, and Shalmes, Trumpets, and Clarions: and in this manner conducted he the Arke into Ierusalem, But when they were come to the threshing floore of Chidō (which is a certain place so called) Oza died, thorow Oza stretching out his hand to stay the Arke, is sodainly stroken dead. the wrath of God: for the oxen stumbling that drewe the chariot; and the Arke somwhat shaken, he stretched out his hand with intent to sustaine the same; and because he was no Priest, God stroke him till he died. The king and the people were sore aggrieued at the death of Oza, and the place where he died is called to this day Ozas Striking. Dauid fearing, least if he should retire the Arke with him into the Citie, the like happe should attend him that had befallen Oza (who E was in that sort done to death, for that he had onely thus stretched out his hand) he placed it not with him in his owne house within the Citie, but commaunded that it should be left in the possession of one called Obed, by descent a Leuite, and in behauiour a man good and vertuous where it remained for three months space, during which time his house was blessed with al Dauid placeth the Arke in Obed. Edomes house, who prospereth there through in all felicitie. The Arke transported into Dauids house and placed in a tabernacle. Dauid is mocked by his wife Michol. worldly goods and goodnes. The king being ascertained what aduantages had befallen Obed, (who of a poore and needie man was sodainly become verie rich, so that all men had their eies fixed on him, & they that heard speake of his house enuied him) he assured himselfe that no inconuenient would befall him: for which cause he retired the Arke into his own house, which was caried by the Priests, and seuen quires of singing men disposed by the king went before the same: The king himselfe likewise touched, and plaied vpon the Harpe, so that Michol Dauids wife and F Sauls daughter, seeing him entertaining himselfe after that manner, mocked at him. The Arke then being thus caried, was placed in a Tabernacle orected and dressed by Dauid, who offered most magnificent sacrifices of all sorts, and forgot not the sacrifices for prosperities: he feasted all the people likewise both men, women and children, distributing vnto euery one a cake, a morsell of rosted meat, a cake fried in the pan, and a portion of the sacrifice: and after he had thus feasted the people, he dismissed them, and retreated himselfe into his owne house. But Michol [Page 166] his wife (and daughter to king Saul) drawing neere vnto him vpon his returne, besought God G The [...]re of the [...], [...] be [...] Chri [...] b [...] 10 [...]4. for him, that it might please him in all other things she might expresse vnto her husband all that, which became her intire and vnequald loue towards him: but in this she blamed him, because that being so great and mightie a king as he was, he had dishonoured himselfe in dauncing, despoiling himselfe, and discouering partly that which became him not, doing all this in companie of his seruants and handmaids. To whom Dauid answered, that he was not ashamed in performing a thing so acceptable vnto God as that was, who had honoured him more then her father, & placed him aboue all others, assuring her that he would play & dance oftentimes after that sort, without care whether his demeanor pleased either her or her chambermaids. This Michol (of whom we intreat) had no children by Dauid, but being maried againe to another (to whom her father had betrothed her after he had rauished her from Dauid) she bare fiue sonnes, of whom we wil H speake in their place. The king perceiuing how by Gods assistance his affaires prospered daily more & more, thought that it should be a hainous offēce in him, if he should dwel in houses made of Cedar, high and well builded, and neglecting the Arke suffer it to remaine vnder a pauilion: 2. Reg. 7. Dauid decree. eth to build a tem [...]le vnto God. for which cause he conceiued a desire to build a Temple vnto God, according as Moses had foretold: and to this intent consulted he with the Prophet Nathan, who willed him to performe all that which he was minded to accomplish, assuring him that God would be each way assistant vnto him: for which cause he was verie heartily affected towards the building of the Temple. But the same night God appeared vnto Nathan, commaunding him to certifie Dauid, that he accepted his will, and that his affection was agreeable vnto him (considering in especiall that no one God certifieth Dauid by Nathan that Salomon should build the tēple before him had a thought to performe the like:) yet notwithstanding (although his deliberation I were such) he permitted him not to finish the same, by reason he had followed many warres, and had embrewed his hands in the bloud of many of his enemies. But after his decease (which shall happen after he hath liued a long and prosperous life) his sonne called Salomon (to whom he shall leaue the kingdome after his death) shall cause a Temple to be built vnto him, promising him to assist and fauour the said Salomon (euen as the father doth his sonne) and that he would continue the royaltie in his heires and their successors: And that if they shall happen to offend him, he will onely punish them with sicknes and sterilitie. Dauid vnderstanding these words which were deliuered him by the Prophet, was verie ioyfull, by reason that the royaltie was firmely D [...]uid giueth G [...]d thanks [...]or the blessings which were promised him by Nathā. assured to his heires, and for that his house should be famous and renowmed; and presenting himselfe before the Arke, he prostrated himselfe and adored, and gaue God thanks for all the benefits K he had bestowed on him, for that from a poore and humble shepheard, he had raised him to so great a height of maiestie and glory, and for that he had promised to haue care of his posteritie as erst he had had of the Hebrewes and their libertie. This said, after he had sung hymnes vnto God, he departed.
CHAP. V.
Dauid ouercomming the neighbouring nations, imposeth tributes on them.
NOt long time after this, Dauid thought it requisite to make warre vpon the Philistines, L partly to the intent he might auoid the suspition of sloth and idlenes, and partly that hauing Hedio & Ruff [...]us. chap. 5. Dauid warreth against the Palestines, and [...]keth a great part of the in [...]eritance from them. 2. Reg 8. A greate slaughter of the Moabites, Dauid ouercommeth the king of Sophona. (according as God had foretold) discomfited his enemies, he might leaue a peaceable kingdome to his posteritie after him. He therefore assembled his army anew, commanding thē to be in a readines to march forward to the warre: whenas therefore he supposed that the armie was addressed, he departed out of Ierusalem, and made a road vpon the Philistines, whom he ouercame in battell, and tooke a great part of the countrey from them, by meanes whereof he enlarged the frontires of the Hebrewes, and translated the warre, and led forth his forces against the Moabites, whose army being deuided into two parts, was by him defeated and ouerthrown, and the rest were taken prisoners, and tributes were imposed on them, which they were bound to satisfie euery yeare. Afterwards he led out his host against Adarezer sonne of Ara, king of M Sophona, and waging battell with him neere vnto the riuer of Euphrates, he slew about twentie thousand of his footmen, and some fiue thousand of his horse: he tooke also almost a thousand of his chariots, the greater part whereof was wholy consumed, and one hundreth of them onely reserued to his owne vse.
CHAP. VI. The yeare of the world, 2904. before Christs Natiuitie, 1064. A
They of Damasco are ouercome by Dauid.
ADad king of Damasco and of Syria, vnderstanding that Dauid had made warre on Adarezer Adad king of Damasco and Syria is ouercome by Dauid in battell. Nicholaus the historiographer maketh mētion of king Adads warre with Dauid. (who was both his friend and confederate) issued forth with great forces to bee assistant vnto him, and to deliuer him from his enemies according as he expected. But entring field, and waging battell with Dauid neere vnto the riuer of Euphrates, he was ouercome and lost a great number of his souldiers: for in that battell there were staine on his side by the Hebrew enemy, to the number of twenty thousand, and the rest fled. Of this king, Nicholas the Historiographer maketh mention in the fourth book of his histories, in these words. ‘Sithence B and long time after, a certaine man of that countrey called Adad gouerned in Damasco, and ouer the rest of Syria (except Phoenicia) who making warre against Dauid king of Iudaea, and hauing oftentimes fought with him, in his last encountrie (wherein he was ouercome neere vnto the floud Euphrates) he shewed himselfe more resolute then all other kings in force and valour.’ ‘Moreouer he speaketh of his heires, how after his death, they succeeded him both in royaltie and name, the one after the other, and saith thus. He being deceased, his sonnes raigned for ten generations after him, each of them receiuing from their father, the same name and the same kingdome, after the manner of the Ptolomies of Aegypt.’ The third of these being more mightie then the rest, and desirous to reuenge himselfe in warre of these iniuries, which were offered Of an other king of Syria that spoyled Samaria. 3. King 20. Dauid imposeth tribute on the Syrians whom he subdued. 2. Reg. 8. Ierusalem spoiled by Sy [...]ac king of Egypt. vnto his grandfather, led foorth his army against the Iewes, and destroyed the countrey C called at this day Samatia. Wherein he varied not any waies from the truth: for he of whom he speaketh, is that Adad, that made warre in Samatia, during the raigne of Achab king of Israell, of whom we will speake hereafter in his place. But when Dauid had led forth his campe against Damasco, and against the rest of the countrey of Syria, he reduced them all vnder his obeisance, placing garrisons amidst their countrey, and imposing tribute vpon them, which they should pay vnto him. He dedicated also to God in the Citie of Ierusalem, the golden quiuers and armors which Adads guard were wont to weare; which afterward Syssa king of Aegypt tooke at such time as he warred against Roboam his Nephew, and carried away great riches out of the temple of Ierusalem, as it shall be declared hereafter, when as we shall come to intreat of that matter. This king of the Hebrewes being inspired by God (who made him prosperous in all his D wars) encamped before the goodliest Cities Adarezer had, that is to say, Betthea and Machon, which he besieged, tooke, and spoyled, where there was found great store of gold and siluer and 3. Reg. 14. The pray tha [...] was made in the warre. 2. Reg. 8. The king of the Amathe [...] requireth a league at Dauids hands. of brasse, which was of more estimation then gold, whereof Salomon made that great vessell called the Sea, and other faire lauers, at such time as he adorned and furnished the temple of God. When the king of Amath vnderstood of all that which had hapned to Adarezer, and how his power and forces were destroied, he grew affraid of his owne estate, and resolued with himselfe to make a league & confederacie with Dauid, before he might come out against him, and to that intent he sent his sonne Adoram vnto him, to testifie and expresse what contentment he had receiued, for that he had defeated Adarezer his enemy, and to contract with him amitie and confederation. He seht him presents also, namely, vessels of antique worke of gold, of siluer, and of E brasse: whereupon Dauid made a league with Thani (for so was the king of Amath called) and receiued the presents that were sent vnto him; and afterwards dismissed his sonne with conuenient honor, both for the one and the other: and consecrated that to God which he had sent him (togither with the gold and siluer, which he had taken from other cities and nations that were subiect vnto him.) For God did not only so farre fauour him, as to make him victorious and happy in his owne wars; but hauing also sent Abisai Ioabs brother the lieutenant of his army against the Idumeans, he likewise granted him victorie: for Abisai slew in the battell about eighteene thousand Dauid [...]ompelled the Idumeans to pay tribute by the pole. The distribution of offices. 2. Reg. 9. of them, and filled all Idumaea with garrisons, challenging a tribute throughout the countrey by the pole. This king loued iustice of his own nature, and exercised iudgement according to veritie. He had for his lieutenant generall in all his armies, Ioab, and appointed Iosaphat the son F of Achilles chiefe ouer the Registers. After Abiathar, he established Sadoc of the house of Phinees for high priest, who was his friend. Sisa was his secretarie: Banaia the sonne of Ioiada was captaine ouer his guard, and all the elders were ordinarily about him to guard and attend him. He remembring himselfe also of the conuentions and oathes that were past twixt him and Ionathan the sonne of Saul, and of [...] [...]itie and affection that had been betweene them (for besides all other graces which he had, he most freshly retained them in memorie, from whom in times past [Page 168] he had receiued any friendship.) He caused a search to be made, if any one of the house and family The yeare of the world 2900. before Christs Natiuitie. 1064. Dauid maketh an enquirie if any of Ionathans kinred were left aliue. G of Ionathan were left-aliue, to the intent he might remunerate the friendship which he had receiued at Ionathans hands. Where upon a certaine man was brought vnto him (who was enfranchised by Saul) that might enforme him what one of his race was aliue: who asked him if he could name him any of Ionathans sons then liuing, whom he might make partaker of those curteous fauors & graces, which in times past he had receiued by Ionathan. Who answered him, that he had one sonne remaining, whose name was Mephiboseth, who was lame of his legs; for that at such time as the newes came that both his father and grandfather were slaine in the battell, his nurse fearfully snatching vp the child and flying, suffered him vnfortunately to fal from her shoulders, and so hurt him. When as then he was aduertised where, and with whom he was brought vp, he sent vnto the citie of Labath to Machir, with whom Mephiboseth was kept, & commanded H him to be brought vnto him. Now when he came to Dauids presence, he cast himselfe prostrate on his face to do him reuerence: but the king exhorted him to be of good courage, and to hope hereafter for better fortune, and gaue him his fathers house with all the possessions that were purchased by Saul his grandfather, appointing him to sit and feed with him at his owne table; yea to eate of his royall prouision, not letting one day slip wherein he accompanied him not at meales. Dauid giueth Mephiboseth his father Ionat [...]ans house & Sauls inheritance. The yong man did him reuerence, humbly thanking him for the gratious words, and roiall offers be had made vnto him. At that time Dauid called for Siba, and certified him how he had giuen Mephiboseth his fathers house and all Sauls purchases, commanding him to manure and husband his possessions, and to haue care of all things, and to returne the reuenew to Ierusalem, for that Mephiboseth was euery day to take his refectiō at his table, charging both him & his 15. sons, I and 20. seruants; to doe him seruice. After the king had thus disposed of him, Siba did him reuerence, and after he had protested to performe whatsoeuer he had giuen him in charge, he departed, Dauid committeds the disposing of Mephiboserhs lands to Siba, and commaundeth him to make the returne of his reuenues in Ierusalem. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 6. 2. Reg. 10. Dauid sendeth embassadors to comfort the sonne of the king of the Ammonites, who are basely abused. and Ionathans sonne remained in Ierusalem, where he liued at the kings table, and was entertained and tended as carefully, as if he had beene his owne sonne: he had a sonne also called Micha. These were the honors that those children which suruiued after Ionathan and Sauls death, receined at Dauids hands. About the same time died Naas king of the Ammonites, who during his life time was Dauids friend, and his sonne succeeded him in his kingdome, to whom Dauid sent embassadors to comfort him, exhorting him to disgest his fathers death with patience, assuring him that he would expresse no lesse loue towards him, then he did vnto his father. But the gouernours of the Ammonites entertained this embassage verie contumeliously, and not according K as Dauid had kindly intended it, and murmured against their king, telling him that they were but spies sent by Dauid to seeke into his forces, and discouer the strength of his countrey, vnder a pretext of humanitie, counselling him to stand vpon his guard, and not to giue eare to his protestation, least being deceiued, he should fall into some remedilesse inconuenient.
Naas king of the Ammonites, supposing that his gouernors spoke nothing but truth, outraged the embassadors that were sent vnto him with great iniuries: for causing the halfe of their beards to be shauen close by the chin, and cutting away the halfe of their vestments, he sent them back againe, returning their answeres not in words, but in deeds. Which when Dauid saw, he was grieuously Dauid is sore displeased with the iniury offered to his embassadors intending reuenge. The Ammonites hire their confederates and prepare for the warre against Dauid. displeased, and made it knowne that he would not suffer that mockerie and iniurie so easily to be disgested, but that he would make warre on the Ammonites, and reuenge those indignities L that were offered to his embassadors. The friends and gouernors of Naas considering how they had violated and broken the peace, and how for that occasion they deserued to be punished; prepared for the war, and sent one thousand talents to Syrus king of Mesopotamia, requiring him that he would be their consederate in that warre, and receiue their pay: they requested the like of Subas: these kings had 20000. footmen in camp. They hired also with their mony the king of the countrey called Michas, and the fourth called Istob, which two had with them 12000. thousand souldiers.
CHAP. VII.
How Dauid ouercame the Mesopotamians. M
BVt Dauid was no whit amated, neither with the confederacie, nor force of the Ammonites, Dauid sendeth out Ioab with the choisest flower of his army against the Amalechites. but trusting in God, resolued that the cause of his warre was iust: for which cause he continued in reuenge of those outrages which he had receiued by them. Hauing therefore mustered vnder Ioab the flower of his whole army, he commanded him to depart and make warre vpon them, who came and incamped himselfe before their chiefest Citie called Aramath; which when the enemies perceiued, they issued foorth and arranged themselues in battell [Page 169] not altogether, but in two seuerall parts.) For their confederates and allies were incamped apart The yeare of the world. 2910. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1054. Ioab and Abisaies armies. A in the plaine, and the Ammonites stood in battell aray neere vnto their Citie gate, to make head against the Hebrewes. Ioab perceiuing this, vsed this stratageme to counteruaile their complot: for he chose out the ablest and stoutest of his men to serue vnder him against Syrus, and the other kings confederates with him, and gaue the rest vnto his brother Abisat, commaunding him to oppose himselfe against the Ammonites whilest he charged the rest: willing him, that if he perceiued that the Syrians were stro [...]er then he was, and did put him to the worst, to displace his squadron, and to succour him; promising to do the like, if he perceiued him to be ouerpressed by the Ammonites. Whenas therefore he had exhorted his brother to behaue himselfe valiantly and vertuously, and to take heed least he should light on some dishonour, he sent him before to charge the Ammonites; and he on the other side assailed the Syrians, who valiantly resisted him B for a little space: yet notwithstanding Ioab slew many of them, and finally constrained them to turne their backs. Which when the Ammonites perceiued (who were afraid of Abisai and his people) they retreated likewise, and (conforming themselues according to the example of their allies) they tooke their flight into the Citie. By which meane Ioab hauing obtained Ioabs victory. the vpper hand ouer his enemies, returned in triumph, and with victorie vnto the king to Ierusalem.
Yet were not the Ammonites wholy weakned by this losse, for although they had by their lamentable experience a certaine knowledge that the Hebrewes were stronger then themselues, yet would they by no meanes listen after peace. They therefore sent vnto Chalama king of the Syrians on the other side of Euphrates, whose confederacie they attained by bribes and huge sums C of money. This king had one, who was called Sabecus, for his lieutenant generall, and vnder him The Syrians with the Ammonites assemble themselues against Dauid. fourescore thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen. Dauid vnderstanding that the Ammonites drew to head, and intended anew to beare armes against him, he surceased to prosecute the war against them by his lieutenants, & himself in person with al his forces passed ouer the riuer of Iordan, and went out against them; and at last meeting and fighting with them, ouercame them, killing welny fortie thousand of their footmen, and seuen thousand of their horsemen: he hurt Sabecus also Chalamas Lieutenant, who likewise died of that wound. The issue of this combate being thus, the Mesopotamians yeelded themselues vnto Dauid, and gaue him many great The Mesopotamians submit themselues to Dauid. and magnificent presents. He therefore, by reason of the winter retired himselfe for that time to Ierusalem, but incontinently vpon the spring time he sent out his Lieutenant Ioab once more to D make warre vpon the Ammonites, who ouerrunning their countrey, vtterly spoyled it, and shut them vp in Aramath their principal citie, which he ouercame & entred. About this time it so fel out, that Dauid (notwithstanding he were a iust man, & one that feared God, & an exact obseruer Aramatha besieged. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. 2. Reg. 11. of all the lawes and ordinances of his forefathers) fell, and offended God most greeuously. For as he walked on the top of his royall pallace; from the time of mid-day vntill the euening (for betwixt these times he vsed accustomably to walke) he perceiued a woman of incomparable beautie, and supassing perfection, whose name was Bethsabe, who in her house bathed her selfe in a cleere and pleasant fountaine: and being deuoured and rauished with her beautie, he could not refraine his concupiscence, but sending for her, tooke the spoile of her beautie and chastitie: and Dauids adulterie. Bethsabe certifieth the king that she is with child. Dauid sendeth for Vrias, and willeth him to repaire home vnto his wife, which he doth not. by that meanes got her with child. Which when she perceiued, she sent vnto the king, beseeching E him to bethinke himselfe of some meanes whereby her shame might be concealed, and her life (which was in hazard by the law for her adulterie) might be preserued. Who thereupon sent for Vrias (Bethsabes husband and one of Ioabs soldiers, who at that time was at the siege of Aramath) and questioned with him vpon his arriuall, as touching the estate of the siege & of the armie: who answering him that all things were fallen out according as he could wish; Dauid tooke a portion of his owne supper and gaue it him, willing him to repaire vnto his owne house, and repose him selfe with his wife. But Vrias did nothing lesse, but slept amongst his fellow soldiers neere vnto the person of the king. Which when Dauid vnderstood, he asked him wherefore he repaired not to his owne house, according to the custome of husbands that had beene long time absent vpon a long voiage, and why he entertained not his wife from whom he had beene sequestred so F many daies? Vrias replied, that it became him not either to repose or take pleasure with his wife, whilest his companions and generall lay vpon the bare ground in the enemies countrey. Which said, Dauid commaunded him to soiourne there all the day long, to the end that on the next morrow, he might send him backe againe to Ioab. That night the king inuited him to supper, and although he were made drunke thorow the aboundance of wine he receiued (which the king had purposely caused to be giuen him) yet notwithstanding he slept at the kings gate without [Page 170] any desire to repaire home vnto his wife. Herewith the king was much despited, so that he wrote G The yeare of the world. 2910. before Christs Natiuity 1054. Dauid w [...]eth vnto Ioab to puni [...]h Vrias. vnto Ioab, commaunding him to punish Vrias, because he had offended him: and to the end that this intent of his should not be discouered, he suggested him both in the meanes and manner of the prosecution of his death, enioyning him to place him in the ranke of greatest danger, and in face of the enemie, to the intent that in the fight his person might be endaungered, abandoned and left alone, whilest they that fought next vnto him retired when they sawe him charged. Whenas he had thus written and sealed vp the letter with his owne seale, he deliuered it to Vrias to beare vnto Ioab, who receiuing the same, and conceiuing the kings pleasure, placed Vrias in that quarter where he knew the enemies would fight most desperately, appointing him Ioab setteth Vrias in a daungerous place to encounter with the enemie. Vrias i [...] set with some associates to attempt the siege, the Ammonites sallying out his company forsake him. out certaine of his best soldiers to second him, with purpose, that he would come and succour them with all his power, to the end he might breake thorow the wall and enter the Citie. H
Vrias (who was a noble soldier, and for his valour had gotten great honour by the king, and reputation amongst all those of his tribe, and tooke delight to be employed in hazardous attempts, and refused no daunger) valiantly accepted the execution: But Ioab gaue priuate intelligence to those that were ranked next vnto him, that when they should see the enemie sally out with greatest fury, they should abandon Vrias. When as therefore the Hebrewes drew neere vnto the Citie, the Ammonites feared least the enemie should speedily scale and enter the Citie on that side where Vrias was ranked: for which cause they picked out a squadron of the most resolute men amongst them, and setting open their gates, sodainly with swift course, force & violence, they cast themselues vpon their enemies. They that were neere Vrias seeing them draw neere, retired backe againe, according as Ioab had before hand commanded them: but Vrias being ashamed I to flie, or forsake his ranke, expected the enemie, and valiantly encountring him, he slue diuers of them; but at last being inclosed and shut in the middest of them, he was slaine, and with him some other of his companions perished in the conflict. This done, Ioab sent messengers vnto the king to certifie him, that not enduring the delay of the siege, and assailing and scaling Vrias with some others is slaine, and the king is certified thereof. the walles, he was compelled to returne backe into his campe, with losse of some men, and repulse from the Citie; yet had he commaunded the messengers, that if they perceiued the King to be displeased with the newes, they should g [...]ue him to vnderstand that Vrias was dead.
The King hearing this discourse (according as Ioabs messengers had deliuered it) made a shew to be displeased, saying, that it was a fault in him that he had so neerely approched the wall, alledging K that he might haue done farre better, to haue taken the towne by mine or engine: vrging in Dauid is displeased with the newes of his ouerthow. way of example the act of Abimelech Gedeons sonne, who intending to surprise by force a tower that was within the Citie of Tebez, was stroken with a stone which was cast at him by an olde woman: whereupon he that was a valiant man for entring an action ouer [...]ash and dangerous, shamefully died. In remembrance of whose desaster, they ought to haue beene more warie, and not to haue approched the wall of the enemie so neerely. For it is a verie good point in warre, to haue in memorie both fatall and fortunate successes, to the end that when a man is in the like daungers, he may follow the one, and flie the other. Whilest thus he rebuked them, the messenger certified him of Vrias death, which did somewhat appease him: So that he commaunded them to tell Ioab, that it was but an humane accident, and that such was the nature of L warre, that sometime the one side had the better, and sometime the other: to conclude, that he Dauid is appea [...]ed hearing at Vrias death should prouide for the siege, and take care least hereafter they should receiue any further losse; counselling him by trenches and engines to ruinate the wall, and commaunding that all those that were in the towne should be put to the sword. The messenger thus dismissed, reported all these things vnto Ioab, according to the Kings commaundement. But Vrias wife, hauing notice of the death of her husband, wept and mourned for him diuers daies: and when the dule and lamentations were finished and performed to the dead; the king espoused her incontinently, and Dauid marieth Bathsaba, and beareth him a Sonne. she bare him a man child: yet God beheld not this mariage with a fauourable eie, but was wroth with Dauid, and appearing to the Prophet Nathan in a dreame, he blamed the king verie sore: Now Nathan who was a wise and experienced man, knew well that when kings are displeased, M they suffe: themselues rather to be ouercome by passion, then by reason: for which cause he determined to conceale the menaces and threatnings that God had made for that time: and discoursed of other profitable matters with Dauid after this manner, requiring the king that it would 2. Reg. 12. please him to censure and deliuer his opinion in the same. ‘Two men (said he) dwelt in one and the same Citie: the one of them was rich, hauing many troupes of great and small cattell; the other that was poore, had but one only sheep, which he nourished with his children, sharing him out a [Page 171] part of that whereon he fed, and louing her as tenderly as a man would doe his onely daughter. The yeare of the world 2910. before Christs birth 1054. Nathā prophecieth [...] Dauids punishment, and sharpely rebuketh him: he is condemned by his own mouth, and [...] himselfe. A It hapned that this rich man had a stranger that repaired to his house, for whose entertainment he would not suffer any one of his own beasts to be slaine, but sent a violent messenger, who tooke away the poore mans sheepe, and caused it to be dressed to entertaine his guest. This report of Nathans displeased the king very sore, in so much as he swore vnto him, that he that had beene so bolde to commit such an act, was a wicked man, and that reason required that he should restore him fourefold, and that after he should be put to death. Whereunto Nathan replied, saying, that it was he that deserued this punishment, who had giuen sentence against himselfe, in that he had presumed to commit so grieuous a sinne. Moreouer, he certified him of Gods displeasure, who notwithstanding he had made him king ouer all the Hebrewes, and Lord ouer all the nations round about, which were diuers and great; and who besides these things had warranted B him from the hands of Saul, and had giuen him wiues, whom he had espoused iustly and lawfully, was so despised and dishonoured by him, that he had espoused and kept by him an other mans wife, and caused her husband to be slaine, and betrayed him vnto his enemy. For which sinnes of his, he pronounced that he should be punished by God, and his wiues should be violated by one of his owne sonnes, who should likewise lay a snare for him: so that he should suffer a manifest plague for the sinne he had committed in secret. Moreouer (said he) the sonne which thou shalt haue by her, shall shortly die.’
After the king had receiued this message, he was sore troubled; and being confused, he powred Dauid confesseth his sinne, and obtaineth pardon at Gods hands. forth tears & sighed for sorrowes, confessing that he had done wickedly: for vndoubtedly before this time he had alwaies feared God, and had neuer in his life offended him, but in that act with C Vrias wife. Whereupon after his submission, God was appeased and tooke compassion of him, promising him to continue both his life and kingdome, and that he would be no more displeased with him, if so be that he repented him of the sinne he had committed. After that Nathan had declared these things vnto Dauid, he departed vnto his owne house. But God inflicted a grieuous sicknesse on the infant that was borne by Bethsabe: for which cause the king was sore agrieued, and for seuen daies space would take no refection: notwithstanding that he was earnestly instanted Dauid fasteth seuen daies lamenting and mourning for his sonne. thereunto by his houshold seruants. He put on likewise a mourning habit, and laide himselfe on the ground vpon a sacke; beseeching him that it would please him to grant him the childes life, towards whose mother he bare so exceeding loue and affection. But when the infant was deceased about the seuenth day of his sicknesse, his seruants durst not certifie him thereof, supposing D that if it should come vnto his eare, he would the more obstinately abstain from eating, & the care of his person, and should be in danger by reason of his disordinate griefe for his childe, to procure and hasten his own death, considering he had so vehemently bin afflicted and tormented for his onely sicknesse. But the king perceiuing by their lookes that his seruants were troubled, and that they concealed some fatall harme, and gathering thereby that his sonne was dead: he called vnto him one of his officers, who certifying him of the truth, he arose and washed himselfe, and put Dauid being certified that the child was dead, [...]eth and wa [...]ing taketh sustenāce on a white garment, and presented himselfe before the tabernacle of God, and commanded his dinner to be made ready. Whereat his friends and seruants were verie sore amazed, and wondred why he hauing done none of these things during the childes sicknesse, should now after his death doe all these things at once; they besought him therefore that it might be lawfull for them E to demaund the cause of these his proceedings. To whom he answered, that he would teach and discouer that vnto them, of which they were ignorant. Vnderstand you not (said he) that while Dauid yeeldeth a reason why during the childs life he sa [...]ed, and why being dead be tooke refection. Salo [...]on was borne by Bethsabe, Ioab by letters solliciteth the king to come to the surprisall of Rabatha Dauid surprising Rabatha by force giueth it for a pray to his soldiers. the childe was aliue, and I had hope of his recouerie, I omitted no means whereby I might moue God vnto mercie? but now after that he is dead, it were in vaine for me to spend my selfe with vnnecessarie griefe. Which when they heard, they praised the wisedome and consideration of the king. After this he knew Bethsabe his wife, who became with childe, and was brought a bed of a sonne, who (by Nathans direction) was called Salomon. Meanewhile Ioab pressed the Ammonites with a sore siege, and cut off their water and other commodities and things necessarie; so that they were welny famished for want of victuall and prouision: for they drew their water from a little spring in such sort, that they feared least if they should vse it to their owne contentment, F it would be sodainly dried. He therefore wrote vnto the king, and certified him of the estate of the Citie, and exhorted him to come in person, and be present at the surprisall thereof, to the intent that the victorie might be famed by his name.
The king vnderstanding that which Ioab had written, allowed of his readines, good-will, and faith; and taking with him all the forces which he had, he came to the taking in of Rabatha, which being by him forcibly surprised and giuen in pillage vnto his souldiers, he retained for himselfe [Page 172] the crowne of the king of the Ammonites waighing a talent of gold, in the midst vvherof was enchased The yeare of the world, 2910. before Christs birth 1054. G a Sardonyx of great valew, which Dauid wore vpon his head. He found likewise in that citie diuers spoyles of great price: but as touching the inhabitants, he put them to the sword, and did the like in all the Cities of the Ammonites which he tooke by force. But after that the king was returned vnto Ierusalem, there fell a grieuous accident in his family vpon this occasion. He had a daughter at that time which was a virgin, faire and beautifull, and surpassed all other vvomen Hedio & Ruf [...]s. chap. 8. [...]. Reg. 13. in admirable perfections, whose name was Thamar, borne by the same mother that Absalon was. Of her Amnon the eldest sonne of Dauid became enamoured, and for that he could not enioy her at his pleasure (by reason of her virginitie, and the hand that was had of her) he grew so melancholy that his body dried vp, and his colour changed thorow the verie griefe that consumed him. A certaine cousin and friend of his called Ionathan (a man of great reach and quick H The yeare of the world. 2912. be [...] Christ birth [...]052. vnderstanding) perceiuing this his passion, and noting euerie day howe Amnons beauty and strength decaied and wasted, he came vnto him and asked him the cause thereof, alleadging that that indisposition of his seemed to proceede from some amorous affection. Which when Amnon confessed, and how he was growne passionate thorow the loue he bare vnto his sister by the fathers Ionatha [...] counselled Amnon how he might enioy his loue. side, Ionathan suggested him both the meanes and inuention to compasse his desires: for he perswaded him to counterfeit himselfe to be sicke, and that if his father came to visit him, hee should desire him to send his sister to minister vnto him, by which meanes he should easily and speedily be deliuered of his sicknesse. This counsell of his was plausible in Amnons eares, who presently counterfaited sicknesse, and laid him downe on his bed (according as Ionathan had aduised him:) and when Dauid was come to visit him, he required him to send his sister vnto him, I which he did. She being arriued, he praied her with her owne hands that she would temper and frie some fritters for him, because they would the more content him, if they were of her owne making: for which cause she in her brothers presence tempered the flower, and made certaine cakes and fried them in the frying pan, and presented them vnto him: but he tasted them not, but commanded all his seruants to retire themselues out of his lodging, because he intended to take his rest without noise or trouble. As soone as this commaundement of his was performed, hee prayed his sister to bring the meate into his most retired and priuie chamber: whereunto the damsell condescended: whereupon he sodainly surprised her, & began to perswade her, to grant Amnon perswadeth his sister to submit to his lust. Amnon notwithstanding his sisters resist violateth her. him her company. But the virgin exclaiming, said vnto him: Forbeare my brother, forbeare to offer me violence: for it is a hainous sinne to perpetrate so foule a fact. Giue ouer this thy most K hatefull concupiscence, which will breed nought els but disgrace and infamy to our whole family; or if thou hast not the power to resist the same, require me at my fathers hands, and extort not mine honour from me by force. But hee enraged with loue, neglected all these sayings, and wholy poisoned with the sting of disordinate passion, rauished and violated her, notwithstanding all her resist. And as soone as he had aslaked his lustfull desire, a certaine hatred entred into his heart, which extorted from his mouth many iniurious words against Thamar: so that he commanded her to arise and depart. She answered, that this second outrage was more hainous then the former; for that hauing violated her, he would not suffer her to remaine there vntill night time, but thrust her out incontinently by day time, and during the light, to the end she might meet with such as might testifie her dishonour: Notwithstanding all these iust reasons of hers, he commanded L his seruant to driue her out of the doores. She strangely agrieued at the outrage and violence that had been offered her, tore her garment (which was such as the noble and princely virgins were wont to weare) and strewed ashes on her head, running thorow the Citie with cries and lamentations, wherein she expressed what wrong had beene done vnto her. With her thus distracted, her brother Absalon met, enquiring of her what euill hap had befallen her. To whom she reported all the iniurie which her brother Amnon had done her: whereupon he exhorted her to pacifie her selfe, and to suffer moderately whatsoeuer had befallen her; and not to suppose her Absalon comforteth his sister Thamar. selfe to be indignified by any act of their brother. Whereunto she condescended, forbearing her exclaimes, and surceasing to publish the iniuries she had receiued in the eares of the people. And Absalon inuited his father and brethren to his sheepshearing, and commandeth his seruants to kill Amnon, being ouercharged with wine & sleepe. thus remained she a long time with her brother Absalon in the qualitie of a widow. M
Dauid hauing intelligence of that which had hapned, was sore displeased, notwithstanding he loued Amnon verie intirely who was his eldest sonne, and would not disquiet him: but Absalon hated him extremely, expecting (without any word speaking) for some fit opportunitie, wherein he might reuenge himselfe on the rauisher. Now when as two yeares were expired since his sister was both derided and deflowred, it chaunced that Absalon intending a sheep-shearing in Belsephon, a Citie of the tribe of Ephraim, inuited his father and brethren to come and banquet with [Page 173] him. But when the king refused to go, for feare least he might be chargeable vnto him: Absalon The yeare of the world. 2912. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1052. A insisted & perswaded him to send his brothers thither, which he granted. Hereupon Absalon commanded his seruants, that when they should see Amnon charged with wine and sleepe, they should sodainly (vpon a signe giuen by him vnto them) kill him without feare or regard of any person.
CHAP. VIII.
How thorow the domesticall discord of his family, Dauid was banished by his sonne out of his kingdome.
AFter that Absolons seruants had thus executed his commandement, a trouble and feare B seased all the rest of his brethren, in so much as they suspected their owne persons: for Dauid is certified that al his sons are slaine by Absalon. which cause mounting themselues on horsebacke, they posted in all [...]te towards their father. But a certaine man outstripping them in the way, reported vnto Dauid that Absalon had slaine all his sonnes. Who surprised with a bitter and mortall feare, in supposing that such a number of his children should be slaine, and that by their owne brother, neither inquired the cause or any thing els which might be sifted out in so grieuous an inconuenient that had hapned, but gaue himselfe ouer to extreame and strange discomforts, and renting his garments laid him downe on the earth, bewailing all his children, both those that were slaine; [...] him also than had slaine them. But Ionathan the sonne of Sama his brother, exhorted him to moderate and bridle his passion, Ionathan cō forteth Dauid contradicting his feare, in respect of all his sons, and only vpon iust sur [...]e suspecting Amnons death telling him that he could not be perswaded that the rest of his children were slaine, in that hee C could conceiue no probable cause of coniecture. But as touching Amnon there needed no question, for that it was verie like that Absalon (by reason of the iniurie which was offered vnto his sister Thamar) would hazard himselfe to kill him. Meane while a great trample of horses, and a confused troupe of men brake off their discourse. These were the kings sonnes who returned in post from the banquet: Against these the father issued out, accompanying their dolefull teares with a heauie and sorrowfull countenance, and seeing (beyond all hope) how they, whom a little before he supposed to be lost, returned in safetie, they were all of them on euerie side giuen ouer to teares and lamentations; the brothers bewailed their mangled brother, the king his murthered Dauids sonnes re [...]ort vnto their father, Absalon f [...]ieth to his grandfather. sonne. But Absalon fled vnto Gessur (vnto his grandfather on the mothers side, and lord of that place) and soiourned with him three whole yeers: at the end whereof Dauid determined to send D for his sonne Absalon, not to the intent to punish him, but to retire him vnto him (by reason that the indignation he had conceiued against him, was at that time aslaked.) Ioab also furthered this his resolution by all meanes that were to him possible: For he caused a certaine olde woman attired in mourning habit to present her selfe before Dauid, who said vnto him, that betwixt her two 2. Reg. 14. Absalon by the subtilty of a woman, and the se [...]ing on or Ioab is renoked from banishment vnto Ieru [...]alē. sonnes that liued in the countrey, there hapned such a different, that falling to handy-strokes they were so whet the one against the other, that not induring to be parted, the one of them in such sort wounded the other, that he died; and for that the kinsmen were fore moued against the murtherer, and sought without mercie to depriue him of life, she humbly besought the king that he would giue her her sonnes life, and not depriue her of that hope that remained her to sustaine her olde yeers with; which he should bring to passe, if so be he prohibited those that would kill her son E from executing their intents: for that except it were for feare which they had of him, they would by no meanes be withdrawne from their fatall and bloudy resolution. Now when as the king had granted her request, the woman began once more to breake into these speeches: I most humbly thanke your maiestie (said she) who haue had compassion of mine age, and doe so prouidently foresee that I be not depriued of my sonne; but to the intent I may be the better assured of thy humanity, I beseech thee (O King) first of all pacifie thy displeasure conceiued against thy sonne; and be no more incensed against him: For how can I perswade my selfe that you will doe me this grace, if you your selfe euen vntill this day continue your displeasure conceiued vpon the like occasion against your sonne? For it is contrarie to the rules of wisedome, to adde to the remedilesse losse of one sonne, the haplesse death of a fathers liuing hope.Vpon these words the king began F presently to suspect that Ioab had suborned this woman, and vnderstanding no lesse by the olde womans report, he sent for Ioab, and told him that he granted him that which he desired, commanding him to send for Absalon, assuring him that his displeasure was pacified, and choler asswaged. Ioab cast himselfe downe prostrate before the king, and reuerently receiuing his word of reconciliation, went-vnto Gessur and set Absalon from thence with him, and brought him to Ierusalem. The king vnderstanding that his sonne drew neere, sent out a messenger to meet him, [Page 174] commanding that as yet he should not presume to presse into his presence, because he was not G The yeare of the world. 2912 before Christes Natiuity. 1052. Absalon reuoked by his father, 11 commanded for a time to fly his presence. disposed to behold him so sodainly. Who vnderstanding the will of his father, forbore to shew himselfe vnto him, and went and dwelt amongst his own familiars and houshold seruants: Neither was his beautie any waies interessed by the sorrow he had conceiued, nor for that his entertainment was farre different from the bringing vp and nourishing of a princes sonne; but he rather excelled and grew more famous thereby: so that for beautie and goodlinesse of personage he exceeded all those that liued more deliciously and daintily: his glibband or haire was so thicke that it could scarcely be powled in eight daies, and waied two hundreth sicles which amount to fiue pound. He liued also two yeares in Ierusalem, and was the father of three sonnes, and one faire daughter, which Roboam the sonne of Salomon afterwards tooke to wife, of whom he begat Absalons children borne in Ierusalem. 2. Reg. 13. Ioab vrged by the burning of his houses reconcileth Absalon to his father. The yeare of the world, 2 [...]. 16. before Christs birth 1048. a sonne called Abia. In processe of time he sent messengers vnto Ioab, that now at length hee H would pacifice his father, and beseech him to admit him to his presence, that he might both see and submit himselfe vnto him. But because Ioab made small reckoning of these his motions, he sent of his seruants, and commanded them to burne and spoile Ioabs possessions that abutted vpon his: who hearing of that which had hapned vnto him, resorted vnto Absalon, accusing him and questioning with him for what cause he had done him this iniurie. To whom Absalon answered: I haue (said he) inuented this stratageme to make thee come vnto me, seeing thou madest small account of my commissions, whereby I haue charged thee to reconcile me vnto my father. And at this present I beseech thee that thou wilt moue my father in my behalfe; otherwise I shall thinke my returne more grieuous then my banishment hath been, if so be my father shall as yet continue his displeasure. Ioab was perswaded thorow the compassion he conceiued of the necessitie I wherein he saw him, and went and sollicited the king, with whom he so effectually debated as touching Absalon, that altering his contrarie disposition, he graciously and speedily sent and called for him. As soone as he came vnto his presence, Absalon cast himselfe prostrate on the Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 9. ground, demaunding pardon for his offences: But Dauid raised and lifted him vp, and promised him that from thenceforth he would no more vpbraid him with those misdeedes. After all things had thus fallen out, Absalon within a little space assembled a great number of horses and chariots, and entertained fiftie men for his guard, and euerie day earlie in the morning presented himselfe before the kings pallace, and talked with those that resorted thither, about the triall of their differents; and wheras some of them were condemned, he talked with them according as he found thē affected, alleadging that his father had no good counsellers, & that perhaps he himselfe K Absalon subtilly affecteth his fathers kingdome. had in some things iudged amisse: and by these means indeuoured he to get the goodwil of al mē, telling them that if he had the like authoritie, he would make thē know by proofe what his equity was. Hauing by these plausible perswasions drawne the hearts of the common people vnto him, he thought himselfe alreadie seased of their seruices in whatsoeuer he intended. Some foure years The yeare of the world, 29 [...]0. before Christs natiuitie, 1044. after his reconciliation, he came to his father Dauid, requiring of him that he might go to Hebron & sacrifice vnto God; according as he had vowed at such time as he fled from his presence. Which request of his when Dauid had granted him, he resorted thither being attended with great affluence and concourse of all the people (by reason he had appointed diuers to meet him in that place, amongst whom was Achitophel the Gelmonite, one of Dauids counnsellers, and 200. others of Ierusalem, who altogither ignorant of his enterprise, assembled themselues in L that place to be assistant to his sacrifice:) by all whom he was declared king, according as he himselfe Absalon proclaimed king. had commanded them to do. When the newes hereof came vnto Dauids eares, and he was thorowly ascertained beyond all conceit, how his sonne had behaued himselfe; he suspected and doubted his impiety and arrogancie, wondring that he should so soone and so lewdly forget himselfe of the pardon, which he had obtained for his enormous and hainous crimes; and contrarie to all law plunge himselfe and hazard his reputation in more grieuous offences, as first of all to peruert the estate of the kingdome which God had established: and secondly, in complotting to depriue and degrade his owne father. For which cause he determined to flie to the other side Dauid departed out of Ierusalem. of Iordan, conducting with him his most inward and harty friends, to whom he reported the vnbridled furie of his sonne, remitting all things vnto God who iudgeth all things; and leauing the M gouernment of his royall house to the disposition of his six concubines, he departed from Ierusalem. Dauid flying prohibiteth the hie Priests to follow him, to the intent to giue him telligence of that which did passe. With him issued an affectionate and great number of people; besides those six hundreth souldiers, who had followed him in his banishment during Sauls life time. And although the hie priests Abiathar and Sadoc with all the Leuites had concluded to depart with him, yet perswaded he them to abide with the Arke, assuring them that God would deliuer them: yea although the Arke were vnremoued from his place. He commanded Abiathar likewise to send him priuate [Page 175] intelligence of each occurrent that should happen, reseruing with him for his intire and inward A The yeare of the world, 2920. before Christs Natiuitie, 1044. Ethaeus departeth with Dauid. counsellers Achimaas the sonne of Sadoc, and Ionathan the sonne of the abousaid Abiathar.
But Ethaeus the Gittite by no perswasions of the king could be induced to stay, but contrarie to his commaund followed him, whereby he more manifestly expressed his affection towards him. But as he mounted and ascended on his bare feet vpon the mountaine of Oliuet, and all they of his traine followed him (intermixing their trauel with bitter teares) a certaine messenger came and certified him that Achitophel was with Absalon, and held on his side. Which report aggrauated Achitophel reuolteth from Dauid, and followeth Absalon, whose counsails Dauid striueth by praier to make frustrate. Chusai is perswaded to submit to Absalon and to Achitophels counsels and increased his griefe: so that he besought God that it might please him to alienate the affection of Absalon from Achitophel, for feare least if he should giue him some sinister counsel, he might easily be perswaded thereunto; because that Achitophel was a man of ripe iudgement and readie execution in all that concerned him. As soone as he came vnto the top of the mountaine, B he beheld the citie: and as if he had vtterly beene banished from his kingdome, he began with abundant teares to call vpon God. There met he with Chusai his sincere and vnfained friend, whom when he beheld with his garments rent, with ashes on his head, and lamenting the vnhappie chaunge which he then beheld: Dauid cheered him, and exhorted him to be no waies discomforted; and finally besought him to returne vnto Absalon, as vnder a colour that he had forsaken his part, where diligently prying into his secrets, he might oppose himselfe against Achitophels counsels, because he might not so much pleasure him in keeping him cōpanie, as in staying with Absalon. Chusai being after this maner perswaded by Dauid, returned back to Ierusalē, where presently after he encountred with Absalon, who repaired thither. In the mean time Dauid marching onward a little further, chanced to meet with Siba Mephiboseths seruant, & purueior of al those C goods which Dauid had giuen him (for that he was Ionathans sonne, who was the sonne of Saul) 2. Reg. 16. Siba accusing his master wrongfully is made owner of his riches. This man droue before him two Asses loaden with victuals, which he presented to Dauid and his companie, to refresh themselues with; and being demanded where he had left Mephiboseth? in Ierusalem (said he) where he expecteth to be chosen king thorow the occasion of those troubles that had hapned, & in memorie of the benefits that diuers men had receiued at Sauls hands. Dauid displeased with that which he heard, gaue Siba all those riches wherewith he had gratified Mephiboseth in times past, deeming him more worthy of the same then Mephiboseth. Wherewith Siba was verie highly contented.
When Dauid drew neere vnto a place which is called Choran, a certaine cousen of Sauls called Simei, the sonne of Gera, came out against him, and cast stones at him, and reuiled him; and D the more Dauids friends inuironed and defended him, the more obstinately perseuered he in his Semeies reuiling of Dauid. reproofes and scandalous raylings: calling him murtherer, and captaine of the wicked, charging him like an impure and execrable man to get him out of the kingdome, giuing God thanks for that he had depriued him of his kingdome by the meanes of his owne sonne, and in punishment of those crimes which he had committed against his owne master. This his so cruel and vnbridled libertie, moued all Dauids followers to displeasure; so that all of them were prepared to reuenge them on Simei; and amongst the rest Abisai would haue slaine him: but Dauid pacified his displeasure, willing him to forbeare, for feare (said hee) least to our present miseries we annexe a further and new occasion. ‘For in as much as concerneth my selfe, I set light by this mad dogge, Dauid forbiddeth to kill Simei. & referre the matter vnto God, who is the cause that he is thus desperatly bent against vs: Neither E is it to be wondred at that I suffer these outrages by him, since mine owne sonne is so wicked as he taketh a felicitie to disdaine me: but it may be that God wil haue compassion on vs, & if he please we shal haue the vpper hand ouer our enimies.’He therfore walked onward on his way, not caring what Simei said, who ranne on the other side of the mountaine, rayling & reuiling at him. When Dauid was arriued on the banke of Iordan, he mustred and refreshed his army, who were fore wearied: meane while Absalon entring Ierusalem with Achitophel his counsellor, was saluted and applauded by the whole concourse of the people, & amongst the rest Dauids friend came vnto them, who prostrating himself before Absalons feete, wished him both prosperitie and perpetuitie in his kingdome. Him did Absalon aske how it came to passe, that he who was reputed to be one of Dauids most indeered friends, and esteemed alwaies to be most loyall and faithfull Chusai vnder a colour offreth his seruice to Absalon. F vnto him, should at that time (when most occasion was profered him to expresse his loyaltie) abandon him and submit himselfe to his enemie? To him Chusai answered both readily and wisely, that it became him to follow God, and the good will of the people.
Since therefore (said he, my soueraigne) that both these are for you, it concerneth me to follow you, because you haue receiued the kingdome from God: If therefore you esteeme me to be your faithfull friend; I will approue vnto you my loyaltie and true affection in like manner, as [Page 176] in your knowledge I haue testified in effect vnto your father, who ought not to be displeased at G The yeare of the world 29 [...]0. before [...] [...]. 1044. Achitophel [...]th Absalon to lie with his fathers concubines. that which had hapned, since the kingdome is not transported into an other house, but remaineth in his owne family, because he who was his sonne receiued the same. By such like words he reconciled himselfe to Absalon, whereas before that time he was inwardly suspected. Hereupon Achitophel was sent for to consult with him about their affaires in hand: who gaue him counsell to abuse all his fathers concubines, and make them his owne. For (said he) from that time forward the people will beleeue that you and he will neuer be reconciled; and will be more readie to beare armes and inuade your father for your sake. For hitherto (said he) they haue vnwillingly professed themselues to be his enemies, suspecting least a peace should [...]e concluded betwixt the father and the sonne. Absalon beleeuing this aduise of his, caused a Tent or royall Pauilion to be pitched in the sight of all the people, whereinto he entred, and had the company of his fathers H concubines. All which fell out, according as the Prophet Nathan had foretold, at such time as he certified Dauid, that his owne sonne should make warre against him.
CHAP. IX.
Absalons warre against his father, his death, and the discomfiture of his armie.
WHen Absalon had done that which Achitophel had instructed him in, he requested him once more to counsaile him concerning that warre which he had enterprised against 2. Reg. 17. Achitophels counsaile perswading Absalon to pursue Dauid Chusais opposition. his father: who required ten thousand chosen men at his hand, promising him to kill I Dauid, and to bring all the rest that were in his conduct vnder his subiection: assuring him that Absalons kingdome would be then established, when Dauids head were cut off from his shoulders. When this aduise of his had highly contēted him, he sent for Chusai, who was the chiefest amongst Dauids friends (for so Dauid himselfe had termed him) to whom he discouered the aduice which Achitophel had giuen him, & required him to giue his opinion what he thought therof: who knowing verie well that if Achitophels counsaile were followed, Dauid should be in daunger to be apprehended and slaine, enforced all his arguments and counsails to the contrarie.‘For (said he) my Liege, you are sufficiently informed both what your fathers valour is, and their vertue that accompanie him; who hath fought many battels, and hath had the vpper hand ouer all his enemies. It is to be feared also least he at this present be encamped in the field. For he is well exercised in leading K armies, and to preuent any stratagemes, whereby the enemy may inuade him, and about the euening he hath perhappes left his men hidden in some streight, or in ambush behinde some rock: and if our men shall assaile him, his soldiers will by little and little retire, and afterward recouering courage, by reason that the King shall be neere vnto them, they will charge vs afresh; and during their medly, your father will sodainly breake out of his ambush, and encourage his owne men, and discomfort yours: wisely therfore examine mine aduice, and if you find that it be good, neglect that which Achitophel hath giuen you. Send me thorow al the countrey of the Hebrewes, commanding euery one to take armes & march out against your father: and when you haue gathered togither these forces, be you your selfe in person the generall of the army, and commit it not to an other mans charge, and assuredly expect to haue an easie victory ouer him, if you assaile L him in the open field, for that he is accompanied with a verie few men, and your selfe are attended Chusais counsaile accepted, Achitophels [...]. by many thousands, who at least wise if they loue you and will shew a good affection towards you, may easily rid you of that enemy. And if so be your father shut himselfe vp in any Citie, we will and may subuert the same by mines and engines.’This aduise of his seemed to be better then that of Achitophels, so that Absalon preferred the same. For it was God that put this thought into his heart, to neglect Achitophels, and respect Chusais counsell.
Now when Chusai had thus preuailed, he presently repaired to the high Priests Sadoc and Abiathar, certifying them what Achitophel had complotted, and how he had contradicted him: finally how his opinion had taken place, giuing them in charge to send priuate intelligence vnto Dauid thereof, and to enforme him of his sonnes resolution, wishing him with all speede to passe M ouer the riuer of Iordan, for feare least Absalon being informed of his aboad in that place should make haste and pursue him, and ouertake him before he might recouer a place of securitie. Sadoc and Abiathars sons sent vnto Dauid. Now had the high Priests before hand prouided that their sonnes should lie hid without the Citie of set purpose, to the end they might be sent vnto Dauid to informe him how matters went. They therefore sent a trustie seruant vnto these, who brought them newes of Absalons deliberations, with expresse commaundement to enforme the King thereof with all speede, [Page 177] who presently vpon this intelligence like good and faithfull ministers, posted with all speede to The yeare of the world. 2920. before Chris [...] birth 1044. [...]he hie Priests so [...] being pursued are hidden by a woman in a pit. A report their fathers newes vnto the king.
But scarsely had they trauelled two furlongs, when certaine horsemen discouered them, and brought newes thereof vnto Absalon, who presently sent out scoutes to apprehend them: which when the children of the hie priest perceiued, they forsooke the hie way, and incontinently retired themselues into a certaine village neere vnto Ierusalem, which is called Bocchura, where they besought a certaine woman to hide them and shut them in some place of securitie, who let them downe into a pit, and couered the mouth thereof with bundles of wool. She being demaunded by those that pursued them whether she saw them, denied the same, saying, that as soone as she had giuen them drinke, they departed from her presently; assuring them that if they presently and speedily pursued them, they might easily apprehend them: but after they had B long time followed and could not find them, they returned from whence they came. The woman Dauid informed of Absalons deliberation passeth himselfe & his whole army ouer Iordan by night. Achitophel perceiuing his counsaile was despised hung himselfe. perceiuing that they were departed, and that there was no cause of feare, least the yoong men should be surprised, she drew them out of the pit, and set them onward of their way: who, with as great speede as was possible, resorted vnto Dauid, and declared vnto him exactly what Absalons deliberation was. Hereupon Dauid passed the floud Iordan presently with all his men, and although it were night could not be withdrawen by reason of the darknesse.
But Achitophel seeing that his opinion had been reproued, tooke his horse and sodainly repaired vnto his countrey of Gelmone, there calling togither his houshold seruants before him, he discouered vnto them what aduise he had giuen Absalon; which since he had not accepted, he tolde them that shortly they should see him dead, alleadging that Dauid would haue the vpper C hand in the warre, and should returne into his kingdome. It is better therefore (said he) for me with a great minde, and as it becommeth a valiant man, to depart out of this life, then to submit my selfe to Dauids punishment for partaking with Absalon, and giuing him counsell. This said, he retired himselfe into the most secret part of his house, and hung himselfe, being both his own iudge and executioner: after which, his kinsmen cut him down and buried him. But Dauid (as we Dauid commeth to Mahanaim where he is royally intertained by the peeres. said) hauing past Iordan, came and incamped in a strong Citie, the most defenced in that countrey: there was he entertained with great beneuolence by all the noble men of that countrey, partly moued thereunto by the mans present necessitie, partly thorow the reuerence of his former felicitie. These were Berzillai the Galaadite, Siphar the gouernour of the prouince of the Ammonites, and Machir the chiefe of the countrey of Galaad, who gaue Dauid and his whatsoeuer D they wanted in abundance: so that they lacked neither beds, nor bread, nor flesh, but were plentifully stored with all things. They that were sicke and wearied also, wanted nothing that either might serue for repose or refection. In this estate remained he. But Absalon assembled a Hedio and Ruffnus ch. 10 2. Reg. 18. Absalon passeth ouer Iordan. great multitude of people to make warre vpon his father, and after he had passed Iordan, he pitched his tents neere vnto his fathers, within the countrey of Galaad, and made Amasa generall of his army, opposing him against Ioab his chosen: For Amasas father was Iethar, and his sister was Abigail, sister to Saruia mother to Ioab. When Dauid had mustered and numbred his forces, and found that he had fortie thousand fighting men, it was thought fit presently to hazard battel, and not to expect till Absalon should charge vpon them.
He therefore ordained Coronels ouer thousands of his men, and deuided them into three E squadrons: the one of which he gaue in charge to Ioab; the second to Abisai his brother; and the The diuision of Dauids ar [...]ie. Dauids [...]ēds disswade his presence in the battell. third to Ethaeus his familiar friend (who was of the Citie of Geth.) In this battel his friends would not admit his presence (and that vpon good and deepe consideration) for they said that if they should be defeated in his company, they should vtterly lose all good hope: but if one squadron should be ouercome, the rest might haue their recourie vnto him, who might assemble vnto them and strengthen them with greater force; the rather for that the enemies would alwaies thinke it likely, that he had some other army with him. This counsell of theirs seemed pleasing vnto him, for which cause he remained within the Citie. But at such time as he sent out his friends vnto the battell, he besought them that (in remembrance of all the benefits and fauours he had bestowed on them) they would both shew themselues couragious and faithful men in the fight, and that hauing F obtained the victory they would spare his sonne, for feare least his death should increase and redouble his discontents. Thus praying God to giue them victorie, he dismissed them to enter Dauid commaundeth thē to spare his sonne. The battel betwixt Ioab and Absalon. battell. But when as Ioab had planted his army right ouer against the enemy, and had extended them on the plaine, hauing a wood vpon their backes; Absalon also drewe out his army against him; so that encountring and valiantly fighting the one against the other, they performed many notable exploits on both parts: the one hazarding themselues in all dangers, and employing [Page 178] all their affections, to the intent that Dauid might recouer his kingdome: the others G The yeare of the world, 2920 before Christs birth 1044. neither refusing to doe or endure any thing, so that Absalon might not be depriued, or exposed to his fathers punishment and displeasure for his insolent attempt. Besides that, they held it an indignitie for them, that being so great in number as they were, they should be surmounted by such a handfull of people as followed Ioab: deeming it to be an vtter disgrace vnto them, that being so many thousands of them in armes, they should be discomfited by Dauids foullowers.
But Ioab and his men being more skilful and trained in feates of armes then the rest, discomfited and brake Absalons army: so that they fled thorow woods and steepie places. Dauids soldiers The f [...]ight and ouerthrow o [...] Absalons [...]. pursuing after them tooke some, and slew other some; so that both in flight and fight, a great number of them were put to the sword: For there fell that day about twenty thousand men. But H all Dauids troupes freshly set vpon Absalon, who was easily knowne by reason of his absolute beautie, and high stature: he fearing to be surprised by his enemies, mounted vpon the royall mule, and fled in great haste. And for that by swift motion of his body, his lockes were scattered abroad, his bush of haire was entangled in a thicke and branchie tree, where he hung after a strange manner, and his mule ranne onward with great swiftnesse, as if she had as yet borne her master on her backe: but he hanging by the haire amidst the branches, sodainly fell into his enemies hands. This when a certaine souldier apperceiued, he brought newes thereof vnto Ioab, who promised him to giue him fiftie sicles, if he would kill him. The souldier answered, that if hee would giue him two thousand he would not commit such a murther on the sonne of his soueraigne, the rather for that in the presence of them all, Dauid had requested them to spare him. I Hereupon Ioab commanded him to shew him the place where he had seene Absalon hang, who no sooner discouered him, but thrusting a iauelin to his heart, he slew him. That done, Ioabs Esquires Ioab killeth Absalon. arrounding the tree tooke him downe, and casting him into a deepe and obscure pit, they ouerwhelmed him with stones: so that in appearance it seemed to be a toombe, or some great high and stately monument. After this when Ioab had sounded the retreat, he withdrew his soldiers from pursuit, supposing it to be an innaturall thing for one countreyman to flesh himselfe vpon another. Absalon had erected in the royall valley two furlongs distant from Ierusalem a marble pillar, which he had intituled by the name of Absalons Hand, saying, that when his children Absalons marble pillar. should be dead, his name should remaine in that pillar. Now he had three sonnes, and a daughter which was called Thamar, as we haue said heretofore, who was married vnto Roboam K Dauid's Nephew, and had by him a sonne called Abia, who succeeded his father in the kingdome: Of whom we will speake more conueniently in his place.
CHAP. X.
The happy estate of Dauid being restored vnto his kingdome.
AFter that Absalon was slaine, all the people returned priuately to their owne houses: but Achimaas the sonne of the hie priest Sadoc drewe neere vnto Ioab, requiring his licence Chusai sent to certifie Dauid of the victory. to repaire vnto Dauid, and to certifie him of the victorie, and how by Gods helpe and prouidence he had obtained the victorie. This did the generall deny him, telling him that it was L not conuenient that he, who before times was wont to bring ioyfull newes, should now certifie the king of his sonnes death. He therefore commanded him to stay, and calling Chusai to his presence, he gaue him commission to certifie the king of that which he had seene. Achimaas requested him the second time that he would suffer him to go, promising him that he would make no mention but of the victory; and that as touching Absalons death, he would not vtter any thing: whereupon he dismissed him also, who choosing the shorter way (which he onely knew) outstripped Chusai. Now as Dauid sate in the gate of the Citie (expecting some messenger that might certifie him of the successe of the battell) one of the Sentinels perceiuing Achimaas that came running hastily, and vnable to discouer who it was, told Dauid that he saw a messenger comming towards him, who answered that it was some one that brought ioyfull newes. Anon after he told M him that a certaine other messenger followed: To whom Dauid answered likewise, that it was one that brought glad tidings. And when the watchman perceiued that it was Achimaas Sadoc the high priests sonne, and that he was neere at hand, he ranne first of all and certified Dauid, who was very glad thereof, saying that he brought some good and desired newes as touching the euent of the battell: and no sooner had the king spoken the word, but Achimaas entred and humbled himselfe vpon his face before Dauid, to whom he reported that his army had the victorie. Being afterwards [Page 179] demanded what was become of Absalon: He answered, that he incontinently departed The yeare of the world, 2920. before Christs Na [...]ie, 1044. A from the campe as soone as the enemies were put to flight, yet that hee heard a certaine crie of souldiers that pursued Absalon: and further then that he knew nothing, because by Ioabs commandement he was speedily sent away to bring tydings of the victorie. When Chusai was come and had humbled himselfe before the king, and had declared vnto him the successe of the battell, the question was asked how Absalon did? Whereunto he answered, The like fortune happen to thine enemies (O King) as hath hapned to Absalon. These words quite extinguished the delight Dauid hearing of Absalons death by Chusai grieuously bewaileth him. and ioy that Dauid conceiued in the victorie, and wholy amated his faithful souldiers: for as touching the king, he ascending the highest part of the Citie bewailed his sonne, beating his breast, tearing his haire, and afflicting himselfe in all kindes, and after such a sort, as may not be expressed; and crying out in a most mournfull manner: My sonne (said he) would God my sonne B that I were dead with thee, that I might be with thee. For whereas of his owne nature he was a verie louing man, yet loued he Absalon aboue all other most tenderly.
When the army and Ioab were enformed that Dauid lamented his sonne in this sort, they had this respect, that they would not enter the Citie after a triumphant and victorious manner: but they entred hanging their heads, and weeping all of them most tenderly, as if they had returned 2. Reg▪ 19. Ioab and his army enter the citie in mournfull manner. from some discomfiture. But when as the king hauing his head couered, perseuered in his desire to bewaile his sonne, Ioab entred in vnto him and said: ‘O King, you consider not that in this behauiour of yours, you dishonor your selfe: for it is to be thought that you hate those that loue you, and expose themselues to all perils for your loue; yea that you hate your selfe and your own succession: and that contrariwise you loue your most mortall enemies most intirely, since you bewaile C Dauid is taxed for lamenting his Son, and vpon Ioabs perswasion [...] himselfe vnto the people. them that were no lesse, & who are iustly depriued of their liues. For if Absalon had had the victorie, and had possessed the kingdome in assurance, there had not any one of vs been left aliue that loue you; but had all of vs suffered a most hated death; nay and in the first ranke your selfe and your owne children: neither would they being our enemies haue lamented, but laughed at our deaths; yea they would punish them likewise who should haue any compassion of our miseries: Yet art thou not ashamed to lament after this manner, for such a man as most extremely ha [...]ed thee, who notwithstanding he were thine owne sonne, was so vngratefull and vngratious towards thee. Desist therfore from thy vniust lamentation, and offer thy selfe in presence to thy weldeseruing souldiers, and giue them thankes, that by their vertue haue obtained thee this victorie: otherwise if thou continue as thou hast began, this day will I translate both the kingdome D and the army from thee, and giue thee occasion more grieuously and truely to lament thee of thy misfortunes then thou didst before.’By these words Ioab pacified and alayed the kings lamentations, and drew him to the care of his common weale: For cloathing himselfe in a royall habit, whereby he might seeme more gratious in the sight of his souldiers, he sate him downe in Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. the gate: so that all the people hearing thereof, flocked out to salute him. Whilest these things past after this maner, they that remained aliue of Absalons army returning home vnto their houses, sent their messengers to euerie corporation, aduertising them how many benefits they had receiued at Dauids hands, and how after many and grieuous warres he had brought them to a secure libertie, and how iniustly expelling him, they had committed the kingdome vnto another. The kingdome of Israel is once more offered vnto Dauid. For which cause it behooued them, that since he was dead whom they had chosen, to make their E supplication and submission vnto Dauid, that dismissing his wrath, he would receiue the people into his fauour, and according as before time, so now also he would vouchsafe them his pardon and protection. Of these things sundry intelligences came vnto the kings eares, so that by expresse letters he commanded Sadoc and Abiathar the chiefe priests, that they should certifie the princes of the tribe of Iuda, that it should be a great indignitie for them that other tribes should preferre Dauid to the kingdome before them, especially since he was both of their tribe, and their Dauid not only giueth Amasa his pardon, but maketh him generall also of the whole armie. The tribe of Iuda cōmeth as farre as Iordan to meet with Dauid, and make a bridge ouer the floud. kinsman also. In like manner he commanded them to speake with Amasa the generall, and expostulate with him, why hee who was his Nephew by the sisters side, did not perswade the army to recommend the kingdome to his hands: willing them to assure him that he was not only to hope for pardon for that which had hapned, but also for the gouernment of the whole army, F according as Absalon had granted him. Hereupon the high priests not only conferred with the princes aforesaid, but also informing Amasa what the king had promised in his behalfe, wherby they drew him to their faction. And first of all those of his owne tribe reuoked Dauid very instantly into the kingdome; the rest of the Israelites by their example and Amasas authoritie, did the like also; and these embassadors flocked vnto him to receiue him into Ierusalem. But wonderfull and praiseworthy was the diligence of the tribe of Iuda, who went out as far as the banke [Page 180] of Iordan to meete with him, with these came Simei the sonne of Gera, with a thousand men, G The yeare of the [...]orld 29 [...]0. before Christs Natiuitie. 1044. Simei is pardoned. which he had brought with him of the tribe of Beniamin. Siba likewise Sauls freeman came thither with his fifteene sonnes, and twentie seruants: who made a bridge ouer Iordan, that the king might the more easily passe ouer both himselfe and his armie. As soone as he came vnto Iordan, he was saluted by the tribe of Iuda: and Simei marching onward on the bridge, & prostrating himselfe at the kings feete, asked pardon of his offences, and besought him to remit his displeasure: and that in recouering his authoritie, he would not first of all doe iustice on him, but that he should remember this also, that he being induced by the repentance of his errour, did with the formost march out to meet him vpon his returne. Whilest thus he besought and lamented, Abisai Ioabs brother spake after this manner. Why should he not die that hath thus villanously outraged the King, whom God hath established? But Dauid turned backe vnto him and said: yee sons of Seruia, H will you neuer cease to hatch new troubles; and to adde newe diuisions to your former commotions? Know you not that this is the first day of my raigne? for which cause I sweare an oth that I will pardon all them that haue committed any impietie against me, and that no one man shall depart from me in my disfauour. For which cause be of good cheere Simei, & feare thou not that I wil seeke thy bloud. Whereupon he adored the King, & marched onward before him. After this Mephiboseth Sauls nephew came out to meete him, cloathed in a desolate & sorie rayment, hauing his haires hanging down in a neglected and sorrowful manner. For since the time that Dauid fled & fosooke the citie, he had in such sort beene distressed, that he neither had trimmed his haire, nor changed or cleansed his garment, supposing this calamity & deposition to touch him as neerly, as it did the king: and further, in that by Siba his steward, he had beene vniustly detracted & accused I Mephiboseth purgeth himselfe of Sibas slaunders. to the king. After he had prostrated himselfe, and adored the king, Dauid asked him for what cause he forsooke him in his troubles, and offered not himselfe to accompanie him in his flight? Who answered, that it was the wickednes of Siba, who was the cause thereof: ‘for he (said he) being commaunded to prepare my necessaries for that iourney, neglected the execution thereof, contemning both me and it, as if I had beene some abiect slaue: Otherwise had I had the vse of my feete, and the meanes to haue waited on thee in thy iourney, I had neuer endured to haue forsaken thee. Neither was he contented (my liege) to hinder my deuout seruice towards thee, but furthermore he hath maliciously incensed your maiestie against me: yet know I well that your wisedome will not admit or giue credence to his detractions, both for that you are iust, as also for that God and truth which you onely aspire to, are onely beloued by you. For whereas during K my grandfathers daies, you were alwaies conuersant amongst the most difficult dangers, and followed and attempted by him, and whereas all our posteritie by that meanes deserued to be vtterly extinguished, yet haue you vsed both moderation and meeknes, especially in forgetting those indignities; at such time as the memorie thereof affoorded you meanes to punish them. And notwithstanding all these things, you haue entertained me like your friend, feasted me at your dailie table, and dignified me with no lesse honours, then if I had beene one of your neerest and deerest kinsmen.’When Dauid had heard these things, he neither thought good to punish Mephiboseth, neither to examine whether Siba had wrongfully accused him, but after he had certified him Dauid pardoneth Mephiboseth, and restoreth him to the halfe of his possessions Berzillai excuseth himselfe, and will not resort to [...]erusalem. that he had giuen Siba all his goods: yet did he pardon him, and promise him the restitution of halfe his possessions: Whereunto Mephiboseth replied. Let Siba (saith he) possesse the whole, it L onely sufficeth me that I see your maiestie restored againe into your kingdome. After this, Dauid inuited Berzillai the Galaadite (a vertuous man and of great authoritie, and by whose bountie during the time of his warre he was assisted, and who had attended him as farre as Iordan) to accompanie him vnto Ierusalem, promising him to make no lesse account of him then of his father, and assuring him liberally to allow him in all things that concerned his honour and age. But he being desirous to liue in priuate, besought his maiestie to dismisse him from the court, because (as he said) his age was so extreme as it made him vnapt for courtly pleasures, considering that he had attained to the age of fourescore yeares: alledging that it better became him to thinke of death, and the departure out of this world. For which cause he besought Dauid to fauour him so much as that he might gouerne himselfe according to his own desire, because that by reason of his age M he neither knew howe to sauour meate nor drinke: besides, for that his hearing was lost, so that he could not distinguish nor discerne the sound of instruments, wherein they who converse in Kings Courtes doe most vsually take such delight. To this Dauid replied, since (said hee) thou doest so instantly request me to giue thee leaue to depart from me, I dismisse thee: but leaue thou thy sonne Achimaas with me, who shall be master of my many fauours. Hereupon Berzillai left his sonne with him, and taking leaue of the king (with praier that God [Page 181] would grant him the fulnes of all his desires) he returned to his owne house. But Dauid went The yeare of the world. [...]920. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1044. The tribe of Iodaes acculation, and excuse, for that without the knowledge of the other tribes they had gone out to meet the king. A vnto Galgal (hauing alreadie the halfe part of the people with him, and the whole tribe of Iuda.) Thither resorted then vnto him the chiefe gouernours of that countrey, attended by a great multitude of people, complaining vpon the tribe of Iuda, for that vnwitting to the rest they had resorted to him, when as by a mutual consent they should all of them haue met him together. But the Princes of the tribe of Iuda requested them in no sort to misconstrue their preuention of them. For that by reason of alliance they had done this office, whereby being tied vnto him they were bound with more feruent studie to doe him seruice: for neither in respect of that diligence of theirs receiued they any rewards, whereby they that came after should thinke themselues preiudizde in profit. This answere of theirs the Princes of the tribes tooke not in good part, but thus they spake vnto their brethren: We wonder (said they) that you onely challenge B the king to be your kinsman, as if he were not to be accounted an allie vnto vs all, whom God hath equally placed to be gouernour ouer vs all? whenas therefore the whole people consisteth of eleuen parts, you onely are but one; besides, we are your elders: so that you haue not delt vprightly in that you haue secretly and couertly sought out the King. Whilest the gouernors in this 2. Reg. 20. Siba a seditious person incenseth the people to rebeil against the king. Dauids concubines whom Absalon had disloured are sequestred from him. sort debated the matter with them, a certaine wicked and seditious person called Siba, the sonne of Bochri of the tribe of Beniamin, standing vp in the midst of the people began to crie out with a loud voyce, and to exclaime after this manner. We haue no part with Dauid, nor inheritance with the sonne of Iesse. This said, he sounded a trumpet, and proclaimed warre against the king; so that all men followed him, and forsooke Dauid. Onely the tribe of Iuda remained with him, and established him in the royall throne in Ierusalem: where remouing his concubines (which C his son Absalon had knowen) out of his pallace, he neuer after that time had any company with them. After this he declared Amasa generall of the armie, and placed him in the same degree which Ioab had, neere vnto the person of the King: commanding him that he should assemble the greatest forces that he might out of the tribe of Iuda, & that within three daies he should return vnto him, to the end that hauing deliuered him both the armie & the place of generall, he might send him to make warre vpon the son of Bochri. After that Amasa was departed, and employed his time in gathering vp his army; the king seeing that he failed to returne vpon the third day, told Ioab by reason of Amasaes delay is lent out against Siba by Dauid. Ioab that it was not good to permit Siba to gather a greater head by delay, & thereby breede vs more trouble and molestation then Absalon had done. For which cause (said he) stay thou not but take vnto thee those forces which thou hast in a readines, and my sixe hundreth men with thy D brother Abisai, and pursue thou the enemie, and in what place soeuer thou meetest him, by all meanes indeuour thy selfe to giue him the battell. Hast thee therefore, and ouertake him, for feare least he seaze some of our strongest Cities, and thereby procure vs much trauell and labour. Ioab with all expedition obeyed his commaundement, and tooke with him the aforesaid sixe hundreth, with his brother Abisai, and commaunded all the forces that were in Ierusalem to follow after him, and in this array issued he after Siba. Now when he came vnto Gabaon (a burrow some fortie furlongs distant from Ierusalem) Amasa came & met with him, & brought with him great forces. Ioab hauing his sword girt by his side, and his curets on his backe, whilest Amasa came onward to salute him, subtilly and of set purpose let his sword slip out of his sheath, and taking it vp from the ground with one hand he drew neere vnto Amasa, vnder pretence E Ioab killeth Amala. to kisse him on the chin, and sodainly thrust the sword that was in his other hand into his belly, and slew him. Which action of his was both hainous and detestable, proceeding from a iealousie he had conceiued against a good young man & his cousen, who had in no sort offended him, and onely by reason of the estate of generall, which the king had giuen him; and because Dauid had equalled him in honour with him, for which very cause before that he had slaine. Abner. Notwithstanding this act of his seemed in some sort pardonable, by reason of the pretext which he pretended of the wrong done vnto his brother Azael, yet was not this a sufficient colour to excuse the murther of Amasa. When this was done, he pursued Siba, and left a certaine man to wait vpon the bodie of Amasa, who had commaundement giuen him to proclaime with a loud voice thorow the whole armie, that he was iustly and deseruedly slaine, commaunding F those that bare any fauour to the kings title, to follow their generall Ioab and his brother Abisai. Now whilest his body lay thus in the way, & al the multitude (as it is vsual in such like accidēts) flocked round about it, he that had the charge of the bodie took it vp, & bare it into a certain place farre out of the way, & couered it with a garment: which done, all the people followed Ioab. Now whilest he pursued Siba thorow all the region of the Israelites, a certaine man told him that he had retired himself into a certaine strong citie called Abelmacha; where he no sooner arriued, [Page 182] but that he begirt the Citie, and entrenched it round about; commanding his souldiers to vndermine The yeare of the world. 2920. before Christs Natiuity 1044. Ioab besiegeth and shutteth vp Siba within Abelmac [...]ea. A woman rebuketh Ioab for seeking the subuersion of the citie which hee rather ought to protect. Ioabs conditions of peace proposed to the besieged. G and ouerthrow the walles: for he was sore displeased because they had shut the gates against him. But a certaine honest and prudent woman, seeing her countrey in extreme perill, ascended the walles and called Ioab and his souldiers to a parlee, who comming forth to conferre with him, she spake after this manner: God (saith she) ordained kings and generals of armies, to the end they might destroy the enemies of the Hebrewes, and plant amongst them an vniuersall and perpetuall peace; but you inforce your selues to destroy one of the mother Cities of Israell, that hath in no sort offended you. Ioab praied God to be fauourable vnto them, and said that for his owne part it was not his meaning that any one of the Citie should die, neither his pretence to race and deface so famous a Citie; his intent was only, that if Siba the sonne of Bochri, and the kings aduersarie were deliuered into his hands to doe iustice on him, to leuy the siege, and to H cause his army to retire from thence. When the woman had heard what Ioab had said, she praied him to stay a little while, promising him incontinently to cast his head ouer vnto him. Wherupon she came downe amongst the assembly of the Citizens, to whom she spake after this manner: ‘Wretched men that you are, will you miserably suffer your wiues and children to be slaine for a wicked mans cause, and a stranger whom ye know not? will you admit him in place of Dauid your king, from whose hands you haue receiued so many benefits? thinke you that one only Citie can resist so huge an army?’ After this manner perswaded she them to cut off Sibas head, The punishmēt of Siba. and to cast it into Ioabs campe: which done, Ioab commanded the retreat to be sounded, and leuied the siege, and returning backe into Ierusalem, was once more declared generall of all the people. The king also appointed Banaia captaine of his guards, and of six hundreth souldiers. I Adoram was made treasurer to gather in the tributes. Sabath and Achilaus had the charge of remembrancers. Offices distributed by Dauid Susa was made secretarie. Sadoc and Abiathar were made the high priests. After this it hapned that the conntrey was afflicted with a famine: For which cause Dauid besought God that he would haue compassion on his people, and that it might please him to manifest not Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 12. onely the cause, but also the remedie of that maladie. The Prophets answered him, that God 2. Reg. 21. A famine inflicted on the Israelites for breach of oth. would be reuenged of the wrong done vnto the Gabeonites, whom king Saul had deceiued and traiterously slaine, without respect of the oath, which the gouernor Iosuah and the elders made vnto them. If therefore he would suffer the Gabeonites to reuenge the death of their slaughtered friends according to their desire, God had promised to be appeased, and to deliuer the people from their imminent & presenteuils. As soone as he vnderstood by the prophets what God required, K he sent for the Gabeonites, and asked them what it was which they required: who wished him to deliuer into their hands seuen of Sauls sonnes to take their reuenge on them: whereupon the king made search after them, onely sparing and protecting Mephiboseth the sonne of Ionathan. When the Gabeonites had laid hold on these seuen, they executed them according to Seuen [...]en of Sauls kinred deliuered to the Gabeonits to be punished. their pleasures: and thereupon God incontinently sent downe raine and disposed the earth to beare fruit; moistning and alaying the drouth forepassed, so that the land of the Hebrewes recouered againe his pristine fruitfulnesse. Not long after the king made warre vpon the Philistines, and at such time as the battell was striken, and the enemies turned their backes, it chanced that the king hotly pursuing the chase was left alone; and discouered in his wearinesse by one of the enemies called Acmon, the sonne of Araph of the race of the Giants, who beside his sword L had a iauelin, the point whereof waied three hundreth sicles, and a corselet tissued with chaines, Dauid in hazard of his life is deliuered by Abisai. who returning backe charged Dauid very violently, with an intent to kill the king of his enemies, by reason that he saw him spent with trauell. But about the same instant Abisai Ioabs brother arriued in the place, who stept betweene them and rescued the king, and slew his enemy. The whole army for a little space were grieuously discomforted, in regard of the danger wherein Dauid perswaded to abstain from warre. the king had been, and the gouernors swore that he should neuer afterwards enter into battel with them, for feare least he might fall into some distaster, by reason of his readinesse and valour, and by that meanes should depriue the people of those gifts which were in him, which he had already made them feele, and whereof hereafter they should be made partakers, if God should vouchsafe him a long and blessed life. The king hauing intelligence that the Philistines were assembled M Dauids valiant captaines. Sabach. in the citie of Gazara, sent out an army against them, in which Sabach the Hittite, one of Dauids redoubted and picked souldiers behaued himselfe very valiantly, and gate great reputation: for he slew diuers of them that vaunted themselues to be of the race of the Giants, and that were verie proud and puffed vp with presumption of their valour, and was chiefe authour of that victorie which the Hebrewes had.
After this last receiued losse, the Philistines once more hazarded their fortunes in warre, against [Page 183] whō when Dauid had sent out an army, Nephanus his kinsman shewed himself very valiant: The yeare of the world. 2924. before Christs birth 1040. Nephanus▪ A For fighting hand to hand against him that was accounted the most valiant champion amongst all the Philistines, he slew him, and put the rest to flight; of whom verie many died in that battell also, In processe of time they reincamped neere vnto a Citie not farre from the frontiers of the countrey of the Hebrewes: In which army of theirs there was a man six cubits hie, who had on either foote and either hand, a finger more then the accustomed bequest of nature affoorded him. Against him Ionathan the son of Sama (one of those that were sent by Dauid in this army) fought Ionathan. hand to hand & slew him: so that approuing himselfe to be the meanes of that victorie, he bare away the honor of the battell, and praise of his valour: for this Philistine boasted likewise that he was descended from the race of the Giants. After this battell they warred no more on the Israelites. Hereupon Dauid deliuered from war and danger, and euer after enioying a perfect peace, B composed Odes and hymnes in praise of God, in diuers kindes of verse: for some are of three, other 2. Reg 12. Dauid a poes. Dauids instruments of Musicke. some are of fiue measures. He made instruments also, and taught the Leuites to praise God vpon them, on the Saboth daies and other feasts. The forme of these instruments was after this manner. The Cinnare is composed of ten strings, and is plaid vpon with a bow. The Nable containeth twelue sounds or cords, and is striken with the fingers. The Cimbals were large and great and made of brasse, of which it sufficeth in this sort to make some mention, least the nature of those instruments should wholy be vnknowne. Now all those that were about the king were valiant men: but amongst all the rest, there were eight most notable and heroick men. The noble 2. Reg. 23. Dauids thirtie eight chāpions actions of fiue of which I will declare, because they might suffice to exemplifie the vertues that were in the other that remained: for they were capable to gouerne a countrey, and to conquer C diuers nations. The first of them was Issemus the sonne of Achemaeus, who hauing verie oftentimes Issemus. thrust himselfe into the midst of his disordered enemies, neuer gaue ouer fighting till he had slain nine hundreth of them. After him was Eleazar the sonne of Dodeias, who had accompanied the Eleazar. king in Sarphat. He in a certaine battell (wherein thorow the huge multitude of the enemies, the Israelites were affrighted and put to flight) onely kept his place and affronted the enemy, and rushing in amongst them made a great slaughter of them: so that thorow the great quantitie of bloud which he shed, his sword stuck fast to his hand; and the Israelites seeing the Philistines put to flight by him, came downe and ranne vpon them, and obtained a miraculous and famous victorie ouer them. For Eleazar slaughtered those that fled, and the rest of the army followed and spoyled those that were slaine. The third was the sonne of Ilus called Sebas, who fighting against Sebas. D the Philistines, in a place called the Iawe (and seeing the Hebrewes to be affraid of their power, and almost out of heart) resisted them alone, as if he had bin an arraunged army, and slew some of them, and pursued and put the rest to flight, in that they were vnable to sustaine his force and violence. These three exploited with their owne hands these executions of warre. About that time that the king liued in Ierusalem, the army of the Philistines came out to make warre vpon him, and Dauid (as we haue declared heretofore) was gone vp into the higher citie to aske counsell of God, what the euent of that warre should bee, and the enemies being incamped in that valley (that extendeth it selfe as farre as Bethleem, a Citie some twentie furlongs distant from Ierusalem) Dauid said to his companions: There is verie good water in the place where I was born, and especially that which is in the pitte which is neere vnto the gate, if any one will bring me of Three champions passe thorow the enemies camp and drew water in Bethleem, and brought it [...]nto Dauid. E that water to drinke, I shall esteeme it more then if he gaue me great riches. These three men hearing these words, instantly ranne out, and past thorow the enemies campe, and went to Bethleem, where hauing drawne water, they returned backe vnto the king, sallying thorow the midst of their enemies, bringing newes that the Philistines being affraid of their hardinesse, and great courage, kept themselues vpon their guard, not daring to charge them; notwithstanding their small number. But the king tasted not of this water which they brought him, saying that it was bought with the danger of mens liues, and therefore that it was no reason he should drinke thereof, but he powred it out as an oblation vnto God, giuing him thankes because he had deliuered his seruants. After these three followed Abisai Ioabs brother, who slew six hundreth of the enemy Abisai. in one day. The fift was Banaia of the race of the Leuites, who being defied by certaine F brothers, famous amongst the Moabites for their vertue, ouercame them. Moreouer, a certaine Banaia, Aegyptian of a wonderfull stature, hauing defied him (notwithstanding the said Banaia was naked and the other armed) yet charged he him, and tooke away his iauelin and slewe him. To Banaias slew an Egyptian with his owne speare. these foresaid actes of his, a man may annex this as the most valiant, or very neerely equalling the rest. For it came to passe, that after a certaine snow a Lyon tossing amidst the flakes thereof, fell into a pit (whose mouth was so narrow, that a man could not discerne where it was, especially [Page 184] for that at the same time it was couered with snow) where being inclosed, and seeing no means G The yeare of the w [...]d, 2924 before Christ [...] b [...]h 1040. Banaia slew a Lion. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 13. 2. Reg 24. Dauid [...]endeth loab to muster the people. to escape, he roared out amaine: which when Banaia who passed that way heard, he followed the voice, and drew neere vnto the place; and afterwards went downe into the pit, where with a staffe he bare in his hand he fought with, ouercame, and slew the Lyon. The thirtie three other were of like valour and vertue. But King Dauid being desirous to know how many thousands of men he could number amongst the people, and forgetting the commaundement ordained by Moses (who had giuen order that if the people had beene numbred, there should be paid vnto God for euerie head halfe a sicle) he commanded Ioab to go and number all the people: and although Ioab had manifestly proued vnto him that it was a thing no waies necessarie; yet could he not perswade him, but that he enioyned him with all expedition, to set forward on his way, and muster the people of the Hebrewes. H
Hereupon Ioab tooke with him the principals of the Tribes and Scribes, and after circuited all the countrey of the Hebrewes, to know how many men there were, and at the end of nine moneths and twenty daies, he returned to Ierusalem to the king, and presented him with the list of the people, the tribe of Beniamin only excepted (for he neither numbred that tribe, nor the tribe of Leui.) This done, the king perceiuing that he had displeased God, was verie sorrowful and pensiue. The summe of the Israelites that were numbred. The route of the other Israelites was of nine hundreth thousand men, able to beare armes, and to follow the warre, besides that the only tribe of Iuda contained 400. thousand men. When the Prophets had certified Dauid how God was displeased with him, he began to pray & beseech him that it might please him to appease his wrath, and to pardon his offence. Hereupon God sent the Prophet Gad vnto him, who brought him the choise of three things, willing him to make election I which of the three he would endure, either that famine for seuen yeers space should raigne in his countries; or that warre for three moneths space should afflict the same, wherein he should haue the worst; or that the plague and pestilence should for three daies space raunge amongst the Hebrewes. Being thus distraught and troubled by reason of his difficult election, amidst these imminent miseries; and the Prophet vrging him to returne a short answere, whereby God might be satisfied: the king bethinking him that if he should aske famine, he should rather seeme to respect his owne securitie, then the common-weale, in that no daunger might by that meanes touch him, for that he had great store of corne in his barne, and they vnfurnished; and if for three moneths he should make choise to be ouercome by the enemy, in that case also he might seeme to haue care of himselfe, in that he had many strong Castles and a valiant guard of men to attend K Dauid hauing election of three sorts of punishment chose the plague. his person: he therefore made choise of a plague, that was both as incident to the prince, as the subiect; wherein each man was touched with equall and imminent feare, saying, that it was better to fall into the hands of God, then into the hands of his enemies. When the Prophet had receiued this answere from him, he reported it vnto God; who sent a plague and mortalitie amongst the Hebrewes, whereby they died after diuers manners: so that it was very hard to discerne the malady, which being but one in kinde, yet notwithstanding seased the people by ten thousand causes, and vnknowne occasions. For one of them died after another, and the sicknesse surprising them at vnwares, brought a sodain dissolution of the spirits, and swouning vpon them; so that some of them gaue vp the ghost with grieuous torments, and most strange dolors. Others were presently partched vp thorow the burning agonies they endured, and (vnrecouerable by L any counsell or remedy) consumed away amidst their languishing fits and tortures. Others died strangled, hauing their eies sodainly darkned and blinded. Othersome giuing order for the buriall of their houshold seruants, died before they were thorowly interred; and from the day break A huge slaughter of those that died of the past [...]lence that was i [...]flicted by God. Dauid prayed for the innocent people. (at which time the pestilent mortalitie began to rage) vntill dinner time, there died seuenty thousand persons. And now had the Angell of God stretched out his hand ouer Ierusalem readie to inflict punishment thereon, when as the king put on sackcloth and prostrated himselfe on the ground, beseeching and praying God that it would please him to surcease his wrath, and be pacified with the number of those that were already consumed by the pestilence. Whilest thus he prayed, lifting vp his eies, he beheld the angell of God houering in the ayre ouer Ierusalem, with his naked sword: whereupon he besought God and said, that it was hee that was the shepheard, M who had deserued to bee punished, and not his flocke; who ought to be fauoured in that they had not any waies offended, praying him to satisfie his displeasure vpon him and his posteritie, and to spare the people.
Hereupon God accepting this prayer, surceased the plague, and sent the Prophet Gad vnto him, commanding him that he should presently repaire to the threshing floore of Oronna the A commaundement to [...]ld an Altar. Iebusite, and there build an altar, on which he should offer sacrifice vnto God. Which when Dauid [Page 185] vnderstood, he neglected not this ordinance, but went presently to the appointed place. The yeare of the world. 2930. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1034. Oronna the Iebusite, supra lib. 7. ch. 3 called Orphona. Oronna giueth Dauid his floore. The summe that was paied for the threshing floore. A When Oronna (who threshed his come) saw the king (accompanied by his sonnes) comming towards him, he ranne out to meete him, and humbled himselfe before him. This man was by nation a Iebusite, and one of the greatest friends that Dauid had (by meanes whereof he left him vnspoiled at such time as the fortresse of the Iebusites was taken, as we ha [...] heretofore declared.) Oronna asked him for what cause his Lord came thus vnto him, who was his seruant? Dauid answered him that it was to this intent, that he might purchase his threshing floore, to the intent that he might build an Altar in that place, and offer sacrifice vnto God. Oronna replied, that both his floore, chariots, and oxen were the kings to offer vp for a burnt sacrifice, beseeching God that he would graciously accept that offering. To this the king answered, that he highly esteemed his simplicitie and magnaminitie, and that he fauourably respected B the offer he had made him, yet that it was his pleasure that he should receiue the price of the same, because he held it an inconuenient to offer sacrifice vnto God vpon other mens charges. To this Oronna aunswered, that his Maiestie might doe as best pleased him. Hereupon he bought the foresaid floore of him for fiftie sicles. Then erected he an Altar in this place, The place of the Altar that was built. Gen 22. Supra li. 1. ch. 13 and offered sacrifices thereon, as well burnt offerings as other sacrifices for prosperitie: and by this meanes the diuine maiestie was appeased, and euer after shewed himselfe fauourable. (Now this place was the verie same, whereto Abraham in times past had brought his sonne Isaac to offer him vp for a burnt sacrifice vnto God, and as he was about to sacrifice him, a Wether vpon the instant presented it selfe neere vnto the Altar, which Abraham offered vp in steede of his sonne, as we haue heretofore made manifest.) Dauid seeing that God had heard C his prayer, and fauourably accepted his sacrifice, decreed that in that place the generall Altar of the people should stand, and that on the verie same floore he would build a Temple vnto God: which words of his God afterwards ratified. For sending his Prophet vnto him, hee certified him that his sonne that should succeed him, should build a Temple. After Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 14. The workmen allotted for the building of the Temple. this propheticall declaration, the King commaunded to number the inhabitantes of Ierusalem, and it was found that they were one hundreth and fourescore thousand men: of which number hee appointed eightie thousand to intend the hewing of stones; and ordered that the rest of the common people should beare stones vnto them: and he appointed three thousand and fiue hundreth, who should gouerne them, & haue the ouerseeing of the workes. He gathered 1 Paral. 22. Dauid gathereth great store of iron, brasse & wood. also a great quantitie of Iron and brasse, to worke vpon, with store of huge and mightie Cedar trees, D which they of Tyre and Sidon sent him, whom he had put in trust to furnish him therewith; telling his friends that he made that preparation at that time, to the intent that when his sonne should fortune to gouerne after him, he might haue stuffe in a readinesse for the building of the Temple: and to the intent that he being as yet young and vnexperimented, should not be troubled with the gathering therof, but hauing all things in a readinesse, might finish the building of the Temple.
CHAP. XI.
Dauid during his life time surrendreth the kingdome to▪ Salomon. E
THen calling vnto him his sonne Salomon, he charged him that after his decease, and his enstalment in the kingdome, he should build a temple vnto God: telling him that though The building of Salomons Temple is commaunded. he had both a will and intent to performe the same; yet that he was contradicted by God, for that he had beene soyled with slaughters, and brought vp in warre. Adding further, that it was foreprophecied vnto him, that the finishing of that edifice was by Gods ordinance reserued to his yonger sonne that should be called Salomon, whom God should no lesse tender and care for, then the father doth his sonne: and how the whole land of the Hebrewes should be made happy vnder this Prince; and among all other benefits, that they should haue peace (which is an especiall prerogatiue and blessing) and not onely be freed from forraine warres, but also from ciuill F dissensions. For which cause (said he) since by God thou wert appointed King before thou wast borne, indeuour thy selfe to be capable and worthy to be conducted by his prouidence, by honouring Dauid coun [...]elleth Salomon [...]o honour God. pietie, iustice and fortitude, & keeping those his ordinances and lawes, which he gaue vs by Moses, and not permitting others to transgresse the same. And as touching the temple (which he will that thou shalt build when thou shalt obtaine the kingdome) enforce thy selfe to discharge that duety towards God: neither be thou dismaid or afraid at the greatnes of the work. For before I [Page 186] shall depart out of this world, I will set all things in a readines for thee. Know therefore that I G The yeare of the world. 2930. before Christs Natiuity 1034. The treasure that was gathered towards the building of the Temple. The assistants that Salomon had in building the tēple. The commandement as touching the Arke, and laying vp al other sacred vtensils within the Temple. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 15. Dauid groweth old and numbe. Abisace warmeth him. haue alreadie gathered ten thousand talents of gold, and an hundreth thousand talents of siluer; of brasse and yron there is as much, which is a thing innumerable; of stone and of wood, a matter most incredible. Moreouer thou shalt haue many thousands of masons and carpenters, and if ought be defectiue besides these, thou shalt thy selfe make prouision thereof: when thou hast performed this, thou shalt be gracious in gods sight, who shall be thy soueraigne and safe conductor. He exhorted also the gouernours of the people to set to their helping hand, and yeelde their assistāce to his sonne in finishing this worke, & in furthering the seruice of God without suspition of any inconuenient; assuring them that they should enioy a firme peace, and a flourishing estate (such blessings as God bestoweth vpon those that studie after pietie and iustice.) Moreouer he charged him to place the Arke within the Temple at such time as it should be finished, H with all other sacred vtensils; for the receit whereof the Temple should long since haue beene builded, had not their forefathers neglected Gods commaund, who had enioyned them, that at such time as they should possesse their enemies land, they should build him a Temple. These were Dauids exhortations, not onely vnto his sonne, but also to the other Princes.
Now when Dauid was verie olde, so that by reason of his yeares his bodie was so cold and benumd, that notwithstanding the many couerings and clothes they laid vpon him, yet could he not be her or warmed: his Phisitions assembled themselues together and consulted, and at last conluded, that one of the fairest virgins that was in the countrey, might be chosen out to lie with the king: because by this meanes she might warme his chill lims, and comfort his decaying heat. Wherupon after search made, they found out a Damsell called Abisace which surpassed all I other in beautie, who slept with him and warmed him: for by reason of his age, he was vnable to haue the vse of a woman. But of this virgin hereafter we shall make further mention.
The fourth sonne of Dauid was a goodly tall young man, called Adonias, the sonne of Aegistha, who (resembling Absalon in complexion, and ambition) began to vsurpe with a deliberation 3. Reg. 1. Adonias affecteth the kingdome. to make himselfe king, and amongst his ordinarie discourses which he vsed to his friends, he said that it behooued him to take possession of the kingdome. To this intent he prepared many chariots and horses, and fiftie men to attend him for his guard. His father certified of these his proceedings, reproued him not, neither crossed this his deliberation; neither demaunded of him likewise, wherefore he presumed to attempt such vnseemely actions. Of this his reuolt he had The yeare of the world. 2931. before Christ birth 1033. for his coadiutors Ioab the general, and the high Priest Abiathar: but they that contradicted him K were the high Priest Sadoc, and the Prophet Nathan, and Banaia the captaine of the guard, with Simei Dauids friend: besides all other the valiant men at aries. Whereas therefore Adonias made a banquet out of the Citie, and in the suburbes neere vnto the fountaine of the parke royall, he inuited all his brethren vnto the same, except Salomon; and tooke with him Ioab and Abiathar, with the gouernours of the tribe of Iuda: but as touching Sadoc, the Prophet Nathan, Banaia, & the rest of the contrary partie, he called them not vnto the banquet. This did the prophet Nathan tell to Bethsabe Salomons mother, certifying her that Adonias was made King without Bethsabe by Nathās perswa sion certifieth Daiud of Adonias vsurpatiō, the knowledge of Dauid, aduising her both to haue care of hir owne securitie, and the estate & maiestie of her sonne (who by reason of Adonias vsurpation was like to be supplanted) wishing her in person to certifie the king thereof: and further promising, that whilest she debated these L things with the King, he would come in in the meane while, & confirme that which she had said. Bethsabe being thus perswaded by Nathan, came vnto the King, and humbling hir selfe before him (& afterwards requiring licence to speake vnto him) she certified him of all those things that had hapned, according as she had beene aduised by the Prophet: particularly deciphering vnto him what banquet Adonias had made, and what guestes he had inuited (namely Abiathar and Ioab, with the rest of his sonnes, except Salomon and his particular friends) vrging this furthermore, that the people expected, who it should be whom Dauid would nominate to succeed him: for which cause she earnestly besought Dauid that he would prouide & forsee, that he who should succeed him in the gouerment, should neither seeke her bloud, nor the death of her son Salomon. Whilest Bethsabe discoursed after this manner, the chamberlaines gaue the king to vnderstand M that Nathan attended to speake with him. Whereupon Dauid commaunded that he should be called in, and as soone as he was entred, he asked the king if that day he had appointed Adonias to gouerne and succeed in the kingdome after him? for that (said he) he hath made a sumptuous feast; where unto he hath inuited all thy sonnes, but Salomon; thither also hath he called Ioab: where after the great cheere and banquetting, they haue proclaimed and cried, long liue King Adonias. Furthermore (said he) he hath neither inuited me, nor the high Priest Sadoc, nor the [Page 187] captaine of the guard Banaia. It therefore behooueth thee to let vs know, if this be done by thy The yeare of the world, 2931. before Christs Natiuitie, 1033. A approbation and allowance.
As soone as Nathan had made an end of his speech, Dauid commanded that Bethsabe should be called in (who had retired her selfe out of the kings chamber, at such time as the Prophet entred into the same.) As soon as Bethsabe reentred the chamber, Dauid said vnto her, I sweare vnto thee by that great God, that thy sonne Salomon shall raigne after me, according as before this The kingdome is confirmed to Salomon by an oth. time I haue already sworne vnto thee, and he it is that shall sit vpon my throne, yea euen this present day. Vpon these words Bethsabe humbled her selfe, and besought God to grant the king long life. Whereupon he called for Sadoc the high priest, and Banaia captaine of the guard, and gaue them in charge to take the Prophet Nathan with them, and all the men at armes that attended him in court, charging them to mount his sonne Salomon vpon the royall Moyle, and B to conduct him out of the Citie neere vnto the fountaine of Gehon: in which place (after they had annointed him with holy oyle) he willed them to proclaime Salomon king, commanding the high priest Sadoc and the Prophet Nathan to see his will performed; charging those that followed him thorow the Citie with sound of trumpet and a loud voice to crie out, that Salomon was seated for euer on his fathers throne, to the intent that all the people might vnderstand that by his fathers consent he was declared king. But as touching Salomon, he gaue him instructions how he ought to behaue himselfe with pietie and iustice, in the gouernment of all the people of the Hebrewes, and of the tribe of Iuda. After this, Banaia besought God that it would please him to bee fauourable vnto Salomon, and with all expedition Salomon was mounted vpon the kings mule, and conducted out of the Citie neere vnto the fountaine; where (after he had been Salomon is annointed king, and placed in his fathers throne. C annointed with oyle) they brought him backe againe into the Citie with ioy and applause, wishing him a long and prosperous gouernment: then reconducting him to the kings pallace, they placed him in his throne; and on the instant all the people began to celebrate banquets & feasts, and to disport and reioyce themselues with dances and instruments of musicke: so that by reason of the multitude of instruments both the earth and the ayre resounded therewith. So that Adonias and they that banquetted with him, hearing the noyse, were all of them sore troubled; and Ioab in particular said, that those tunes and trumpettings did no waies content him.
Whilest thus they sate at the banquet, and euerie man thorow amase forbore to eate his meat, (being distracted thorow varietie of thoughts) Ionathan the sonne of Abiathar came hastily in D amongst them. This yoong man did Adonias most willingly behold, and said that he was a messenger of some glad tydings: but contrariwise he recited vnto them all that which had befallen Salomon, or had been decreed by Dauid. Whereupon Adonias and all his guests forsooke the banquet, and sodainly fled euerie man vnto his own house. But Adonias fearing the kings displeasure Adonias for feare of the kings displeasure flieth from his banquet, and taketh hold of the hornes of the Altar. (by reason of his ambition and arrogancie) ranne vnto the altar, and laying hold of it after the manner of a suppliant, hung thereon, according as he in reason had cause to doe. Now when these tydings were brought vnto Salomon, and what he had done, and how he required that Salomon would assure him, that he would neuermore call to memorie that which had hapned, but pardon his offence: Salomon answered him gratiously and moderately, and pardoned him that fault; notwithstanding with this caution, that if hereafter it should appeare that he intended or E acted any rebellion, it should be Adonias himselfe, who should be the author of his mischiefe: with this answere he sent some to deliuer him from the altar. When as therefore he came into Salomons presence & had saluted him, he was commanded to repaire home vnto his house, without suspect of any inconuenient: yet by the way was he admonished to behaue himselfe vprightly, for the time to come, if in any sort he either respected his credit or profit: But Dauid willing that his sonne should be accepted for their knowne and annointed king amongst the people, assembled the gouernours in Ierusalem, with the Priests and Leuites; and first of all taking the number Dauid numbreth the Leuites, and distribuith their offices. of them, he found thirtie three thousand men that were aboue thirtie three yeeres olde; twenty & three thousand of which, he appointed to take charge of the building of the temple, six thousand to be Iudges and Scribes, with the like number of musitions to play vpon instruments, who F were furnished by Dauid (as we haue heretofore declared) and distributed by him according to their families. So that separating the Priests from the rest of their tribe, he found foure and twenty 1. Paral 13. The diuision of the Priests into 24. kinreds, 2. Paral. 24. families of them, sixteene of the house of Eleazar, and eight of the house of Ithamar, giuing order that one onely family should for the space of eight daies performe Gods seruice. And thus were all the families distributed by lot in the presence of Dauid, of the high priests Sadoc and Abiathar, and of all the gouernours. The first family that ascended the temple was written first, [Page 188] the second next, and so successiuely the rest, to the number of foure and twenty (and this law remaineth G The yeare of the world 2931. before Christs Natiuitie. 1033. He deuided the Leuites into 24. parts. Moses posteritie appointed to keepe the diuine treasure. in the same sort euen vnto this day.) He made also twenty and foure diuisions of the tribe of Leui (who ascended according as they were chosen by lot, in the same manner as did the priests, euerie eight day.) He honoured in particular those of Moses posteritie: for he appointed them to be keepers of Gods treasurie, and of those presents which the kings should offer. He enacted also, that all (as well Leuites as Priests) should serue God day and night, according as they were commanded by Moses. That done, he distributed his whole army into twelue companies, with their gouernours, centurions and conducters: euery squadron contained foure and twenty thousand men, whom hee appointed to guard and attend king Salomon, for the space of thirtie daies (continuing from the first vntill the last, with their captaines ouer thousands, and centurions.) He likewise established those men in office and authoritie ouer euery squadron, whom hee H 1 Paral. 26. The army deuided into 12 parts. 1. Paral. 27. Dauid assembling the gouernors of the tribes commendeth his son Salomon to thē. 1. Paral. 28. knew to be most resolute and vertuous. He appointed also surueiros, who should haue the charge of the treasure, of the burroughs and fields, and of the cattell (whose names in mine opinion it were vnnecessarie to declare.) After that euerie one of these things were in this manner disposed, he summoned all the gouernours of the Hebrewes (and in generall all those that had any commission ouer the affaires or demaines of the kings) to a generall assembly, and seating himselfe in a hie erected throne, he spake after this manner. ‘My brethren and countrimen, I am desirous that you should know, that hauing determined with my selfe to build a temple vnto God, I haue made prouision of a great quantity of gold and siluer, the sum whereof amounteth to a hundreth thousand talents: but God by the Prophet Nathan hath forbidden me to build the same, by reason of your wars, and for that my hand hath bin soiled with the slaughter of enemies, and hath I commanded that my son (who shall succeed me in my kingdome) shall erect a temple vnto him. Now therfore since you are ascertained that amongst the twelue sons of Iacob, Iuda, by the general consent of them all, obtained the principality; & that I amongst my six brethren haue bin preferred & placed by God in the kingdome, and notwithstanding no one of them supposeth himselfe to be iniured: so do I also request that Salomon hauing obtained the empire, my other sons, neither in respect of him, nor amongst themselues nourish any vnnaturall hatreds and seditions, but knowing that he is chosen by God, they may willingly subiect themselues to his dominion. For whereas if God so pleaseth, it is not to be misliked to submit our selues to forrain subiection, how much more are ye bound to congratulate and fauour your brother no otherwise, then if you were partakers of the same honors with him? Truely I desire nothing more then that Gods promises K may be brought to effect, and that that felicitie which attendeth this region (vnder the gouernment of Salomon) may presently be dispersed, & perpetually indure in this countrey: Which without doubt will so fall out, and all things shall happely succeede, if thou my sonne be a maintainer of pietie and iustice and the ancient lawes, and ordinances of thy progenitors, otherwise if these be neglected, there is no other thing to be expected but mortalitie and miserie. After he Dauid giueth his sonne the modle of the Temple had finished these sayings, he gaue his sonne the plot and modle of the building of the Temple, with all the foundations both of the houses and chambers, togither with the number, height and breadth of the same. he also limited the waight of those vessels that were to be fashioned either of gold or of siluer, exhorting him to employ all his care and diligence in performance of the same. He incouraged likewise the gouernours and the tribe of Leui to assist him, both for that L his yeeres had not as yet obtained their ripe maturity, as also for that by Gods diuine prouidence he was admitted and elected king, and was appointed to build the temple, assuring them that the building would be verie easie and no waies laborious; considering that he had prepared a great number of talents of gold, and far more of siluer, and wood, besides a great multitude of carpenters and hewers of stone, a great quantitie likewise of Emeraulds, and other sorts of pretious stones. Lastly, he told them that now also for the present, he would bestow on them to that vse, other three thousand talents of pure gold, out of his owne treasurie to adorne the holy place, and The princes of the people gaue a huge summe of gold siluer, brasse & precious stones towards the building of the Temple. the chariot of God, and the Cherubims, that should stand vpon the Arke, and couer it with their winges. Now when the king had spoken after this manner, all the gouernours, priests and Leuites according togither, shewed a great readinesse, and made many signall and heroicall offers. M For they tied themselues to bring fiue thousand talents of gold and ten thousand stateres; of siluer a hundreth thousand, and of iron many thousand talents; and if any one of them had a pretious stone, he brought it and deliuered it to the treasurers custody, who was called Ialus, being one of Moses posteritie.’This thing highly contented all the people, and Dauid (seeing the affection and readinesse of the gouernors and priests, and in generall of all the rest) began to blesse God with a loud voice, calling him the creator and father of this whole world, the fashioner both of diuine [Page 189] and humane things, and the president and gouernour of the Hebrewes, and their felicitie and The yeare of the world 2931. before Christs birth 1033. A the kingdome by him committed vnto him. After this, he praied for all the people that they might be bountifully blessed, and priuately he besought God to giue his sonne a good and iust minde, furnished and adorned with all vertue. He commanded the people likewise to sing praises vnto God: which they performed, and prostrated themselues vpon the earth, and afterwards gaue thankes vnto Dauid, for all those benefits they had receiued during the time of his gouernment. The next day in way of sacrifice vnto God, they offered vp a thousand calues, a thousand 1 Par. 29. The [...]fices and [...]stiuall solem [...]ed vpon Salomons coronation. rammes and a thousand lambes for sacrifice and a burnt offring: in way of peace offrings also, they slew many thousand other beasts. The king celebrated a feast all that day with the whole people, and Salomon was annointed with oyle the second time, and proclaimed king. Sadoc also was established high priest of all the people, and Salomon was conducted into the kings house, B and placed in his fathers throne, and from that day forward they obeied him.
CHAP. XII.
The death of Dauid, and how much he left his sonne towards the building of the temple.
NOt long time after this, Dauid fell sicke thorow age, and knowing that he should depart Hedio & Ruffinus ch 16. 3. Reg. 2. Dauids last counsaile to Salomon. out of this world, he called for Salomon his sonne, and spake vnto him after this manner following. ‘My sonne, I must now depart and sleepe with my fathers, and enter the common way, which both they that now liue, and those which come after shall tract; from whence C we may not returne, neither behold and reuisit those things that are done in this life. For which cause, whilest I yet liue and drawe onward to my death, I earnestly exhort thee (as heretofore I haue counselled thee) that thou behaue thy selfe iustly towards thy subiects, and deuoutly towards God, that hath honored thee with this kingdome; charging thee to keepe his precepts and lawes which he hath giuen vs by Moses, and to take heede least either surprised by slatterie, or misled by fauour, or seduced by couetousnesse or any other sinister affection, thou be drawne to neglect and forsake the same: for thou canst by no meanes continue in Gods fauour, except thou keepe his lawes, for otherwise he will withdraw his prouidence from thee. But if in such sort as it becommeth thee and we wish, thou behauest thy selfe towards him, thou shalt continue the kingdome in our family; and no other house at any time but our owne, shall obtaine the dominion D ouer the Hebrewes. Remember likewise the iniquitie of Ioab, who thorow emulation Dauid willeth Salomon to punish Ioab. slew two good and iust generals, Abner the sonne of Ner, and Amasa the sonne of Iethram: punish him according as thou thinkest meete, for that hitherto he hath escaped punishment, by reason he was stronger and more powerfull then my selfe. I commend also vnto thee the sons of Berzillai the Galaadite, whom for my sake aduance to honor, and adorne with dignities: not in bestowing Dauid cōmendeth Berzillai sonnes to Salomon. How Simei should be punished. any benefits on them, but in repaying those curtesies I haue receiued, which their father with a liberal hand bestowed vpon me during the time of my banishment, and for which he made vs indebted to him. As touching Semei the sonne of Gera of the tribe of Beniamin, who during the time of my flight, and at such time as I retired my selfe into my campe, iniured me with great outrages, and afterwards came out to meete me neere vnto Iordan, and tooke assurance of me, E that for that time I should not punish him; at this present seeke you after him and doe iustice vpon him.’
After he had thus exhorted his sonne, and had communicated with him all his affaires, both as touching his friends, as those also whom he thought worthy of punishment, he gaue vppe the The yeares of the age and raigne togither with the vertues of Dauid. ghost (after he had liued seuentie yeeres, and raigned in Hebron a Citie of Iuda for the space of seuen yeeres and a halfe, & thirtie three in Ierusalem ouer the whole nation.) He was a iust man, adorned with all vertue, requisite in a king that should haue the gouernment of so many nations. For he was valiant beyond comparison, and in those battels which he fought for his subiects: he was the first that thrust himselfe into danger, and exhorted his souldiers to behaue themselues valiantly, not commanding them like their gouernour, but trauailing and fighting with them as F their fellow souldier. He was sufficient both in knowledge and foresight, both how to accept of the present, and how to manage his future occasions: he was moderate, and iust, curteous, and fauourable to those that were afflicted, and both iust and gentle, which are those ornaments wherwith princes ought to be beautified: and in this great authority wherein he was placed, he stepped not any waies awry, but in respect of Viras wife. He left as much or rather more riches behinde him, they any other king of the Hebrewes, or other nations had done. His sonne Salomon buried [Page 190] him most royally in Ierusalem, with all those ceremonies which were accustomed in royall obsequies, The yeare of the world, 2923 before Christs birth 10 [...]. The sumptuous sepulchre of Dauid. Hircanus ta [...]th a huge summe of money out of Dauids tombe. Herode spoyleth Dauids sepulcher. G & amongst other things he buried a great and huge value of riches with him, the incredible estimate whereof may be coniectured by that which followeth. For one thousand three hundreth yeares after, the hie Priest Hircanus being besieged by Antiochus surnamed the wicked (who was Demetrius son) & willing to gratifie him with some sum of mony (to the intent he might leuie the siege, and transport his armie some otherwaies) and vnable to leuie money by any other means, he opened one Cabinet of the monuments of Dauid, from whence he drewe three thousand talents which he deliuered to Antiochus, and by this meanes deliuered the Citie from the siege (as we haue declared in an other place.) And againe a long time after this, Herod also opened an other Cabinet, from whence he tooke out a great summe. And as touching the tombes of Princes no man defaced them, because they were most magnificently builded, for feare least they should H be esteemed destroyers of monuments. But for the present it sufficeth that I haue certified thus much.
THE EIGHTH BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 How Salomon obtaining the kingdome, expelled his enemies.
- 2 Of the riches, prudence and wisedome of Salomon, and how first of all he builded the Temple in Ierusalem.
- 3 How Salomon being dead, the people reuolted from Roboam his sonne, and made Hieroboam king of the ten tribes.
- 4 How Susac king of the Aegyptians sacking Ierusalem, caried away the riches of that Citie into K Aegypt.
- 5 The warre of Hieroboam against Abiam Roboams sonne, and the slaughter of his armie, and how Basanes the rooter out of Hieroboams posteritie occupied the kingdome.
- 6 The irruption of the Aethipians into the land of the Hebrewes vnder Asa, and the ouerthrow of their armie.
- 7 Basans stocke being wholy rooted out amongst the Israelites, Zamri ruled in Israel with his sonne Achab.
- 8 Adad king of Damasco and Syria, encamping and fighting two seuerall times against Achab, is ouerthrowne.
- 9 Of Iosaphat king of Ierusalem. L
- 10 Achab being prouoked to warre by the Sryans is ouercome and slaine in the battell.
CHAP. I.
How Salomon obtaining the kingdome expulsed his enemies.
WE haue declared in the former Booke what Dauid was, how great his The reare of the world. 2931. before Christ birth 1033. 3. Reg. 2. Salomon king of Israel after Dauids death. vertue hath beene, what profits and benefits those of his nation receiued by him, what warres and battels he worthily exployted, and how happily at last (through extremitie of age) he departed out of this M life. But after that Salomon his sonne (being at that time verie young) had obtained the kingdome, and was placed in his fathers throne (according as Dauid had determined, and the diuine power had decreed) the whole people (according to the common course in the election of newe Princes) with happie acclamations wished him perpetuall felicitie in all his affaires, and after his well gouerned estate and royaltie, long, many & prosperous yeares. But Adonias, who during his fathers life time [Page 191] thought to possesse and seaze himselfe of the royall estate, came vnto the kings mother, and with The yeare of the world, 2931. before Christi Natiuitie, 1033. A all humilitie & reuerence saluted her. To whom Bethsabe said, that if there were anything wherin she might sted him, he should manifest it vnto her, and that she would grant it him willingly. Whereupon he began to say, that it was a thing verie well knowen that the kingdome appertained vnto him, both in regard of his age, as also in respect of the fauour and good liking of the people: but since that it had beene transferred vnto Salomon hir sonne by the will of God, he was content therewith, and would be his seruant, being verie glad of the fortunate successe of his affaires. He therefore besought her that she would solicite Salomon in his behalfe, and perswade him to giue him Abisace to wife, who had slept with Dauid, for that he had not had any carnall Adonias requireth Abisace to wife. company with her by reason of his age, and that as yet she was fully possessed of her virginitie. Bethsabe promised him to further his suit to the vtmost of hir power, and willingly to employ her B selfe toward the accomplishing of the marriage, both for that the king was willing to gratifie her in whatsoeuer she should desire; as also for that she would instantly intreat him: so that he departed from her with assured hope of good successe in respect of his marriage. Hereupon presently did Bethsabe addresse her selfe to the king, intending to certifie him both what Adonias had requested, and what she had granted. When tidings came to Salomon that his mother came to visit him, he went out to meete her, and embraced her, & afterwards conducting her into the place where the royall treasure was, he sate him downe, and commaunded his seruants to place a seat on his right hand, for his mother, who setled by him spake vnto him after this manner. My sonne, vouchsafe me one fauour that I shall request at thy hands, and send me not hence discontended, and confused thorow thy refusall. Salomon answered her, that she should commaund him, by C reason that dutie tied him to the satisfaction and fauour of his mothers suites, reprouing her for that insinuation she had vsed, by reason that thereby she euidently expressed that she was not thorowly assured to obtaine her demaund; but that she feared the refusall and repulse in the same: she therefore required him to giue the Damsell Abisace for wife to Adonias his brother. The King displeased at this her suit dismissed his mother, alledging that Adonias hammered hie thoughts in his head, & that he wōdred that in requiring Abisace to wife, he had not requested Salomō likewise to giue him place in the kingdome: for Adonias was elder than he, and had more mightie friends then he had; namely the generall Ioab and the high Priest Abiathar. For which cause he incontinently sent Banaia captaine of his guard to kill Adonias his brother. Then calling vnto him the Adonias is slaine. Abiathar is dispossessed of the priesthood high Priest Abiathar: The paines (said he) that thou hast endured by accompanying my father D Dauid, and attending and bearing the Arke with him, make thee escape from death: yet notwithstanding for that thou hast beene an assistant to Adonias, and followed his faction, I condemne thee to depart from my presence, charging thee not to see my face any more, but to retire thy selfe to thine owne house, and there to liue in thy countrey vntill thou hast ended thy daies: for hauing in this sort neglected me, it is not conuenient that thou shouldest be in honour with me. For this cause was the house of Ithamar depriued of the priestly dignitie (according as God had foreprophecied to Eli one of the auncestors of Abiathar) and translated to the race of Phinees, and established in Sadoc. Those of the race of Phinees, who led a priuate life all that time that the Priesthood remained in the familie of Ithamar (wherof Eli was the first) were these, Boccias the The genealogy of the high Priest Sadoc. sonne of Ioseph, Ioatham the sonne of Boccias, Maraeoth the sonne of Ioatham, Aropha the sonne of E Maraeoth, Achitob the sonne of Aropha, Sadoc the sonne Achitob, who was the first high Priest vnder king Dauid.
Ioab hauing tidings of the death of Adonias was seazed with sodaine and extreme feare: for he loued him more than king Salomon, and by reason of that friendship which he bare vnto him, he iustly and vpon good grounds apprehended his owne danger, and in this respect he fled vnto the altar, hoping in that place to be secured in regard of that reuerēce which the king bare vnto God. But when Ioabs resolution was made knowne vnto the king, he sent Banaia vnto him with commission to bring him from the altar, and to conduct him to the iudgement seat, that he might in that place iustifie his actions: But Ioab said that he would neuer abandon the Temple, but that he had rather die in that place than in another. When Banaia had certified the king of this his answer, F he commanded him to cut off his head in the same place, according as he required, and that in that sort he should be punished by reason of the two murthers, which he had cursedly committed vpon the persons of Abner and Amasa: commanding that his bodie should be buried in the same place, to the end that his sinnes should neuer depart from his race, and that both Dauid and Salomon might be held guiltlesse of the death of Ioab. This commaund of his Banaia Ioab is slaine, Banaia is substituted in his place. executed, and was afterward made generall of all the men of warre. Moreouer the king established [Page 192] Sadoc soly in the place of Abiathar whom he had deposed. He commanded Semei also G The yeare of the world 29 [...]1. before Christs Natiuitie. 1033. Sadoc obtaineth Abiathars place in the Priesthood. Simeies punishment and death. to build him a house in Ierusalem, and to keepe himselfe therein, without passing the floud of Cedron: for if he chanced to breake that commaundement, the penaltie which he should incurre, should be no lesse then death; and to the more serious performance of this his iniunction, he tied him by a solemne oath. Semei thanked Salomon for the charge he had imposed on him, and swore that he would fulfill the same: so that forsaking his owne countrey he came and dwelt in Ierusalem, where after he had soiourned for the space of three yeeres, it hapned that he had newes that two of his fugitiue slaues had fled, and retired themselues in Geth: whereupon he went to finde them out, and no sooner returned he backe againe with them, but that the king had intelligence that he had neglected his commandement; and that which is more, that he had broken that oath which he made vnto God: wherewith he was wroth. For which cause calling him vnto H him, he spake after this manner: ‘Hast thou not sworne (said he) that thou wilt no waies abandon or issue out of this Citie to depart into an other? Truely thou shalt not escape the penalty of thy periurie, but I will see iustice done vpon thee for the same, and for those outrages thou didst offer vnto my father during his flight, at which time thou didst shew thy selfe to be a wicked man in all things: to the end that thou maiest vnderstand that the wicked receiue no priuiledge, although that their punishments be for the present deferred, but at such time as they suppose themselues to be assured (because they haue suffered no punishment) their punishment is augmented and made more grieuous, then it had been if they had presently beene executed for their offences.’ Whereupon Banaia slew Semei, according as he was commanded. From that day forward Salomon Hedio & Ruffinus chap. 2. 3. Reg 3. Salomon marieth the king of Egypts daughter, and establisheth the kingdome. had his royall estate secured, and after that his enemies had receiued condigne punishment, I he tooke to wife the daughter of Pharao king of Aegypt, and afterwards builded the walles of Ierusalem, farre greater and more stronger then they were before: and all the rest of his life, he gouerned his common-weale in peace; so that his youthly yeeres hindred him not from the obseruation of iustice, and the maintenance of lawes, neither excluded the remembrance of that which his father had charged him at the houre of his death: but behauing himselfe in all things exactly, he executed the affaires of his kingdome with that circumspection, that such, as excelled him in yeeres and were aduanced in prudence, could not surpasse him.
CHAP. II.
Of the wisedome, prudence, and riches of Salomon, and how first of all he builded K the Temple in Ierusalem.
AS soone as he came to Hebron, he determined to pay his vowes vnto God, on that brazen altar which was erected by Moses, and sacrificed thereon in burnt offrings a thousand God appeareth to Salomon by night in a dreame and willeth him to [...]ke that which most of all he desired. head of cattell; which honourable deuotion of his was most acceptable vnto God. For the very same night, after he had appeared vnto him in a dreame, he commaunded him to aske whatsoeuer blessing (as he imagined) sufficient to recompence this his pietie. But Salomon required a most high and excellent thing, which God doth most liberally bestow, and men in like sort very happily receiue. For he demanded neither gold nor siluer, nor any otherkind of riches (such as a youthly man would require) for these are onely affected by the common sort, when the other L are onely worthy of the diuine magnificence: But giue me (said he) O Lord a ripe iudgement and a good vnderstanding, to the intent that by these meanes, I may administer iustice to this people with truth and equitie. With this demaund of his God was greatly delighted, and promised Salomon requireth wisedome at Gods hands who with it giueth him riches and honours also. him to giue him all other things wherof he had made no mention, namely riches and glorie, and aboue all these such an vnderstanding and wisedome, as no one man either king or priuate hath had before him. Moreouer, that he would continue the kingdome in his family for many ages, if so be that he continued in the waies of iustice, and obeyed God in all things, and walked in his fathers waies in imitating his chiefest vertues.
After that Salomon had receiued these blessings from God, and was made happy by these promises, he forsooke his bed, and worshipping God returned vnto Ierusalem, where he offered M great sacrifices before the Tabernacle; and magnifically feasted all those of his houshold. About the same time a verie difficult iudgement was brought him to decide, the resolution whereof, was very hard to bee discouered. And I haue thought it necessarie to declare the occasions whereon at that present the debate was grounded, to the end that the readers may vnderstand the difficultie of the cause in question, and that if they happen at any time to be assistant in such like affaires, they might draw as it were from the counterfeit of this kings wisedome, a perfect [Page 193] modle whereby they may directly shape an answere to such demaunds as shall be offered them The yeare of the world. 2931. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1033. Two women accuse one an other for [...] chaunge of their children. A Two women of loose and lustfull conuersation came vnto him, one of which (who seemed to haue suffered the iniurie) began after this manner: ‘I, O king (said she) and this woman dwell togither in one chamber; but so it fortuned that both of vs on one day and at the same houre, bare each of vs a sonne: some three daies after we were brought a bed, this woman lying by her infant, hath in sleepe ouerlaid it and stifled it, and hath taken my childe from betweene my knees and laid it by her, and setled the dead childe whilest I slept, in my bosome. Now on the morrow when I thought to offer the teate vnto mine infant, I found not mine owne, but perceiued that her child lay dead by me: for I knew it, because I had exactly marked it. This my childe I haue redemaunded at her hands, and because I could not recouer it, I haue made my recourse vnto your maiesties iustice, O king: for in that we were sole women, and she is obstinate and feareth not to be B conuicted by any, she persisteth in her obstinate denyall of the same.’After the king had heard this her demaund, he inquired of the other if she had any thing to answere vnto this accusation. But she denying the act, and auerring that the childe which remained aliue, was hers; and that the dead one appertained to the other: and besides that, since no man appeared that might determine the controuersie, but all the assistance were amazed at the obscuritie and difficultie of the debate; the king at last bethought him of this pollicie. He commanded that both the children should be brought before his presence, as wel the liuing, as the dead; and calling one of his guard Salomon cō mandeth both the children▪ to be deuided into two parts. vnto him, he commanded him with his naked sword, to cut both the children into two parts, to the intent that both of thē might take the halfe of the liuing, & the other halfe of the dead childe. This sentence of his was secretly condemned by all the people, accounting it very childish. In the C meane time the true mother began to exclaime, and desire that the matter might not passe so far, but rather that they should giue the whole childe that was aliue, vnto the other: for that it sufficed her, so as she might see him liue, that he might be supposed to be an others. The aduerse part offered Salomon by the speech and gesture of the women discouereth the true mother. her selfe to behold the diuision of the infant: and moreouer required that the true mother should be punished. But the King coniecturing by the discourse both of the one, and of the other, which of their meanings was most vnfained; adiudged the infant vnto her that cried first, (for that in equitie she was the true mother) and condemned the wickednesse of the other, who had murthered her owne childe, and laboured as much as in her lay to procure the death of her companions innocent infant. All the people tooke this iudgement for an assured proofe and signe of the kings prudence and wisedome; and from that time forwardes they respected and D honoured him as one that was endowed with a diuine spirit. The chiesetaines and gouernours vnder him thorow all the kingdome were these: Vri gouerned the countrey of Ephraim, wherein Salomons gouernours and captaines. was comprised the rule of Bethleem. Aminadab commanded ouer the quarter of Dura, and the sea coast, and had espoused the daughter of Salomon. The great plaine was subiected to Banaia the sonne of Achila, who gouerned likewise all the countrey that extended towards Iordan. Gabar 3. Reg 4. commanded the Galaadites and Gaulonites; as farre as the mountaine Libanus, and had vnder him sixtie great cities, and forts. Achinadab gouerned all Galilee as farre as Sidon, and had espoused also one of Salomons daughters called Basima: Banacat had the countrey that confineth the sea neere to the Citie of Arce: Saphat, the mountaines Itabyr and Carmel, and the land of Galilee as farre as Iordan: Sonbeia gouerned the whole land of the Beniamites: Tabar had all E the gouernmen [...] [...] the other side of Iordan, and was elected gouernour generall ouer them all. Thus about this time did the Hebrewes wonderfully increase in riches, and the tribe of Iuda waxed opulent, by reason that the people addicted themselues wholy to the tilling, and manuring of their lands. For their peace was vnder such assurance, that being distracted by no warlike tumults, and besides that fruitfully enioying a most desired libertie, they especially intended this The happy peace of the Israelites in Salomons time. thing onely, to encrease their priuate and particular estates. The king also had other gouernors who ruled the Syrians, and commanded other strange nations, which are extended from Euphrates as farre as Aegypt, who gathered the tribute of those nations for the king. These Barbarians euerie day furnished the king for his owne table and the maintenance of his houshold, with Salomons daily expences. thirtie Cores of fine floure, and sixtie of the courser: ten fat oxen, and twenty grasse beeues, F with a hundreth fat lambes. All which things besides venison and buffalles taken in chase, birds, and fish were furnished daily by the Barbarians to serue the kings houshold. He had likewise a great number of chariots, so that he had fortie thousand mangers wherein his coach horses fed; Salomons chariots and horsemen. and besides these he had twelue thousand horsemen, halfe whereof kept alwaies about the king in Ierusalem, the rest were billetted in diuers villages belonging to the king, and remained there. And they that had the charge to furnish the kings expences, prouided likewise necessarie prouender [Page 194] for the horses, conueying it to that place wheresoeuer the king soiourned. But so great was G The yeare of the world. 2931. before Christs Natiuity 1033. Salomons prudence and wisedome. the wisedome and prudence which God had bestowed vpon Salomon, that he surpassed all his progenitors: and the Egyptians likewise, who are esteemed the wisest of all men, were farre behinde him in wit. For he excelled all those that in that time were in the greatest account amongst the Hebrewes, whose names I will not omit; and these they were, Ethan, Eman, Chalt, and Dodan the sonne of Imaon. He composed also a thousand and fiue hundreth bookes of odes and canticles, and thirtie thousand bookes of Parables and Similitudes: for to euery kind of plant he alluded his parable from Hysope, vnto the Cedar. The like did he of all liuing creatures that feed on the earth, swimme in the waters, or flie in the ayre; for none of their natures was he ignorant of: Salomons methode in coniuration whereby he cast out diuels. The author in this place abuseth the giftes of God bestowed on Salomon in extending them to those artes which are sorbidden by the expresse word of God. A Iew casteth out diuels. neither had he omitted to search the faculties in particular; but examined & discoursed on them all, and had an inward speculation and knowledge of their seuerall and secret properties. Hee H obtained also by inspiration the arte of Magicke, for the profit and health of men, and the exorcising and casting out of diuels: for he deuised certain incantations, wherby the diseased are cured, and left the methode of coniuration in writing, whereby the diuels are enchanted and expelled; so that neuer more they dare returne: And this kind of healing to this day, is very vsuall amongst those of our nation. For I saw a certaine popular and priuate man amongst the Hebrewes, in the presence of Vespasian, his sonnes, tribunes, and other souldiers, that cured diuers that were possessed. And the manner of his cure was this: He applied to the nose of the Demoniack a ring, vnder the seale whereof, was a roote of those things that Salomon had declared, which drew the diuell out of the nostrils of the sicke, as soone as he smelled the roote: and as soone as the man was fallen, he adiured him neuer more to returne, intermixing some mention of Salomon, and I rehearsing those incantations that were inuented by him.
After this, the said Eleazar being desirous to shew vnto them that were present, the efficacie of his arte, he set a pot or pitcher of water not farre from the place where the possessed stood, and commanded the diuell at such time as he forsooke the man to ouerturne the pot, and thereby to giue a signe vnto the assistants that he had forsaken the possessed: which act of his manifestly declareth how great the science and wisedome of Salomon was. For which cause I thought good in this place to make mention thereof, that the worthy nature of this king might be known vnto all men, and how beloued he was of God, and how surpassing in all kindes of vertue. When Hiram king of Tyre vnderstood that Salomon succeeded his father in the kingdome, he was glad thereof (for he was Dauids friend) for which cause he sent messengers vnto him to salute him, and K to congratulate with him of that good which had hapned vnto him, by whom Salomon returned an answere in these tearmes.
Know thou, that my father hauing a wil to build a temple vnto God; hath been withdrawen from the performance thereof, by the continuall Hirams embassadours to Salomon. warres and troubles he hath had: for he neuer tooke rest before he either had defeated his enemies, or made thē tributaries vnto him. For mine own part, I thanke God for the peace which I possesse, and for that by the means therof, I haue opportunity (according to mine own desire) to build a temple vnto God: for he it is that foretold my father that this house should be builded during my raign. For which cause I pray you send some one of your skilfullest men with my seruants to the wood Libanus, to hew downe trees in that place: for the Sidonians are more skilfull in 3. Reg 5. Salomon requireth carpenters and workemen from Hiram. hewing and preparing timber then our people are, and I will pay the cleauers of wood according L to your direction.
When Hiram had read this letter, he was very glad to p [...]e the contents of the same, and wrote backe againe vnto him to this effect.
Thou hast cause to thanke God, in that he hath deliuered thy fathers kingdome into thy hands, to thee I say, who art a man wise and full of vertue. For which cause since no newes can come vnto me more gratious, nor office of loue more esteemed then this, I will accomplish all that thou requestest: for after I haue caused a great quantitie of Cedar and Cyprus wood to be cut downe, I will send it thee by sea by my seruants, whom I will Hiram promiseth Salomon wood, and in steed thereof requireth corne. commaund (and furnish with conuenient vessels of burthen) to the end they may deliuer the same, in what place of thy kingdome it shall best please thee, that afterwards thy subiects may transport them to Ierusalem. You shall prouide to furnish vs with corne, whereof we stand in M need, because we inhabit an Island.
The copies are yet at this day kept, not onely by those of that nation, but also by the Tyrians: so that if any man desire exactly to know that they be, let him search the publique records of the Tyrians, and he shall finde in them matters accordant to that we haue said. All which I say, to that end that the readers might be assured, that I outstrip not the truth in any sort, and that I insert not in this historie matters that are meerly apparant & deceitful, and only fashioned for delight; [Page 195] neither feare I that any man shall examine my writings; neither desire I likewise that euery The yeare of the world. 2931. before Christs birth 1033. The truth of Iosephs history A man giue credit at the first sight to the same, or that I be held blamelesse in suffering my selfe any waies to vary or vnproperly dilate ought in this historie: but contrariwise if I cannot approoue the truth by demonstration, and sufficient testimonies, I desire not to be allowed. As soone as Salomon had receiued these letters from the King of the Tyrians, he praised his facilitie and beneuolence, and presently sent him that which he demanded: euerie yeare therefore he sent him two thousand Cores of wheat, and the like number of Bads of oyle (this Bad containeth seuentie and The king sendeth H [...] great quantity of wheat, oyle, and wine. two sextaries.) He gaue him also the like measure of wine. From that time forward the friendship betwixt Hiram and Salomon increased more and more, so that both of them protested that it should continue for euer. The king imposed on his people the tribute of thirtie thousand workemen, whom he gaue in charge to trauell continually, and distributed them verie discreetly. Hee B ordained that ten thousand of them should cut wood in Libanus for the space of one moneth; and that then they should rest two moneths; returning euery man vnto his owne dwelling place: vntill such time as the twentie thousand had in their turne accomplished the taske in the time that was prefixed vnto them, and then the first 10000. renewed their work, & followed the same in The order of the carpenters in Libanus. the fourth month. Ador [...] was constituted superintendēt ouer this tribute. Besides these, there were 70000. men appointed to cary stones & wood, who were the inhabitants of that countrey, which Dauid had left. There were foure score thousand hewers of stone, ouer whichwere 3200. commissaries: these had the king commaunded to cut the greatest stones to make the foundations of the temple, which after they had hewed and prepared in the mountaine, he commaunded should be The order of the malons and other workmen. drawne and brought into the Citie, and not onely commaunded he his countrimen to performe C this, but those workemen also that were sent him by Hiram.
Salomon began this building in the fourth yeare of his raigne, in the second month which the Hedio & Ruffinus ch 9. 3. Reg. 6. Macedons call Artemisium, and the Hebrewes Iar; fiue hundreth nintie and two yeares after the departure of the Israelites out of Aegypt; one thousand and twentie yeares, since the arriuall of Abraham in Mesopotamia; one thousand foure hundreth and fortie yeares after the Deluge: And since Adam the first man vntill Salomon (who builded the Temple) all the yeares that are passed, haue beene three thousand one hundreth and two. But the beginning of the building of the Temple hapned in the eleuenth yeare of the raigne of Hiram, who gouerned in Tyre, and When the building of the temple began. The depth of the foundatiōs of the temple. since the first time that Tyre began to be inhabited vntil the said building of the temple, there passed two hundreth and fortie yeares. The king therefore laid the foundations of the Temple, and D made a most deepe trench, and fortified it with most strong stones, which might be able to resist al the iniuries of time. These stones were so closely ioined the one vnto the other, that for the strength of the foundations, they might serue to make the base and ground, both to fortifie the worke, as also to sustaine that which should be builded thereupon, either for embellishment or waight of the charge: neither could the foundations be of lesse strength and hugenes, which were to sustaine a sumptuous pile of that height, greatnes, magnificence and ornament. The walles were made of white stone, and continued of the same matter euen vntill the roofe. The height of the Temple was sixtie cubits, and the length as much, and the bredth twentie. Ouer that was another edifice, hauing the like dimensions; so that the whole height of the Temple was sixescore The height, length, and breadth of the temple. The porch before the tēple. The cels which were builded in the circuit of the temple. cubits: and the entry therof was to the East-ward. The porch that gaue entry thereinto had twentie E cubits in length (which was the bredth of the Temple) and in bredth ten cubits: and the height thereof was of sixescore cubits. About the Temple were builded thirtie celles, which inuironed the circuit of the same on the outside, and serued to sustaine all the edifice; for that they were of that number, and passable the one into the other. The entries were made after the same manner, from whence a man might easily passe from the one to the other. Euery one of these Celles had twentie and fiue cubits in bredth, and as many in length, and twentie in height: and aboue thē there were other builded: and others likewise aboue these of like number, & dimension; so that they were almost as high as the other buildings. Ouer these there were no buildings, only this, they were couered with Cedar: Euery Cel had his couer apart, & had no dependence on the other roofes. The rest of the building of the temple was couered with long beames, mortized the F one within the other, which sustained the whole: so that the wals being in this maner fastned the one vnto the other, were the more stronger. To these beames were there fastned certaine roofes of the same stuffe, which were curiously polished, carued and guilded. The walles on the inside The beames and wals beautified with gold. were couered with Cedar planks intermixed with gold: so that all the Temple shined, and the burnisht gold lightned, and dazled their eies that entred into the Temple. All the whole building of the Temple was most artificially made of stones most exactly carued, and most closely and cunningly ioyned together: so that they that curiously pried into the same, could not any waies [Page 196] obserue any stroke of the hammer, nor other workemans toole, but all the whole masse seemed G The yeare of the [...], 2933 before Christs birth 1031. to be a naturall, and no artificiall frame; and rather gathered in that place of it selfe, then garnished by the hands of cunning workemen. As touching the ascent into the higher part of the Temple, the king in that sort deuised it, that in the thicknesse of the wall he included a paire of winding staires to that purpose. This part had not a great gate towards the Eastward as the lower had, but in the sides there were little doores made: All the whole tēple both within & without was Winding staires. couered with Cedar planks, tied together with strong chaines to fortifie and strengthen the same. The Temple inwardly was deuided into two parts, the one whereof contained the sanctum sanctorum, of twenty cubits (which was vnaccessible) the rest of the space, of fortie cubits, was consecrated to the vse of the Priests. And in the midst of the wall made he two gates of Cedar, inriched The temple deuided into two parts. with store of gold, & diuers curious carued works, & hung them with tapestrie: wherein were embrodered H diuers flowers of hyacinth, purple, & scarlet intermingled with most pure, white & delicate linnen. He placed also vpon the holy of holiest (which was 20. cubits broad, & as many long, 2. Cherubims of massie gold, ech one fiue cubits hie, & ech of thē had two wings that were spred 5. cubits broad, by which means they were not farre distant the one frō the other, but that the one of Two cherubims. their wings touched the southren wal of their sacred place, & the other the northren wal: the other wings that touched one an other, serued for a couer for the Arke which was placed between them both. But what the figure of the Cherubins was it is impossible to expresse: he made the pauemēt The pauement gates and all other things in the temple beautified with gold. of the Temple also, of plates of beaten gold. To the gate of the Temple also he fastned cōuenient doores 20. cubits high, answerable in height to the wall, & couered with plates of gold. In a word, he left not one place either within or without the Temple, that was not garnished with gold: he I likewise adorned the outside of the gates as he had done the inside. But the gate of the porch had no such ornament. After this Salomon sent vnto Hiram king of Tyre for one, who was a cunning workeman called Vram, the sonne of a woman of the line of Nephthali; and of Vrias the Israelite. Salomon sendeth to Hiram for Vram a cunning workman. This man had great knowledge in all kind of works, but his especiall excellencie was in working gold, siluer and brasse, who made all that which concerned the Temple, according as the king commaunded. He made two pillars of brasse foure fingers thicke, and eighteene cubits high, and twelue in the circumference: on the chapters of each of them, he planted a founded lilly of fiue cubits in height, which he inuironed with certaine grates made of brasse after the 3. Reg. 7. maner of enterlaced nets, which couered the lillies on each side, of which there hung down two hundreth Pomgranats in two ranks. These pillars placed he in the entrance of the porch, the one K on the right hand called Iachin, the other on the left called Boz. He founded also the brazen sea made after the maner of a Hemispheare, & this vessel was called the sea, by reason of the hugenes thereof. For it was a lauer that by measured line was ten cubits broad, the thicknes of a hand; the midst thereof was sustianed with a pillar ten times twisted, whose bignesse was a cubite. This lauer A vessel called the brasen sea. was sustained by twelue heifers, which by three & three were placed directly opposite against the quarters of the foure winds: and the hindermost part of these heifers were set somwhat stooping, to the end that this round and ample vessell might be the more surely supported by them. This sea contained three thousand Bads. He made also ten brasen bases foure square, for the lauers, each one in length fiue cubits, in bredth foure, in height three, thus were the parts of this Ten brasen bases of the lauer. worke seuerally fashioned. There were foure little pillars square, and erected at euery corner one, L in which the sides of the bases were adioined, and deuided into three sorts, according to the place distinguished betweene the ioynts, with Images, here a Lion, there a Bul, and in an other place an Eagle. The pillars likewise were adorned with the same engrauing: and all this whole work hung vpon foure wheeles, which were made of cast worke, which had certaine naues or spoakes a cubite and a halfe in the Diameter: and it was a wonderful thing to see the circumferences of them, how cunningly they were wrought, and properly setled to the sides of the bases by their naues, or strakes. They were thus made: the corners or angles on the vpper part were sustained by certaine shoulders made after the manner of extended hands, on which was there placed a spire, to which the lauer was fastned, being vpheld by the pawes of a Lion, and an Eagle, which were fashioned & so properly vnited, that they that beheld them would haue supposed them rather to be naturall M creatures, than otherwise: and betwixt them also there were certaine palme trees figured. Such was the composition of the ten lauers. Moreouer he made ten other brasen lauers after the manner of a round cockle shell, each of which contained fortie Choes: for they were in height foure Ten round lauers. cubits, and from brim to brim there were likewise foure cubits: which lauers he placed vpon ten bases or feete called Mechonoth, fiue of which stood on the left side of the Temple, that extended to the northward, the other fiue on the right hand toward the southward, yet so as they affronted the East. Here likewise placed he the sea full of water, to the intent that the [Page 197] priests entring into the temple, might wash their hands and feete before they went vp vnto the The yeare of the world. 2933. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1031. The vse of the sea, and the other ten lauers. The Altar and vessels appertaining to the same. A altar. The other lauers serued to wash the inwards and feete of those beasts that were sacrificed. He bu [...]lded, likewise a brasen altar of twenty cubites long, and as many in breadth, and ten in height, to offer burnt offrings thereon. He made likewise all the vessels that belonged thereunto of brasse, as kettlos, water pots, hookes and forkes, and such like, that in brightnesse equalled the pure gold. The king also dedicated many tables, and amongst these, one great one of gold (on which the sacred bread was laide) the rest not farre inferiour, yet made after diuers manners, held ewers and platters of gold, to the number of twenty thousand; and of siluer fortie thousand. He made likewise ten thousand candlestickes (according as Moses had commanded) whereof one he dedicated in the temple, that according to the law it might giue light there in the day time. He made a table also, on which the loaues of bread were laid, on the north side of the temple hard B by the candlesticke, which was placed towards the South-ward. The altar of gold was planted betwixt them both. All which things were enclosed in that part of the temple that contained fortie The Table of sac [...]ed bread. The candlesticke. The cuppes and vials. The bowles. The censors. cubits, before the tapistry of the holie of holiest, where the Arke should be placed. The king also caused fourescore thousand pots, and a hundreth thousand ewers of gold, and twise as many of siluer, to be made; and fourescore thousand plates of gold, and twise so many of siluer, to offer the kneaded flower in them vpon the altar; and threescore thousand cups of gold, and twise so many of siluer, to lay the flower mingled with oyle thereon; and two thousand measures of gold, and twenty thousand of siluer, resembling a Hin or an Epha of Moses. Twenty thousand of Censors also all of gold, wherein the perfume was burnt, to hallow the temple: & other censors likewise in which they carried fire from the great altar, and laid it on the lesser which was within the C temple, to the number of fiftie thousand. He prepared also a thousand vestments for the vse of Priest [...] garmē [...] the priests, with their surcots, heads, pectorals, and with their precious ouches, notwithstanding there was but one crowne wherein Moses had written the name of God, which hath continued euen vntill this day. He made also ten thousand stoales for the priests of fine linnen, with scarlet Instruments of musicke. girdles; for euery one of them, two hundreth thousand trumpets according to the ordinance of Moses, & fortie thousand instruments of musicke to record and praise God with (as the Psalterie; and harpe of a mixt matter, the fift part gold, and the fourth part siluer.) All which Salomon most magnificently prepared for the seruice of God, sparing no cost, but imploying himselfe to the vttermost of his power, toward the ornament of the temple which he beautified, and endowed with all these treasures. He inuironed the temple likewise with a certaine wall some three cubits hie, D which in our toong we call Gison, to exclude the prophane multitude, and admit none but the priests only. Without this wall there stood a temple fouresquare with great and broad Iles, which The inclosure before the temple. The Fan [...]. opened with very great gates, euery one according to the quarter of the winde; and the doores thereof were couered with gold. Into this place all the people that were purified might enter, and they likewise that kept the ordinances of Moses. It may not be spoken or scarcely belee [...]d, although it were seene, how admirable that exteriour temple was: for he filled huge trenches, which by reason of their immeasurable depth, could not be lookte downe into without vehement apprehension of feare (for they were foure hundreth cubits deepe) yet notwithstanding he filled The huge trēches where: in the foundation of the temple was laid filled. them, and raised them to the height of the hill, whereon the temple was built; and by this means it came to passe, that the walke without the temple, was equalled with the foundation of the same. E This did he begirt with double porches, sustained by pillars of rich stone; the roofe whereof were of polished Cedar, and the gates were of Massiue siluer.
After that king Salomon had in seuen yeers finished these so huge, faire, and magnificent buildings, and all the other necessaries which he had bestowed vpon the temple, and declared therby Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4 3. Reg 8. his great riches, and confirmed his readines to be such, that that which at the first sight might require a mans whole life to finish, he accomplished in few yeeres, in respect of the greatnesse of the temple: He wrote vnto the gouernours and elders of the Hebrewes, commanding them to assemble all the people in Ierusalem to behold the temple, and to bring in the Arke of God; and although this assembly was publikely proclaimed; yet scarcely did the people make their appearance Salomons temple was consecrated in the moneth of October. in Ierusalem before the seuenth moneth, which we call Thuri, and the Macedonians Hyperberete. F About this time fell the feast of Tabernacles, which the Hebrewes most religiously obserue and honour with great festiuals. They therefore tooke the Arke and Tabernacle that Moses had before time made, with all those necessaries which appertained to the diuine seruice, The Arke is caried into the temple. and bare them into the temple. The king and all the people with the Leuites marched before, hauing their cattell ready to sacrifice, and filling the way with offrings, and the bloud of diuers slaughtered beasts, burning an infinit quantitie of perfumes, wherewith the ayre was filled round [Page 198] about, the sent whereof dispersed it selfe farre and neere, to make it knowne that God would be G The yeare of the world. 2941. before Christs Natiuity 1023. The Priests place the arke of God in the sanctuarie, and in it the tables of stone wherin the tenne commaundements were written. The candlesticke, table, and altar of gold. The b [...]asen altar. A cloud in the tabeinacle. present in that new builded and consecrated place (if we may so speake of diuine thinges after a humane manner.) Thus ceased they not to sing and daunce vntil they came vnto the temple: and after this sort conducted they the Arke. But when as it was to be carried into the holy of holiest, the rest of the multitude departed, and the Priests onely placed it vnder the two Cherubims, who embraced it with their winges, as if it had beene couered with a pauilion or some canapie: for they had been expressely fashioned after that manner by the workeman. The Arke contained nought els but the two tables of stone, in which were kept in writing the ten commaundements pronounced by God on the mount Sinai. For as touching the candlesticke, and the table, and altar of gold, hee placed them in the temple before the most holy of holiest, in places correspondent to those where they stood, when they were in the Tabernacle. Then offered they the H ordinarie sacrifices, and placed the brazen altar before the temple neere vnto the gate: so that when it was opened, the other stood in sight, and a man might see the seruice and magnificence that was vsed in the sacrifices. And as touching the other vtensils, he gathered them altogither, and placed them in the temple. But after the priests (hauing giuen order for all things about the Arke) were departed from thence, sodainly there fell amidst the sanctuarie a thicke cloud, not pitchie nor such as resembleth winter clouds loaden with raine; but diffused & temperate, which darkned the sight of the priests, so that they saw not one another. But thereby euery mans mind was easily induced, and his opinion confirmed, that God was descended into the temple, and willingly dwelled in the same: In effect all men had no other opinion: But king Salomon arising Salomons praier vnto God. Godimmeasurable. The cause why the temple was builded. God is true in his promises. from his throane wherein he was seated, addressed his praiers vnto God, in such words as hee I thought both to be agreeable to the diuine nature, and conuenient for him to vse: ‘O Lord (said he) thou hast an eternall house, neither are we ignorant that thou hast builded this whole masse of the vniuers for thy selfe, which consisteth of heauen, earth, ayre, & sea: which thou altogither fillest, yet art thou not contained by them. But therfore haue we adorned and erected this temple to thy name, to the end that we might offer vp our sacrifices & praiers in the same, and send them vp to heauen (as a sweet sacrifice) to obtaine thy fauour, assuring ourselues that thou art here present also, and wilt neuer be absent from this place. For whereas thou seest all things, hearest all things, yet forsakest thou not vs all: neither doest thou abandon the place where thou doest worthily inhabite; but rather thou art alwaies neere vnto all men, but in especiall present with those that thinke on thee day and night. These words spake he looking vpwards towards God, & afterwards K addressing himselfe vnto the people, he spake vnto them as touching his power and prouidence, how hee had foretold his father Dauid of all that which should happen, the greater part whereof was alreadie accomplished, and the rest was shortly to succeede. Furthermore, he declared how God himselfe had giuen him his name before he was borne, and that it was knowne how he should be called: and how at such time as he should be king after the decease of his father, he should build him a temple; which things they saw brought to passe according as they were foretold: for which they ought to giue God thankes, and not to lose any hope of any of those things that had been promised them, in regard of their happinesse, hauing occasion of beliefe by the sight of those things which they then beheld.’
When the King had spoken after this manner vnto the people, he turned againe and beheld L Salomons praier, wherein he thanketh God for his benefits, and beseecheth his future protection. the temple, and lifting vp his hands towards the people he began thus: ‘It is impossible (said he) for men to yeeld effectuall thankes vnto God for those benefits they haue receiued of him: for God (who is more aboundant then all men) hath no need of them: But (O Lord) it behooueth vs, that since of thy grace thou hast made vs more excellent thē other liuing creatures, we should blesse and giue thankes vnto thy maiestie, and in especiall it concemeth vs to honour thee for the benefits thou hast bestowed on our family, & all the Hebrew nation. But with what other means then ought we to appease thee when thou art displeased, and when we are to entertaine thy mercie, then by that voice which we draw from the ayre, and which as we know mounteth backe again into the ayre? I ought therfore first of all to giue thee thanks in respect of my father, whom from obscuritie thou hast raised to high maiestie: next for that thou hast fulfilled all those things M which thou hast foreprophessed of me, vntill this present day; I beseech thee for the time to come to furnish me with those things, that thou maiest giue vnto men that are deere vnto thee, which is, that thou increase our house euery way, according as thou hast promised my father Dauid to performe during his life, and at such time as he was neere vnto his death: namely, that the kingdome should continue in our family, and that his race should multiply in innumerable successions. Bestow thou this benefit vpon vs, and bequeath vnto all mine, that vertue wherein [Page 199] thou takest delight. Moreouer I beseech thee that a portion of thy spirit may come and dwell in The yeare of the world, 2941. before Christs Natiuitie, 1023. Salomon humbly beleecheth God that he will protect this temple as his own house. A this temple, to the intent that we may vnderstand that thou dwellest vpon earth: for not onely this temple but the whole heauen, and the depth of things that are vnder the same, are too little for thy habitation. I beseech thee therefore that it may please thee to continue it for thine owne, to the end it may neuer be destroied by the enemy, but that thou wilt alwaies haue care of it, as of thine owne peculiar inheritance. And if it shall so fall out that thy people runne astray, and that afterwards being punished by thee, by some punishment of dearth, pestilence, or any such chastisement (by which thou reclaimest those that offend thee to the obseruation of thy lawes) they haue recourse vnto this temple, assembling, beseeching, and requiring thee of mercie; heare them I beseech thee, as being present in this place, and haue compassion on them, and deliuer them from their aduersities. Neither doe I onely intreat thee for the Hebrewes when they shall He pr [...]ieth that [...]angers may be heard a [...] [...] this place. B haue offended thee: but if it happen that any one arriue here from any part of the world, of what countrey soeuer he be, to demaund and require the fruition of this mercie, heare thou him I pray thee, and grant his request: For by this means all men shall know, that it is thy will that thy house should be builded in this place, and that we are not inhumane by nature, but that we haue desired that thy helpe and the communication of thy blessings should be bestowed, not onely on those of our nation; but also on all the world. This said, he cast himselfe flat vpon his face, and continued in praier a long time, and afterwards rising againe, he offered sacrifices vpon the altar, and hauing filled the temple with intire offrings, he knew most euidently that God did gratefully account and accept of his oblations: for a fire trilling thorow the ayre, and lighting vpon the altar in the sight of all men, consumed and deuoured the sacrifice. When this vision had hapned, C the people manifestly coniectured that Gods aboad should be in that temple, & with great A [...] from heauen consumeth Salomons sacrifies. 3. Reg. 8. ioy humbled themselues on their faces, and lay prostrate on the pauement. But the king began to praise God, and incited the people to doe the like, considering they had already receiued the testimonies of his mercie, exhorting them to pray that he would be alwaies mercifull vnto them, and that he would keepe them for euer in cleannes & vncorrupt minds, and that they might iustly and religiously leade their liues in obseruing those commandements which he had giuen them by Moses. For in so doing the people of the Hebrewes should prosper and grow more happy, then all the nations of the world.’ Moreouer he exhorted them to keepe in their remembrance those meanes, by which the benefits they possessed had bin gotten, assuring them that by the same Salomon exhorteth the people to praise God, and to giue him thanke, and to pray vnto him. they should retaine continuance, increase, and multiplication thereof. For they ought to thinke D that they receiued them not, but for their pietie and iustice; and that it was all one for men to get that which they wanted, and to keepe that which was gotten, without defaulting in any thing. When the king had spoken after this manner vnto the people, he dismissed the assembly (hauing first of al accomplished the sacrifices both for himselfe and the people, by offring vp twelue thousand oxen and sixscore thousand sheepe.) For then first of all was the temple embrued with the bloud of the slaughtered sacrifices, and all the Hebrewes with their wiues and children, were banqueted 3. Reg. 8. Salomons sacrifices in the dedication of the Temple. The feast of Tabernacles. The king dismisseth the people. therein. The king also feasting with the whole people, celebrated the solemnitie of the Tabernacles for the space of fourteene daies in great pompe and magnificence. And when as all things were sufficiently performed, and nothing was deficient that concerned the seruice of God, euerie one (dismissed by the King) departed to his owne dwelling place, giuing him heartie E thankes for the care he had of them, and for the workes he had done for them, praying God that it might please him to grant their king Salomon a long life. And thus they returned home with ioy, praising and singing hymnes vnto God, so that they rid their way, and returned to their families with great pleasure, and without any trauell. After then that they had conducted the Arke into the temple, and had beheld the greatnesse and beautie of the same, and had celebrated 3. Reg. 9. God appeareth againe to Salomon, and promiseth him all blessings if he swarued not from his fathers precepts. most excellent sacrifices, and made great solemnities, they returned euerie one vnto his Citie. But a vision that night appeared vnto the king during his sleepe, which gaue him assurance that God had heard his prayer, and that he would keepe his temple and dwell in the same for euer, (if so be his posteritie and all the people addicted themselues to liue vertuously,) promising himselfe in especiall, that if he continued in the obseruation of those aduertisements which his father F had prescribed him, he would raise him to the full infinitie of felicitie, and those of his posteritie should obtaine the royaltie ouer all the countrey; & ouer the tribe of Iuda: but if he forgot A grieuous commination against the Israelites, if they fall from the way of righteousnes. the exercises of pietie, and exchanged them for the seruice of strange Gods, he would pluck him vp by the roots, without leauing any remainder here to raigne after him. Neither should the people of Israell remaine vnpunished, but should be exterminate by infinit wars and aduersities, and be cast out of the countrey which he had giuen vnto their auncestors, and become banisht [Page 200] men, and runnagates in a forraine land. And as concerning the Temple which is builded at this G The yeare of the world 2941. before Christs Natiuitie. 1023. present, ‘I will (said he) deliuer it to the enemies to ransacke and burne it, and the Citie shall be destroied by the hands of the enemies: and their miseries shal be so notorious thorow the world, and to such extremitie shall they be driuen, as it shall hardly be beleeued: so as their neighbours round about them, hearing tidings of their calamities shall be astonished, and shall seeke out the cause why the Hebrewes are thus hated by God, who before times haue beene so aduaunced by him in riches and honours: and they shall vnderstand thereof by those that suruiue, in hearing them confesse their sinnes; and the transgressions they haue committed against the ordinance of their forefathers. ’These things that were declared vnto him in a dreame, are registred in the sacred letters.
Seuen yeares after the Temple had beene thus builded (as it hath beene heretofore declared) H he began the building of his Pallace, which he scarcely finished in thirteene yeares Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 5. Salomons pallace finished in thirteene yeares. space (for he was not so intent and earnest in building thereof, as he was in the structure of the temple.) For although the temple were very great and of incredible and meruailous magnificence, yet so it is that God (for whom it was made) assisting the workemen, it was thorowly finished within the terme of the yeares aforesaid. But the royall Pallaces being farre lesser then was the temple, were builded more slowly, because the stuffe had not beene prepared so long time before, neither with so great affection; and the rather, because the pallaces that were builded, were not for God, but for kings: Notwithstanding this house was builded verie magnificently, according as the wealth of the countrey and the power of the Hebrew king required. But it shall not be amisse if I declare all the order and disposition of the same house, that by the description I thereof the reader may both gather and consider the whole amplitude thereof: It was a great & goodly lodging, sustained by diuers pillars, prepared to receiue & containe much people at the time of their assemblies, wherein they intreated of affaires and held pleas. It was a hundreth cubits in length, and in bredth fiftie, and in height thirtie, comprised vnder sixteene square pillars The haule. The tribunall. couered with Corinthian work, with staires of the like measure, and carued gates both pleasant for sight, and fit for fortification. In the midst of this space, and hard by the temple, there was another square Pauilion thirtie cubits large, sustained with strong pillars, within which there was a magnificent tribunall, on which the king sate to giue iudgement: vnto which there was annexed an other pallace prepared for the Queene. All the chambers as well those that were ordinarily in vse, as those for recreation after he retired himselfe from publike affaires, were adorned K The Queenes house and other pallaces of pleasure. The ornamēts of Salomons pallace. with planckes of carued Cedar, and were builded partly of stone ten cubits square, partly of curious marble, and verie rarely and cunningly wrought (such as are wont to adorne Temples and pallaces) and are found out by the most curious and cunning Masons. And that which made it more beautifull, were three panes of tapistrie, and the fourth admirable for the artificiall engrauings: for the work-men had made therein trees and plants of diuers sorts, shadowed with their Chambers of pleasure with household stuffe of gold. branches and leaues, hanging in such sort, that to behold them, a man would haue thought that they shooke, the workmanship was so exquisite and curious that couered the stone. The rest, as farre as the roofe, was enchaced, and flourished with diuers antiques and pictures. Furthermore, he builded other places of pleasure, with verie long porches to beautifie the pallace; amongst which, there was one most magnificent to make banquets and feastes in, which altogether was L adorned with gold: and all the necessaries belonging thereto, and to the entertainment of those that banquetted, were of gold. It is a great matter to number the hugenesse and varietie of these royall lodgings, both greater and lesser, of those that were hidden vnder the earth, as of those, which being lifted vp in the aire, did most apparantly manifest their beautie: The pleasant 3. Reg. 10. arbors likewise delightfull to behold, and most contenting in sommer, for that they were couered and warranted from the heate. To speake in a word, all the building was made of white marble, of Cedar, of gold, and of siluer, the floores and walles were figured with diuersitie of flowers and of precious stones, inchaced in gold, after the maner of the Temple of God, which shined with such like ornaments. There was likewise erected a most mightie throne, made in forme of a tribunall, with sixe steps of pure iuorie: on each side of which there stood two ramping Salomons throne made of Iuory. 3. Reg. 5. M lyons, and the like number were placed aboue. The stage of the Throne was after the forme of hands, that laid hold on the king: and he sate vpon a halfe Oxe looking backwards: and this throne was all inuironed with gold.
Salomon builded all this that hath beene spoken of, in the space of twentie yeeres, being furnished by Hiram king of the Tyrians for these his buildings, with great summes of gold, and farre more greater of siluer, besides a quantitie of Cedar and Pine trees. Salomon also remunerated [Page 201] him, and gaue him great presents, and sent him euerie yeare sufficient of corne, wine and oyle (as The yeare of the world. 2941. before Christs birth 1023. Salomons gratuitie to Hiram for the benefits he receiued. 3. Reg. 9. 3. Reg 5. Salomon interpreteth certaine hidden questions sent vnto him by Hiram. Menander the Historiographer maketh mē [...] of Hirā and Salomon. A we haue heretofore declared) whereof he stood in great need, by reason that his countrie was an Island. And besides that, he gaue him twentie cities in Galilee, not farre distant from Tyre. Hiram hauing visited them, and not wel pleased with them, sent vnto Salomon to certifie him therof, that he had no vse for his cities: and from that time forward they were called the countrie of Chebal, which is as much to say in the Phoenician tongue, as Vnpleasant. Hiram likwise sent vnto Salomon certaine mysteries and difficult questions, requiring him to decide the same, and to dissolue those doubts and difficulties that occurred in his demaunds. Salomon being a man of ripe iudgement and vnderstanding, pretermitted none of them; but after he had attained their resolution in his owne opinion, and had gathered the sence, he expressed and opened the same. Of these two kings, Menander (who translated the antiquities of the Tyrians out of the Phoenician B tongue into the Greeke) maketh mention, speaking after this maner. ‘After the decease of Abibale, Hiram his sonne succeeded him in the kingdome, who liued fiftie and three yeares, and reigned thirtie and foure. He annexed the field which is called Ample, vnto the Island, and dedicated a golden piller in Iupiters Temple. He also caused a great quantitie of wood to bee hewed downe in the mountaine Libanus, to make couers and roofes for temples. For hauing pulled down some auncient temples, he builded that of Hercules, and that of Astrate, and made this first building of Hercules in the moneth Peritien, and made warre against the Eucecans, who refused to pay their tributes; and after he had once againe brought them vnder his subiection, here turned to his owne pallace. In his time liued the young sonne of Abdimon, who alwaies resolued those questions which Salomon king of Ierusalem proposed. Dius also maketh mention of him Dius maketh mention of Hiram. C in these termes. After the decease of Abibale, his sonne Hiram raigned: he it was that fortified the quarter of the Citie to the Eastward, and enlarged the same, and conioyned the temple of Olympian Iupiter to the Citie, which before that time was in an other place, and filled all the place betweene them with earth, and adorned it with pendants of gold: and afterwards going vp to Libanus; he hewed downe timber to build temples withall. He said also, that Salomon raigning at that time in Ierusalem, sent vnto Hiram certaine subtill questions, demaunding the exposition Dius of Salomon. thereof vnder this condition, that if he declared them not, in way of penaltie hee should pay a great summe of money; and afterwards that a certaine Tyrian called Abdimon, expounded that which had beene proposed: and in lieu thereof proposed certaine others, which Salomon could not expound, and for that occasion he paid a great summe of money vnto Hiram.’This is it that D Dius writeth.
The king seeing that the Citie wanted both bulwarks and towers to secure the same, and that the strength of the same was no waies answerable to the dignitie thereof, he repaired the walles, Salomon repaireth the wals of Ierusalem and erecteth towers. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 6. Salomon buildeth certaine cities. Azor, Magedon, Gaza. and erected great towers on the same. Moreouer he builded certaine Cities, which deserue to be memorized among the most renowmed, namely Asor and Magedon, and for the third, the citie of Gaza in the country of the Philistines: against which Pharao king of Aegypt led out his army, and tooke it by force, and after he had put all the inhabitants thereof to the sword, he destroyed the same, and afterwards he gaue it in dower vnto his daughter, which maried with Salomon. For which cause the king fortified it, seeing it to be alreadie sufficiently defenced by nature, and that it stood verie commodiously for the warre, and to hinder the inuasions of the enemie that might E happen. Not farre from thence he fortified two other Cities, whereof one was called Betachor, and the other Baleth. Besides these he builded others, which were Cities of recreation and pleasure, by reason of the good temperature of the ayre, and the pleasantnes of the fruits, and in especiall Betachor, Baleth. the sweet streamie riuers, wherewith they were watered. Afterwards, entering into the desart that is aboue Syria, & cōquering the same, he builded an other great city two daies iourney distant from the higher Syria, a daies iourney from Euphrates, and sixe from the great Babylon. The cause why this Citie was inhabited farre from the ciuill and peopled quarters of Syria, was, because in no place of the lower countrey there was water to be found, & in this Citie only there were fountaines and springs. He therefore builded this Citie, and begirt it with strong walles, and called it Thadamor (which is the name which the Syrians tearme it by, euen at this day: and F amongst the Greekes it is called Palmyra.) And these were Salomons works in that time. But for Thadamor or Palmyra. that there are diuers that demaund the question how it commeth to passe, that all the kings of Aegypt that haue beene since Minaeus the founder of Memphis, and who raigned diuers yeeres Why the Egyptian kings were called Pharaohs. before our great ancestor Abraham, who (I say) haue beene till Salomons time, for the space of more then thirteene hundred yeeres, haue beene called Pharaohs, deriuing that name from one that raigned in the mid time betweene both: I haue thought it requisite to manifest the same to [Page 202] the intent to resolue that doubt, and expresse the cause of that name. The name of Pharao amongst The yeare of the world, 2953. before Christs birth 1011. The Egyptian kings called Pharaohs. Ptolemei. Caesares. Herodotus writeth not the names of the Egyptiā kings. Nicaule queen of Egypt, and Ethiop commeth to Salomon. G the Aegyptians, signifieth as much, as King. But I thinke that from their childhood they had other distinct names; and that afterwards when they are created kings, they take vpon them that name, which in their mother toong signifieth no lesse, then Authoritie. For the kings of Alexandria hauing been before time called by other names, at such time as they are introduced into the kingdome, they are called Ptolemies, by the name of their first king. The Romaine Emperours likewise, notwithstanding they haue other names at the time of their birth, yet are they called Caesars; because the soueraigntie and honour whereunto they are raised, imposeth that title on them: and the name that was giuen them by their fathers is no more retained. For this cause it is (as I thinke) that although Herodotus of Halicarnasseus saith, that since Minos the founder of Memphis, there haue been three hundreth and thirtie kings of Aegypt; yet declareth he H not their names, because they were called Pharaohs. For when after these a woman had obtained the kingdome, he calleth her by her owne proper name, Nicaule: Whence it appeareth, that the men who haue been kings, were vsually called by this name, and that it had not been communicated vnto this woman: for which cause it was necessarie to declare her owne first name. For mine owne part, I haue found in the bookes of our nations, that since Pharao, who was father in law to Salomon, no one of the kings of Aegypt haue been called by that name: and that some little while after, the aforenamed woman came vnto Salomon, who raigned in Aegypt and Aethiopia: of whom a little after we wil make some discourse. And at this present I haue made mention of it, to make it knowne that our records and the Chronicles of the Aegyptians, accord in many things. I
But King Salomon conquered the Chanaanites (which till that time were not vnder his sub iection) and those that inhabited the mountaine Libanus, as farre as the Citie of Amath, and made them tributaries, and chose out amongst them euerie yeare such, as he might employ in 3. Reg 10. Salomon compelleth the remainder of the Chananites to pay tribute. seruile actions, and in domesticall businesse, and tillage of the sand. For no one Hebrew was a slaue, neither was it conuenient, that since God had subiected diuers nations vnder them (whom they might make slaues of) that they should tie those of their owne nation to that bondage; who were all of them employed in armes, and rather tooke delight to mount chariots, and to ride horses, then to drudge like slaues. Ouer the Chanaanites (whom he imployed in his seruice) he appointed fiue hundreth and fiftie commissaries, who had their charge and authoritie from the king, and tasked them to those works and handy-labours wherin they imployed them. He builded K The thraldom of the Chananites. 3. Reg. 10. a nauy also in the gulph of Aegypt, in a certaine place of the red sea called Asiongaber, which is named Berenice, not farre from the Citie of Elana (which countrey in times past appertained to the Iewes.) And toward the building of this nauy, he obtained of Hiram king of Tyre a very conuenient furtherance: for he sent him modles of ships, and men that were skilfull in nauigation, whom he charged to saile with his procurers and factors, to the countrey at that time called Ophir, and at this present the Land of golde, in the countrey of India, to bring gold from thence: who returned backe againe vnto the King, after they had gathered about foure hundreth talents.
About this time the Queene of Aegypt and Aethiopia (a woman adorned with wisedome, and The queene of Egypt and Ethiope reforteth to Salomon. admirable in all other things) hauing heard of the renowmed vertue and prudence of Salomon, L was touched with a desire both to see him, as them also that were reported daily to attend him: and for that cause, came in person vnto the king, vnder purpose to confirme her beliefe by experience, and not by hearesay. For oftentimes report is no other thing, but a false opinion, which is beleeued by one or other, and is but only grounded on relation. She therefore resolued to come and see him, & especially to make trial of his wisedome, which she narrowly sisted, by proposing certain difficult questions vnto him, which she had conceiued in her minde. She therfore repaired vnto Ierusalem with great pompe, glorie, and riches; for she brought with her certaine Camels charged with gold, odors, and pretious stones of great valew. After that the King had gratiously entertained her, and honoured her in all thinges, he easily comprehended in his minde those doubts which she had proposed vnto him, and gaue her a more speedy solution of the same, then M might be expected: so that she was rauished with the incredible wisedome of Salomon; knowing by effect that it exceeded the report which she had heard of him. But in especiall she wondered The queene of Ethiope wondreth at Salomons wisdome at his pallace, considering the greatnesse and beautie thereof; and aboue all, the rich furniture and curious architecture of the same; wherein she perceiued the great wisedome of the king: But aboue all the house called Liban, and the magnificence of his ordinarie table, and the apparell and seruice of the same, made her astonished. The attire of his seruants likewise, and [Page] the goodly order which they obserued in their seruice; moreouer the sacrifices that were euery The yeare of the world, 2953. before Christs Natiuitie, 1011. A day offered vp vnto God, and the care and diligence of the priests in discharging their offices; rauished her more then all the rest, when she obserued them daily: and not able to contain her selfe within the termes of astonishment at that she saw, she manifestly expressed how wonderfully she was affected, expressing to the king in her plaine and publike discourse, that she knew not what The queene of Ethiope praileth Salomons wisedome. to thinke of those things which she had beheld. ‘O King (she said) all that which a man knoweth by hearesay may be misbeleeued. But the renowme which is come vnto our eares as touching your riches, both those which you haue in your selfe (I meane your wisedome and prudence) as those also which your kingdome hath brought you; is neither false nor fained; which notwithstanding, yet doth it make your felicitie farre lesse then that which I see before mine eies: for report dependeth only on hearesay, neither giueth it so certaine a notice of things, as the sight discouereth B and representeth when one is neere vnto the same. For mine owne part in that I gaue no credit to the greatnesse & multitude of that I haue heard, I haue seene farre more then I could expect, and repute the people of the Hebrewes to be most happy, and your seruants and friends most blessed, who are continual witnesses and hearers of your wisedome. And each one of you ought to giue God thanks, that he hath so much loued this region & the inhabitants therof, that he hath established you in the royall seat.’ I will discouer likewise, how besides her words she expressed her affection she bare vnto the king, in testifying the same by diuers presents which she The Queene giueth Salomon many sumptuous presents. offered vnto him. For she gaue him twentie talents of gold, & an innumerable quantitie of sweet odors and precious stones. It is said likewise that we haue that plant which distilleth balme, and which our country bringeth forth at this day, by the gift of this Princesse. Salomon for his part requited C her boūtiful presents with the like, which she made choise of according to her own liking: Salomon remunerateth the Queens bountie. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. for there was nothing which she could require, which he granted not vnto her: shewing himselfe most ready to giue her satisfaction with a liberall and royall hart. When the Queene of Aegypt and Aethiopia had receiued these fauors at the kings hands (according as it hath been spoken) and he likewise had magnificently requited her, she returned backe againe into her owne countrey.
About the same time there was brought vnto the King from the countrey called the Region The precious timber that was brought to Salomon. of gold, a quantitie of precious stones and of pine trees. This wood was imployed to make supporters in the temple, and in the kings house, and to make instruments of musicke likewise, as Harpes and Cimbals, on which the Leuites might praise God. Amongst all the gifts that were euer presented vnto Salomon, that which was giuen him at that time, was most excellent in greatnesse D and beautie. But let no man thinke, that the Pine wood (which we speake of) had any resemblance with that which we call by that name at this day, or which the merchants to delude their chapmen, sell for the same. For they are like vnto figge trees, but that they are more white & cleerer, which I thought good to manifest in this place, least any man should be deceiued thorow ignorance, in discerning the one from the other: because the affaires of Salomon haue drawn vs to make mention of this matter. The waight of gold which this nauy brought vnto the king, was six hundreth, sixtie and six talents: besides that which the merchants bought themselues, or that which the Kings and princes of Arabia had sent vnto him in way of present. This gold caused he to be moulten downe, and made therof two hundreth targets, each one waying six hundreth sicles, and three hundreth bucklers, each of them waying three mines of gold, and placed E and hung them in the lodging of the wood of Libanus. He caused also diuers vessels of gold, & precious stones to be made for the vse of his table, laboured with as curious conceit as might be; the rest of his necessaries also were of gold: for nothing was either bought or sold for siluer. For the King had many ships vpon the sea called Tharsis, which vpon his cōmaund carried diuers merchandise into the remote countries, by vent wherof they brought him home much gold and siluer, and much Iuorie and Aethiopian Moores and Apes, and this nauigation in sayling to and [...]ro, was finished in three yeeres. The renowne and fame also of Salomons vertues and wisedome, spred farre and neere thorow out all nations: so that the kings of what countrey soeuer they were, Salomōs ships spent three yeares in their iourney. Many kings present Salomon with sundry presents. The horses and other gifts presented to Salomon. had a desire to see his presence, because they beleeued not the report, and desired to manifest their affection to him by magnificent presents. They therefore sent him vessels of gold and of siluer, F scarlet robes, and all sorts of aromatique drugs, horses and chariots, moyles and sumpterhorses, wherein (as it was reported vnto them) the King tooke pleasure, by reason of their force and beauty: so that to the number of horses and chariots which he had before, there were annexed foure hundreth more, which had been sent him in way of present. For before that he had a thousand chariots, and twenty thousand goodly horse, excellent for shape and swiftnesse: so that the like were not to be found that were comparable with them for beauty and pace. And that which [Page 204] gaue them the greater grace was, that they had squires to backe them, who were in their pride of G The yeare of the world 2953. before Christs Natiuitie. 1011. youth of goodly personage to behold, and surpassing all other in height, hauing long locks which they daily intermixed with wires of gold, that when as the sunne did reuerberate his beames vpon their heads, they should be more glorious and bright. The king mounted on his charior and apparelled in a white raiment, was accustomed to ride abroad about the sunne rise, inuironed with these yoong armed men, hauing bowes and quiuers.
There was a certaine place called Ittan, some eight leagues distant off of Ierusalem, delightfull and enriched with gardens and pleasant fountaines of water, whither he vsually and willingly Ittan. retired himselfe for his pleasure, vsing in all things a most admirable prouidence & promptitude, and taking pleasure in those things that were well contriued. He forgot not likewise to make causeyes, but caused the hie waies that led to Ierusalem (where he made his aboad) to be paued H The waies about Ierusalem paued with flint. The cities of Chariots. The aboundance of siluer in Solomons time. Egyptian horses. with blacke stone, both to the intent to make them more accessible for those that trauailed to and fro, as to shew the magnificence and riches of his gouernment. He then diuided his chariots and placed them in such sort, that in euery Citie there was a prefixed number, and some few he kept about himselfe, and those Cities he called the cities of Chariots: he stored Ierusalem also with abundance of siluer, so that it was as plentifull as stones; and with Cedar wood (whereof before that time there was no quantitie) he so stored the countrey, that it was as plentifully to be had as wilde figgetrees. He commanded the merchants of Aegypt also, to buy him certaine chariots drawne by two horses, for the price of six hundreth dragmes of siluer, which he sent vnto the kings of Syiria, and to those on the other side of Euphrates.
Now although he were the most magnificent and intirely beloued of God, surpassing both in I prudence and riches all those that before him had the gouernment ouer the Hebrewes; yet continued he not in this estate vntill the end. For forsaking the obseruation of the ordinances of his fathers, his latter yeers were not correspondent to his former conuersation, which heretofore we haue declared: for he grew altogither dissolute & immoderately giuen ouer to women, and was not content only with those of his own countrey, but tooke also strange women for his wiues, as 3. Reg. 11. Solomon marrying straunge women is seduced by thē. Sidonians, Tyrians, Ammonites and Idumeans, whereby he transgressed the lawes of mariage instituted by Moses, who inhibited to marrie with those of forraine nations. Afterwards he began to honour their gods also, to gratifie and expresse the loue which he bare vnto them: which thing the law-maker foreseeing, hee had forbidden the Israelites to marrie with those that were not of their owne nation, for feare least conforming themselues vnto forraine fashions, they K should fall and transgresse the ordinances of their forefathers; and vndertake to honour those gods, and forsake and forget the honour due vnto the true God. But Salomon transported with these brutish pleasures, made no account of these things, but tooke him wiues of the daughters The reare of the world. 2964. before Christs birth 1000. of princes and nobles, to the number of 700. and three hundreth concubines, besides the daughter of Pharao king of Aegypt: By which meanes he was excessiuely ouercome by them, in so much as he followed their examples, and was forced to giue a testimony of the good will and extreame affection that he bare them, in ordring his life according to the fashion of their countries. As therefore he increased in yeeres, and his iudgement grew weake, he was in such sort misled, that he could not retaine in memorie the customes of his countrey, but grew more and more in neglect of God, and continued the worship of those gods which were introduced by L his wiues. Before all this he chanced to sinne and default in the obseruation of the law, at such time as he made the similitudes of beasts of brasse to vnderprop the vessell called the great sea, and those of Lyons, which he caused to be set vnto his throne: For that action of his ill beseemed him, who had a most excellent and domesticall example of vertue in the person of his father, besides the glorie that he had left him, by being a faithfull seruant of God; whence it came to passe, that by neglecting to followe his steppes (notwithstanding that God had exhorted him thereunto by appearing vnto him at two seuerall times) he died most ignominiously. There came therefore vnto him a prophet sent from God, telling him that his sinnes were manifest and The punishment inflicted on Salomon far honouring strange gods. notorious in Gods sight, threatning him that ere long he should repent the wickednesse he had committed. Yet notwithstanding the realme should not be taken from him during his life, because M God had promised Dauid that he should be his successor in the same: but after his decease his sonne should beare the penalty of the same; not so as all the people should reuolt, but that he would giue ten tribes vnto his seruant, and leaue two vnto the grandchild of Dauid, because he had loued God, and by reason of the Citie of Ierusalem where it pleased him to make his habitation.
When Salomon heard these things, he sorrowed; and was sore troubled in that all his felicitie [Page 205] (for which he toforetime was admired) began to decline. Neither passed there long time after The yeare of the world 2964. before Christs birth Aooo. Ider enemie to Salomon. A this denunciation of the Prophet, but that (God so pleasing) there rose vp an enemie against him, who was called Ader, by nation an Idumaean, and of the princely stocke, who vpon this occasion grounded his rebellion and insurrection. For at such time as Ioab generall of Dauids army, had conquered Idumaea, and in the space of sixe moneths defeated all the youth, and those that were capable to beare armes, he fled vnto Pharao king of Aegypt: who entertained Ader fled into Egypt. him verie courteouly, and gaue him an house, and lands for his maintenance, and loued him deerely when he came to mans estate: so that he maried him with Taphines his wiues sister, on whom he begat a sonne, who was brought vp with the kings children: who hauing intelligence in Aegypt of Dauid and Ioabs death, addressed himselfe vnto Pharao, and besought him to giue him leaue to repaire into his owne countrey. The King asked him what he wanted; B Ader beseecheth Pharao to dismisle him that he might returne into his countrey. or what the cause was that moued him, to be so hastie to forsake him: Notwithstanding therefore that he importuned and requested him diuers times, yet preuailed he nothing with him for that time. But when Salomons fortunes began to decline (by reason of his iniquities aboue mentioned, and the wrath of God prouoked against him:) Ader by Gods permission came into Idumea, after he was licēsed by Pharao to depart. But being vnable to moue the people Ader returneth into Idumaea, and from thence departeth into Syria. Raas and Adet enemies to Salomon. to reuolt from Salomon, by reason of the strong garrisons he held, and knowing that without hazard of his owne person, he could moue no alterations or innouation in that place, he departed from thence, & went into Syria, where cōfederating himself with a certaine man called Raas (who was fled from his master Adarezar king of Sophene, and liued like an outlaw in that Region) he contracted friendship with him, and a great sort of outlawes and theeues that were his followers, C and went into Syria, and taking seazure of that countrey, proclaimed himselfe king thereof. From whence making excursions into the lands of the Israelites, he spoyled and pillaged the same, during Salomons life time. Thus were the Hebrewes enforced to sustaine these outrages at Aders hands. Moreouer a certaine man called Ieroboam the sonne of Nabat, by nation a Iewe, rebelled Ieroboā rebelleth against Salomon. against Salomon, and raised his hopes aboue his estate, perswaded thereunto by a prophecie that concerned him, and incited him vnto the action. For being left verie young by his father, and carefully instructed by his mother, as soone as Salomon perceiued him to be of a noble and couragious spirit, he made him commissarie ouer the building of the wals, at such time as he immured and fortified Ierusalem. In this office he behaued himselfe so well, that the king thought very well thereof, and in way of recompence gaue him the estate of Generall ouer the tribe of Ioseph. D Towards which, whilest he trauelled from Ierusalem, a certaine Prophet met him vpon the way, Achias the Prophet soretelleth that he should be king ouer the ten tribes. (who was of the Citie of Silo called Achias) who approching neere vnto him, and saluting him, drew him out of the way into a place, where none but thēselues were present, & there renting the garment which he wore vpon his backe into twelue peeces, he commaunded Ieroboam to take ten, telling him that God had so decreed, and how he would rent the gouernment from Salomon, and reserue only one tribe vnto his sonne, with that other which was annexed vnto it, by reason of the promise made vnto Dauid; and to thee (said he) he giueth the other tenne, because Salomon hath offended God, and addicted himselfe to the loue of straunge women, and the seruice of forraine gods.
Now since thou knowest the cause wherefore God hath alienated the kingdome from Salomon, E be thou iust, and obserue thou the lawes: for if thou behauest thy selfe in such sort as thou knowest Dauid did, a great reward of thy pietie, and recompence of thy obseruance attendeth thee: so that thou shalt become as mightie as Dauid hath beene before thee. Ieroboam confirmed in great hopes by these words of the Prophet, being by nature haughtie, in yeares young, and besides that, desirous of authoritie; he tooke no rest, but being possessed of the place of generall, and remembring himselfe of that which had beene told him by Achias, he presently beganne to perswade the people to reuolt from Salomon, and to choose him for their king. Salomon hearing newes of this his deliberation and enterprise, sought the meanes to Ieroboam flieth into Egypt and remaineth there vntil Salomons death. lay hands on him, and to put him to death: but Ieroboam preuenting him, fled vnto Susac king of Egypt, with whom hee remained vntill the death of Salomon. And thus for that F time escaped he punishment: and thus was hee reserued to the fortune of a kingdome.
CHAP. III. The yeare of the world. 2964. before Christs Natiuity. 1000. G
After the death of Salomon the people reuolte from Roboam his sonne, and proclaime Hieroboam king of the tenne tribes.
BVt when Salomon was very olde, he died, after he had raigned fourescore yeares, and liued nintie foure, and was buried in Ierusalem; of all kings the most happy, rich, and The death of Salomon. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 8. al. 4. 3. Reg. 12. prudent (except that sinne wherunto he was drawen by women in his olde age) of whom and those calamities that presently after befell the Hebrewes, we haue sufficiently spoken. After the death of Salomon, as soone as his sonne Roboam (whom he begat vpon an Ammonitish woman H called Nooma) succeeded him in the kingdome, the gouernours of the people sent certaine messengers into Aegypt to recall Ieroboam, who arriuing in the Citie of Sichem, Roboam came thither also, resoluing himself in that assembly of the Israelites to take the kingdom vpō him by the peoples consent. To him therfore the Princes of the people resorted with Ierobod, beseeching him The people: require Roboā to mitigate their burthen. that he would remit somewhat of their feruitude, and shew himselfe more merciful then his father had beene: for that vnder his gouernment they had beene sorely oppressed, assuring him that by that meanes his kingdome should be the more assured, if so be he had rather be beloued then feared. He some three daies after promised them to returne an answere to their demaunds, and by that meanes drew them into suspition, that vpon the motion he misliked of the offers they had proposed: for they thought that it became his yeares to be affable and readie to deserue well, I yet remained there some hope in them, that they had not presently suffered the repulse. Meane while he calling about him his fathers friends, consulted vpon the matter, what answere he should giue the people: who for that they wished his welfare, and knew the nature of the people very wel, The holsome aduise of the elders. The yeare of the world. 2971. before Christs birth 993. Roboam reiecteth the aduise of the elders and followeth the counsaile of the yonger. perswaded him to speake familiarly vnto the people, and remitting a little of his kingly austeritie, to apply himselfe to the fauour & good liking of the multitude: for that by this his affabilitie he might the more easily draw their hearts vnto him, because that by a naturall inclination subiects take delight in those kings that are courteous, who with a certaine decent familiaritie entertaine themselues amongst them. But Roboam reiected this counsell of theirs (which was both good and profitable in all occasions, but especially at such time when it is vpon the point to be inseated in a kingdome) and that not without Gods prouidence, since contrarie to all reason K he neglected the right course, and followed the peruerse: so that calling vnto him certaine youngmen of his owne humour and disposition, he certified them what the Elders had counselled him, and willed them to discouer their opinion in that matter: but neither their age, nor Gods permission suffered them to know that which was expedient. For which cause they counseled him to answere the people, that his little finger was more great then the loynes of his father, and that if they had experimented & endured grieuances vnder him, that he would be far more rigorous, and that if his father had chastised them with the stroke of the whip, that they should expect to be punished by him, with rude torments. The king delighted herewith, supposed the answere to be answerable to the dignitie of his Empire. Whenas therefore the people were assembled on the third day to heare his resolution, and all of them were in suspence, expecting and desirous to heare L him speake, from whom they hoped nought else but sweetnes: Roboam contemning the counsell of his friends, proposed vnto himselfe that of the young men. All which hapned by the will of The Israelites moued with their [...]pulse reuolt from Roboam. God, to the end that that which Achias had prophecied might be fulfilled. They touched by these his answers no lesse then if they had beene wounded with the sword, conceiued a most heartie griefe, and were displeased with him, and no lesse moued, then if they had alreadie felt the mischiefe that was threatned: so that they began all of them to crie with a loud voice, That from that time forward they had nothing to doe with Dauids alliance, neither with his succession, telling him that they would onely leaue the temple his father had builded vnto his charge, and threatning him to abandon him. Furthermore they were so hainously and grieuously incensed, that (Roboam hauing sent vnto them Aduram the superintendent of the tribes to pacifie their wrath, M and to perswade them to pardon his youth, if he had spoken any thing lightly, and vnrespectiuelie vnto them) they could not endtire to heare him speake, but slewe and welny ouerwhelmed him with stones. Which when Roboam perceiued (supposing that it was himselfe, who in the person of his officer was put to death, and stoned by the people) he feared least in effect his life, and the fortune of his kingdome should fall into the like desaster. For which cause he sodainly ascended his c [...]iot and fled to Ierusalem, where the tribe of Iuda, and that of Beniamin (by [Page 207] their common suffrages) made him King. But as touching the rest of the people, from that day The yeare of the world. 2971. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 993. Roboam intéding to make wa [...]e on those tribes that [...] uolted is inhibited. A forward they reuolted from the successors of Dauid, & proclaimed Ieroboam King of their estates. Roboam the sonne of Salomon being sore displeased herewith, assembled the two tribes of his obeisance, with an intent to muster one hundreth and fourscore thousand chosen men, to make warre on Ieroboam and his people, and to enforce them by warre to acknowledge him for their Soueraigne. But God restrained him by the meanes of a prophet, who forbad him to make warre; saying, that it was ill besitting that war should be waged betwixt two parties of one nation, and the rather for that this their reuolt had hapned by the will of God: by which means and perswasion he dismissed his army. But first of all I will rehearse that which Ieroboam king of Israel did, and afterwards subsequently I will declare the acts of Roboam King of the two Tribes, & thus shal the course of the historie continue in due order euery waies. B
After that Ieroboam had planted his royall court in the Citie of Sichem, he made his ordinarie The court and pallace of Ieroboam. aboad in that place, except that sometimes he soiourned in the Citie of Phanuel. Not long after this the feast of Tabernacles being at hand, Ieroboam (supposing that if he permitted the people to go vp and worship God in Ierusalem, and solemnize the feast in that place, they might either repent themselues of their reuolt, or being retained and withdrawne by the temple & seruice that was celebrated therein, they might be perswaded to forsake him, and submit themselues to their first King; and by that meanes he might be drawne into danger of his life) he practised and plotted this inuention. He caused two golden calues to be cast, and builded two seuerall Why Ieroboās: calues were made. temples, the one in Bethel, and the other in Dan (which is scituate neere vnto the source of little Iordan.) In each of the chappels of these two townes, he placed one of these calues, and afterwards C assembling the ten tribes that were vnder his subiection, he spake vnto them in manner following: ‘My friends and countrey-men, I know that you are not ignorant how God is in all places, and that there cannot be any place wherein he assisteth not, nor time wherein hee heareth and beholdeth them not, that serue him with true affection: For which cause I thinke it not conuenient, that you go vp vnto Ierusalem at this time, which is a Citie enemy vnto vs; neither that you make so long a iourney in way of deuotion: for it was a man that builded that temple, euen Ieroboam perswadeth the people to Idolatrie. as I haue consecrated two golden calues, the one in Bethel, and the other in Dan, to the end that euery one of you that inhabite neere vnto these Cities, transporting your selues to the same, may adore God. Neither shall you want priests or Leuites: for I will elect some such among you, to the intent you haue no more need of the Tribe of Leui, or the sonnes of Aaron. D Whosoeuer therfore amongst you would be a priest, let him offer calues and muttons vnto God: which as it is reported Aaron the first priest did.’By such like speeches seduced he the people, and caused them to fall from their forefathers religion, and transgresse the ordinances of their countrey, and this was the beginning of all those mischiefes that afterwards fell vpon the Hebrewes: by which meanes being ouercome in war, they fell into captiuitie and subiection of strangers, (whereof we wil intreat further in place conuenient.) Now when the feast of Tabernacles (which hapned in the seuenth moneth) was at hand; he himselfe intended to celebrate in Bethel after the same maner, as the two other tribes had feasted in Ierusalem, and erected an altar before the calfe, The neglect of Gods seruice is the cause of all euill. and was himselfe the high priest, ascending vp to the altar being assisted by the priests.
Now at such time as he was about to sacrifice, and to offer vp burnt offrings in the sight of the E people, there came a Prophet and stood by him called Iadon (sent from Ierusalem by the commandement of God) who standing vp in the midst of the people, and in the hearing of the king, turned himselfe towards the altar, and spake after this maner: Thou Altar, Thou Altar (thus saith 3. Reg. 13. The prophecie against the Altar in Bethel. The prophecie is confirmed by a miracle. the Lord) there shall a man rise of the Tribe of Dauid called Iosias, he shall kill vpon thee the false prophets of his time, and shall burne the bones of the deceiuers and seducers vpon thee: And to the intent that each man may beleeue that this prophecie is true, it shall be confirmed by a prodigie. This Altar shall sodainly breake, and the far of the sacrifices that are laid thereon shall be powred on the ground. Ieroboam displeased with these words of the Prophet, stretched out his hand, commanding them to lay hold on him. But the hand that he stretched out, became instantly withered, so that he could no more draw it backe againe to himselfe, but held it hanging F downe astonished and mortified. On the other side the altar cleft in twain, and all that was thereon fell downe (according as the Prophet had foretold.) The King perceiuing that the man had a true and diuine spirit of Prophecie, besought him to pray vnto God, that his hand might be restored him againe in his full strength and vigor: which he performed: so that his hand recouered againe his naturall abilitie, wherewith Ieroboam was verie much contented, and inuited the Prophet Ieroboams withered hand restored. to dine with him. But Iadon answered him and said, that he neither might enter into his [Page 208] house, nor taste any bread or water within the Citie, because God had prohibited him: furthermore The yeare of the world 2971. before Christs Natiuitie. 993. G he told him that it was not lawfull for him to returne the same way that he came. But the King admiring at the continencie of the man, began the more seriously to suspect his estate, and (coniecturing by those things which he had both seene and heard) he diuined the assured disaster of his estate and fortunes. There dwelt in that Citie a certaine false prophet, whom Ieroboam held in great honour (in that hee soothed him vp in whatsoeuer was best pleasing to his eares.) This man at that time lay sicke vpon his bedde, being faint thorow age; and when he was enformed by his sonne that there was a prophet come from Ierusalem, and what wonders Hedio & Ruffinus. ch. 9. he had wrought, and how Ieroboam by his prayers recouered againe his withered hand; he fearing least the King should make more account of this stranger, then of himselfe, commanded his sonnes presently to saddle his Asse, and to haue him in a readinesse against his departure. H Which when they had hastily performed, hee mounted thereon, and went after the prophet, whom hee ouertooke, where he rested himselfe vnder a thicke and shadowy Oake; and vpon the first incountry, saluted him, and afterwards expostulated with him, for that he had not visited him, neither accepted of that hospitalitie which he willingly would haue affoorded The Prophet is brought backe by the subtilty and fraud of the false Prophet. him. Iadon answered him, that God had interdicted and charged him not to taste any kinde of sustenance in any mans house, that dwelt within that Citie. Truely, said the other, with me thou mightest eate, for I also am a prophet, and honour the same God that thou doest: and now also come I vnto thee by his commandement, to conduct thee back again into my house, & to entertaine thee with a friendly dinner. These words of the false prophet made Iadon credulous so that he returned backe againe with him. But as they sate at their banquet and were making merie togither, I God appeared vnto Iadon and said vnto him; that since he had broken his commandement, he should suffer punishment for the same: and withall expressed vnto him the manner, which was, that in his returne homewards, he should be torne in pieces by a Lyon; and that he should not be buried in the monument of his fathers. This thing hapned in my opinion by the will of The disobedience of the Prophet, his punishment and buriall. God, to the intent that Ieroboam should not respect Iadons words, who had been found a liar. As therefore Iadon returned backe to Ierusalem, a Lyon met him on the way, and tore him in pieces from his Asse and slew him, yet offered he no violence to the Asse that bare him, which he preserued with the body of the prophet standing fast by the same, vntill such time as certaine passengers beholding the spectacle, brought newes thereof into the towne vnto the false Prophet, who sent his sonnes to bring backe the body: which by their assistance he honourably buried, charging K them that after his death they should burie his body by him, assuring them that all that which he had prophecied against that Citie, against the altar, the priests, and false prophets, was verie true. And as touching himselfe, he commaunded that after his decease they should burie him by him, because that being buried with him, there might no difference be made betwixt their bones, and his tombe might bee more honoured. When as therefore he had interred Iadons prophecy is detracted to Ieroboam by the false Prophet. the prophet and giuen his sonne these things in charge (being other waies a most wicked and impious man) he addressed himselfe vnto Ieroboam, and said vnto him: Why art thou troubled at the words of this mad man? The King told him all that which had hapned about the Altar, and his hand, and assured him that he accounted him a true and diuine prophet, and one sent by God. But the false prophet began most maliciously to ouerthrow his opinion, & disguise the L truth of that which had hapned, by his perswasiue words. For he inforced himselfe to inferre, that his hand was astonished thorow the trauel he had taken in bearing the sacrifices, and that after he had a little rested, that it came into his own naturall estate againe: & that the altar being freshly built, and diuers great sacrifices loaded thereupon, it cleft in twain, & fel down thorow the waightinesse of the charge. Consequently hee declared vnto him the death of him, that had fortolde these signes that were to come, and how he had been slaine by a Lyon: For which cause he perswaded him to thinke that he in no sort was a Prophet, neither any waies partaking with the truth of prophecie. By such like allegations he made the King beleeue that which he said, and hauing wholy distracted his thoughts from God and good workes, and obseruation of Gods lawes, hee drew him to all wickednesse and impietie: by which act of his he outraged God, and offended M his lawes, and sought daily after no other thing, then to inuent some new and cursed wickednesse, that was farre more hainous then all that which before time he had attempted. This is all that at this time we haue to write, as concerning Ieroboam.
As touching Roboam Salomons sonne (who was King of the two Tribes, as we haue before Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 10. Roboams defenced cities. [...]. Paral. 11. this declared) he builded these great and strong Cities, Bethleem, Itama, Thecos, Bethsur, Socoth, Odolam, Epan, Maresa, Zipha, Adoraim, Lachis, Zicha, Saraim, Elon, and Hebron, [Page 209] which being within the confines of Iuda, he builded first. He builded also other great Cities in The yeare of the world. 29 [...]1. before Christs birth 993. A the countrey of the Beniamites, which he walled, and placed garrisons and gouernours in euery one of them, and great store of corne, wine and oyle: and generally in euery Citie hee made a great storehouse with all sorts of prouision, and victuals, with an infinit number of targets and launces. To him the Priests and Leuites annexed themselues, who were dispersed thorow Israel, who came and dwelt in Ierusalem. For they tooke no pleasure to adore by compulsion those calues that Ieroboam had erected; and during the terme of three yeeres, they increased the kingdome The godly Israelites returne to Roboam. of Roboam: who being married to one of his owne line had three children, and was afterwards married also with Maacha the daughter of Thamar daughter to Absalon, who was of his parentage likewise, of whom he begat his sonne called Abiah. He had also diuers other children by other women; but aboue all the rest, he loued Maacha most intirely. He had eighteene legitimate B Roboams wi [...]es and children. wiues, married vnto him according to the law, and thirtie concubines: he had eight and twenty sons and threescore daughters, and declared for his successor in the kingdome Abiah [...] son of Maacha, and committed all his treasures and strong sorts vnto his hands. But mortall men most vsually are corrupted by the vntoward flatteries of wauering fortune, as appeareth by this King. For Roboam seeing his kingdome thus increased, he bent himselfe to all vniust and impious actions, and contemned the seruice of God: the people also conformed themselues to his impieties. For the life of the subiect is oftentimes peruerted, by reason of the corrupt and dissolute life of their princes; and those that are inferiours, beholding the ryot of their superiours, will easily be withdrawne from all modestie, and follow those vices they professe, as if they had beene their professed vertues: for should they doe the contrarie, they should seeme to disanull C and mislike the actions of their Princes: As it hapned vnder the gouernment of Roboam, Regi [...] ad exempium totus comp [...]itur orbis. wherein the subiects addicted themselues to impietie, and all errors: for they would not make profession of honestie, for feare least they should seeme to study the meanes to be offensiue vnto the king.
CHAP. IIII.
Susac king of Aegypt after the spoile of Ierusalem, transporteth the riches of that Citie into Aegypt.
BVt God sent Susac king of Aegypt to take vengeance for that excesse, which was committed D Alias, chap. 5. Susac inuadeth Iudea with great forces. against his maiestie by Roboam (whose actions Herodotus wrongfully ascribeth to Sesostris.) For this Susac in the fifth yeere of Roboams raigne, assembled a huge army of diuers thousands of men, and brought them out against Roboam: wherein it is reported that hee had twelue hundreth chariots, threescore thousand horsemen, & foure hundreth thousand footmen. The greater part of these were Libyans, and Aethiopians: breaking in therefore into the Hebrewes countrey with this power, without stroke-striking he seazed the strongest places of the kingdome of Roboam, and fortified them, and at last came and incamped before Ierusalem. Ierusalem besieged. Samaeas the Prophet reprehendeth the Iewes of their impietie. 2. Paral. 2. Samaeas comforteth the people. But Roboam and his associates, seeing themselues begirt with a strong siege on euerie side by Susacs army; at last had his recourse vnto praiers: yet could he not moue God to incline and fauour him with the victorie. For the prophet Samaeas threatned and told him, that God would abandon E both him and his, in like sort, as they had forsaken him and his seruice. Which when they heard, they sodainly lost their hearts, and seeing no meanes to escape, they all of them began to confesse that God had iustly forsaken them, because they had shewed their impietie against him, and had peruerted all his lawes. But God seeing them thus disposed, and making confession of their sinnes, said vnto the prophet, that he would not vtterly destroy them: yet notwithstanding that he would deliuer them into the hands of the Aegyptians, to the end that they might learne whether it were more difficult to serue God, or men. When as therefore king Susac had without bloudshed or resist taken and surprised the Citie, and was receiued into the same by discomforted Roboam; hee kept not those conuentions that were made betwixt them, but spoiled the temple, Ierusalem and the temple are spoyled. and tooke away with him those treasures that were dedicated vnto God, and the seruice of the F King, rauishing from thence innumerable thousands of golde and of siluer, not leauing any thing behind him. He carried away also those targets and bucklers of gold, which were made by King Salomon: neither left he behind him the quiuer of gold, which was offered by Dauid, and receiued by him of the king of Sophena: Which done, he retired back againe into his own countrey. Of this expedition Herodotus of Halicarnassus maketh mention (who differeth only in the 3. Reg 1 [...]. What Herodotus wrote of this expeditiō. name of the King) and saith that he assailed diuers nations, and subdued Palestina and Syria, and [Page 210] tooke many men prisoners without any resist: wherby it is manifest that he meaneth no lesse then G The yeare of the world. 2975. before Christs Natiuity 989. Roboam for the golden shields and bucklers maketh new of beasse. Roboam dieth and Abias raigneth after him The yeare of the world. 29 [...]8. before Christs birth 976. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. 3. Reg. 14. Ieroboams impietie. that our nation hath beene ouercome by the Aegyptian. For he saith that in their gates who yeelded themselues vp vnto him without inforcement, he erected pillars which were figured with the secret parts of a woman. But our king Roboam yeelded vp the Citie into his hands without contradiction. It is said that the Aethiopians haue learnt of the Aegyptians the vse of circumscissiō of the prepuce. For the Phenicians and Syrians, that are in Palestine, confesse that they haue learnt it of the Aegyptians. But it is a matter verie manifest that no other are circumcised in Palestine of Syria, but our selues. But let each one speake of these things, according as him list.
After the retreat of Sisac, king Roboam made shieldes and bucklers of brasse, in steed of those of gold, and gaue the like number vnto his guard, and in steed of liuing in a braue army, in a royall and princely estate, he raigned after a seruile & fearefull maner, being all his life time enemy to Ieroboam. H He died after he had liued fiftie seuen yeares, wherof he raigned 17. He was a haughtie and vndiscreete man, who lost his estate, because he would not giue credit to his fathers friends: He was buried in Ierusalem in the sepulcher of the kings, and his sonne Abias succeeded him in his raigne at such time, as Ieroboam had alreadie raigned eighteene yeares ouer the tenne tribes. Thus were these things terminated. It behooueth now at this present to declare that which Ieroboam did afterwards, and how he died. He obseruing no meane or end of his impietie, imployed himselfe continually in making of Altars and high places, and presumed to ordaine common sacrificers. But God withheld not long time to heape the punishment of those his impieties on the head of him, and of all his posteritie. Whereas therefore his sonne Obimes was sicke about that Ieroboams son falleth sicke, his mother is sent to Achias the Prophet. time, he commaunded his wife to lay aside her royal garment, and to apparrel her selfe like a common I woman, and afterwards to go to Achias the Prophet, assuring her that he was admirable for his knowledge in foretelling things to come, and had foretold him that he should be king: for which cause he willed her to repaire vnto him after the manner of a straunger, and enquire of him if her sonne should escape that sicknes. Whereupon she disguised her selfe according as her husband had commaunded her, & came vnto the Citie of Silo where Achias dwelt, & as she was vpon entring his house (notwithstanding hee had lost his sight thorow age) God appeared vnto him, and certified him in these two points: first that Ieroboams wife came vnto him: and next, all that he should answere to her demaund. At such time therefore as she entred into his house after the guise of a common and straunge woman, Achias cried with a loud voice. ‘Enter thou wife of Ieroboam, wherefore hidest thou thy selfe? Thou canst not hide thy selfe from God, K who hath certified me of thy comming, and hath informed me what aunswere I shall giue vnto thee. He therefore said vnto her, that she should returne vnto her husband, and certifie him of Gods answere to this effect: Of little and nothing that thou wert, I haue made thee great; and hauing dismembred the kingdome from Dauids posteritie, I haue giuen it vnto thee: but thou hast forgotten the same; & hauing forsaken my seruice, hast molten downe new gods whom thou The punishmēt of Ieroboam and the misery of the people foreprophecied. honourest: so also will I exterminate thee, and abolish all thy posteritie, and cast them off for a pray vnto dogs, and fowles of the ayre. For I wil constitute a king ouer my people that shall leaue no one of Ieroboams race aliue. The people also shall haue part of this punishment, and shall be depriued of this their fruitfull countrey, and be scattered among the regions on the other side of Euphrates, because they haue followed the impieties of their king, and adoring those gods that L were forged by him, haue giuen ouer my sacrifice. And as concerning thy selfe (O woman) haste thee, and certifie thy husband of these things. For thou shalt find thy sonne dead; for no sooner shalt thou enter into the Citie, but he shall finish his daies. He shall be buried with the lamentation of the whole people in generall. For he onely was good of all the race of Ieroboam.’ When Achias had finished his prophecie, the woman started backe sore troubled and dismaide thorow the daunger of her sonne, and went lamenting onward on her way, wounded with the future death of him, and by reason of her so earnest affection she was afflicted with incredible torments. The haste which she vsed was importunate, because of her sonne whom she should see dead; by so much the sooner she hasted homeward, but it behooued her to vse expedition in the behalfe of her husband. Whenas therefore she was arriued, she found her sonne expiring, as the Prophet M had foretold her, and recited the rest vnto Ieroboam.
CHAP. V. A The yeare of the world, 2988. before Christs Natiuitie, 976.
Ieroboams expedition against the sonne of Roboam, the ouerthrow of his armie, and how Basanes rooted out the whole posteritie of Ieroboam, and made himselfe king.
BVt Ieroboam was nothing moued herewith, but leuied a great armie with an intent Alias, chap. 6. The expedition of Ieroboam against Abias king of Iuda. Abias leuied an army against Ieroboam. to make warre against Abias the sonne of Roboam, who had obtained his fathers kingdome ouer the two tribes. For he despised him, because he was young in yeares. This notwithstanding, the young king was no whit dismaide (although he vnderstood of Ieroboams comming) but with greater wisedome then was incident to his yeares, and beyond all B expectation of his forward aduersarie, he leuied an armie of two tribes, with which he encountred Ieroboam at the mountaine of Samaria; where incamping his host neere vnto him, he prouided all things in a readinesse that were requisite for the battell, and had with him foure hundreth thousand fighting men, but Ieroboam had twise as many. Now when the armies were arranged, and expected to giue the allarum and charge, Abias stood vp in a certaine high place from whence he might be seene and heard, & making a signe with his hand, he required that Ieroboam, and the people would first of al heare him peaceably, which granted to him, & each one attēding in silence, he brake out into these words. ‘There is none of you but knoweth, that. God hath promised the kingdome to Dauid and his posteritie for euer. I therefore greatly admire how you Abias, oration to the Hebrewes, wherein he vpbraideth them of their superstition, and forsaking of their religion. haue reuolted from my father to submit your selues to Ieroboam his seruant, whom at this present C you accompany to warre against those whom God hath ordained to raigne, and to take the kingdome from them, the greater part whereof Ieroboam vsurpeth iniustly euen at this day, and which as I suppose he shall not enioy long time. For he shall be punished by God, and shall cease to contradict his lawes, and to dishonour them as he doth continually, in perswading you to do the like. You haue receiued no iniurie at my fathers hands, but by reason that he was misled by the sinister counsails of certaine wicked persons, & spake vnto you certain words which in apparance seemed vnfitting in your eares, you haue forsaken him in your displeasure: but in effect you haue separated your selues from God and his commaundements. Truly you should haue pardoned a young man vntrained and vntaught in oratorie, not only for the rude words which he vsed, but although his youth and ignorance should haue moued him to commit some churlish and D indiscreet action or errour, yet should you haue endured the same. For the fathers demerites ought to serue and satisfie the childrens defects. But you haue had no regard of all this, neither then nor at this present, but leade forth a great army against vs. But whereupon ground you the hope of your victorie? Is it on your calues of gold? is it on your Altars on the mountaines? which are witnesses of your impietie and irreligion. Is it your great number that surpasseth ours by farre, that maketh you confident? Truly the force of many thousands is of no value, whereas the army fighteth in an vniust quarrell. For in onely Iustice and pietie towards God, consisteth the most assured hope of obtaining victory ouer a mans enemies, which must needs be on our side, who obserue at all times the ordinances and seruices of our God, whom mens hands haue not fashioned of corruptible matter, nor the subtiltie of a cunning king could not forge to deceiue E a communaltie, but such a one whose worke is the beginning and ending of all things. I therefore aduise you that presently you repent your selues, and that taking a better way you desist from your warre, and acknowledge the lawes of your forefathers; finally those ordinances, which haue aduanced you to so great felicitie.’ Thus spake Abias to the people. But whilest he yet continued his discourse, Ieroboam sent certaine of his soldiers by by-waies to inclose Abias within two strieghts, before his followers could discouer them. Now when Abias was thus inclosed in the midst of his enemies, his army began to be discomforted, and to lose their courage: but he incouraged them and exhorted them to put their trust in God, who could not be enclosed by his enemies: so that all together hauing called vpon God to assist them, and after that the Priests had sounded the trumpet, they thrust in amongst their enemies with a great shout, and F God so blinded the vnderstanding and abated the force of Ieroboams soldiers, that they fled, and those on Abias side had the vpper hand. Neuer was there warre recorded by the historians eyther amongst the Greekes, or Barbarians, that was pursued with so great a slaughter as the armie of Ieroboam: whereby it appeared that this wonderful and admirable victorie came from God. For they discomfited fiue hundreth thousand of their enemies, and tooke their most defenced places by force, and spoyled them. Bethel and Ithan also with their [...]ds and signiories belonging [Page 212] vnto them: so that as long as Abias liued, Ieroboam was neuer after of force to raise any power G The yeare of the world, 2988. before Christs birth 976. The death of Abias. 3. Reg. 15. Asa king of Iuda. The yeare of the world, 2991. before Christs natiuitie, 973. The yeare of the world. 2992. before Christ birth. 972. The yeare of the world. 2993. before Christs birth 971 since the losse he receiued. Abias suruiued, after this his victorie, onely for the space of three yeeres; and was buried in Ierusalem, in the Sepulchre of his auncestors, leauing twenty two sons and sixteene daughters behind him, all which he begat on sixteene women. His sonne Asa succeeded him in the kingdome, whose mother was called Maacha: vnder his gouernment the countrey of Israel enioyed a firme peace for the terme of ten yeeres. This is that which we haue obserued of Abias, sonne of Roboam, the sonne of Salomon. Ieroboam the King of the ten Tribes died likewise, after he had raigned twenty two yeeres, and Nadab his sonne succeeded him at such time, as Asa had already raigned two yeeres. The sonne of Ieroboam gouerned two yeers, resembling his father in impietie and wickednesse. During these two yeeres, he made warre against Gabaa a Citie of the Philistines, and encamped thereabout to surprise it by force: but being betraied H by the trecherie of a certaine friend of his called Baasa the sonne of Machil, he died. This Baasa taking possession of the kingdome, exterminated all the posterit [...] of Ieroboam: and it came to passe that they of Ieroboams race that died in the Citie, were torne in pieces, and deuoured by dogs; and they that were in the fields, were made a pray vnto birds, according as Gods prophet had pronounced. By this meanes the house of Ieroboam suffered a deserued punishment, for their impietie and wickednesse.
CHAP. VI.
The Aethiopians besiegde Ierusalem during the raigne of Asa, and are I ouercome:
BVt Asa King of Ierusalem was a man of vpright and honest life, and such a one as feared God, neither did he, or enterprised he any thing, that had not a naturall relation to pietie, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 12. al. 8. Asas pietie. and the prescript of the lawes. He corrected whatsoeuer was vitious and irregular in his kingdome, redressing whatsoeuer was erronious in the same, and purging it from all impietie. He had an army of three hundreth thousand men of the Tribe of Iuda, armed with bucklers and iauelins, and two hundreth and fiftie thousand of the Tribe of Beniamin, bearing bucklers and bowes. After he had raigned ten yeeres, Zaraeus King of Aethiopia came out against him, with a great army of nine hundreth thousand footmen, and one hundreth thousand horsemen, with three hundreth chariots, and destroied all the land as farre as Maresa, a Citie of Iuda: in which K place Asa came and met with him, and opposed army against army in the valley of Saphath, not 3. Reg 15. The Ethiopiās warre against Asa. farre from the Citie. Where seeing the great number of the Aethiopians, he besought God that he would giue him the victorie and slaughter of diuers thousands of his enemies: for he said that he came out against Zaraeus, not assuring himselfe in any other thing, except onely of Gods assistance, who had the power to make a handfull of men superiours ouer many, and the feeble to ouercome the mightie.
Whilest Asa praied thus vnto God, a certaine signe of vi [...]orie was giuen him; so that reioyced and confirmed in that God had giuen him a token [...] he would assist him, he assailed 2. Paral. 14. The yeare of the world, 3000. before Christs birth 964. his enemies and slew a great number of the Aethiopians: as for the rest that were put to flight, he pursued them as farre as the countrey of Gerar; and after they had conquered their enemies, they L sacked the Citie of Gerar, and brought from thence a great masse of gold, and a huge quantitie of bootie, with Camels, dromodaries, and herds of diuers kinds of cattell. When Asa and his had thus by this meanes obtained at Gods hands such a victorie and so great riches, they returned Asas victorie. backe againe to Ierusalem: and when they drew neere vnto the Citie, the prophet Azarias came out to meete them, who staied them, and began after this manner to speake vnto them: ‘That since they had obtained from God so notable a victorie, they ought to behaue themselues like vertuous men, and such as feared God, conforming themselues vnto his will in all things, The exhortation of Azarias the Prophet. protesting that if they persisted in the same, God would giue them the continuall victorie ouer their enemies; and besides that, happy life: but if they forsooke the seruice of God, that all things should fall out contrarie vnto them. That the time should come, when neither true prophet or M priest should be found amongst them, that should instruct them in righteousnesse, when their 2. Paral 15. Cities should be ouerthrowne, and their nation should be scattered ouer the face of the whole earth, and liue like wanderers and vagabonds. In the meane while therfore, while they had time, he counselled thē to liue vprightly, wishing them that they would not depriue themselues of that fauour which God bare vnto them.’ When the King and all the people heard these words, they were very ioyfull, and euery one both in generall and particular, were carefull to serue God. The [Page 213] King also sent out certaine deputies ouer the countrey, who were charged to see the lawes duely The yeare of the world. 3000. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 964. Religion renewed in Israle. Basaes impietie, 3. Reg. 16. A prophecy against Basa. A obserued and executed. In this estate were the affaires of Asa king of the two Tribes.
Now will I returne to Basa King of the multitude of Israel, who (hauing slaine Nadab the son of Ieroboam) vsurped the kingdome. He made his aboad in the citie of Thersa, and raigned foure and twenty yeeres, shewing himselfe more wicked & impious, then either Ieroboam or his son had bin. He plagued the people many waies, & dishonoured God very greatly, who sent the Prophet Gimon vnto him, to foretell him that his whole race should perish, and that his house should be persecuted with as many miseries as himselfe had inflicted on Ieroboams posterity: because that hauing receiued the gouernment from God, he shewed himselfe vngratefull vnto him for his goodnesse, and gouerned his people impiously and vniustly: whereas iustice and pietie are both profitable vnto those that practise them, and wel-pleasing vnto God. Further, in that he had conformed B himselfe in life, to the dissolute course that Ieroboam vsed, and was wholy contaminated with all his vices, he might assure himselfe that resembling him in wickednesse, he should vndoubtedly equall him in punishment. When Basa heard all those euils (that should shortly fall on him and his posteritie, by reason of his wickednesse) he redeemed not the time, neither indeuoured himselfe to gaine the reputation of a reconciled life, or to obtaine pardon at Gods hands, by repenting himselfe of his forepassed sinnes: but euen as they that haue a recompence proposed vnto them to make them more affectionate in exploiting any thing, doe diligently indeuour themselues to performe the same: so Basa, notwithstanding the prophet had foretold him of that which should happen, persisted in his wickednesse as if it had been in vertue, and became worse and worse, to the vtter ruine and confusion both of him and his houshold: and daily addicted himselfe C vnto all wickednesse, with no lesse greedinesse, then if he had enterprised to beare away the honour in such a combate. In the end he assembled an army, and assailed Ramath once more, which was a great Citie some foure leagues distant off of Ierusalem, which he tooke, and determined to leaue a garrison therein, and fortifie the same; with a resolution, from thence to make Basa surprised Ramath, and fortifieth it. The yeare of the world. 3006. before Christs birth 958. Asa inciteth those of Damasco to inuade Bala. The yeare of the world. 3016. before the birth of Christ. 948. Alias. chap 9. The death of Basa. his roades into Asaes kingdome. But Asa fearing the inuasion of his enemy, and considering that the souldiers who were left in Ramath, did most grieuously spoile all the dominions that were vnder him, sent embassadours to the King of Damasco with gold and siluer, to induce him to a societie in warre, and to renew that amitie betweene them, which was confirmed betwixt both their fathers. Who willingly receiued those treasures that were sent him, and made a league with him, and brake the truce which he had with Basa: so that he sent the gouernours of his dominions D against those Cities that were vnder Basaes subiection, with commandement to destroy them. Of these they burned some, and ransackt other some, amongst which were Elon, Dan, and Abellane. Which when the King of Israell vnderstood, he gaue ouer the fortifying of Ramath, and with all expedition returned to yeeld those of his subiects his assistance, who were vtterly distracted. But Asa in the meane while builded two strong townes, Gabath and Maspha, of that stuffe which Basa had prepared to build withall. Basa afterwards (preuented by the common debt of death) had no more opportunitie to make warre against Asa. He was buried in the Citie of Arsane, and his sonne Ela succeeded him in the kingdome, who after he had raigned some two yeeres, was traiterously slaine by Zamri a captaine of a halfe regiment of horsemen. For whilest Ela banquetted with Osa, who was the steward of his house, Zamri wrought E so effectually, that he perswaded some of his horsemen to assault Ela, who at that time was alone and destitute of men of warre and captaines, for that all of them were at the siege of Gabathon a Citie of the Philistines.
CHAP. VII.
Basaes ofspring being extinct among the Israelites, Zamri raigned in Israel; and after him Amri, and his sonne Achab.
AFter that Ela was slaine, Zamri tooke the Kingdome vpon him, and wholy rooted out Basaes posteritie (according as the prophet Gimon had foretold.) For after the same maner F The yeare of the world, 3017. before Christs birth 947. Basaes stocke destroyed. was his family vtterly ouerthrowne for their impietie, as Ieroboams progeny was ex tinguished for their iniquitie (as we haue toforetime declated.) For the army which b [...] [...]ged Gabathon, hearing newes of the Kings death, & that Zamri had murthered him, and seased the kingdome, they made Amri generall of the army, and annointed him for their king: who leuying the siege before Gabathon, came before the royall Citie of Thersa, which he besieged and tooke perforce. Zamri seeing the Citie destitute of defence, had retired himselfe into the most secret [Page 214] and retired place of the pallace; where setting it on fire he burned both himselfe and it, after he G The yeare of the world 3017. before Christs Natiuitie. 947. Diuers factiōs of the people. Amri king of Israel▪ The yeare of the world, 3021. before Christs birth 943. had raigned seuen daies. Sodainly after this, the Israelites fell at controuersie amongst themselues, because that some of them sought to preferre Thaman to the kingdome, and others were wholy addicted to Amri; but they of Amries side had the better, and being of the better sort slew Thaman, and made Amri soueraigne ouer the people. The thirteenth yeare of Asa, Amri began his raigne, and was King for twelue yeeres space; six yeeres gouerned he in Thersa, and six in Mareon (which the Greekes call Samaria) himselfe imposed this name of Samaria, calling it by the name of Samar, who had giuen him the land on which he builded this Citie. He differed in nothing from the other kings his predecessors, but in that he was worser then any of them: for all of them busied their heads on this thing onely, that by daily impieties they might alien the people from God. For which cause God being displeased, cansed the one of them to cut off the H other; and finally extinguished both the posteritie and name of one another. This Amri died in Samaria, and Achab his sonne was his successor. Amri dieth, and Achab his sonne succeedeth him. The yeare of the world. 3028. before Christs birth 9 [...]6. Alias, chap. 10. Asa dieth, Iosophat succeedeth him.
Hereby a man may truely and easily perceiue, what care the diuine maiestie hath of humane affaires, and how he loueth the vertuous, and vtterly rooteth out the vicious. For the kings of Israel through their impietie in a short and successiue course the one after the other, were cut off and confounded with all their families. But Asa (king of Ierusalem and the two Tribes) liuing happily in the fauour of God, for his pietie and iustice attained to a reuerend and old age, and after he had raigned one and fortie yeeres, he died a good death. And after his decease, Iosaphat his sonne (whom he begat on his mother Abida) succeeded him; who in all things that concerned either pietie or fortitude, seemed to emulate and equall his grandfather Dauid, according as I it shall be declared hereafter. But Achab King of Israel made his aboad in Samaria, and gouerned the kingdome for the space of twenty two yeeres, without any alteration of those ordinances which his progenitors kings of Israel had established; but that he exceeded them daily in complotting worser wickednesse. For he imitated all their impieties and wickednes (but especially the apostasie of Ieroboam) for he adored those calues that were erected by him; and besides that, he added farre worse impieties then the former. He tooke to wife Iezabel the daughter of Ithobal King of the Tyrians and Sidonians, of whom he learned to adore the gods of her nation: for The yeare of the world. 3031. before the birth of Christ. 933. Iezabel. 3. Reg. 17. The dearth of victuals prophecied to the Israelites. she was a busie and audacious woman, and of such immeasurable madnesse, that she feare not to build a temple in honour of Bel the god of the Tyrrians, and to plant a wood furnished with all kinde of trees, and to ordaine priests and false prophets also in honour of that God. The king K also tooke delight to haue these kindes of men oftentimes about him, exceeding all other kings before him in madnes and malice. To him came a certaine prophet sent by the Almighty God, that was borne in Thesbon in Galaad, telling him that he foreprophecied, that neither dew nor raine should fal on the earth a long time, vntil that himselfe, who was prepared to depart frō him, should appeare again vnto him: and binding the same with an oath (for the better confirmation thereof) he retired himselfe to the Southward, where he liued by a certain riuer, from whence he fetcht his drinke: for his meat was daily brought him by certaine Crowes. Now when the riuer The yeare of the world. 3037. before Christs birth 927 thorow want of raine was waxen drie, God commanded him to repaire vnto Sareptha (a Citie not farre from Sidon and Tyre, and scituate in the midst betweene them both) where he should finde a widow woman, who should furnish him with food. As soone therefore as he drew neere L vnto the gate, he saw a woman that liued by her labour, gathering of sticks; and God gaue him to Crowes feed Elias. The widow of Sareptha entertaining Elias neither flowre not oyle faile. vnderstand, that it was she who should nourish him. Wherupon he came vnto her and saluted her, praying her that she would bring him some water to coole his thirst; and as she was ready to depart, he called her backe againe, and willed her to bring him some bread also. Whereupon she swore that she had nothing in her house, but a handfull of flower and a little oyle, and that she was come forth to gather sticks, to the end she might bake the same, and make bread for her selfe and her sonne, and when they had eaten the same, they must needly perish thorow famine, because they had not any thing more left them. Go, said the prophet, and be of good courage, and conceiue better hopes, and when thou hast prepared meate for me, bring it me: for I tell thee that thy pitcher of meale shall neither faile, nor thy pot of oyle be emptie, vntill that God send M raine vpon the earth. When the Prophet had spoken thus, she approched neere vnto him, and performed that which he commanded, and shee her selfe had sufficient to feede vpon; and shee gaue the rest vnto her son and to the prophet: so that they wanted nothing so long as the drougth continued. Menander of the famine during the time of Elias.
Menander maketh mention of this default of raine in the acts of Ithobal king of the Tyrians, speaking after this manner. In his time there was a season without raine, from the moneth of [Page 215] October vntill October in the next yeare after, but vpon his supplication and request there fell The yeare of the world, 3037. before Christs Natiuitie, 927. A great store of thunder. He builded the Citie of Botris in Phenicia & Auzate in Libya. Doubtlesse he expressed herby the drougth that hapned in Achabs time: for about that time Ithobale raigned ouer the Tyrians, as Menander testifieth in his historie. This woman (of whom we haue spoken heretofore, that nourished the Prophet) seeing her sonne fallen sicke, & lying senseles, as if he had beene alreadie dead, or yeelding vp of the ghost; wept, & brake out into such passionate laments, as were answerable to her desolate estate, & said, that the cause of her misfortune was, in that the Prophet was come into her house, and had discouered her sinnes, and that for the same cause her sonne was dead. But he recomforted her, and willed her to be of a good courage, and commanded her to bring the child vnto him, assuring her that he would restore him to life. Now when Elias restoreth the w [...]wes sonne to l [...]e. she had brought him, he tooke the child and bare him into his lodging where he remained, and B laid him on his bed, & cried out vnto god saying, that he had but slenderly recompenced her that had receiued and nourished him, if so be her sonne should be taken from her: hee therefore besought 3. Reg. 18. him, that he would returne the soule into the bodie, & restore life vnto the infant. Whereupon God hauing compassion on the mother, and being willing to gratifie the Prophet, and to the intent that no man might suppose that he came vnto her to endomage her; he restored the child to life beyond all expectation. For which the mother gaue thanks vnto the Prophet, saying, that by this meanes she was thorowly perswaded, that God had spoken vnto him. Not long after hee sought out Achab, according as God had commaunded him, to let him vnderstand that he should haue raine. At that time the famine raigned ouer the whole country, and there was great want of necessarie victuals; so that men did not onely faint for want of bread, Elias is sent by God to prophecy fault to Achab. The yeare of the world. 3040. before Christs birth 924. Achab seeketh for Elias. Obediah cōcea leth and sustaineth a hundreth prophets C but the earth also, for want of raine, could not bring forth that which was requisite for the sustenance of horses and other cattell. The king therefore calling Obediah vnto him (who was the master of his heards) he commaunded him that he should each way seeke out for fountaines and brookes, willing him that if he found out any grasse, he should mow the same, and giue it to his cattell for their sustenance. And whereas by his commaund the Prophet Elias was sought in diuers places, and could not be found: he willed Obediah also to follow him. So taking both of them seuerall waies, the king followed one, and the master of the cattell an other. This Obediah was a godly and vertuous man, who when the Prophets were put to death, hid one hundreth of them in dens, and sustained them with bread and water. After this man was departed from the king, Elias met with him and asked him what he was: which when he had certified him, he D humbled himselfe on his face before him. Elias commaunded him to repaire vnto the king, and to certifie him that he was hard at hand. Obediah asked him wherein he had offended him, that he would make him a minister and messenger vnto him, who had sought to kill him, and had bylaid the countrey to apprehend him? For there was not any streight whither he sent not some of his men to find out Elias, with charge, that if they found him, they should put him to death. Now it may so be (said he) that whilest I repaire vnto the king, the spirit of God wherewith thou art fulfilled will carry thee away, and the king not finding thee here and frustrate of his desire, will reuenge himselfe on my head. Be thou not therefore so secure by my danger, whereas thou maist know how carefull I am of such holy men as thou art, who haue deliuered a hundreth Prophets from Iezabels furie, and now at this time conceale and sustaine them in secret places. Notwithstanding E all these words, Elias commaunded him to repaire vnto the king, and to cast off all feare, swearing vnto him by an oth, how that day he would make himselfe seene and knowne vnto Achab.
When Obediah had certified the king that Elias was at hand, Achab went out to meete him, and being fraught with indignation said vnto him. Is it thou that heapest so much mischiefe on the Achab accuseth Elias of impietie. Hebrewes heads? Art thou the man that art the cause of this sterilitie? To whom Elias replied without flattering him any waies, that it was he and his race that were the occasions of these mischiefes, because they had brought strange Gods into their countrey whom they adored, and had forsaken the true God, who was and is onely to be worshipped. He therefore willed him presently to assemble all the people on the mount Carmel, & bring with him his wife and her prophets, F whose number he reckoned vp: the Prophets likewise of the woods, who were in number foure hundreth. Whenas therefore all of them being summoned by the king were gathered togither Elias reproueth the superstition of the people. in that place: Elias stood vp in the midst of them and said. How long will you liue thus, hauing both your soules and opinions dismembred and deuided? For if you thinke that the Hebrewes God is the true and onely God, why follow you him not? and why keepe you not his commaundements? But if you thinke that the honour belongeth not to him, but to forraine [Page 216] gods, follow you them. When Elias perceiued that the people replied nothing hereunto, he G The yeare of the world, 3040 before Christs birth 924. praied them (in confirmation of that infinite and distinct power of God from that of straunge Gods) that whereas he was but one only Prophet of the true God at that time present, and the other were foure hundreth that worshipped the false; that he might take an Oxe and kill the same, and lay it vpon wood, without putting any fire thereto to consume the sacrifice; and that they also might doe the like, and call vpon their gods, and beseech them to send downe fire to consume their sacrifice: which if they should doe and confirme the same by miracle, that then the true nature of their gods should be knowne. This counsell of his was generally allowed. Whereupon Elias commaunded the false Prophets first of all to choose themselues an Oxe, and to kil the same, and afterwards to call vpon the assistance of their gods: and when it manifestly appeared that their prayer and inuocation was of no force; Elias began to mocke them, saying, why call you not H out vpon your gods with a loud voice, for it may be they are on some voyage, or else happily they sleep? Whilest thus they had inuocated from the morning vntil mid-day (cutting themselues with kniues and launces, according to the custome of their countrey) Elias that was to make his sacrifice, commaunded the false Prophets to stand aside, willing the people to draw neere vnto him, and obserue, for feare least secretly he should conuey fire vnder the wood. When the people Elias doctrine and office confirmed by miracle. were approched, he tooke 12. stones, according to the number of the twelue tribes of Israel, and made an Altar, and digged a deepe trench round about the same; and afterwards heaping wood vpon the Altar, and laying his sacrifice thereupon, he commaunded them to fill foure tuns with fountaine water, and to power it vpon the Altar in such sort, as the trench might receiue & drinke vp the water. Which done, he began to pray and call vpon God, beseeching him that it might I please him to manifest his power vnto his people, who had so long time runne astray: no sooner Fire from heauen deuoureth the sacrifice. had he finished his prayer, but fire fell from heauen vpon the Altar in the sight of all the people, and consumed al the sacrifice; so that the water was consumed, & the place dried vp. Which when the Israelites beheld, they fel down on their faces vpon the earth, adoring one only God: cōfessing Bels priests slains. him to be the most mighty & only true God, and auowing that al other were but forged names, and fruits of an euill and truthles opinion; and laying hands themselues vpon their false Prophets, they slew them by the commaundement of Elias. He willed the king also to depart, and take his refection, and to take care for nothing, because he should very shortly see that God would send Elias foreprophecieth raine him raine; and thus departed Achab from him. But Elias ascended the top of the mount Carmel, and sate him downe on the earth, leaning his head vpon his knees: whilest thus he sate, he commaunded K his seruant also to get vp vpon a certaine rocke, and to looke towards the sea, and to tell him if he saw any clouds arise in any part (for till that time the ayre had beene alwaies cleere.) His seruant hauing often ascended the rocke, and returned him answere that he sawnothing: at length mounting vp the seuenth time, in descending he returned him this newes; that he saw some black appareance in the ayre, not much vnlike vnto a mans footstep. When Elias vnderstood this, he sent vnto Achab, wishing him to retire himselfe within the Citie before the raine fel: who had no sooner recouered the Citie of Iezrael, but that the ayre was presently clouded and couered with a shower, and a vehement wind intermixed with raine fell vpon the earth, and the Prophet seased by the spirit of God ranne with the kings chariot as farre as Iezrael a Citie of Asser. When Iezabel Achabs wife had notice what wonders Elias had performed, and how he had slaine her L Prophets, she was sore displeased, and sent messengers vnto him, threatning him in like sort to 3. Reg. 10. reuenge her selfe on him, as he had slaine her Prophets. Which for that Elias feared, he fled into the Citie of Bersabe, which is vpon the borders of the tribe of Iuda, bounding vpon Idumaea, in which place he left his seruant, and retired himselfe into the desart: where whilest he praied God, Elias flieth from Iezabel. that he would take him out of the world, by reason he was not better then others, for which cause he should desire to liue after them; he fell asleepe vnder a certaine tree, and after that some one Gods care for his seruants had awakened him, he arose and found bread and water readie prepared by him. Whenas therefore he had eaten and was recomforted, he went vnto the mount Sinai (where it is said that Moses receiued the lawes from God) where finding out a hollow caue, he entered into it, and remained God speaketh to Elias in the desart. therein. And being demaunded by a certaine voice which spake vnto him, he knewe not from M whence, wherefore he remained in that place, and forsooke the Citie? he answered, for that he had slaine the Prophets of the false gods, and for that he had perswaded the people that there was but one onely God, who ought to be honoured by all men; and that for this cause he was sought for by the kings wife, that he might be done to death. The voice replied againe, and commaunded him to shew himselfe openly, assuring him that he should vnderstand that which it behooued him to performe.
[Page 217] Hereupon as soone as it was day, he forsooke the caue, he heard an earthquake, and saw a The yeare of the world 3040. before Christs birth 924. lehuking of Israel. Elizeus calling A light: and after all things were appeased, the heauenly voice which proceeded he knew not from whence, willed him, that he should in no waies be discomforted with that which he saw: for that no one of his enemies should haue power to hurt him; charging him to return vnto his house, to the intent to proclaime Iehu the son of Nimsi king of the people, and Azael of Damasco king of the Syrians; certifying him that in his place, Elizeus of the citie of Abela should be prophet; and that the wicked people should be destroied, the one by Azael, & the other by Iehu. When Elias had heard these things, he returned into the countrey of the Hebrewes, and met Elizeus the son of Saphat at the cart, and with him diuers others driuing before them twelue couple of oxen: him did he approch, and cast vpon him his garment, who instantly began thereupon to prophetize, so that forsaking his oxen, he followed Elias. Yet required he him, that before his departure, hee B might take leaue of his parents; which licence when he had obtained, he committed them vnto God and followed Elias, attending on him during all the terme of his life like his disciple and seruant. This issue had the affaires of this so excellent a Prophet. But a certaine Citizen called Naboth Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 14. al. 11. 3. Reg. 21. The story of Naboth, who was stoned to death for denying Achab his vineyard. of the Citie of Azar, had a vineyard neere vnto the lands of Achab, who required him that he would sell him the same, at what price he thought conuenient at his owne election, to the intent he might annex the same to his owne lands, and make them all but one possession: wishing him, that if he would not sell it him for siluer, to choose in exchange thereof, any one field of his that best liked him. Naboth answered him, that he would not doe it, but that he intended to gather the fruit of his owne land himselfe, which he had receiued as an inheritance from his father. The King no lesse tormented then if he had lost his owne inheritance (in that he might not bee C master of an other mans patrimony) would neither wash nor receiue any sustenance. For which cause Iezabel his wife questioned with him as touching the cause of his discontent, and how it came to passe that he neither washt, dinde, nor supt: who told her of Naboths rude behauiour, and how hauing vsed al iust and reasonable composition vnto him, in abasing himselfe more then his royall authoritie permitted, he had been outraged by him, in that he obtained not the thing which he requested at his hands. Hereupon Iezabel willed him to be of good cheer aduising him, that dismissing his displeasure he should continue his ordinarie entertainment, because she her selfe would take vpon her to reuenge him on Naboth. Wherupon she presently sent letters in Achabs name to the gouernours of the countrey, whereby she enioyned them to celebrate a fast, and to assemble the people, charging them that in that place Nabotl should haue a seat prepared D for him, by reason of his birth & nobilitie; willing them afterwards, that suborning three impudent and false witnesses to depose against him, that he had blasphemed against God and the king: they should by this meanes and for this occasion, cause him to be stoned and put to death by the people. All which was performed, according as the Queene had written, and Naboth (conuinced by false witnesse, for scandalizing both God and the King) was stoned by the people and put to death. When Iezabel had tidings hereof, she repaired to the kings presence, and told him that he should enioy Naboths vineyard; and disburse nothing for the same.
But God displeased with this her wickednesse, sent the Prophet Elias purposely to meete with Achab in Naboths ground, and to tell him that he iniustly possessed the lawfull inheritance of a Elias prophecieth what reuenge God wil take of Achab and Iezabel. legitimate heire, whom he had done to death: As soone as the King perceiued that he came vnto E him, supposing it to be vnseemely for a king to be reproued, he first of all confessed the fault, and offered him to make restitution according to his arbitrement. Then did the prophet foretel him that in the same place where Naboths carkasse was consumed by dogs, that both his and his Queenes bloud should be shed, and that all his race should be destroied, for that they durst commit such an impietie, and so wickedly slaughter against all law, so good and guiltlesse a Citizen. At length Achab vpon these words was seazed with displeasure, & repented for the offence he had committed: so that apparelling himselfe in sackcloth, and walking barefoote, he tasted not any Achabs repentance. meate, but confessed his sinnes, vnder hope to appease Gods wrath. For which cause God certified him by the Prophet, that during his life time the punishment of his race should be deferred, because he had repented him of his misdeeds: but that the threats and menaces should take effect F in his sonnes time; all which Elias signified vnto the king.
CHAP. VIII. The yeare of the world. 3040. before Christ Natiuity 924. G
Adad King of Damasco and Syria, fighteth at two seuerall times with Achab, and is ouerthrowne by him.
WHilest Achabs affaires were after this manner disposed, the sonne of Adad (that raigned ouer the Syrians, and those of Damasco) assembled the forces of his whole countrey, 3. Reg. [...]0. Adads warre against Achab and associated with himselfe two and thirtie other kings, with whom he came and made warre against Achab. Who being farre inferiour to him in forces, came not out into the open field to bid him battell, but closing vp his souldiers in his strongest cities, he himselfe retired into Samaria (which was begirt with a very strong wall, and generally very hard to be surprised.) H For which cause the Syrian (taking his army with him) resorted to Samaria, and incamping before the same, intended to scale and batter the Citie. But first of all he sent a Herauld to Achab, to require him to giue audience to his embassadours which he would send vnto him, by whom he should be certified what his resolution was. As soone as the King of Israel had granted them free accesse, the embassadours came, and (according to the kings directions) required that Achabs The Syrians emballage to Achab. goods, his children, and wife should be at Adads command: which if he would confesse, and suffer him to seaze so many of them as best liked him, he would leuy the siege and batter the Citie no more. Achab gaue the embassadours commission to certifie the King of Syria that both himselfe, and all whatsoeuer was his, was at his commaund. Vpon which answere the King sent a second message vnto Achab, enioyning him the next day to admit such of his seruants, as hee I should send vnto him, to search his royall pallace, and the houses of his friends and kinsmen, and take from thence that which was best liking, and in greatest estimate with them, and leaue the rest with him whereof they made least reckoning.
Achab amazed at this second embassadge of the King of Syria, assembled his people, and certified them, that he was ready to deliuer vp into the enemies hands his wiues, and children, for their safetie and repose; and to abandon all that likewise which was in his possession (for that the Syrian had demanded no lesse at his hands in his first embassage.) But that now he required that his seruants might be admitted to ransacke all their houses, to the end they may leaue nothing therein that was worthy regard, willing by this meanes to take a pretext of making warre, knowing wel (said he) that I wil spare nothing that is mine for your safety. At this present he profereth K and seeketh occasion of hostilitie, proposing vnto you a thing, which is vnpleasing to you all, as touching your goods: notwithstanding, I will doe whatsoeuer you shall thinke good of. To this the people answered, that they could not endure that any of his demaunds should be listned vnto, or respected; but that the King should prepare for warre. Whereupon he called for the embassadors and dismissed them with this answere, That they should report vnto their master, that Achab persisted in those things, which first of all were required by him (because he had a desire of His answere to the Legates. the conseruation of his subiects:) but as touching his second demaund, that he would no waies condescend thereunto: and thus sent he them away. When Adad heard this answere, he was sore moued, & sent vnto Achab the third time, threatning him that his soldiers should make a bulwark more higher then the wals (he so much trusted in) yea though onely each of them should bring L but a handful of earth with them (which boast he vsed towards him to terrifie him, and to expresse thereby how great a multitude of men he had to oppose against him.) But Achab answered, that he ought not to glorie in his army, but that his true glory was, when he had the better in the battell. When the embassadors were returned backe, they found the King at dinner with 32. kings A lad [...] confidence in his soldiers. his allies, to whom they made report of Achabs answere. Hereupon Adad gaue commandement to begirt the City with Pallisadoes, and to raise bulwarks of earth, and busily to intend the siege. Whilest these things were in hand, Achab was grieuously troubled, and all the people with him: but at length he grew confident, and cast off all his seare thorow the arriuall of a certaine Prophet, who said vnto him, that God promised to deliuer all those thousands of souldiers, and The Israelites God promiseth victory against the Syrians. his boastfull enemies which he beheld, into his hands. The same Prophet being afterwards demaunded M by him, by whose meanes this victorie might be gained? He said, that it should be by the sonnes of the gouernours, whom the King himselfe should lead forth, by reason of their vnexperience. Achab therefore calling vnto him the gouernours sonnes, found that their number amounted to two hundreth thirty & two: and hauing notice that the Syrians intended nought else but pleasure and banquetring, he opened the Citie gates, and sent these yoong men out against them. Now when the sentinels of the aduers part had discouered them, they certified Adad thereof, [Page 219] who sent out certaine souldiers against them, commanding them that if they were come out The yeare of the world. 3040. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 9 [...]4. A in warlike sort to bid the battell, they should bring them vnto him fast bound; and if they came in peace, they should doe the like. Now had Achab within the Citie arraunged another army, and kept them in a readines. When as therefore the yoong men had charged the Syrian guard, and slaine a great number of them, and had pursued the rest euen vnto their owne campe; Achab spying his present victorie and aduantage, caused his whole army to breake forth; who giuing an vnsuspected charge vpon the enemies, discomfited the Syrians (who little expected for such a stratageme from the Hebrewes) and assailed them disarmed and drunken: so that they left both Achabs victory against the Syrians. armour and weapon behind them, and fled from their campe; and their king likewise was so hotly pursued, that he scarcely had opportunity to saue himselfe by the swiftnesse of his horse. Achab made a long chace in following the Syrians and slaughtering them that fled: he spoiled their B campe likewise, and carried thence great riches, and a huge quantitie of gold and siluer. He tooke Adads chariots and horses also, and with them returned backe into the Citie.
But whereas by the aduice of the said prophet, he was perswaded to prepare and keepe an army in readines against the next yeere (for that the Syrian was like, nay rather resolued to charge him againe) the King intermitted no preparation that concerned the warre. For Adad (being escaped from the fight with those few forces that remained after the battell) consulted with his friends, how he might warre against the Israelites. Who aduised him from thence forth neuer more to fight with thē in mountainous places, for that their God was powerfull vpon the mountaines, and for that cause they had beene ouercome by them: but if he fought with them in the plaine, both h. and his should be assured to haue the vpper hand. Moreouer they counselled C him, that he should dismisse those kings that he had confederated with him, to the end that each of them might returne into his owne countrey, and that in their steed he should retaine their forces, ouer which he should ordaine Chiefetaines: besides (to supply their places that were lost) they aduised him to leuy horsmen and chariots thorow all his country. Adad supposing that they Adads second expedition against the Israelites. The yeare of the world. 3041. before Christs birth 923. had discreetly counselled him in this matter, ordered and leuied his army according as they had aduised him. And as soon as the springtime was come, he assembled his army, and led thē forth against the Israelites; and arriuing neere vnto the citie of Ap [...]iec, he encāped in a plaine field. But Achab with his forces (marching out to meet with him) pitched his tents and arranged his battell neere vnto him (although he were farre inferiour both in force and number.) To him the prophet appeared anew, telling him that God would once more haue the victorie, to make it known that D his power was not onely in the mountaines (as the Syrians perswaded themselues) but in the plaines also. Thus continued both the armies, opposed and encamped the one against the other, for the space of six daies. On the seuenth, when the enemy forsooke their trenches early in the morning, and placed themselues in battell ray; Achab drew out his army and affronted them, and presently charged them: where after a long and dangerous fight betweeue them, the enemies were put to flight, and many of them slaine in the chace. For some of them were intangled with their owne chariots, othersome slew one an other pell-mell; and some few of them found the means to flie vnto their Citie of Aphec, who perished likewise to the number of seuen and twentie thousand (being slaine by the ruine of the walles that fell vpon them) besides one hundreth thousand men that gaue vp the ghost in that fight. But Adad attended by some of his faithfull E friends, went and hid himselfe in a certaine caue vnder the ground: who protesting vnto him, and concluding amongst themselues, that the kings of Israel were curteous and mercifull, and that there was hope of pardon to be had (if after the manner of suppliants they might be attired and sent vnto him) Adad permitted them: Wherupon they incontinently presented themselues to Achab cloathed in sackcloth, and hauing their heads wreathed about with cords (according to the manner of suppliants amongst the Syrians) telling him that Adad besought his maiestie to grant him his life; promising on his behalfe, that from thenceforth he would alwaies continue his seruant, and acknowledge his fauour. Achab answered them, that it highly contented him Adad is receiued into fauour by Achab and dismissed vpon conditiō. that their king was as yet aliue, and had escaped from the furie of the fight, offering him by them that good will and honour, which one brother ought to shew vnto another. After this they drew F an oath from Achab, that he should offer him no wrong, if so be he discouered himselfe vnto him, and withall presently resorted vnto Adad; whom they drew out of the place where he was hidden, and afterwards brought him vnto Achab, who was mounted vpon a chariot. Adad prostrated himselfe before him: but Achab stretching out his hand made him incontinently mount vp with him into his chariot, and kissed him, willing him to be of good courage, assuring him that hee should receiue neither iniurie nor iniustice at his hands. Hereupon Adad gaue him thanks, protesting [Page 220] that during his life time he would neuer be forgetfull of his fauours: promising him moreouer The yeare of the world [...]041. before Christs Natiuitie. 923. G to restore vnto him those cities which his predecessors, kings of Syria, had taken from the Israelites. He likewise gaue him power to come into Damasco (in like maner as before time his ancestors had the credite to repaire vnto Samaria.) When these accords were made and confirmed by oath, Achab gaue him many worthy presents, and sent him backe into his kingdome. Thus ended the warre betwixt Adad and the king of the Israelites. After this a certaine Prophet called Micheas came vnto another Israelite, commanding him to wound him vpon the head, assuring him that God was so pleased, and had so commanded him. When as this Israelite would in no sort condescend hereunto, he prophecied vnto him, that since hee had disobeyed Gods commandement, he should meet with a lyon, which should rent him in peeces. Which comming to passe, according as it was foretold, the Prophet addressed himselfe again vnto another, commanding H him to do the like: and when he had wounded him in the head, he bound vp the wound & came vnto the king, telling him that he had been in war, & had receiued a prisoner in charge from his Captaines hands: and how that (his prisoner being fled from him) he feared least he that had committed him to his charge, should for that cause take his life from him; the rather for that he had threatned no lesse. Achab answered him, that he was iustly condemned. Whereupon Micheas discouered his head, and made it knowne who he was. And to this intent vsed the Prophet this policie, that his words might be of greater force and value. For hee told the king that God Achab was reproued for dismissing Adad. would bend himselfe against him, because he had permitted the blasphemer Adad to depart vnpunished; assuring him, that God would cause him to be slaine by Adad, and suffer the people of Israel to be slaughtered by the Syrian armie. The king displeased with the libertie and free speech I of the Prophet, commanded him to be cast into prison: and being vehemently affrighted with The reward of learned preachers. this his prediction, he departed home vnto his house.
CHAP. IX.
Of Iosaphat King of Ierusalem.
HItherto haue we spoken of Achabs estate: but now must I returne vnto Iosaphat king of Ierusalem; who hauing inlarged his kingdome, and planted garrisons in those cities that The yeare of the world. 3042. before Christs birth 924. Iosaphats pietie. 3. Paral. 17. were subiect vnto him (and in those likewise which his grandfather Abiah had possessed in the portion of Ephraim, at such time as Ieroboam raigned ouer the ten Tribes.) This king had perpetuall K assistance and fauour at Gods hands, in that he was a iust & vertuous Prince, studying day and night for nothing more, then how he might please and honour God. The kings his neighbors round about him honoured him with presents: so that his riches were great, and his honours excellent. In the third yeare of his raigne he assembled the gouernours and priests of his countrie, enioyning them to ride their circuit about the prouinces, and to teach the inhabitants of euerie citie the law of Moses, training them vp in the obseruance thereof, and in the studie of pietie. Which all the Citizens embraced and entertained so willingly, that they seemed to emulate and striue the one with the other, which of them should exceede the rest in the seruice of God. The Nations likewise that dwelt round about him, loued Iosaphat, and were at peace with him. The peace in Iosaphats time Iosaphats armie. The Philistines also payed those tributes which were imposed on them. And the Arabians L furnished him euerie yeare with sixe hundreth and thirtie lambes, and the like number of kids. He fortified also other great cities of importance, & made preparation of munition of war and armes against the enemie. He mustered in the tribe of Iuda three hundred thousand men, ouer whom he placed Edraus Generall, and two hundred thousand vnder the conduct of Iohanan. Who besides these had two hundred thousand Archers on foote of the tribe of Beniamin. Another Chieftaine called Ochobat leuied and led for the king one hundred and fourescore thousand men armed at assay (besides those which he sent into the defenced cities.) Hee maried his sonne Ioram to Athalia the daughter of Achab king of the tenne tribes. And not long after (resorting to Samaria) Achab receiued him verie curteously, and magnificently entertained his armie with bread, wine, and flesh in all abundance: requiring him to yeeld him his assistance against the M king of Syria, to the intent he might recouer the cirie of Ramath in the country of Galaad, which Adads father had wonne and conquered from his father. Iosaphat promised to assist him: and being Iosaphats expedition with Achab against the Syrian [...]. 3. Reg. 22. no wayes inferiour vnto him in force, he sent his armie from Ierusalem to Samaria. When these two kings were departed out of the citie, and each of them were seated vpon their thrones, they distributed their pay to euery one of their souldiers. At that time Iosaphat commanded, that if at that present there were as yet any prophets amongst them, they might be sent for, to giue [Page 221] notice what the issue should be of this their warre against the Syrians; and whether they thought The yeare of the world 3047. before Christs birth 917. A it good to make warre against them, by reason that at that time there was amitie and peace betwixt Achab and the Syrians, confirmed for the space of three yeares, since the time that he tooke Adad prisoner and deliuered him, to that present.
CHAP. X.
Achab fighteth against the Syrians, and is ouer come and slaine in the battell.
HEreupon Achab called for the Prophets (who were in number foure hundreth) and commaunded The false prophets prophecie plausibly. them to enquire of God whether he would giue him the victory in that battell B which he enterprised against Adad or no, and whether he should recouer the Citie which he intended to besiege? Who answered and counselled him to hazard the battell, in that he should haue the vpper hand ouer the Syrian; and should take him prisoner as he had done before time. Iosaphat vnderstanding by their words that they were false Prophets, asked Achab if he had not any other Prophet of God, who might more exactly certifie him of that which might succeed. Achab answered, that he had one as yet remaining, but that he hated him because he prophecied nought else but mishap and misery vnto him, and had foretold him that if he should fight against the Syrian, he should be ouercome and slaine; and for that cause he held him at that time in prison, signifying vnto him that his name was Micheas the sonne of Imlah▪ Iosaphat required that he might be brought into his presence (which was accordingly performed by one of his Eunuches; C who by the way certified Micheas, that all the other Prophets had prophecied to the king victory.) But Micheas told him that it was not lawful for him to lye against God, but that it concerned Micheas the true prophet. him to speake that which God should informe him of, concerning the king. As soone as he came before Achab, and was adiured to speake the truth, he said that God had shewed him the Israelites put to flight, and dispersed by the Syrians, that pursued them no otherwise then sheepe without their shepheard. All which signifieth no lesse (said hee) but that the rest of the people returning home in safetie; Achab onely should be slaine in the battell. When Micheas had spoken after this manner; Achab turning himselfe towards Iosaphat, said vnto him, I told you before this, how this fellow was affected towards me. But Micheas constantly auowed, that he prophecied nothing but that which God had commāded him to speake, assuring Achab that he was sollicited by D the false, Prophets vnto war vnder hope of victory, wheras he should assuredly perish in the battel. These words of his made Achab much discomforted. But Sedechias one of the false Prophets stepped forth, and exhorted him to set light by Micheas words, the rather for that he spake vntruely. And in confirmation of this his allegation he alleaged Elias (who was a farre more skilfull Prophet in foretelling things to come, then Micheas was) yet that the same Elias had foretold that the dogs should licke Achabs bloud in the Citie of Iezrael in the field of Naboth, because Naboth had beene stoned to death by the instance of Achab. Whereby it appeared manifestly, that since he contradicted a Prophet so excellent as he was, he lyed in saying that the king should die within three daies. Moreouer (said hee) it shall appeare whether he be truly sent from God or no, if as soon as he shal receiue a buffet from me, he cause my hand to wither, according as Iadon made E Ieroboams hand shrinke, at such time as he thought to apprehend him. For I thinke (said he) O king, that thou art assuredly informed hereof: which said he strooke him, and for that no inconuenient fell vpon him, by reason of that his audacious attempt, Achab assured himselfe, and recouered his courage▪ & forwardly set forth against the Assyrian army. For as it is to be supposed, the will of God was of such power, that it caused the false Prophets to triumph ouer the true: which was the cause that the false prophets were trusted more then the true, to the intent that Gods preordained will might be fulfilled. But Sedechias made him yron hornes, and said vnto Acha [...], that God by them signified vnto him that he should ruinate all Syria. But Micheas prophecied to the contrarie, that within verie few daies Sedechias should walke from cane to caue to hide himselfe, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 15. and auoid the punishment of his falshood. Achab displeased hereat, commanded that he should F be led thence, and kept prisoner with Achmon the gouernour of the Citie, yeelding him no other allowance but bread and water for his sustenance. Thus marched these two kings with their armies against Ramath which is in Galaad: which when the king of Syria vnderstood, he drewe his army into the field, & came out to meet with them, and incamped neere vnto Ramath. Now was 3. Reg. 22. al. [...] Achab and Iosaphats warre against the Syrian. it concluded betwixt these two confederate kings, that Achab should enter the battel in a priuate habit, and Iosaphat should be inuested with the royall ornaments, and supply Achabs person in the [Page 222] battell, to the intent that Micheas prediction might be made frustrate. But notwithstanding this G The yeare of the world. 3 [...]47. before Christs Natiuity 917. popular disguise, Gods iustice preuented him: for Adad king of Syria commaunded his army, that they should put no one of the enemy to the sword, but only the king of Israel.
As soone as the charge was giuen, the Syrians perceiuing Iosaphat in the front of the army, and coniecturing that it was Achab, they made head altogither against him, and hauing inuironed and pressed him very neerely, they perceiued that it was not he: for which cause they retired backe againe. But although they had fought from the morning vntill the euening, and had the vpper hand; yet flew they no man (because they sought after no other but Achab to put him to the sword) whom notwithstanding they could by no meanes meet withall. At length one of Adads seruants called Aman, shot at randon amongst the enemies, and by fortune hurt Achab in the brest, and shot him thorow the lungs. This hurt of his concealed he from his souldiers, for H feare least they should be discomforted. For which cause he commanded his coachman to driue his chariot out of the battell, for that he felt himselfe grieuously and mortally wounded: and although Achab wounded by an arrow in the battell dieth. he were terribly pained, yet sate he in his chariot vntill sunne set; at which time his heart failed him, and he gaue vp the ghoast. When night came, the Syrian army withdrew themselues into their campe, and receiuing tidings by an Herault, that Achab was dead, euerie one retired home vnto his house: but Achabs body was conueied to Samaria, & interred in that place. As for his chariot, it was washed in the fountaine of Iezrael, because it had been bebloudied, by reason of the kings hurt, whereby the truth of Elias prediction was ratified, and confirmed: for the dogs The dogs licke Achabs bloud according to Elias prediction. lickt his bloud; & from that time forward the common women continually washed themselues in that fountaine. He died also in Ramath (according as Micheas had foreprophecied) Whereas I therefore all things befortuned Achab, according as two prophets had foretold him, it appeareth that we ought to honour and magnifie the maiestie of God in all places, and to reuerence his prophecies deliuered by them, and to ascribe alwaies more credit vnto them, then to the vaine & The Oracles of the Prophers are to be reuerenced. plausible speech of such as currie fauour; and no lesse to respect them, then things of infinit profit, since by them we are diuinely admonished what we ought to take heed of. It behooueth vs also to consider what force the ordinance of God is of, by examining those things which befell Achab. For it is impossible to auoid the preordinance of God, notwithstanding that men flatter and nourish themselues with vaine hopes, which inueigle them so far, that finally they are ouertaken in the snares thereof.For this carelesse inconsideration was fatall to King Achab, in that he beleeued not his death which was foretold him; but being deceiued by the flattering perswasions The matchles necessitie of fate. K of false Prophets, ranne headlong vpon his owne danger and death. After him succeeded his sonne Ochozias.
THE NINTH BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Ioram Achabs sonne ouercommeth the Moabites in battell.
- 2 Ioram King of Ierusalem obtaining the crowne, killeth his brothers and his fathers friends.
- 3 Iorams army is ouerthrowne by his enemies, and his sonnes are slaine, only one excepted; at length he himselfe dieth a miserable death.
- 4 The king of Damasco warreth against the king of Israel.
- 5 Ioram with all his posteritie is slaine by Iehu, Ochosias king of Ierusalem is slaine also. M
- 6 Iehu raigneth amongst the Israelites in Samaria, and his posteritie after him till the fourth generation.
- 7 Athalia raigneth fiue yeeres in Ierusalem, and after she is slaine by the hie priest, Ioas Ochosias sonne is proclaimed king.
- 8 Azael King of Damasco gathereth an army, first against the Israelites, and afterwards against Ierusalem.
- [Page 223] 9 Amasias King of Ierusalem maketh warre against the Idumeans and Amalechites, and obtaineth A the victorie.
- 10 Amasias making warre against Ioas king of the Israelites is ouercome.
- 11 Ozias ouercommeth the nations round about him.
- 12 Rasin or Rabe king of Damasco vexeth the inhabitants of Ierusalem with warre, Achaz their king is compelled to call the king of Assyria to assist him.
- 13 The King of Assyria taketh Damasco by force, and slaieth the king, and translateth the people into Media, and planteth other Colonies in the same.
- 14 Salmanazar taking the king of Israel captiue, translateth ten of the 12. Tribes into Media, and causeth the Cuthaeans to inhabite their region.
CHAP. I. B
Ioram Achabs sonne, ouercommeth the Moabites in battell.
AS soone as King Iosaphat was returned backe againe to Ierusalem (from the warre wherein he had giuen succour to Achab against Adad the King of Syria, The yeare of the world, [...]048. before Christs Natiuitie, 916. 4. Reg 3. 2. P [...]. 19. 20. Iehu the Prophet reprehendeth Iosaphat for helping Achab. Iosaphat reneweth the true seruice of God. Iosaphat placed Iudges and Magistrates in euery citie. as we haue heretofore declared) the Prophet Iehu (in his returne) came forth and met him, and reproued him because he had giuen Achab (who had been a man both impious and wicked) his assistance, assuring him that God was displeased with that his confederacie; yet notwithstanding that he of his C goodnesse had deliuered him from his enemies, although contrarie vnto his duetie, he had demeaned himselfe vniustly. After this admonition Iosaphat began to celebrate sacrifices, and to offer vp thankesgiuings and peace offrings vnto God: Which done, he rode in progresse and circuit round about those countries that were vnder his dominion, giuing order that the people should be instructed in those ordinances which were deliuered from God by the hands of Moses, and exhorted his subiects to the practise of pietie, contained in the same. Hee planted iudges likewise in euery city, commanding them to execute iustice vnto the people, without respect of any thing, but only iustice. He charged them likewise, that they should not be corrupted with rewards, or seduced by dignitie, riches, or nobilitie, but that they should doe iustice indifferently vnto all men, knowing that God seeth all things, how secretly soeuer they be carried D or contriued. Hauing in this sort ordered euery thing in each Citie of the two Tribes, he returned againe into Ierusalem, where he likewise chose iudges from amongst the Priests and Leuites, and the Elders among the people, exhorting them in all things to giue vpright and exact iudgement. And if they of other cities had any causes of greater consequence (which should bee referred to their finall determination) he charged them with earnest industrie, to decide them with as vpright and iust measure as might be: for that it was very conuenient that the most exact and accomplished sentences should be deliuered in that Citie, where as God had his temple, and the King made his ordinarie aboad. Ouer all these he placed his two friends, Amasias the Priest, and Zabadias of the Tribe of Iuda. After this manner did the King dispose of his estate.
About this very time the Moabites and Ammonites (and with them their confederates a The Moabites and Ammonites warre against Iosaphat. E great number of Arabians) assaulted and assembled themselues against him, and encamped themselues neere vnto Engaddi (a Citie scituate neere vnto the lake Asphaltites, and distant from Ierusalem some three hundreth stounds) in which place flourish those goodly and holesome Palmetrees, whence distilleth the pure and perfect liquor of balme. When Iosaphat had intelligence that the enemies had past the lake, and were already farre entred into his countrey, he was affraid, and assembled the people of Ierusalem in the temple, and standing vpright, and turning his face toward the propitiatorie, he besought and requested God that he would giue him power and Iosaphats praier in the temple of Ierusalem for victory. force to ouercome his enemies. For such had been the forme of their supplication, who in times past builded the temple: namely, that it might please him to fight for that Citie, and oppose himselfe against those that durst attempt or assault that place, to the intent to dispossesse them of that F country which he himselfe had giuen them in possession, and in pronouncing this prayer he wept: and all the people likewise both men, women and children made their requests vnto God. Presently vpon this, a certaine Prophet called Iaziel arose vp in the midst of the congregation, and Iaziel the prophet assureth thē of victorie. cried out, and certified both the people and the King, that God had heard their praiers, and promised them to fight for them against their enemies, enioyning them the next day to sally out in armes, and go & make head against their aduersaries, whom they should incounter in the mountaine [Page 224] scituate betwixt Ierusalem and Engaddi, in a place called the hillock of Sis (which place in G The yeare of the world, 3048 before Christs birth 916. Hebrew signifieth Eminency) willing them not to fight against them, but onely to arrest in that place, and see how God would fight and make warre for them. When the Prophet had spoken these words, the king and all the people prostrated themselues vpon their faces, giuing thankes vnto God and adoring: meane while the Leuites sung continuall hymnes, with instruments and voices. About the beginning of the day, the king departed into the desart that is vnder the Citie of Thecoa, aduising the people to beleeue all that which the prophet had said vnto them, and not to arrange themselues in battell ray, he commanded the Priests to march before them with The manner and weapons whereby Iosaphat ouercame his enemies. their trumpets, and the Leuites that they should sing hymnes and thankesgiuings vnto God, as if (said he) our countrey were already deliuered from our enemies. This aduise of the kings seemed pleasing vnto them all; so that they performed whatsoeuer hee counselled them. But H God sent a great terror and disorder among the Barbarians: so that supposing themselues to be enemies the one against the other, they slew one an other in such sort, that of so great and huge an host there was not one that escaped. But Iosaphat looking downe into the valley (wherein the enemies had pitcht their tents) and seeing it full of dead men, reioyced greatly at the vnexpected The Ammonites and their confederates kill one another. succours that God had sent him, who had giuen them the victorie, not by the dint of their owne swords, but by his prouidence and power only. He therfore permitted his army to make pillage of the enemies campe, and to spoile the dead; and so great was the multitude of them that were slaine, that scarcely they could gather the spoiles of them in three daies space. On the fourth day the people assembled togither in a valley and hollow place, where they blessed God for the power The spoiles of the Ammonites. and succours he had sent them, by reason whereof the place was called the valley of Benediction. I From thence the king led backe his army into Ierusalem, and for diuers daies he spent the time in offering sacrifices, and making feasts. After this discomfiture of his enemies was published The fame and praise of Iosaphat in euerie place. abroad in the eares of forraine nations, they were all of them affraid, supposing that God did manifestly expresse his power, and extend his fauour towards him. And from that time forwards Iosaphat liued in great glory, in iustice, and pietie. He likewise was a friend to the King of Israel that raigned at that time, who was Achabs sonne, with whom he aduentured in a voyage by sea, intending to traffique with certaine merchants of Tharsis, but he had a great losse: for Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 2. Ochozias Achabs sonne king of Israel. his ships were cast away by reason they were ouer-great; and for this cause he had neuer more minde to exercise nauigation. Hitherto haue we spoken of Iosaphat king of Ierusalem.
But as touching Ochozias Achabs sonne, who raigned ouer Israel, and was resident in Samaria: K he was a wicked man, and resembled his father and mother euery way in his impieties, and was nothing inferiour to Ieroboam in wickednes, who first fell from God, and made the Israelites reuolt from him. The tenth yeere of his raigne, the king of the Moabites rebelled against him, and denied to pay him those tributes which he was wont to pay vnto Achab his father. But it came to passe, that as Ochozias ascended the staires of his pallace, he fell downe from the toppe thereof: and being sicke of the fall, he sent to Accaron vnto the God called the Myiodis or flie, 4. Reg. 1. Ochozias hauing a grieuous fall, seeketh to be informed of a false Oracle, and is reproued by Elias. to enquire whether he should recouer that sicknesse or no. But the god of the Hebrewes appeared to Elias the Prophet, and commanded him to go and meete those messengers that were sent by Ochozias, and to aske them if the people of the Israelites had not a god, but that their king sent to forraine gods to enquire of his health? and to charge them to returne and declare vnto L their king, that he should not escape that sicknesse. Elias did that which God had ordained; and the messengers of the king hauing vnderstood that which was declared vnto them, returned backe againe with all expedition vnto him. Ochozias meruailing much at their sodaine repaire, asked them the cause thereof: who answered him, that a certaine man came vnto them, who forbad them to passe any further, but to shorten their way to let your maiestie know (said they) from God, that your sicknesse shall wax worse and worse. Hereupon the king commanded them Elias forme and habit. to describe what manner of man he was that spake these words vnto them: who answered, that he was a hairie man girded with a leatherne belt and vnderstanding hereby that it was Elias, he sent a captaine with fiftie souldiers vnto him, commanding him to bring the Prophet prisoner vnto him. This captaine that was sent, perceiuing Elias sitting on the top of a mountaine, commanded M him to come downe and repaire vnto the king, who had sent for him; which if he performed not presently and willingly, he threatned him to make him doe it perforce. Elias answered and said vnto him: To the end thou maiest know by thine owne experience that I am a true Propht, Ochozias soldiers fear to fetch Elias are consumed with lightning I will pray that fire may fall from heauen, and consume both thee and thy souldiers. And incontinently after Elias had praied, lightning fell downe from heauen and consumed both the captaine and his souldiers.
[Page 225] When the King had tidings of this losse, he was sore displeased, and sent another Captaine The yeare of the world. 3048. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 916. A to Elias with the like number of soldiers as the first had, who threatned the Prophet that if he would not willingly come downe, he would violently pull him thence; but Elias praied that fire might fall from heauen, and incontinently both he and his were consumed in like manner as the first. When the King had vnderstanding likewise how his second messengers had sped, he sent a third vnto him, who being a discreet man, and courteous in condition, arriuing in the place where by chance Elias was, he saluted him verie courteously and said vnto him, that contrarie to his owne will, and to no other purpose but to fulfill the kings pleasure, he was come vnto him; and that they that were sent with him, came not thither voluntarily, but by the same commaund: He therefore required him to haue compassion both of him and of his soldiers, and to vouchsafe to come downe, and to come after them vnto the King. Elias tooke pleasure in this his discreete B and courteous demeanour, so as he descended and followed him. As soone as he came before the kings presence he prophecied, and told him that God said, that since he had despised him, and The yeare of the world. 3049. before the birth of Christ. 915. Ochozias dying without issue, [...]am his brother raigned in his steede. so lightly accounted of him as if he had beene no God, or else such a one as had no power to foretell him any truth as touching his sicknes, but that he had sent to the gods of the Accaronits to demaund of them as touching the successe of his sicknesse: Know (said he) that thou shalt die. And not long time after (according to the prophecie) he died in such manner, as Elias had foretold him, & his brother Ioram succeeded him in the kingdome: because he departed without issue. This Ioram was a wicked man also, and as impious as his father: for abandoning the seruice of the true God, he adored straunge gods. In all things else he was a man of execution. In his time Elias was no more seene amongst men, and vntill this day no man knoweth what his ende C was. But he left a disciple behind him called Elizaeus (as we haue heretofore declared.) It is written in holy writ as touching Elias, and Enoch who was before the Deluge, that they vanished: for Elias according as Enoch, was taken frō the sight of men. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 3. 4. Reg. 3. Eli [...]aeus. Ioram asketh a [...]d against the Moabites. no man hath knowne of their deaths. After that Ioram had taken possession of the kingdome, he resolued to make warre vpon Misa the king of the Moabites (who paid Achab his father before him the tribute of 200000. sheepe bearing wooll) Whenas therefore he had assembled his forces, he sent vnto Iosaphat, requiring him that since he had beene his fathers friend, he would likewise second and send him ayde in his intended warre against the Moabites, who had as then newly reuolted from his gouernment. Iosaphat not only promised him to yeeld him succours, but moreouer he assured him that he would draw the king of Idumaea (who was his subiect) into their association. When Ioram vnderstood these things by those whom he had sent vnto Iosaphat, hee D tooke his army with him and repaired to Ierusalem, where he was magnificently receiued and intertained by the King of that Citie: where after they had concluded to march thorow the desart of Idumaea, and that way to charge the enemie (in that they expected nothing lesse then to be endangered on that side) these three kings departed together from Ierusalem, namely the king of Ierusalem, the king of Samaria, and the king of Idumaea. Now when they had marched some seuen daies iourney, they found a great sarcitie of water amongst them both to water their horses, & to refresh their whole army, by reason that their guides had led them astray out of the high way: so that they were in great want, and in especiall Ioram, who by reason of the necessitie wherwith he was pressed, cried vnto God, expostulating with him for what offence of his he would Want of w [...] in the Hebrew army. betray three such kings, as were there present into the hands of the king of Moab without stroke E strooken. But Iosaphat, who was a vertuous man, encouraged him, and sent into the army to know whether there were any Prophet of God that had followed them to the battell, to the intent (said he) that we may vnderstand by God what we ought to do: and whereas one of the seruants of Ioram said, that he had seene Elizaeus the sonne of Saphat the disciple of Elias, all the three kings (by the sollicitation of Iosaphat) resorted vnto him: now when they drewe neere vnto The kings seeke for counsell at Elizaeus hands. the Prophets tent (which he had pitched apart from the rest of the company) they asked him what should become of the army, and Ioram in especiall questioned with him? To whom Elizeus answered, that he had no reason to sollicite him in this sort, but to repaire vnto his fathers and mothers Prophets, who would certifie him the truth. Notwithstanding Ioram intreated him that he would prophecie, and continue the preseruation of the army, and the defence of his life: F but Elizeus sware by the liuing God, that he would answere him nothing, except for Iosaphats sake, who was an vpightman, and such a one as feared God. Afterwards calling vnto them a certaine Elizaeus foreprophecieth store of water, and their victory. man that could cunningly play vpon instruments (for so had the Prophet commaunded) whilest he sung, Elizeus was rauished with a diuine spirit, and enioyned the kings to make certaine trenches in the channell of the riuer: for (said he) you shall see the riuer full of water without either vvind, cloud, or raine: so that both the whole army and all their cattell shall be saued, [Page 226] and sufficiently sustained: and God will not onely bestow these benefits on you, but will giue you G The yeare of the world 3049. before Christs Natiuitie. 915. the vpper hand of your enemies also; and you shal surprise the fairest and strongest Cities of the Moabites; and you shall cut downe their trees, ruinate their countrey, and fill vp their fountaines and riuers. When the Prophet had spoken thus, the next day before sunne rise the riuer flowed aboundantly with water: for some three daies iourney off, God had suffered a very strong and setled raine to fall in Idumaea; so that both the soldiers and their horses were sufficiently refreshed and watered. When the Moabites were informed that the three kings came out against them, & tooke their way thorow the desart, their king presently assembled his army, and commaunded them to keepe the passages of the mountaines, to the end they might hinder the enemy from entring their countrey vnawares. Who beholding about the sunne rise, that the water of the riuer A wonderfull blindnes of the enimy groūded on the rednes of the water that flowed. was bloud red (for at that time it arose in the countrey of Moab, and at this houre the water is H red) they conceiued a false opinion, that the three kings being pressed by thirst, had slaine one another, and that the riuer flowed with their bloud. Being in this sort seduced with this imagination, they besought the king to giue them leaue to gather their enemies spoiles: which when they had obtained, they altogether inconsiderately matched forth as if to a pray alreadie prepared for them, and came vnto the kings campes vnder hope to find no man to resist them. But their hope deceiued them: for their enemies enuironed them round about, and some of them were cut in peeces, the rest turned backe and fled towards their owne countrey, and the three kings entring into the territories of the Moabites destroyed their Cities, pillaged the champion countrey, disfigured their inclosures, filling them with stones and mud taken out of the riuer, cut downe their fairest trees, stopped vp the sources of their waters, and leuelled their wals with the ground. The I king of the Moabites himselfe, seeing himselfe pursued and besieged, and that his Citie was in daunger to be taken perforce, sallied out verie valiantly with seuen hundreth men, hoping by the The victory of the Hebrewes against the Moabites. swiftnes of his horse, to breake thorow the Israelites campe on that side where he thought it was least defenced. Which when he had attempted and could not execute, because he charged on that side which was the best defended, he returned backe againe into the Citie, and committed a desperate and hatefull action: for he tooke his eldest sonne, who ought in right to succeede him in the kingdome, and set him on the wall of the Citie, and in the sight of all his enemies offered him for a burnt sacrifice vnto God. The kings beholding this wofull spectacle, were moued with The king of the Moabires sacrificeth his owne sonne. compassion of his necessitie, and ouercome with humanitie and mercy, leuied the siege, and returned backe againe into their countries. After that Iosaphat was returned into Ierusalem, he K enioyed a peaceable gouernment, but liued not long time after this exploit, but died when he was threescore yeares olde, in the fiue and twentith yeare of his raigne, and was magnificently Iosaphats death. buried in Ierusalem, according as the successour of Dauids vertue and kingdome ought to be entombed.
CHAP. II.
Ioram obtaining the kingdome of Ierusalem, slewe his brothers and his fathers friends.
HE left behind him diuers children, the eldest of whom he appointed his successor in the L kingdome, who was called Ioram (as his vncle was, who was his mothers brother and The yeare of the world. 3050. before the birth of Christ. 914. Ioram Iosaphats sonne king of Ierusalem. 4. Reg. 4. Achabs sonne whilome king of Israel.) The king of the ten lines returning backe vnto Samaria, kept with him the Prophet Elizaeus, whose actions I wil heere recite, because they are notable & deserue to be registred in writing, according as we haue gathered them out of holy scriptures. Obedias wife (who was sometime steward of Achabs house) came vnto him and told him, that he was not ignorant that in that persecution wherin Iezabel sought to murther the Prophets, how her husband saued one hundreth of them, for whose priuat maintenance he had borrowed much money of other men, and that now he being dead, his creditors stroue to draw both her and her children into seruitude. For which cause she besought him in consideration of this act, to haue compassion on her husband, and to yeeld her some succour. Hereon Elizeus asked her if she had M any thing in her house: who answered him, that she had nothing but a verie little oyle left her in a earthen pot. Whereupon the Prophet commaunded her to depart, and to borrow diuers empty Elizaeus commandeth the widow to fill her empty vessels with oyle. vessels of her neighbour: that done, he willed her to locke vp her doores; and to poure oyle into the vessels, in that it was Gods pleasure to fill them all. The woman did according as he had commaunded her, and all the vessels were found full, so as none of them were emptie: whereof when she had certified the Prophet, he aduised her to goe and deliuer her oyle, and pay her debts, [Page 227] and when all was paide, he assured her that there would be some remainder, that might serue to The yeare of the world, 3050. before Christs Natiuitie, 914. Elizeus aduiseth Ioram to auoid Adads ambush, who lay in wait to kill him. A sustaine both her and her children.
By this meanes Elizeus discharged the widow of her debts; and that trouble which her creditors intended against her. He admonished Ioram likewise, by certaine messengers, that he should take heed of a certaine place wherein the Syrians lay in ambush, intending to slay him: by means of which admonition the king went not out on hunting. But Adad being sore displeased, because his ambushment was discouered, began to suspect his owne followers: whereupon calling vnto him his houshold seruants, he maliciously termed them traitors; and furthermore threatned them with death, for that they had discouered a matter, which was only committed to their trust, vnto his enemy. Whereupon one of the assistants told him, that he ought not to conceiue that false opinion of them, neither suspect that they had discouered his intended ambush to cut off his enemie: B but rather that he ought to conceiue, that the Prophet Elizeus had discouered and discoursed all that which was intended against him. Whereupon he sent out his souldiers with an expresse charge, to know in what Citie Elizeus made his ordinarie aboad, who returning backe, brought 4. Reg 6. Elizaeus is besieged in Dothaim by his enemie. him newes that he remained in Dothaim: For which cause Adad sent a great number of horsemen and chariots to Dothaim to lay hold on Elizeus, who begirt the Citie by night, and laide watch round about the walles, that no man might escape them. Early in the morning when the Prophets seruant had notice hereof, and was aduertised that the enemies sought to surprise Elizeus, he fearfully hasted and discouered their intent vnto his master; who encouraged him and commanded him to shake off his feare, for that he held himselfe both secured & assured of Gods help: whereupon he praied God that at that present he would shew his power and assistance both C toward the reliefe of his necessitie, and the confirmation and incouragement of his seruant. At that time God hearing his prayer, presented to the Prophets seruants sight a number of chariots, The Angels about Elizaeus the prophet and horsemen that inuironed Elizeus: so that he laid his feare aside, and was assured when he perceiued these succours. That done, Elizeus besought God againe that hee would blinde his enemies eies, and to cause a thicke cloud to fall vpon them, to the end they might not discouer him. Which done, he presently thrust himselfe amongst the thickest of his enemies, demanding of thē whom they came to seeke for? They answering him that they sought for the Prophet Elizeus: he promised them to deliuer him into their hands, if so be they would come with him into the Citie where he was. They blinded in eies, and depraued in vnderstanding by God, followed the Elizeus leadeth the Syrians blinded into Samaria where by his perswasion they are courteously entertained and presented by Ioram, and sent home. Prophet willingly, who marched before them. When as therefore Elizeus had brought them D into Samaria, he willed king Ioram to locke the gates and to inuiron the Syrians with his souldiers. This performed, he prayed God that he would cleere the Syrians sight, and take away the cloud that obscured their eies: who being deliuered from their blindnesse, perceiued that they were in the midst of their enemies. Whereat being sore astonied, and vncertaine whence this diuine and vnexpected act had befallen them, King Ioram asked the Prophet whether he should kill them with darts. But Elizeus forbad him to doe so: for (said he) it is a iust and conuenient matter, that they who are taken by order of warre should lose their life, but that they had done no euill vnto his country; but by Gods prouidence came thither without their owne knowledge: for which cause he counsailed him to giue them presents and present them meat, and afterwards to suffer them to depart without any iniurie. E
Ioram giuing credit to the Prophets words, entertained the Syrians magnificently and with great humanitie, and sent them backe vnto Adad their king, to whom vpon their arriuall they declared all that which had hapned vnto them. Adad astonished at this vnexpected euent, and wondring at the apparition and power of the God of the Israelites; lastly admiring the Prophet whom God so wondrously assisted; he concluded from that time forward, neuer more to attempt the king of Israel in secret, because he feared Elizeus: but concluded to make open warre Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4. against him, hoping to haue the vpper hand of his enemies, by meanes of the great number and force of his army: So that he issued out with a mighty power against Ioram, who supposing himselfe to be ouermatched by the Syrian army, locked himselfe vp within Samaria, putting his trust and confidence in the fortification and strength of the wals thereof. Adad hoping to surprise the F citie if not by engins, at leastwise by famine & default of things necessarie, drew neere vnto Samaria Samaria besieged by the Syrians. to besiege it. But Ioram was so destitute of conuenient supplies, that by reason of the incredible want of victuals, an Asses head was sold in Samaria for eighty pieces of siluer, and a measure of pigeons doung at fiue pieces of siluer, which they vsed in steed of salt: neither was there any thing that more troubled the king, then that he feared least some one constrained by famine, should deliuer or betray the Citie vnto the enemy. For which cause he euery day walked the [Page 228] round about the walles, and visited the sentinels of the Citie, for feare least any one should lie hidden The yeare of the world, 3050 before Christs birth 914. G within: and with all care and diligence he gaue order, that if any one had such a sinister intent, the meanes to execute the same should be taken from him. And whereas a certaine woman cried out vnto him, Haue mercie vpon me (O King) he incensed with wrath, and supposing that she asked him some meate, began to raile on her, telling her that he had neither graunge nor presse whereby he might any waies supply her necessitie. The woman answered him, that she had no need thereof, and that she was not troubled for want of food, but onely desired that hee would determine a debate betwixt her and an other woman: Whereupon he commanded her to expresse and declare what she required. Hereupon she said, that she had made an accord The famine so great in Samaria, that women eate their owne children. with an other woman her neighbour and friend, that since the famine and scarcitie was such, as they could find no redresse for the same, that they should kill their children (for each of them had H one) and in this sort should nourish one another euery day. As for my selfe (said she) I haue first of all strangled mine, and we haue both of vs yesterday eaten thereof: but now she will not doe the like, but breaketh the accord betwixt vs, and concealeth her childe. Ioram was grieuously tormented to heare these words, and rent his garments, and cried out with a loud voice, and afterwards Ioram threatneth Elizaeus death. 3. Reg. 7. wholy enraged against the Prophet, he deuised in his heart to put him to death, because he praied not vnto God to grant him meanes to escape those euils that inuironed them round about: so that he sent a man presently to cut off his head; who prepared himselfe with all expedition to the slaughter. But Elizeus was not ignorant of this resolution of the kings: for sitting at home with his disciples in his house, he told them that Ioram the murtherers sonne sent a man to take away his head: but (said he) when as he that hath the matter in charge shall come hither, I suffer him not to enter, but make him attend and stay at the gate; for the king will follow him, and will resort vnto me in his owne person, hauing altered his resolution: and they according as they were commanded, shut him out of the doores whom the king had sent. Ioram repenting himselfe of that displeasure which he had conceiued against the Prophet, and fearing least he that had the commission to murther him should speedily execute the same, hasted himselfe all that he might to hinder the slaughter, and saue Elizeus. When as therfore he came into his presence, he accused him, for that he had not besought God to deliuer them from those many euils which they suffered, considering that he himselfe was an eie-witnesse, they were miserably consumed by them. Elizeus promised him the next day (about the same houre that the king came vnto him) that he should haue so great aboundance of victuals, that two measures of barley should be sold K in the market for a sicle, and a measure of flower for a sicle.
By these wordes of his, the king with all his attendants were wonderfully comforted, and made no difficultie to beleeue the Prophet, because that before time they had beene ascertained by their experience of the truth of his prophecies; and the expectation of this day was the cause that the necessitie and miserie of the present was more patiently endured. But a certaine friend of the kings, and the gouernour of the third part of his army (on whose shoulder the king at that time hapned familiarly to leane) spake vnto him after this manner: ‘Prophet, thou tellest vs incredible matters: for as it is impossible that God should raine downe heapes of barley and 4. Reg. 7. flower from heauen, so cannot that which thou speakest come to passe. To whom the Prophet replied: Thou thy selfe (said he) shalt see the issue hereof, but shalt partake no part thereof.’Which L prediction of his had a most certaine effect, according as hereafter it appeareth. It was a custome in Samaria, that they that were defiled with a leprosie should liue without the Citie walles, for feare least their conuersation might infect others: And at that time also there were some who for this cause had their dwelling without the gate. These, for that (by reason of the extreme famine that raigned within the Citie) they receiued no reliefe or sustenance out of the same, and whether they had licence to returne into the Citie, or whether they contained themselues in their houses, they knew that they should assuredly perish by famine, decreed amongst themselues to submit themselues to the enemies mercie, to the end that if they spared them, they might liue; and if it hapned otherwaies, that they might die with lesse torture. Now hauing resolued vpon this deliberation amongst themselues, they repaired by night vnto the enemies campe. At that M time God began to terrifie and trouble the Syrians, and to fill their eares with a noise of chariots The enemies flight by reason of a terror that God sent among them. and armes, as if an army had violently charged them. Wherupon they grew suspitious, and were so moued, that they forsooke their tents, and ranne vnto Adad, and told him that Ioram King of the Israelites had entertained the king of Aegypt, and the king of the Isles for his confederates, whom he led out against them, and how already they had heard the noise of them that approched to bid them the battell. Adad (whose eares w [...] filled with no lesse rumour then those of the [Page 229] people) was amated and amazed at their sayings: so that all of them abandoned their campe, The yeare of the world. 3050. before Christs birth 914. A their horses, beasts of cariage and riches, and betooke them to flight with disorder and confusion. Those leape [...]s that were retired from Samaria into the enemies campe (and of whom we haue hertofore made some mention) being neere vnto the camp, perceiued that there was great silence in the same, and no lesse aboundance of all things: for which cause approching the same, and entring into a tent, they found no body therein: for which cause they fell to eating and drinking; and that done, to beare away a quantity of rayment, and gold which they hid without the campe. Afterward resorting to an other tent, they bare away likewise that which was therin, and did the like by foure others without any encountrie or contradiction of any man: and coniecturing therby that the enemies were retired, they began to accuse themselues, because they had not giuen notice thereof to Ioram and the inhabitants of Samaria. For which cause drawing neere vnto the B walles of the Citie, they cried out vnto the watch, giuing them to vnderstand in what state they The lepers certifie the Samaritanes of the flight of their enemies. had found the enemies campe, who signified no lesse to Iorams guard, so that at last it came vnto his eares. Whereupon he presently sent for his friends and captaines, and told them that the departure of the Syrians made him suspect some stratageme or ambush: for they (said he) hauing lost their hope to surprise vs by famine, are retired vnder an intent, that when we shall issue and fall a spoiling of their campe, they may come vpon vs, and kill vs; and afterwards take our Citie without any stroke strooken. For which cause (said he) I aduise you to keepe good guard within the Citie, and let this retreat of our enemies make vs the more considerate. Some one of his counsaile praised this aduise of his, and allowed his foresight, aduising him to send out two scouts vpon horsebacke, to search euerie quarter betwixt that and Iordan, to the end that if they should Spies sent abroad. C be taken and slaine by the enemies ambushment, their fall might be a president to the whole army to stand vpon their guard (for feare least they should be surprised in like manner:) vrging this for a conclusion, that the losse of two horsemen should not be very great, since perhaps they might otherwaies haue been cut off by famine. This aduise of his was allowed by the king, and ratified by his assistance: so that presently there were two spies sent out, who rode along without encountring any enemy; but they met with great quantitie of victuals, and armes cast away and abandoned by the Syrians, to the intent they might flie away the more lightly. Which when The enemies campe spoiled by the Samaritanes. the king vnderstood, he suffered the people to issue out, and spoile the campe, who recouered things of no small valew therein, but much gold and siluer, and troupes of all sorts of cattell: and besides that, they found so great a quantitie of wheate and barley, that had they dreamed thereof, D they could not hope or imagine the like. Thus were they deliuered from all their precedent afflictions: for there was so great quantitie of corne, that two measures of barley were sold but for one sicle, and a measure of wheate flower for a sicle, according as Elizeus had prophecied. Now The truth of Gods oracles. The punishment of incredulitie. 4. Reg. 8. the measure which we call Sat containeth an Italian bushell and the halfe. But the captaine of the third part of the army, was he only that enioyed no part of this benefit: for being appointed by the king to haue the keeping of the gate, and to restrain the multitude from headlong pressing out, for feare least thrusting one an other, some of them should be troden vnder foot and slaine, he himselfe was trode vpon and slaine (according as the Prophet had foretold) for that he only amongst the rest, would not giue credit to that which he had said, as touching the great aboundance of victuals that should happen. E
When Adad king of the Syrians was safely returned to Damasco, and knew that God had suffered such a confusion and feare to fall both on him and his army, and that it had not hapned by reason that the enemy sallied out vpon him; he was sore discouraged to see that God was so displeased with him, and through anguish and agonie of minde fell sicke: And for that (at that verie time) Elizeus was come into Damasco; Adad vnderstanding thereof, sent Azael (who was one of his most trustie seruants) vnto him to present him, and to consult with him vpon his sicknes, whether he should recouer or no.
Hereupon Azael loaded fortie camels with the most fairest and most honourablest presents, Elizeus is sen [...] vnto by Adad▪ to enquire counsell of him as touching his sicknes. that either Damasco, or the princes royall court affoorded; and repairing to Elizeus, saluted him verie courteously, telling him that he was [...]nt vnto him by king Adad, first of all to present F him, and afterwards to aske counsaile of him [...] touching his malady, whether he might easily be healed. The Prophet commanding the messenger to carrie no euill tydings vnto the king, did notwithstanding tell him that he should die. A [...]ael hearing thereof was sore grieued, and Elizeus himselfe began to weepe, so that the teares fell from his eies aboundantly, in that he foresaw how many euils the people should suffer after the decease of Adad. And when as Azael demanded him the cause wherefore he was so discomforted? I weepe (said he) for the compassion that I [Page 230] haue of the people of Israel, by reason of those calamities which they shall endure by thy meanes▪ G The yeare of the world. 3055. before Christs Natiuity 909. The prophecy of Adads death, and Azaels gouernment. For thoushalt kill the better sort of them, and shalt burne their strongest Cities: thou shalt murther their infants, and dash them against the stones, and shalt open the womens wombes that are with child. Azael answered, what force is there in me to execute these things? Elizeus said vnto him, that God had certified him that he should be king of Syria. When Azael was returned backe vnto Adad, he signified nothing vnto him but glad tidings, as touching his sicknes: but the next day he cast a wet net vpon him & strangled him, and seazed the kingdome into his owne hands. This Prince was a man of execution, and well beloued amongst the Syrians, and common people of Damasco, who euen vntill this day honour Adad and Azael his successour as gods, by reason of their benefits and those temples which were builded by them, which Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. adorne the Citie of Damasco. For euery day do they celebrate feasts in memorie of these kings, H and honour them, by reason of their antiquitie, not knowing that they were moderne, and such as raigned not past eleuen hundreth yeers since. But Ioram king of Israel hearing of the death 4. Reg. 8. of Adad, began to giue ouer his feare, and cast off that suspition which he had conceiued of him, Iorams impietie. reioycing that yet at last he might haue libertie to liue in peace. The other Ioram king of Ierusalem (for he likewise was so called, as we haue heretofore declared) by murthering of his brethren and his fathers friends, who were gouernours, obtained the kingdome, and became so wicked and impious, as he differed in nothing from the kings of Israel, who transgressed the first lawes and ordinances of the Hebrewes, and peruerted the seruice of God. For Athalia Achabs daughter his wife taught him to execute diuers mischiefes, and amongst the rest to adore strange The yeare of the world. 3057. before Christs birth 907 gods. This notwithstanding God would not altogither abolish his race, by reason of his promise I made vnto Dauid, yet intermitted he not daily to introduce new impieties; and soile the ancient lawes of his forefathers with new corruptions. Meane while it came to passe that the Idumaeans The Idumae [...]s reuolt. reuolted and slue their king, who had beene before time subiect vnto Iosaphat Iorams father, and in his place established an other to their owne liking. For which cause Ioram inuaded Idumaea by night with his horses and chariots, and spoyled the countrey round about his kingdome, without passing any farther: yet profited he nothing in so doing, for all of them reuolted from him, and amongst the rest the inhabitants of the countrey of Labina.
But so great was the fury of this man, that he constrained the people to ascend the high mountaines, and adore straunge gods. Yet whilest he behaued himselfe in this manner, and K vtterly rooted out of his thought the lawes of his forefathers, there was a letter brought vnto him from the Prophet Elias, which [...]ertified him that God would doe great iustice vpon him, because hee had forsaken the waies of his forefathers, and followed the impieties of the kings Iorams wickednes reproued by Elias letters. of Israel, constraining the Tribe of Iuda and the inhabitants of Ierusalem to forsake the pure seruice of their God to serue Idols, [...] Achab had constrained the Israelites to doe. Furthermore, because hee had murthered his brethren, and slaine vpright and vertuous men: The Prophet likewise certified him by letters, what punishment he should endure, namely the ruine of his people, the death of his wiues and children, and lastly his owne death: which should happen vnto him by a sicknesse in his belly, wherewith hee should be so tormented, that his entrailes strangely rotting within him, should drop out of his belly, and that he himselfe should L see his misery; which should be such as neither might be recouered by medicine, or should euer leaue him vntill he had finished his daies. These things did Elias denounce vnto him by his letters.
CHAP. III.
Iorams armie is discomfited, his sonnes are slaine, except one: and himselfe finally dieth a miserable death.
NOt long after the Arabian army that dwel towards Aethiopia, confederating themselues M The expedition of the Arabians against Ioram. 2. Paral. 21. The yeare of the world. 3060. before Christs birth 904. with other Barbarians, inuaded Iorams countrey, and spoiled the same, and ransacked the kings house, and slew his sons and daughters, and left him but one onely sonne called Ochozias, who escaped from his enemies hands. After this [...] he himselfe was strooken with a long sicknes, according as the Prophet had foretold him, for God powred his displeasure▪ vpon his entrailes: whereupon he died miserably, seeing them fall out of his belly. The people likewise handled his bodie ignominiously, supposing as I thinke, that being cut off in that sort by Gods [Page 231] displeasure, he was vnworthie of royall funerall, for he was not buried in the sepulcher of the A Iorams death. The yeare of the world. 3060. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 904. kings, neither was there any honour done vnto him. He liued fortie yeares, and raigned eight: and they of Ierusalem made his sonne Ochozias king.
CHAP. IIII.
The king of Damasco warreth against the king of Israel.
IOram king of Israel, hoping after the death of Adad to recouer Ramath in Galaad from Hedio & Ruffinus chap 6. Iorams expedition against Ramath. 4 Reg. 9. the Assyrians, after he had made greater preparation and apparation for the warre, he led his army against the same. In this siege he was hurt by an arrow which was shot by a certaine B Syrian, but not vnto the death, and retired himselfe into the Citie of Iezrael vntill he were recouered of his wounds (leauing behind him his whole armie at the siege of Ramath vnder the conduct of Iehu the sonne of Nimshi, who tooke the Citie by force) intending vpon his recouery to make warre against the Syrians. But the Prophet Elizeus sent one of his disciples to Ramath, & gaue him the holy oyle, and willed him to annoint Iehu, & to say vnto him that God had chosen Iehu by Gods commandement annointed king. and annointed him for king: and after he had informed him likewise in certaine other instructions, he commaunded him to depart after the manner of one that flieth, making no man priuie of his departure [...]. When this disciple of his came vnto the appointed Citie, he found Iehu sitting in the midst of the captaines at warre (according as Elizaeus had told him) and drawing neere vnto him, he told him that he would communicate certaine secrets with him, for which C cause he arose and followed him into his chamber. Whereupon the young man taking out the oile poured it on his head, saying, that God had chosen him to exterminate the race of Achab, and reuenge the bloud of the Prophets vniustly murthered by Iezabel: and that both he and his house might be brought to nought in like sort, as the sonnes of Ieroboam the sonne of Nabat, and the children of Basa were extinguished for their impietie; so that no one of the race of Achab might suruiue in the world. As soone as he had spoken thus, he issued out of the chamber with all speed, endeuouring that he might not be discouered by any of the army. Now when as Iehu was come out, he returned to his place where he sate with the captains, who demaunded of him, & besought him to declare vnto them, wherefore the young man came vnto him (alledging that they supposed him to be out of his wits.) Truly (said he) you haue diuined well: for he hath talked vnto me after the manner of a mad man: wherein (they desirous to vnderstand wherefore he came, D and beseeching him to expresse the cause) he told them what he had said vnto him, namely, how God had chosen him to beking ouer the people.
As soone as he had spoken these words, euery one of them cast off their garments & spred them before him, and sounding a trumpet, they proclaimed Iehu king; who assembling his army, determined to conduct them toward the Citie of Iezrael against Ioram (who lay there to recouer his wound which he had receiued at the siege of Ramath in Galaad, as we haue heretofore declared.) Thither also was resorted in way of friendship and consanguinitie, Ochozias king of Ierusalem both to visit Ioram, and to see how he was recouered of his wound: for he was his nephew and sonne vnto his sister, as we haue said before. Iehu desirous to surprise Ioram and his followers on the sodaine, made an ordinance, by which he prohibited that none of his soldiers should E runne before to giue any intelligence of his repaire vnto Ioram; alledging that it should be a manifest demonstration of their good will towards him; whereas contrariwise, they that did otherwise, declared that they held him not for their king.
CHAP. V.
Ioram with all his race is slaine by Iehu, Ochozias king of Ierusalem is likewise slaine with him.
THe men of warre were very ioyful to execute this his ordinance, and garded the waies, to F the intent that no man might secretly steale into Iezrael, and beare tidings to the inhabitants of that which had hapned. Meane while Iehu attended by certaine of his choicest horsemen, and mounted [...]n his owne person vpon a chariot, marched towards Iezrael. And when as he drew neere vnto the Citie, the sentinell that was appointed by Ioram to discouer those that repaired to the Citie, perceiued Iehu resorting thither with a multitude of attendants, and told Ioram that a troupe of horsemen were at hand. Whereupon a scout was sent out to discouer [Page 232] who they were; who drawing neere vnto Iehu, asked him what newes there was in the army, telling The yeare of the world 3060. before Christs Natiuitie. 904. G him that the king was desirous to know the same: Iehu willed him to take no care thereof, but to follow after him. The sentinell perceiuing this, certified Ioram that the messenger whom he had sent, trouped along with them that came, and followed their generall. Whereupon the king sent out a messenger the second time; and Iehu commanded him to attend him as he did the first: which the sentinell signified to Ioram likewise, who finally mounted his chariot to go out and meet them, accompanied with Ochozias king of Ierusalem, who (as we haue said) was come into the Citie, to see how the king recouered vpon his hurt, because he was neerely allied vnto him. But Iehu marched on softly & in goodly array, til Ioram meeting with him in the field of Naboth, asked him how the army did? Who in steed of answere, reuiled him bitterly, and called him the son of a poisoner & of a harlot. For which cause Ioram (fearing his turbulent spirit, and suspecting H least he hammered vpon some sinister intent) turned his back, and fled away as swiftly as his chariot could be driuen; telling Ochozias, that they were both of thē craftily surprised by treason: but Iehu flung a dart at him & pierced him thorow, and cleft his heart. For which cause Ioram instantly fell vpon his knees, and died. Hereupon Iehu commanded Badac (who gouerned the third part of his army) to cast Iorams body into Naboths field, remēbring him of the prophecie of Elias Iorams slaughter. foretold by him to Achab, who murthered Naboth, namely, that he and his race should die in that field. For sitting behind Achabs chariot, he heard these words pronounced by the prophet: In The truth of E [...]ias prophecy. effect it so fell out as he had prophecied. When Ioram was fallen downe, Ochozias was affraid to be slaine: for which cause he turned his chariot to take another way, hoping that Iehu would not discouer him. But he was pursued and ouertaken in a certaine steepy way, and was hurt with an I arrow: whereupon he forsooke his chariot, and being mounted vpon a swift horse, he posted to Maggedo, where after his wounds had been searched and dressed some few daies, he deceased, The death of Ochozias king of Ierusalem, and his burial. and was carried to Ierusalem and buried there, after he had raigned one yeere, and surpassed his father in wickednesse.
CHAP. VI.
Iehu raigneth ouer Israel, and keepeth his court in Samaria; and after him his progeny, to the fourth generation.
AT such time as Iehu arriued at Iezrael, Iezabel being on the top of a tower in her princely K robes, cried out: O trustie seruant (said she) that hath slaine his master! He looking A famous example of Gods iudgement. vpward, asked her what she was, commanding her to come downe vnto him: at length he charged her Eunuches to cast her downe from the toppe of the tower; who in her falling bebloudied the walles: and no sooner fell she vpon the ground, but that her body was trampled vnder the horses feet, vntill she died. That done, Iehu repaired to the pallace with his friends, and reposed himselfe therein, commanding his seruants that they should burie Iezabel (in respect of the royall race from whence she was descended) but they to whom the charge of the obsequies were committed, found no part of her body, but her hands and head, for all the rest was deuoured by dogs. Iehu certified hereof, wondred at the prophecie of Elias, who had foretold that Iezabel 4. Reg. 10. should die in that sort in Iezrael. L
Now in that Achabs seuentie sonnes were brought vp in Samaria, Iehu sent two letters, the one vnto the masters of the infants, the other to the gouernours of the Citie, giuing them to vnderstand, that they should choose one of the most vertuous amongst Achabs children, to raign as king ouer them, because they had a multitude of strong chariots, horses, armor, men, & strong Cities; to the end that in so doing, they might take reuenge on those that slew their lorde and master. (This did he vnder a colour to sound how the Samaritans were affected towards him.) When the gouernours and tutors had receiued these letters, they were affraid, and made account that they could preuaile nothing against him, who had preuailed alreadie against two mightie kings. For which cause they wrote backe vnto him, acknowledging him for their soueraigne; and offering themselues in all dutie, to be vnder his subiection. Wherupon Iehu sent back vnto M them againe, commanding them that (to expresse their obedience) they should send him the Achabs 70. children slaine in Samaria. heads of Achabs children, deuided from their shoulders. Which command of his they failed not to execute, but presently packed vp the heads in panniers, and sent them vnto him to Iezrael. As soon as they were brought thither, tydings therof was carried to Iehu, as he sate at supper with his friends, who commanded that they should be laid in two heapes, at the Citie gates on either side thereof. Which done, he issued out as soone as it was day to see them; and beholding them, he [Page 233] began to tell those that accompanied him, that he had voluntarily armed himselfe against his The yeare of the world. 3060. before Christ, birth 904. A master, and slew him: but as touching those whom they saw there, he had no waies laid hands on them. His onely intent was, that all men should know, that all that which hapned vnto Achabs race, was done by the ordinance of God, and that his house was destroied according as Elias had foretold. And after he had slaine and dispatched both these and all those that were found to be of Achabs race amongst the Israelites, he went vnto Samaria: and meeting by the way with Ochozias houshold seruants (who was king of Ierusalem) he asked them whither they went? who answered The roting out of Achabs line. him, that they went to salute Ioram and their king Ochozias (for they knew not as yet that they were both of them slaine.) Hereupon Iehu commanded his seruants to lay hands on them, and put them to the sword, notwithstanding they were fortie two in number. After them he met The slaughter of Ochozias seruants. Ionadab. with a vertuous man called Ionadab (who in times past had been his ancient friend) who embracing B him, praised his forwardnesse, in that he had performed all things according to the will of God, in abolishing Achabs house. Iehu caused him to mount vp with him in his chariot, and accompany him to Samaria, telling him that he should well perceiue, that he would spare no one wicked man, but would punish all the false Prophets, and tellers of lies, and abusers of the people, who had made them forsake the true seruice of God, and adore strange gods: because the most laudable and allowed spectacle that might encounter a good mans eie, was to see the punishment of the wicked. Ionadab perswaded by these words, mounted vp into his chariot, and went with him to Samaria; and after Iehu had sought out Achabs kinred, he put them to death: and intending that no one of his false prophets and priests should escape his hands, he assembled thē togither by a subtil policy. For gathering the people togither, he protested that he would haue C twise as many gods as Achab had had, willing that all the priests & ministers that belonged vnto them, should present themselues, for that he intended to celebrate rich and magnificent sacrifices to Achabs gods; protesting that whatsoeuer Priest should be absent, he should lose his head. Now this god whom Achab honoured, was called Baal. Hauing in this sort assigned a day wherin he would offer sacrifice, he sent thorow all the countrey of Israel, charging all Baals priests to repaire vnto him, and commanding that each of them might haue their vestments giuen them. As soone as they were apparelled; he resorted to his lodging, accompanied with his friend Ionadab, and commanded that a search should be made amongst them, to espie whether any one of contrary quality or condition were medled with thē; for that he intended that no stranger should be amongst the priests. When as therefore he vnderstood that none but the priests were in that D assembly, euen at such time as they began to offer sacrifice, he caused them to bee inclosed by fourescore souldiers (whom he esteemed to be most trustie) whom he commanded to kil the false prophets, and to punish them according to the custome of their forefathers, which had already The slaughter of Baals priests. too long time been neglected, dreadfully threatning all those, who should any waies intermit to roote out the name and memorie of these wretches out of the world. They therefore slew all these priests, and inuironed the kings pallace, and in so doing, cleered Samaria of forraine gods. This Baal was the God of the Tyrians (for whom Achab builded a temple in Samaria, intending Baal God of the Tyrians. thereby to content Ithobaal the king of the Tyrians and Sidonians) to whom he assigned priests, and honoured him with all sorts of sacrifice. After this Idol was exterminated, Iehu suffered the Israelites to adore golden calues. When this execution was performed in punishing the wicked, E The kingdome promised to Iehus posteritie. God (to whom this action of his was acceptable) told Iehu by his Prophet, that his children should obtaine the kingdome of Israel to the fourth generation. This was Iehus estate.
CHAP. VII.
Athalia raigned fiue yeeres in Ierusalem, and after she was slaine by the hie priest, Ioas is proclaimed king.
AThalia Achabs daughter, hearing newes of the death of her brother Ioram, and her son Ochozias, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. 4. Reg. 11. Athalia rooteth out all the royall bloud, onely Ioas Ochozias Ion is saued. togither with the vtter ruin of al the royal posterity, bethought her selfe to extinguish Dauids memory, & in such sort to root it out, that no one of that line should remain F aliue to enioy the kingdome hereafter: which when she had concluded in her heart, she began to put it in execution. Yet notwithstanding one of Ochozias sons escaped her bloudy hands, by this means that ensueth. Ochozias had a sister by his fathers side, whose name was Iosabetha, who was maried to Ioiada the hie priest; who entring into the kings pallace, and finding Ioas at that time but one yeare of age hidden with his nurse amongst the dead, she tooke both him and his nurse, and locked them vp in a closet within the temple, where Ioiada her husband and she did [Page 234] secretly nourish them for the space of fiue yeeres, during which time Athalia raigned in Ierusalem The yeare of the world. 3060. before Christs Natiuity 904. Ioas by Ioiadas meanes who was the high Priest, is createdding. G ouer the two tribes.
About the seuenth yeere, Ioiada entred into discourse with fiue centurions, and perswaded them to oppose themselues with mutuall consent against Athalias proceedings, and to assure the kingdome to little Ioas. Whereupon giuing and receiuing faithfull promises of secrecie the one vnto the other, they confidently addressed themselues to execute their intended purposes, after this maner: They whom the hie priest had chosen to execute this act, went thorow all the countrey, and gathered the priests and Leuites together, with all the gouernours of the tribes, and afterwards returned and brought them to Ierusalem to the hie priest, who made them sweare an oth, that they would keepe secret that which he should enforme them of, as a thing that required silence, and men of execution to performe the same. As soone as he had assured them by oth, H he brought forth the little child whom he had nourished (who was of Dauids line) and said vnto them: Behold your king, who is of that race which (as you know) was chosen by God to raigne ouer you for euer: I therefore thinke it fit that the third part of you guard and keepe him within the temple, and that the fourth make their watch round about the same. An other company shal haue the guard of the great gate that leadeth to the pallace: As for the rest of the people, let them remaine disarmed within the temple, and suffer no armed man to enter thereinto, except the priest onely. He appointed also an other company of priests and Leuites to be about the king, with iauelins, and drawne swords, charging them that whosoeuer durst be so bold to enter the temple armed, they should presently put him to the sword; and laying all feare aside, to attend The yeare of the world. 3067. before Christs birth 897 the safety and guard of the kings person. They being obedient to that which the hie priest had I commanded them; in effect expressed their readinesse: whereupon Ioiada opening the Arsenall, (which in times past was prepared by Dauid) distributed amongst the centurious, Leuites and Priests all the iauelins, quiuers, and all other sortes of armes that were therein, and disposed all them that were armed round about the people, ioyned hand in hand to impeach any one from entring in amongst them that were not of their faction. Afterwards bringing out the infant Ioas into the midst of the company, they set the royall crowne on his head, and Ioiada after he had annointed him with oyle, proclaimed him king: whereupon all the people reioiced and clapping their hands, cried out, God saue the King.
Athalia hearing this noise and applause beyond all hope, was greatly troubled, and with those souldiers which she had about her, she hastily issued out of the pallace, and arriuing in the temple K the priests admitted her: as for the rest of the men of warre that followed her, they that by the hie priests ordinance circuited the temple, would not suffer them to enter with her. Now when Athalia saw the childe standing before the Tabernacle with the royall crowne on his head, she rent her garments, and storming thorow despite, she cried out and commanded that the traitor should be slaine, that had thus betraied her and sought to dispossesse her of her kingdome. But Ioiada called the centurions, and commanded them to carie Athalia out vnto the brooke Cedron, and Athalias punishment. there to kill her (because he would not permit that the temple should be defiled with her cursed bloud.) Moreouer he charged them, that if any one should attempt to rescue her, they should kill them likewise. Hereupon, they (that were appointed to execute this his command) tooke her, and led her without the gate of the kings mules, and there slew her. After that Athalia was in L this manner executed, Ioiada assembled the people and the men of warre in the temple, binding them all by an oth, to yeeld the king their faithfull seruice, and to procure the prosperitie and increase of his kingdome. Secondly, he made the king sweare in like manner, that he would maintaine The king and the people ioyned by oth to serue God. the seruice of God, and in no manner disanull Moses lawes. That done, they ranne vnto Baals temple (which Athalia and her husband Ioram had built to the dishonour of God, and their forefathers, and for the honour of Achab) and leuelled it with the ground, and put to death their hie priest called Mathan. The charge and guard of the temple, Ioiada committed to the priests and Leuites, according to the order established by Dauid, with commaundement twise a day to offer their ordinarie burnt offrings, and consequently to make perfumes according to the The restoring of Gods seruice. lawe. He appointed also certaine of the Leuites to be porters to guard the temple, to the intent M that no vncleane thing should enter the same vnespied: and after he had ordained these things with the Centurions and gouernours and with all the people, he tooke Ioas and led him out of the temple, and attended him to the pallace, and hauing placed him in the royall throane, all the people cried, God saue the king, & banquetted and feasted for diuers daies. Thus after the death of Athalia the citie was in quiet. Ioas was 7. yeers old at such time as he was made king, his mother Ioas piety during Ioiadas time. was called Sabia, & was of the town Bersabe. He carefully obserued the lawes, and highly affected [Page 235] the seruice of God all his life time: and when he grew to mans estate he maried two wiues, The yeare of the world, 3067. before Christs Natiuitie, 897. 4. Reg. 12. A which the high Priest gaue him, by whom he had sonnes and daughters. This is all that I haue thought good to declare as concerning Ioas, both how he escaped Athalias treasons, and obtained the kingdome.
CHAP. VIII.
Azael King of Damasco leuieth an army, and first of all assaulteth the Israelites, and after marcheth forward against Ierusalem.
BVt Azael king of Syria making warre against the Israelites; and against their king Iehu, Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. 4. Reg 12 13 The warre betweene Azael and Iehu. B destroyed the countrey on the other side of Iordan, and all the easterne tract inhabited by the Rubenites, Gadites, and Manassites. Furthermore he burnt & spoyled Galaad, and Bathanaea, violenting and outraging all those that he met withall. For Iehu went not out against him to resist him, but (being become a contemner of God, & a despiser of pietie, and his lawes) he died after he had raigned seuen and twentie yeares ouer the Israelites: he was buried in Samaria, and left behind him Ioas his sonne to succeed him in the kingdome. But Ioas king of Ierusalem conceiued a certaine desire to renewe the Temple: for which cause calling vnto him Ioiada the high Priest, he commaunded him to send thorow all the countrey the Leuites and Priests, and to The yeare of the world, 3089. before Christs birth 875. leuie vpon euery one of their heads halfe a sicle of siluer for the building & reparation of the temple, which was fallen into decay in Ioram, Athalia, and her followers, times. But the high Priest C would not obey him herein, knowing well that no man would willingly disburse money. But in the three and twentith yeare of his raigne, the king sent both for Ioiada, and the Leuites also, and expostulated with them for disobeying his commandement, enioyning them from that The restoring of the temple. time forth to prouide for the building of the Temple. Wherupon the high Priest vsed present dispatch in leuying the money, wherewith the people were highly contented. He therefore made a chest of wood closed on euerie side (except that on the vpper lid thereof, there was a little cranny left open) which he placed neere vnto the Altar, commaunding that euerie one should offer according to his deuotion, and put in his offering thorow [...] the cranny into the coffer, to be imployed in the repairing of the Temple; whereunto all the people shewed themselues affectionate: so that they gathered together a great quantitie of gold and siluer, with great zeale; and when the D cofer was filled it was emptied, and the account thereof taken and sumde vp by the secretary, and high Priest in the kings presence, and afterwards all was brought together into one assigned place, which order was obserued euery day. And when as it was supposed that there was sufficient money gathered, the high Priest Ioiada and king Ioas hired masons, and carpenters, and prepared great beames of excellent timber. After that the Temple was repaired, they imployed the remainder of gold and siluer (which was of no small quantitie) to make cuppes, pots, and vessels, and other vtensils: and euery day offered they sacrifice of great value vpon the Altar, and this custome was continued so long as Ioiada liued. But after his decease (which hapned in the hundreth and thirtith yeare of his age, after he had liued a iust and vpright life, and was interred Ioas im pie tie after Ioiadas death, and how he was reproued by the Propher. 2. Paral. 28. in the sepulcher of Dauid in Ierusalem, because he had established the kingdome in Dauids posteritie) E king Ioas had no more care to serue God, and with him the rest of the gouernours of the people were corrupted in contradiction of the lawes and ordinances, which they knew were verie conuenient for them. For which cause God being prouoked by this change, and incensed against the king, and the rest, sent his Prophets vnto them to protest, to expostulate with them for their offences, and to withdraw them from their iniquitie. But they pursued sinne the more vehemently; so that neither the punishments, by which they, who had offended God before times, had beene plagued, with all their posterities; neither all the aduertisments giuen them by the Prophets, could induce them to amend, or to forsake those sinnes wherein they were engaged: but that which is worst; King Ioas stoned Zacharie Ioiadas sonne, and put him to death in the Temple, forgetting himselfe most vngratefully of the benefits he had receiued by his father. And F the occasion was, for that Zachary hauing receiued a charge from God to prophecy, came into Zachary stoned to death. the midst of the people, and counsailed both them & him to follow iustice, foretelling them that they should be grieuously punished, except they did beleeue. This Zachary did at his death call God to witnesse and iudge of those calamities he endured, in dying grieuously and violently for the good counsaile which he had giuen them, and the benefits which his father had in times past done vnto Ioas. But many daies passed not before the king suffered due punishment for these misdeeds. [Page 236] For Azael king of the Syrians inuaded his countrey, and after he had first of all ruinated G The yeare of the world, 3089. before Christs birth 875. Gitta, he marched forward with an intent to besiege him at last in Ierusalem. Ioas desperate of all succours, emptied all the treasures of God, and those of the kings, and tooke away the presents, that were hung vp in the Temple, and sent them to the Syrian, redeeming the siege by this meanes, least he should be drawen into hazard to lose all. The Syrian pacified with such and so The spoile of the temple. great riches, and aboundant treasure, suffered not his army to passe to Ierusalem. After this Ioas was seazed with a greeuous sicknes, and (to the intent that the death of Zachary the sonne of Ioiada Ioas death. The yeare of the world. 3105. before Christs birth 859. might not escape vnreuenged) his friends conspired against him, and he died by their hands. He was entombed in Ierusalem, but not in the sepulcher of his ancestors, because he had fallen from God: He liued seuen and fortie yeares.
CHAP. IX. H
Amasias king of Ierusalem made warre against the Idumaeans and Amalechites, and obtained the victory.
AMasias his sonne succeeded him in the kingdome. But in the one and twentith yeare of Ioas raigne Ioachas, the sonne of Iehu, tooke possession of the kingdome of Israel in Samaria, 4. Reg. 14. Amasias king of Ierusalem. and was seazed thereof for the space of seuenteene yeares. But he followed not his fathers steps, but rather behauing himselfe impiously, according as his predecessors The forces of Israel weakned and restored by God. The yeare of the world. 3089. before the birth of Christ. 875. in the kingdom, & contemners of God had done; For which cause the king of Syria subdued him, and cut off a great part of his dominions, and tooke his greatest cities from him, and defeated I his armies: so that at length he had but ten thousand footmen, and fiue hundreth horsemen. All which hapned to the Israelits (according to the prophecy of Elizeus, which he foretold vnto Azael at such time as he prophecied vnto him, that he should raigne ouer the Syrians, and them of Damasco, after that he had murthered his master.) Ioachas being in this extremitie, had his recourse to God in praier and supplication, beseeching him that it might please him to deliuer him from the hands of Azael, and not to suffer him to be vnder subiection and thraldome vnto him. God (that respecteth the repentant, as if they had been innocent, and that gently checketh those, whom he might vtterly exterminate, if he so pleased) gaue him assurance against this warre and daunger, so that the countrey (hauing obtained peace) recouered presently her former estate and prosperitie. When Ioachas was dead, his sonne succeeded him in the gouernment, and began to raigne K ouer the Israelites in Samaria in the seuen and thirtith yeare of Ioas king of Iuda. (For this king of Ioas king of Israel and Samaria. The yeare of the world. 3103. before Christs birth 861. Israel was called Ioas, as well as he that raigned in Ierusalem) he gouemed the kingdome sixteene yeares. He was a good man, and had no correspondence with his father in disposition. About this time Elisaeus the Prophet was very olde, and fell sicke: to him resorted the king of Israel to visit him, and finding him in the extremitie, and past hope of recouery, he began to weepe and lament himselfe, calling him his father, and his armour, because that during his life, he had neuer occasion to vse the sword against the enemy; but that by meanes of his predictions, he had alwaies the vpper hand of them without stroke striking: that now he departed this life, and left him disarmed to the mercy of the Syrians, & other his enemies; so that he had neither security of libertie, not life, but that he rather wished to die with him, then to liue in those daungers. L
Elizeus being moued with these his complaints comforted the king that lamented in this sort, and commanding him to draw his bow that he had brought with him (for the king had bent the same) Elizeus said vnto him, draw, and he shot three arrowes, and gaue ouer at the fourth. Oh Eliz [...]us foretelleth that Ioas should ouercome the Syrians thrise. Eliz [...]us death and the raising of a dead man to life that was cast into his tombe. said Elizeus, if thou hadst shot more arrowes, thou hadst vtterly ruinated the kingdom of the Syrians, and since thou hast contented thy selfe with three shoots only, thou shalt ouerthrow the Syrians in three battels, which thou shalt fight against them, and shalt recouer the countrey they haue taken from thy father. After the king vnderstood these things he departed, and not long after the Prophet died (who was renowmed for his iustice, and manifestly beloued of God, who shewed miraculous and incredible works by his prophecies, and such and so worthy as the Hebrewes ought to keepe them in perpetuall remembrance) and was buried magnificently (according M as it behooued a man, who was so highly fauoured by God as himselfe.) It chanced about that time, that certaine theefes hauing cast the bodie of a man that was murthered by them vpon the bodie of the Prophet where he lay buried, the dead bodie returned to life. This is all that which we haue to speak as touching Elizeus both in respect of his prophecies during his life Ioas treble victory. time, as of that which hapned after his death, in witnesse of his diuine power. After the death of Azael king of Syria, Adad his sonne obtained the kingdome, against whom Ioas king of Israel [Page 237] made warre, and hauing ouer come him three times, he recouered all that countrey, those cities, A The yeare of the world. 3 [...]03. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 86 [...]. and townes of the countrey of Israel, that Azael his father had conquered before him. (All which came to passe according as Elizaeus had prophecied.) After that Ioas had forsaken this world for another, the kingdome fell to Ieroboam his sonne.
CHAP. X.
Amasias making warre against Ioas king of Israel, is ouercome.
THe tenth yeere of the raigne of Ioas king of Israel, Amasias raigned ouer the Tribe of Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 9. Amasias king of Ierusalem. Iuda in Ierusalem: his mother was called Iudan, and was a citizen of Ierusalem. He was B wondrously carefull to maintaine iustice (notwithstanding he was verie yoong. And hauing taken vpon him the gouernment of the kingdome, he resolued with himselfe, that he ought first of all to reuenge the death of his father Ioas, who was traiterously slaine by his friends: hee therefore laid hands on them, and put them all to the sword (yet extended he not his displeasure to their children, but conformed his actions according to the lawes of Moses; which saith, that it 4. Reg. 14. De [...] 24. is not lawfull to punish the children for their fathers offences.) He afterwards leuied an army of the Tribes of Iuda and Beniamin, and chose the men that were in their flowring yeeres, and about twentie yeeres of age: the number of whom amounted to three hundreth thousand men, whom he diuided into Centuries. He sent also to the king of Israel, and waged a hundreth thousand of his armed men for a hundreth talents of siluer, because he intended to make warre vpon the C Amalechites, Idumaeans, and Gabelites. Now whilest he made this preparation, and was in a readinesse to vndertake this exploit; a certaine prophet counselled him to dismisse the Israelites The yeare of the world. 3106. before Christs birth 858. that he had with him, because they had no pietie in them, signifying vnto him from God, that if he were followed by them in that warre, he should be ouercome: and contrariwise, that he should haue the vpper hand ouer his enemies, if he fought with a few men, according to Gods direction. Hereupon the King was sore moued (because he had already paied the Israelites their wages) but The dismission of the Israelits. 2 Paral. 25. Amasias victory ouer the Amalechites. the prophet ceased not to exhort him to doe that which was pleasant in Gods sight, who would giue him siluer in aboundance. For this cause he dismissed them, telling them that he freely gaue them their pay; and he with the forces of his kingdome marched out against those nations, and fought with them, and ouer came them, and slew ten thousand of them, and tooke no lesse number D of prisoners aliue (whom he afterwards caused to be led to a high rocke that bounded vpon Arabia, and from thence cast them downe headlong) and from all these nations he recouered a great bootie, and brought home much riches.
Whilest Amasias stood vpon these termes, the Israelites (that had taken wages of him, and were cashierd by him) conceiued a displeasure against him, supposing themselues to be iniured by him, as if he had dismissed them for men of smal resolution. For which cause they inuaded his countrey, and spoiled it as farre as Bethsemer, and carried away a great quantitie of cattell, & slew three thousand men. This victorie and prosperitie made Amasias proud, so as he began to forget God, who was the author thereof, and continued the honour of those gods which he brought from the countrey of the Amalechites. For which cause a prophet came vnto him and said, that E he wondred that he should esteeme them for gods, who had so little auailed them who honored Amasias i [...] reprehended [...]y a proohet for his idolatry. them, and had deliuered them into his hands; so that diuers of them were put to death, and diuers led away prisoners, which they themselues had brought vnto Ierusalem, according to the custome of warre. These words moued the King vnto displeasure, so that he commanded the prophet to silence, threatning him to punish him, if he intermedled with his affaires any more. Who answered him, that he would no further vrge him; yet withall he foreprophecied vnto him, that God would not suffer this his innouatiō to rest vnpunished. Anon after, Amasias (not able to keep a moderation amidst his affluence and prosperitie: but waxing more insolent against almightie God, by whom he possessed the blessings he enioyed) in height of his pride wrote to Ioas king of Israel, commanding him and his to yeeld him homage, according as in times past the Israelites F were subiect to Dauid and Salomon, threatning him, that if he refused to doe him voluntarie seruice, he would enforce him to decide the different by armes: to whom the Israelite replied thus.
There was in the mountaine of Libanus a cypres tree of great height, to whom a little thistle wrote, demanding of him his daughter in mariage for his son. But during this interparlee betwixt them, there came a certaine wilde beast, that troad downe the thistle. Let this example admonish and dissuade thee from attempting of too mighty matters, nether growing [Page 238] proud of thy last victorie against the Amalechites, least thorow thy presumption thou expose G The yeare of the world 3106. before Christs Natiuitie. 858. Amasias expedition against Ioas king of Israel. both thy life and fortune to the incertaine hazard of warre.
When Amasias had perused this answere of his, he was the more whetted vnto warre (God also as it seemed pricked him forward, to the intent to chastise those iniquities that were committed by him.) When as therefore he had drawne his army into the field, and both the armies were vpon the point to wage the battell, a sodaine feare and discouragement seased him (such as God in his displeasure is accustomed to inflict) which made Amasias army turne their backes: so that (by the apprehension they had conceiued) they were scattered before they came to handy strokes; and Amasias being left alone, was taken prisoner. Him did Ioas threaten, that except he perswaded the inhabitants of Ierusalem to open their gates, and to receiue both him and his army into the Citie, he would put him to death. For which cause Amasias (constrained by necessitie and feare of death) wrought so H Amasias taken prisoner by the king of Israel much as his enemies were receiued into Ierusalem, who made a breach of three hundreth cubits in their wall; and there-thorow Amasias was led captiue into Ierusalem. In this manner was Ioas made master of the Citie, who afterwards carried away the treasures of the temple, and tooke away Ierusalem ruinated. the gold and siluer, that Amasias had in his pallace, and hauing in this sort raunsomed him from captiuitie, he returned backe againe into Samaria. This hapned in the fourteenth yeere of the raigne of Amasias, who afterwards fled into the Citie of Lachis, to auoide the conspiracie The temple spoyled. of his domesticall friends, by whom notwithstanding he was surprised, and slaine by them that were sent to doe the deede: his body was brought and royally entombed in Ierusalem. Thus died Amasias slaine Amasias for introducing innouations in contempt of God; he liued fiftie foure yeeres, and raigned twentie and nine: his sonne Ozias succeeded him in the kingdome. I
CHAP. XI.
How Ozias ouercame his neighbour nations.
BVt in the fifteenth yeere of the raigne of Amasias, Ieroboam Ioas sonne began to raigne The yeare of the world, 3120. before Christs birth 844. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. 4. Reg. 14. The enlargement of the kingdome of Israel. ouer the Israelites in Samaria, and enioyed the kingdome for the space of fortie yeeres. This King dishonoured God, and offended him grieuously in obseruance of Idols, and diuers absurd and strange actions, by which he heaped ten thousand mischiefes and miseries on the Israelites heads. To him came there a certaine prophet called Ionas, who prophecied vnto him, that he should make warre against the Syrians, and that he should ouercome them, and enlarge K his kingdome to the northward, as farre as the Citie of Amatha; and to the southward, as far as the lake Asphaltites (for these in times past were the limits of the countrey of Chanaan, according as the generall Iosuah had confined them:) Ieroboam encouraged by this prophecie, led forth his army against the Syrians, and spoiled all their countrey (according to the prophecie of Ionas!) And for that I haue promised to yeeld an exact historie in writing of all those things that hapned in our nation, me thinks it shall not be amisse to declare that, which I haue found written of this prophet in our Hebrew Chronicles. This man (being commaunded by God to repaire vnto the kingdome of Ninus, & to proclaime that which should happen to the Citie of Niniue; namely, that the gouernment thereof should be abolished) thorow feare which he conceiued, repaired not thither, but fled from Gods presence into a Citie called Ioppa; where finding a ship, L he entred the same, and sailed towards Tharsis in Cilicia. But there arose so vehement a tempest vpon the sea, that the vessell was readie to be drowned, and both the mariners, master, and owners of the ship, made their vow of thankesgiuing vnto God, if they might escape from this tempest: but Ionas hid himselfe, and couered his face, performing no such matter as the rest had Ionas. 1 Ionas sēt vnto Niniue flieth the presence of God, and ascending a ship is cast in a strome into the sea. done. Whereas therefore the turbulent waues incensed by violent windes, increased more and more; the mariners & passengers began to imagine amongst themselues, that some one of them in that barke had caused that tempest: whereupon they agreed amongst themselues to cast lots, to know which of them were the occasion of their danger. Which done, the lot fell vpon Ionas, who being demanded whence he was, and for what businesse he trauelled: answered them, that he was an Hebrew by nation, and a Prophet of the most high God; and counselled them, that if M they would be warranted from that danger, they should cast him into the sea, because it was hee onely that was the cause of that tempest. Notwithstanding this confession of his, they durst not performe that which he desired, supposing that it would be an act of great impietie, in that sort to thrust a stranger into that manifest perdition, whose life had been committed to their trust. But for that the storme more and more increased, and grew so vehement, that they wanted verie little of imminent shipwracke; and being besides that incited by Ionas himselfe, and whetted on [Page 239] likewise by the feare they conceiued, to lose their liues, they cast him into the sea: whereupon The yeare of the world, 3120. before Christs Natiuitie, 844. Ionas cast into the sea is deuou red by a whale, and cast vpon the coast of Niniue foretelleth them of the losse of their empire. Ionas. 2. 3. 4. Reg. 14. 15 A sodainly the storme ceased. It is likewise-said, that being swallowed vp by a great fish (for the space of three daies and three nights) he was at the last vomited out and cast by the same fish vpon the shore of the Euxine sea aliue, and without any maime in any of his members. There besought he God that he would pardon him the sinne which he had committed: and afterwards he resorted to the Citie of Niniue, where ascending a place from whence he might be heard, hee published with a loud voice vnto them, that they should lose the Empire of Asia: which after he had pronounced, he returned backe againe. This recitall haue I made according as I haue found it registred in writing.
King Ieroboam hauing passed all his life time in prosperitie, and raigned for the space of fortie yeeres, departed this life, and was entombed in Samaria, and Zacharie his sonne succeeded him B in his kingdome. At the same time, Ozias the sonne of Amasias raigned in Ierusalem ouer the Ieroboams death. Ozias king of Iuda. The yeare of the world, 3136. before Christs birth 828. two tribes, after that Ieroboam had already raigned foureteene yeeres; his mother was called Achia, and was of the Citie of Ierusalem. He was a man of a good nature, and such a one as loued iustice, of noble courage, and very laborious in prouiding for all occurrences: he made warre against the Philistines, and after he had ouercome them in battell, he tooke Ita, and Amnia, two of their strong forts, and raced them. This exploit done, he set vpon the Arabians that neighboured vpon Aegypt, and after that (hauing built a Citie vpon the red sea) he planted a garrison therein. He afterwards discomfited the Ammonites, constraining them to pay him tribute, and Ozias expedition, and the repaiting of the city. subdued all as farre as the marshes of Aegypt. After that, he began to prouide for the Citie of Ierusalem: for he built it a new, and repaired the walles thereof, that had been beaten downe or C decaied, either by continuance of time, or by the negligence of those kings who were his predecessors: hee repaired those also, which the King of Israel had beaten downe, at such time as hauing 2. Paral. 26. taken Amasias prisoner, he rode in triumph into the Citie. Besides this, he erected a number The yeare of the world, 3150. before Christs natiuitie, 814. Ozias riches and army of towers, each of them one hundreth and fiftie cubits hie. These inclosed he with walles to set garrisons therein, and in diuers barren places he caused diuers fountaine-heads to be made: for he had an infinite multitude of beasts of carriage and other cattell, in that the countrey was fit for pasture. He tooke pleasure also in tillage, for which cause he was often busied about his land, in trimming, sowing, and planting the same. He had about him a chosen army, to the number of three hundreth and seuenty thousand fighting men, whose generals, conductors, and captaines, were valiant and inuincible men, and were in number two thousand. He taught his souldiers D to march in a square battell (in manner of the Macedonian Phalanx, arming each of them with swords, targets, and corselets of brasse, with arrowes and darts. He made also great preparation of diuers engins to batter Cities, and to shoote stones and darts, besides diuers hookes, and other such like instruments. But whilest he was intent on these studies and preparations, he grew insolent and proud, and being puffed vp with mortall arrogance, he contemned the immortall force, which endureth for euer (which is pietie towards God, and the obseruation of his commandements.) For which cause he was ouerthrowne by his prosperitie, and fell into his fathers sinnes, thorow the happinesse and greatnesse of his estate, wherein he could not moderately containe himselfe. So that vpon a certaine solemne feast day wherein all the people were assembled togither, he attired himselfe in the hie priests vestments, and entred into the temple to E offer sacrifice vnto God vpon the golden altar (which notwithstanding the hie Priest Azarias, Ozias transgresseth his vocation, and is punished with a leprosie and compelled to depart out of the city. The yeare of the world. 3170. before Christ birth. 794. accompanied with fourescore Priests) inhibited him the same, telling him that it was not lawfull for him to sacrifice, in that it was onely allowed in those that were of the posteritie of the hic Priest Aaron.
Whilest after this manner Azarias expostulated with him, commanding him to go out of the temple, and not to contradict the ordinances of God; the king waxed wrath, and threatned to take his life from him, except he kept himselfe quiet. Whereupon there fell a great trembling and earthquake, and the temple cleft in twaine, and a great light of the funne entred thereinto, and reflected on the kings face in such manner, that all his body was instantly couered with a leprosie, and before the Citie (in a place called Eroge) the halfe of a mountaine (that stood to the F Eastward) brake and fell, and rowled and remoued for the space of foure stadia, towards the orientall mountaine, where it rested: so that the publique waies were shut vp, and choaked, and the kings gardens of pleasure were wholy ruinated and disfigured. When the Priests beheld the kings face couered with a leprosie, they told him what inconuenient had hapned vnto him, and enioined him to depart out of the towne, according to the custome of men that were polluted. Wherupon he (wholy confused at so grieuous an accident, and hauing no more audacitie to speake) [Page 240] obeied the commaundement that was giuen him, enduring a pitifull and lamentable punishment The yeare of the world, 3170. before Christs birth 794. G for being elate and proud more then became humanitie, and for that he committed such impietie against God. He therefore remained without the Citie for a certaine time, and led a priuate life, and his son Iotham succeeded him in the kingdome. Finally he died thorow griefe and discontent, after he had accomplished threescore and eight yeares, whereof he raigned fiftie two, and was onely buried in his garden.
Zachary Ieroboams sonne hauing raigned sixe moneths ouer the Israelites, was slaine by treason complotted against him by a familiar friend of his called Sellum, the sonne of Iabes, who Zacharias slaughter. 4. Reg. 35. possessing the kingdome after him, enioyed not the same aboue thirtie daies. For the generall Manahem (being at that time in the Citie of Tharsa, and vnderstanding of that which had hapned to Zachary, departed thence with all his force, and came to Samaria, and in a battell which hee H fought, he slue Sellum: And afterwards obtaining the crowne, he went from thence towards the Citie of Tapsa, the inhabitants whereof locked and barred their gates against him, and would Manahem king of Israel. The yeare of the world. 3174. before the birth of Christ. 790. The Tapsians slaughter. not receiue him: in reuenge whereof he spoiled all the countrey round about, and tooke the Citie by force, & (being highly incensed against the Tapsians for their insolence) he put thē all to the sword, not sparing their little children (which was an incredible & barbarous cruelty in him.) Manahem raigned in this manner for the space of ten yeares, continuing a most cruell and vnbridled tyranny ouer the people. Afterwards being assailed by Phul king of the Syrians, he went not out against him, neither practised to resist him, but procured his peace for the summe of a thousand talents of siluer, which in way of composition he paid vnto him. The people furnished Manahem with this summe in way of contribution, paying fiftie drachmes a peece. Anon after I he died, and was buried in Samaria, leauing behind him a sonne to succeede him in the kingdome, Peace bought with money. The yeare of the world. 3185. before Christs birth 779. Phaceias. The translatiō of the Israelits whose name was Phaceias, who imitating his fathers crueltie, possessed the soueraigntie but two yeares: for he was slaine at a feast in the middest of his friends, by a treason practised against him by Phaceias the son of Romelias, who enioyed the kingdome for the space of twentie yeares, addicting himselfe to all impietie and wickednes. But Teglaphalassar king of Assyria, led forth his army against the Israelites, and spoiled all the countrey of Galaad, and that beyond Iordan, and Galilee, Cydida and Asor also, and led all the inhabitants thereof prisoners, and transported the kingdome to himselfe. This is that which we haue thought good to write as touching the king of Assyria. The yeare of the world. 3187. before Christs birth 777. Iothams piety.
Iotham the sonne of Ozias raigned in Ierusalem ouer the tribe of Iuda: he was the sonne of K a daughter of Ierusalem called Ierasa. There was no vertue deficient in this king, for he was deuout towards God, iust towards men, and careful to repaire the Citie: for he willingly imployed himselfe in restoring that which had need of reparation and ornament. He built galleries, and porches about the temple, and repaired the wals that were fallen downe: hee erected huge and impregnable towers: in a word, he restored all that which was deficient in his kingdome. He made warre vpon the Ammonites, and ouercomming them in battell, he made all their nation tributarie, & constrained them to pay him yeerly a hundreth talents, and ten thousand Cores of wheat, and as many of barley, and his kingdome in such sort increased, that he was redoubted abroad, and happy at home. Now about the same time there liued a certaine Prophet called Naum, who Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. The prophecy of the destruction of Niniue. Naum. 2. prophecied the ouerthrow of the Assyrians, and of the Citie of Niniue, and spake to this effect. ‘All L the people thereof shall be tossed and troubled, and be put to flight; and shall say the one vnto the other. Stay and abide, take gold and siluer, and there shall be none that will receiue it. For they shall haue more care to saue their bodies, then their goods: for there shall be a great debate amongst them with lamentation: their members shal lose their vigor, & their faces shall be altogether swart thorow feare, where shal the repaire of the lions be? or where shal the mother of the lions whelpe rest her? Niniue (God saith vnto thee) I will destroy thee, neither shall the lions that issue from thee, gouerne the world any more.’ To this effect did he prophecy, & spake many other things to this intent, which it concerneth not to repeat. For I haue omitted it purposely, because I would not be troublesome to the readers. But all those things which he forespoke as touching Niniue, came to passe one hundreth and fifteene yeares after. But this is sufficient for the manifestation M of this matter.
CHAP. XII. A The yeare of the world. 3204. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 760.
Rasin King of Damasco maketh warre against Ierusalem, Achaz sendeth for the King of Assyria to assist him.
AFter that Iotham had liued one and fortie yeares, and raigned sixteene, he died, and was buried in the sepulcher of the kings: after him the kingdome fell to Achaz his sonne, Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 13. Achaz impiety The sacrifice of his sonne. who was a contemner of God, and a transgressour of the ordinances of his forefathers, and conformed himselfe to the customes of the kings of Israel: for he erected Altars in the Citie of Ierusalem, and sacrificed vnto Idols, offering vp his owne sonne vnto them (after the manner of the Chanaanites) and perpetrated diuers such like offences. During these impious B idolatries of his, Rasin King of Syria and Damasco, and Phaceias King of Israel made warre against him (for these two were confederates) leading therefore both their armies against Ierusalem, they besieged it a long time, yet profited nothing, by reason the walles were verie strong. But the King of Syria hauing seazed the Citie of Elath, neere vnto the red sea, and slaine all the inhabitants thereof, planted Syrians therein, putting all the garrisons The punishment of impietie. Esay. 7. likewise to the sword, and all the Iewes round about, and carried away with him a great bootie into Damasco, and afterwards returned home with his armie. The King of Ierusalem vnderstanding that the Syrians were retired, and supposing himselfe to bee sufficient to fight against the king of Israel, led forth his forces against him, and was ouercome in 4. Reg. 16. battell (because that God was incensed against him for his wickednesses, which were both C detestable and infinite.) For in that battell the Israelites slue about sixescore thousand men: amongst whom was Zacharias the sonne of Achaz, whom the generall of the armie of the Israelites The slaughter of the army of Iuda. called Amias slue, with Ericam the gouernour of the whole Realme, and he tooke Elcan the generall of the tribe of Iuda prisoner also. They led away likewise a great number of women and children, with a great bootie, and afterwards returned vnto Samaria. At that time there was a certaine Prophet liuing in Samaria, whose name was Obel, who comming out to meete the armie, cried with a loud voice vnto the people, that the victorie which they had, did not happen vnto them thorow their valour, but by reason of the wrath of God conceiued against Achaz king of Iuda. He furthermore reproued them, for that not contenting themselues with the good happe of that victorie, they had so farre presumed D as to hold them of Iuda and Beniamin prisoners, who were of their owne alliance: he therefore counselled them to send them backe vnto their houses, without any iniurie by vniustice offered vnto them; threatning them, that if they did the contrarie, they might be assured that God would punish them.
After this admonition, the Israelites assembled themselues together to consult vpon this 4. Reg. 16. The Israelites by the prophets aduice dismisse those prisoners they had takē of the tribes of Iuda and Beniamin. matter, at which time Barachias (one of the principall gouernours of the state, and three others with him alleaged, that it was not lawfull for the Citizens to lead their prisoners into the Citie, for feare (as they said) that God should vtterly extinguish them all. For those sinnes (said they) which we haue alreadie committed, and against which the Prophets haue exclaimed, are cause enough to incense God; so that we haue no cause to annexe newe impieties to the precedent. E When the soldiers heard these words, they permitted them to execute all that which they held conuenient to be done. For which cause the aboue named tooke the prisoners, and discharged them, and entertained them courteously, and gaue them meanes and money to furnish them in their iourney, and sent them home without offence: and besides that, these foure persons conducted them onwards of their iourney, as farre as Iericho, and when they drewe neere vnto Ierusalem, they returned backe to Samaria.
CHAP. XIII.
The King of Assyria taketh Damasco by force, killeth their king, translateth the people into Media, and planteth new colonies in Damasco. F
WHen king Achaz had receiued this ouerthrow by the Israelites, he sent vnto Theglaphalasar king of Assyria, requiring him to assist him in the warre which he intended against The yeare of the world, 3207. before Christs birth 757. the Israelites, Syrians, & them of Damasco; promising to giue him great sums of money, and at that present also he sent him verie bountiful presents: Who after he had considered on the embassage, came forth with his army to assist Achaz, and spoyling Syria, and sacking Damasco, [Page 242] he slew Rases their king also, and transported them of Damasco into the higher Media, The yeare of the world, 3207. before Christs birth 757. 4. Reg. 16 17. The translatiō of the Israelites. Achaz giueth the gold and siluer of the temple to the king of the Assyrians. and sent certaine people of Assyria into Damasco. He wrought much mischiefe likewise in the G countrey of Israel, and led away a great number of prisoners from thence. After that the Syrians had been subdued and weakned after this manner, Achaz tooke all the gold and siluer that was in the kings treasurie, and in the temple of God, and caried it vnto Damasco, and gaue it to the king of Assyria, according to those promises he had made him, and after much gratuitie and thankesgiuing, he returned backe againe to Ierusalem.
This King was so sencelesse and ignorant of his owne profit, that although he were ouerpressed by warre by the Syrians, yet ceased he not to adore their gods, but persisted in their honour, as if he expected the victorie by their meanes. And although he were ouercome againe, yet intended he the honour of the Assyrian gods; choosing rather to reuerence any, then the true God, whom his forefathers worshipped: Yea so farre grew he in contempt and neglect of all true pietie, H that at length he shut vp the temple gates, and prohibited the ordinarie sacrifices, hauing before Achaz shutteth the doors of Gods temple, and honoureth strāge gods. Achaz death. The yeare of the world, 3215. before Christs birth 749. Oseas impietie and punishment. that taken all the precious presents out of the same. After he had in this sort committed these outrages against God, he died, when he was thirtie & six yeers old; and after he had raigned sixteene yeers, and left his sonne Ezechias to succeed him in the kingdome. At that very time died Phaceias King of the Israelites, by the meanes of a certaine conspiracie, which Oseas his intended friend, wrought against him: who held the kingdome for the space of nine yeeres, shewing himselfe both to be wicked, and a contemner of God. Against him Salmanasar King of Assyria moued warre, and ouercame him because God was not fauourable vnto him, neither assistant in his enterprises: he was therefore subdued, and constrained to pay a certaine tribute imposed vpon I him. The fourth yeere of the raigne of Oseas, Ezechias the sonne of Achaz, and Abia a Citizen of Ierusalem, raigned ouer the two tribes. He was a man of a vertuous disposition, and one that loued iustice and pietie: for as soone as he came vnto the kingdome; he resolued with himselfe first of all that the chiefest and most necessarie and most profitable thing that might be, was the Hedio & Ruffinus. chap 14. 4 Reg 17. The pietie of Ezechias king of Iuda. establishment of the seruice of God. When as therefore he assembled the people, the Priests, and the Leuites, hee began to discourse and deuise with them, in these or such like wordes. ‘There is no one of you but knoweth, that for my fathers offences, and for your irreuerent regard and seruice towards God, yee are fallen into many and mightie calamities, because thorow your extreme madnes, you haue suffered yourselues to be perswaded to adore those, whom hee esteemed to be gods. Since therefore you haue learnt (to your owne miserie) how pernicious a thing K impietie is, I exhort you (that forgetting the same) you purifie both yourselues, your Priests, and your Leuites from your former pollutions, that yet at length you may assemble togither, and open the temple, and clense the same with ordinarie sacrifices, to the end it may be restored to the auncient honour which erst it possessed: for by this meanes we shall haue God fauourable vnto vs, when his wrath shall be appeased that was kindled against vs.’As soone as the king had spoken after this manner, the Priests opened the temple, and after they had gathered the sacred vessels, and cast all vncleannesse out of the same, they offered sacrifice vpon the altar, according to the custome. Afterwards the king sent to all the prouinces vnder his dominion, and gathered togither the people of Ierusalem, to celebrate the feast of vnleauened bread (which had been intermitted Ezechias embassadours that were sent to the Israelites to exhort them to celebrate the feast of vnleuened bread, are slaine by them. a long time thorow the impietie of the kings his predecessors.) He sent also vnto the Israelites, L exhorting them to forsake the customes which of long time they had wickedly obserued, and to returne to the true and auncient manner of seruing God, certifying them that he would permit them to repaire to Ierusalem, to celebrate the feast of vnleauened bread, promising them that he himselfe would solemnize the same with them also: protesting that hee did this; not in respect of his owne profit, but thorow the desire he had to further their felicitie, who should be happy if they obeyed this his counsaile.
When Ezechias embassadours came vnto the Israelites, and had deliuered vnto them the message that they had in charge: so farre were they from conformitie, that they mocked them, 2. Paral. 29. 30 and esteemed them to be mad, and spit vpon those Prophets that exhorted them to pietie, and foretold them the euils they should suffer, vnlesse they subscribed to the seruice of God; and finally M they laid hold on them, and put them to the sword. And not contenting themselues with this presumption, they yet attempted farre worser things, and neuer gaue ouer vntill that God (in punishment of their impietie) made them subiect vnder the hands of their enemies, as shall The word of God is neuer without fruit. appeare manifestly hereafter. But diuers of the tribes of Manasses, Zabulon & Issachar (respecting the good counsailes of the Prophets) submitted themselues to the seruice of God, and repaired al togither to Ierusalem to King Ezechias to honour God. As soone as they were arriued there, [Page 243] Ezechias ascended into the temple accompanied with the gouernours, and all the people, and offered A The yeare of the world, 3218. before Christs Natiuitie, 746. Ezechias sacrifice. there seuen bulles, seuen rammes, and as many goates: and after that he, and all the gouernours had laid their hands vpon the heads of the sacrifice, they deliuered them to the Priest, according as it appertained to them, and they sacrificed and made burnt offrings of them. The Leuits also (assisting round about with instruments of musique) sung hymnes and songs vnto God, according as they had been taught by the ordinance of Dauid: The other Priests had trumpets, with which they reported to the tune of their hymnes. Which done, the king and all the people cast themselues prostrate vpon the ground, and adored God; and afterwards sacrificed seuentie oxen, a hundreth sheepe, and two hundreth lambes. The King likewise bestowed six hundreth oxen, and three thousand sheepe vpon the people to feast withall. And when as the Priests had ioifully performed all things (according to the custome contained in the law) the King tooke B great pleasure and banquetted with the people, giuing thanks vnto God. And when the feast of vnleauened bread was come, they sacrificed the Passeouer, and during the seuen other daies, they offered vp their other sacrifices. The King gaue in way of gratuitie vnto the people (besides that which had been offered) two thousand oxen, and seuen thousand sheepe. The gouernours did the like, and gaue the people a thousand buls, and one thousand foure hundreth sheepe: and thus was the feast solemnized, which had not beene so magnificently and deuoutly celebrated since Salomons time. When the solemnitie of the feast was past, they iournied and went thorow the countrey, and purified it. They purged the Citie likewise of all vncleannesse of Idols, and the Reformation of Gods seruice. The yeare of the world. 3224. before Christs birth 740. King ordained that the daily sacrifices should be made according to the law vpon his charge. He enacted also that the people should pay the tenths to the Priests, and Leuites, with the first fruits, C to the intent they might wholy intend pietie, and neuer estrange themselues from the seruice of God. By which meanes it came to passe, that the people brought all kinde of fruit to the priests and Leuites, which the king put vp in certaine storehouses, which he had built, to be distributed to euerie one of them, their wiues, and children, and by this means they returned againe to their former puritie in religion. After the King had disposed all things in this sort, he made warre vpon the Philistines and ouercame them, and seased all their Cities (betweene Gaza and Geth.) About this time the king of Assyria sent vnto him and threatned him, that if he would not pay The king ouercommeth the Philistines. Ezechias forsaketh the seruice of the king of Assyria. him those tributes which his father before him had paid vnto him, he would destroy all his countrey. Neuerthelesse Ezechias set light by his threats, assuring himselfe in that pietie and zeale he bore towards God and in the Prophet Esay, by whom he was exactly instructed as touching all D those things that were to succeed. And for this present it shall suffice that we haue spoken thus much of this king.
CHAP. XIIII.
Salmanasar slayeth the king of Israel, and leadeth the Israelites captiue into the countrey of Media.
WHen tydings was brought to Salmanasar King of Assyria, that the king of Israel had priuily sent vnto Soan king of Aegypt, to request his assistance in warre against the Assyrian, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 15. he was sore displeased; and drew forth his army against Samaria in the seuenth yeere E of the raigne of Oseas. But the King of Israel withstood his entrance into the Citie, by which meanes he was besieged therein for three yeeres space, and finally Samaria was taken by force in the ninth yeere of Oseas, and the seuenth of Ezechias raigne. At which time all the kingdome of 4. Reg. 17. Israel was destroied, and all the people transported into the countries of Media, and Persia; and amongst the rest king Oseas was taken prisoner. The King of Assyria caused certaine nations of a countrey, which (by reason it abutted vpon a certaine riuer in Persia called by that name) was called Chut, to remoue their habitation, and to dwell in Samaria, and inhabite the countrey of The Israelites remoued from their possessions are translated into the region of the Chuthites. Israel. As for the ten Tribes of Israel, they were transported out of their countrey (nine hundreth fortie seuen yeeres, since their predecessors departing out of Aegypt possessed the countrey of Chanaan; eight hundreth yeeres after the gouernment of Iosuah; and two hundreth and forty yeares, seuen moneths, and seuen daies, since they reuolted from Roboam Dauids nephew, to giue F the kingdome to Ieroboam.) This was the end of the Israelites, who transgressed the lawes, and disobeyed the Prophets, who foretold them of that calamitie which should happen vnto them, except they repented them of their impieties. The sedition that they moued against Roboam establishing his seruant for their king, was the originall of their mischiefes. For Ieroboam committing impietie against God, and they imitating his wickednesse preuailed so much, as the maiestie of [Page 244] God grew displeased with them, so that he punished them according as they deserued. But the G The yeare of the world, 3224 before Christs birth 740. The Tyrians Chronicles touching the wars of Salmanazar against the Tyrians written by Menander. King of Assyria rauaged and spoiled all Syria, and Phaenicia with his army, & his name is found written in the Chronicles of the Tyrians: for he made warre against the Tyrians, at such time as Elulat raigned in Tyre, whereof Menander maketh mention, who wrote the historie of Tyre, and hath translated their Pantarches into the Greeke toong. ‘The King Elulat (said he) raigned six and thirtie yeeres, and pursued the Chuteans that were reuolted from him by sea, and made them subiect. Against whom the King of Assyria sent forth his army, and inuaded all Phaenicia, and afterwards hauing couenanted a peace with them, he returned backe againe. The Cities of Sidon, Arce, and Paletyr, and diuers other cities reuolted from the Tyrians, and submitted themselues to the king of Assyria. For this cause, and for that they of Tyre did not obey him, he drew his army forth once more against them; and he was furnished by the Phaenicians with sixtie H ships, and eight hundreth rowers. The Tyrians charging these ships with twelue of their vessels, ouerthrew the nauy of the Assyrians, and tooke about fiue hundreth men prisoners: which act of theirs, wonderfully increased their honour. But the king of Assyria returning backe againe, planted a garrison vpon the riuer, and fortified the fountaine heads to the intent the Tyrians might draw no water, which act of his (continuing for the space of fiue yeeres) they were inforced to find & dig new fountaines to sustaine themselues. These things are written in the registers of the Tyrians themselues, as also the exploits of the king of Assyria against them.’ But these Chuteans & new inhabitants, of Samaria (for to this day their name remaineth there, as hauing bin brought from the Region of Chut which is in Persia, where there is a riuer of that name) for that they were of fiue nations, they brought with them each of them the god whom they honoured in I Gods displeasure against the idolatrous Chuthites their nation, to the number of fiue gods, whom they serued after the manner of their countrey. Whereupon the true and supreme God was grieuously displeased, and prouoked against them: for a plague fell amongst them, that consumed them in such sort, that they could finde no remedie, vntill such time as they had notice that it behooued them to adore the great God, and that therein consisted their safetie. They therefore sent vnto the king of Assyria, requiring him to send them Priests from amongst the Israelites, whom he had led away prisoners in war. Which The Chuteans embrace the seruice of God and in prosperitie claime kindred of the Iewes. done, they learning the law, and the manner of Gods seruice by them, began verie diligently to obserue both: by which meanes the plague ceased sodainly. And now euen vnto this day continue they in the same Religion, and are called by the Hebrewes Chuteans, and Samaritanes by the Greekes. These as often as they finde the Iewes in prosperitie, call them their cousins (according K to the varietie and changes of time) but if they perceiue their fortunes to be on the declining hand, then abiure they consanguinitie, and renounce any lawfull parentage or amitie, and say that they were planted in the countrey, and drawne thither from a forraine nation. But in time and place conuenient, we shall speake of them more amply.
THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE L IEWES,
- 1 Senacharib King of Assyria, besiegeth Ezechias in Ierusalem.
- 2 Ezechias hauing liued for a certaine time in peace; dieth, and leaueth his sonne Manasses to succeed him.
- 3 The Kings of the Chaldees and he of Babylon, warre against Manasses, and ledde him away M prisoner.
- 4 The historie of King Iosias.
- 5 Iosias death in battell, who hindered the King of Aegypt from leading his army against the Babylonians, and the euent thereof.
- 6 The army of Nabuchodonosor commeth into Syria.
- 7 Nabuchodonosor putteth Ioacim to death, and maketh Ioachin King.
- [Page 245] 8 Nabuchodonosor changeth his purpose, besiegeth Ioachim, and is reconciled vnder composition. A The yeare of the world. 3231. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 733.
- 9 Sedechias is appointed king ouer Ierusalem.
- 10 Ierusalem is taken, and the people translated into Babylon by Nabuchodonosor.
- 11 The successors of Nabuchodonosor: the destruction of Babylon by Cyrus king of Persia.
CHAP. I.
Senacherib King of Assyria besiegeth Ezechias in Ierusalem.
IN the fourteenth yeere of the raigne of Ezechias King of the two Tribes, Senacherib King of Assyria drewe forth a huge army against him, and surprised 4. Reg. 18. The destruction of Iudaea. all the Cities of Iuda and Beniamin by strong hand. To him Ezechias B sent embassadours; promising him obedience, and such a tribute as it should please him to impose. When Senacherib had heard and considered vpon the embassadours instructions, he resolued on peace, and accepted Ezechias offer, promising that he would depart in peace as soone as he had receiued three hundreth talents of siluer, and thirtie talents of gold: swearing an oth vnto the embassadors, that vnder these conditions he would depart away without offering any outrage. Ezechias giuing credit to these wordes of his, emptied the treasuries, and sent the prefixed summe The oth of Senacherib, and his breach thereof. to Senacherib, hoping to be deliuered from his enemy, and the hazard wherein his countrey stood. But the Assyrians hauing receiued the money, set light by their promises; so that Senacherib C went in person to make warre against the Aegyptians and Aethiopians, and left Rapsaces his generall in Iudaea with a great power, accompanied with two of his chiefest minions and courtiers, with commission to spoile Ierusalem: The names of these two were Tharata and Anachares. As soone as they were encamped neere vnto the walles, they sent vnto Ezechias and commaunded him to come and speake with them: but he thorow feare which he had conceiued, went not vnto them, but sent three of his most familiar friends, Eliacim the superintendent of his realme, Sobna and Ioachus that had the commission of his registers. These three presented themselues before the chiefetaines of the Assyrian army: whom when Rapsaces had beheld, he commaunded them to returne vnto their master, and to tell him that the great king Senacherib was desirous to know vnder what hope he thus neglected his gouernment, and obstinately refused to D obey him and receiue his army into the Citie? Is it perhaps, because he hopeth the Aegyptians will haue the vpper hand of the kings army? If that be his hope, doubtlesse he is deceiued, shewing himselfe to be like vnto a man that staieth himselfe vpon a broken reede; by which hee is not onely not sustained, but in his fall also, hath his hand pierced therewith. He likewise wished him to conceiue, that this his expedition was not without the will of God, who, as in times past hath giuen them victorie ouer the Israelites; so nowe also is pleased to humble Ezechias, and to make both him and his subiects stoope vnder the Assyrian gouernment. Whilest Rapsaces Rapsaces perswasion, to cause Ezechias submit. spake thus in the Hebrew language (wherein he was very skilfull) Eliacim (searing least the multitude should be strooken with feare vpon the hearing of these words) besought him to speake in the Syriack toong. But he sufficiently instructed what it was that he feared, answered him with E a lowder voice in the Hebrewe toong, and tolde them that they ought to giue eare vnto the kings commaundement, and to yeelde themselues to his mercie, because it concerned their securitie. I am not ignorant (said he) that both you and your King doe perswade the people vnder a vaine hope, and fraudulently allure them to beate armes against vs. But if your valour be ought at all, and you suppose that you can leuy the siege from your walles, I am ready to furnish you with two thousand horse, giue you vs so many horsmen to approoue their valours: but you cannot giue them that you haue not. Why therefore delay you? why yeeld you not to those that are too strong for you? and are able euen in spite of your resist to ransacke your citie? whereas you know that a willing submission is alwaies secure? contrariwise whereas duetie is inforced, there wanteth no perill of calamitie. F
When both the Embassadours, and the people had heard that which the Assyrian had spoken, they reported the same to Ezechias, who incontinently cast his royall garments off, and cloathed himselfe in sackcloth, carrying the countenance of a disconsolate man, and casting himselfe 4. Reg. 19. Ezechias in aduersity hath recourse to God, he is cō sorted by Esay. prostrate vpon the earth after the manner of their countrey, he besought God to be assistant vnto him, since all other hope was vaine. He sent also certaine of his friends, and some Priests vnto the Prophet Esay, requiring him to pray vnto God, that since the sacrifice was offered vnto him [Page 246] for publike securitie, it might please him to frustrate the enemies hopes, and to haue pitie and G The yeare of the world. 3231. before Christs Natiuity 733. compassion on his people. When the Prophet had performed no lesse then he required, he receiued an answere from God, by which he assured the king, and all them that were about him, foretelling them that the enemies should be ouercome without stroke strooken, & should retire with shame, and not with that aduantage which they bragde of at this present, because God had alreadie determined how they should be ouerthrowne. He foreprophecied also, that Senacharib himselfe (the king of Assyria) should faile of his enterprise in Aegypt, and that vpon his returne to his owne court, he should be slaine. At that verie time the Assyrian wrote letters to Ezechias, in which he called him foole and mad man, to thinke that he could warrantize himselfe from being his slaue, yea his in especiall, who had conquered diuers and far greater nations: threatning him with vtter ruine at such time as he should surprise the Citie, if he opened not the gates of H Ierusalem willingly, to entertaine his armie. When Ezechias had red these letters, he set light by them, by reason of the confidence he had in God: and hauing opened them, he spred them in the temple. And whilest he renewed his praiers vnto God for the saluation of the Citie, and his subiects, Esay the Prophet told him that his praier was heard: that hereafter likewise they should manure their lands in peace & securitie, & should enioy their possessions without feare. Not long after, the king of Assyria hauing but cold successe in his expedition against Aegypt, returned back againe without doing any thing, for this cause that ensueth. He had lost much time in the siege of Pelusium, & at such time as he had alreadie raised certaine bulwarks as hie as the wall, so that he wāted nothing but to giue the assault; newes was brought him that Tharsices king of Aethiopia brought an army to rescew the Aegyptians, with an intent to take his way thorow the desart, I and sodainly to charge the Assyrian armie. Senacharib troubled with these tidings, speedily departed thence with his army. But Herodotus saith, that he made warre with Vulcans priest, especially Herodotus of Senacharib. for that he was both a king and a priest: Besieging Pelusium (said hee) for this cause he gaue ouer the siege. The King of Aegypt called to his God for assistance, by whose power the Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 11. Arabians suffered much miserie. But in this also he erreth, in that he setteth downe the Arabian for the Assyrian. ‘In one night (said he) there was such a multitude of mice, that they gnew all the enemies bowes and other armes: whence it came to passe, that the king being disarmed withdrew his siege from Pelusium.’But Berosus a writer among the Chaldees maketh mention of Senacharib, and how he raigned amongst the Assyrians, and troubled both Asia and Aegypt with warre, and declareth the maner in these words. But Senacharib returning from the Aegyptian K warre, came before Ierusalem, and receiued the army that was there, at the hands of his gouernour The punishment of Senacharib, for displeasing God. Rhabsace, and God caused a pestilent sicknesse to fall vpon his army, which was so violent, that the first night of the siege there died one hundreth fourescore and fiue thousand men, with their gouernors and chieftains. With which losse he was so affrighted, and troubled, that fearing to lose all his army, he fled with those that remained, & retired himselfe into his kingdome to the citie called Niniue, where after he had liued for a time, he was traiterously slaine by Adramelech, and Selenar his two elder sons: and being dead, was carried into his own temple called Arusche, and his children were driuen out of the kingdome for committing the murther, and retired themselues into Armenia, and Asseradochus succeeded Senacharib. Such was the end of the Patricides. Assyrian army that came before Ierusalem. L
CHAP. II.
Ezechias hauing for a time remained in peace, dieth: and leaueth his sonne Manasses to succeed him.
KIng Ezechias (being in this sort beyond al hope deliuered from his feares) offered thanksgiuing and sacrifices vnto God, with all the people, acknowledging that there was no other Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 3. cause that had slaine part of his enemies, and put the rest to mortall feare, neither that had deliuered Ierusalem from thraldome, but only Gods succour and assistance. And whilst he altogither intended and was occupied about the seruice of God, he fell sicke of a grieuous disease, 4. Reg. 20. M so as the Physitions despaired of his health, and his friends expected nothing but his death. This sicknesse of his was accompanied with a grieuous care, because hee had no children, and sawe that he was now to depart the world, and to leaue his house desart, and his kingdome desolate. Ezechias sicknesse and the prolongation of his life assured by miracle Being therefore in this sort toyled with discontents, he lamented and besought God, that it would please him to lengthen his life a little time, vntil he had children to succeed him, and that he would vouchsafe that his soule might not be taken from him, before he were the father of a [Page 247] sonne. Hereupon God taking compassion of him (and the rather, because he was not grieued for The yeare of the world, 3231. before Christs Natiuitie, 733. A that the pleasures of his kingdome were taken from him; but for that he sought for a lawful heire to succeed him in the princedome) he sent the Prophet Esay vnto him, to assure him, that after three daies he should be recouered of his sicknesse: and that after he had liued some fifteene yeers more, he should depart out of this life, and leaue a lawfull heire behind him. When the Prophet (according as he was commanded) had brought these tidings to the king; he doubted both the vnexpected messenger, and the mightinesse of his disease: for which cause he required some prodigious signe at Esatas hands, to the intent that he might certainly beleeue, that he was sent as a messenger from God vnto him for the truth of those things, which either exceede our hope, or reason, are wont to bee confirmed by these meanes. Whereupon Esay asked him what signe he required, and it should be giuen him. For which cause he requested, that since the declining B sun had alreadie aduanced his shadow ten degrees within the royall lodging, he would cause it to return vnto the place where it was before, and ouerrun againe the same lines of shadow. On this occasion the Prophet besought God, that it would please him to confirme the king by this miracle: who seeing that which he desired, was sodainly deliuered from his sicknesse, and ascended the temple to worship and praise God. At that time it hapned, that the monarchie of the Assyrians was destroied by the Medes, (whereof I will speake in another place.) Anon after, Balad King The Assyrian Monarchie destroied. The embassage of the king of Babylon to Ezechias. of Babylon sent an Embassadour to Ezechias with presents, calling him his allie and friend: who receiuing his messengers, willingly feasted them, and shewed them his treasures, his arsenall, and all other magnificence that he had of gold and precious stones, and after he had giuen them presents for Balad, he dismissed them. Whereupon the Prophet Esay came vnto him, asking him C from whence those embassadours came? To whom Ezechias answered, that they were of Babylon, & came vnto him from the king, telling the Prophet how he had shewed them all that which he had, to the end that hauing seene and obserued his riches and power, they might afterwards certifie their king thereof. Whereunto the Prophet replied, saying: Know thou that within a little The captiuitie of Babylon foreprophecied by Esay. The yeare of the world. 3232. before Christs birth 732. time thy riches shall be transported into Babylon, and thy children shall be made Eunuches, and (being no more men) shall be slaues vnto the King of Babylon. All which God gaue him to vnderstand before it hapned. For which cause Ezechias was sore troubled, to heare these tidings, saying, that he desired that his people might not fall into those miseries: but since it was impossible to change the decree of God, he required that he might haue peace during his life time. Of this Balad king of Babylon, Berosus maketh mention. This Prophet truly diuine, and admirable D for the veritie of his prophecies, is accounted to haue spoken nothing that was vntrue, but to Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4. haue left in writing all that which he prophecied: the truth whereof, hath afterwards in effect appeared to posteritie. Neither did he alone performe this much, but besides him, twelue others haue done the like, and all that which is hapned vnto vs, either good or euill, hath fallen out truly according to their prophecies. But hereafter we will speake of euerie one of them. Now when as Ezechias had liued his prefixed time (according as we haue forespoken) and gouerned his kingdome Ezechias death. in peace, he died when he was fiftie foure yeeres olde, and in the nine and twentith yeere of his raigne.
CHAP. III.
The Kings of Chaldaea and Babylon warre against Manasses, and take E him prisoner.
HIs sonne Manasses (the sonne of Achiba, a woman borne in Ierusalem) succeeded him in 4. Reg. 21. Manasses impiety and cruelty. The yeare of the world. 3247. before Christs birth 717. the kingdome. This man forsooke his fathers waies, and followed sinister customes, expressing in his manners all kindes of mischiefe, not omitting any impietie, but addicting himselfe to all the iniquities of the Israelites, who were destroied because of their sinnes committed against God. He was so impudent as he spared not to pollute the verie temple of God, the Citie, and the whole countrey: for making his entrie in despite of God, he slew afterwards all those that were vertuous men among the Hebrewes. And although he had no want of Prophets; F yet so it is, that he killed euery day some: so that Ierusalem was ouerflowen with bloud. For which cause God being prouoked vnto wrath by these his so hainous offences, sent diuers Prophets the one after the other, both to the king and to the people, by whom he threatned to inflict the same Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. Alias cap. 4. calamities vpon them, which (for contempt of religion) the Israelites their brethren had a little before that suffered. But they vnwilling to giue trust to these speeches of theirs (whose admonitions had they respected, they might haue auoided their imminent euils) at length in effect experimented [Page 248] the truth thereof. For whereas they perseuered in their accustomed and dissolute manners, G The yeare of the world 3247. before Christs Natiuitie. 717. Manasses surprised and led prisoner into Babylon. and after his repentance restored to his kingdome. The yeare of the world. 3288. before Christs birth 676. Manasses purifieth the citie and consecrateth the temple againe. God incensed the king of Chaldaea and Babylon against them; who sending his army into Iudaea, and spoiling the whole region, at length surprised and led away Manasses prisoner, and made him subiect to what punishment it should please them to inflict vpon him. At last the wretch (taught by his owne mischiefe) acknowledged his sinne, and humbly besought God in prayer, that he would make his enemy curteous and mercifull: neither did God shew himselfe inexorable; but hauing compassion on his miseries, gaue care vnto him, and after some space of time, the Babylonian sending him home, restored him to his former gouernment. As soone as he was returned backe to Ierusalem, he began (as much as in him lay) to shew the fruits of repentance, and to feare God in all things, cleansing his spirit of all those sinnes, whereunto before time he was addicted. He purged the temple also, and cleansed the Citie; and from that time H forward, he addicted himselfe wholy to thinke how he might giue God thankes, for that he had thus retired him from ruine, and how he might passe all the remnant of his life in his fauor. He taught the people likewise to doe the like, telling them what miseries they had endured within a few yeeres, for that they had demeaned themselues impiously. He repaired the altar also, and according to Moses prescript offered thereon solemne sacrifices, and after that he had purua [...]ed those things that concerned the seruice of God, as it appertained; he bethought himselfe likewise of the securitie of the Citie of Ierusalem, and carefully repaired the old and ruined wals, annexing also an other inclosure thereunto, and erecting high towers likewise, furnishing the same with munition and victuall sufficient for a Citie of defence. And so much was he changed during The yeare of the world. 3302. before Christs birth 662. Manasses death. the rest of his life, that he was held most happy; and after the time he began to serue God, I diuers tooke example of vertue by imitating him. After he had liued sixtie and seuen yeeres, he died in the fiue and fiftith yeere of his raigne, and was buried in his garden. His kingdome came into the hands of his sonne Amos, the sonne of Emalsema, of the citie of Iabath; who imitating his fathers youthly course, was slaine in his owne house, by a conspiracie plotted by his Amos king of Iuda a wicked prince. owne houshold seruants, after he had accomplished the yeeres of foure and twenty, and raigned two. After his death the people slew his murtherers, and he was buried with his father, and the kingdome was giuen to his sonne Iosias, who was only eight yeeres olde.
CHAP. IIII. The yeare of the world. 3304. before the birth of Christ. 660. Iosias king of Iudae. 4 Reg. 22. Iosias restoreth the true seruice of God. The feare of the world, 3307. before Christs birth 657.
The Historie of Iosias. K
IOsias mother was of the Citie of Boseeth, and was called Ieda: he was a man of a good nature, and of his owne instinct inclined to vertue, conforming himselfe to the customs and manners of his progenitor Dauid, both in the scope and rule of all his life. When he grew to be twelue yeeres old, he gaue manifest approbation of his pietie and iustice: for he drew the people to a conformable course of life, and to the detestation and abolishing of Idols, that were no gods, and to the seruice of the only and true God of their forefathers. And considering the actions of his predecessors, he began to rectifie them in that wherein they were deficient, with no lesse circumspection, then if he had been an olde man; and that which he found to be correspondent and aduisedly done by them, that did he both maintaine and imitate. All L these things did he both by reason of his innated wisedome, as also by the admonishments and counsailes of the elders: for following orderly the lawes (both in respect of publike policie, as also in religion) he walked vprightly, in that by obseruing them he could not erre. For circuiting both the Citie and the whole countrey, the king raced downe and defaced the woods that were Iosias rooteth outidolairie. The yeare of the world. 3321. be fore Christ birth. 643. Iudges. The zeale of the people in the reparation of the temple. made for strange gods, and ouerthrew their altars; and all those gifts that had been offered vnto them by his predecessors, were defaced in a mockerie: and in this manner caused he the people to returne to the seruice of God, and to forsake the honour that they did vnto Idols. He offered likewise the ordinarie sacrifices and burnt offrings vpon the altar, and established Iudges and magistrates to determine publike debates, and to doe each man right, charging them to haue no lesse respect of equitie, then they had of their owne liues. He sent also thorow all the countrey, M commanding all those that would be cōtributors, either in gold or siluer, towards the reparation of the temple, should bring in their beneuolence according to their wils, and faculties. And when all the money was gathered togither, hee appointed superintendents, both ouer the temple, as also ouer the charges that were defraied in the reparation thereof: namely, Amasias, who was already gouernor of the city, and Saphan the secretarie, and Ioata Committee ouer the registers, with the high Priest Elcia: who with all expedition and diligence prouided workmen, and all that [Page 249] which was requisite for the building, and began the worke. This sodaine and speedy reparation The yeare of the world. 3321. before Christs birth 643. A of the temple gaue a manifest testimonie of the kings pietie, who when he had attained to the eighteenth yeere of his age, sent Elcia the high priest, and caused him to melt downe the remainder of the money that was giuen towards the building of the temple, and to make vessels, cups, and ewers for the seruice of the altar. He commanded also, that all the gold and siluer that was in the treasurie should be brought forth, and employed after the like manner in cups, and other vessels. Now whilest the high Priest searched the treasurie, he found the sacred books of Moses in Moses sacred bookes found in the temple. the temple, which he brought and deliuered to the scribe Saphan; who after he had perused the same, presented them vnto the king, giuing him to vnderstand that all that which he had commanded was accomplished: besides that, he read the bookes vnto him. Which when the king had heard, he rent his clothes, and called Elcia the high Priest vnto him, and the scribe Saphan, B with certaine other of his inward friends, and sent them vnto the Prophetesse Olda the wife of Sallum, Olda the prophetesse sent vnto by Iosias. a man in high dignitie, and famous, by reason of his nobilitie: commaunding them that when they came vnto her, they should endeuour to appease Gods wrath, and labour to recouer his fauour; because it was to be feared, that by reason that their auncestors had transgressed the The pophecie of the Iewes miserie. lawes of Moses, they should be in danger to be dispossessed of their countrey, and abandoned by all men, should at length perish miserably. When the prophetesse had heard the kings commandement, she willed those that were sent vnto her to returne vnto the king, and to certifie him from her, that God had giuen a sentence against them, which might not be reuoked, by any praiers whatsoeuer; namely, that since they had transgressed the law of Moses, the people should perish, and should be cast out of their countrey, and depriued of al their goods that they had, and C for that they haue not grown to amendment in so long time; notwithstanding the prophets had exhorted them to repentance, and had foretold the punishment of their impieties, which should happen vnto them, to the end that they might beleeue that God is God, and that he faileth not in any thing that he hath foretold by his prophets. Furthermore she said, that he forbore as yet to send these afflictions vpon them, for Iosias sake who was a vertuous man: but that after his decease God would poure his intended punishments vpon the people. This prophecie of the woman they signified vnto the king, who sent into all parts and assembled the people in Ierusalem, commanding the Priests and Leuites, and generally all men without distinction of age, or person 4 Reg. 23. A liuely image of a godly prince. to be present in that conuention. Now when they were assembled, he first of all caused the sacred bookes to be read, and afterwards standing aloft vpon his throne, he caused all the people D to sweare and promise that they would serue God, and keepe Moses lawes. Whereupon all of them did willingly approoue whatsoeuer he said, promising to doe that whereunto they were exhorted. And therewithall offering vp present sacrifices vnto God, they besought him to shew himselfe fauourable and mercifull towards them. The king likewise commanded the hie priest that if there were any necessarie in the temple which were made by his predecessors in honour of Idols and strange Gods, he should cast it out. And after that a great quantitie was found therein, all of it was gathered togither and burnt, and the ashes afterwards were scattered here and there. And as touching the Priests (that appertained to Idols that were not of the race of Aaron) he put them to death. When these things were thus executed in Ierusalem, he came afterwards to the plaine countrey; and all that which Ieroboam had erected there in honour of Idols, he vtterly The truth of the diuine oracles. 3. Reg. 13. E defaced it, and the bones of the false Prophets were burnt vpon the altar that Ieroboam had builded. This had the prophet foretold that came to Ieroboam, at such time as he offered sacrifice, and told him in the presence of all the people, all that which should happen: namely, that one of Dauids posteritie called Iosias, should doe these abouenamed things: which prophecie tooke effect three hundreth, sixtie and one yeere after. After this, King Iosias transported himselfe to the Israelites (who had auoided the captiuitie and seruitude of the Assyrians) and perswaded them to forsake their impieties, and the seruices they had performed to strange Gods, and to honour the soueraigne and true God of their fathers, and to cleaue vnto him. He made a search also thorow euerie house, borough, and citie, fearing least as yet there should be any Idol hidden. Hee likewise sought out the chariots that were made by his auncestors, in honour of the sunne, and all that which was adored whatsoeuer it were, and vtterly abolished the same. After hee had F in this sort purged the countrey, he assembled all the people in Ierusalem, where he celebrated the feast of vnleauened bread, and the solemnitie of Easter. Towards the performance whereof, he gaue the people young kiddes and lambes, to the number of thirtie thousand, and three thousand bullocks for burnt offrings: and the chiefe amongst the Leuites distributed amongst the The celebration of the passeouer. other Leuites fiue hundreth lambs, and fiue hundreth bullocks. Hauing therefore such an abundance [Page 250] of beasts they sacrificed according to the law of Moses (the priests taking charge thereof, G The yeare of the world 3321. before Christs birth 643. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 9. Alias cap. 5. and confirming the rest of the people by their example) Neither was there euer such a solemnitie kept by the Hebrewes since the time of Samuel the Prophet; because all things were done according to the lawes and auncient customes, which were obserued in the time of their fathers. After this Iosias liued in peace, riches, honour, and estimation amongst all men: and thus finished his life.
CHAP. V.
Diuers exploits of Nechao.
NEchao King of Aegypt hauing gathered great forces, conducted his army towards the H floud Euphrates, to warre against the Medes and Babylonians, who had destroied the The yeare of the world. 3334. before Christs birth 630. The Egyptians worke their passage thorow Iudaea. empire of Assyria: for Nechao affected the gouernment of all Asia. Now when he drew neere vnto the Citie of Mende (which was vnder Iosias subiection) King Iosias denied him passage, and would not suffer his army to march thorow his countrey. For which cause Nechao sent a Herauld vnto him, to let him vnderstand, that it was not against him that he made warre, but that he bent his course towards Euphrates: for which cause he wished him in no sort to hinder his intended iourney, least thereby he should be constrained to make warre vpon him. But Iosias respected not this demaund of his, but resolued himselfe to hinder his passage thorow his countrey: And truely I suppose that the destinies pricked him forward to this arrogance, to the end he might haue some occasion to doe something against Nechao. For whilest he disposed his army, I and rode from one band to an other, being mounted vpon his chariot, he was strooken with an 4. Reg. 23. arrow that was shot by a certaine Aegyptian, which cooled and tempered the spleene he had in warre. For feeling himselfe sorely ouerpressed with paine, by reason of his wound; he commanded his army to retire, and returned himselfe to Ierusalem, where he died of his wound, and was Iosias death. buried with his fathers with great magnificence, after he had liued nine and thirtie yeeres, and raigned thirtie and one. For him the people mourned with great heauinesse, lamenting and sorrowing for many daies. The Prophet Ieremy also made a deploration ouer him in lamentable An Epitaph written by Ieremy on Iosias verse, which is as yet extant euen in these daies. This Prophet left in writing those euils that should afterwards happen vnto the citie, and the captiuitie wherewith we are entangled at this present, and the surprisall of Babylon. Neither hath he alone foretold the same: but the Prophet K Ezechiel hath likewise done the like; who first left two bookes written of the same argument. These two Prophets were of the race of the Priests. But Ieremy kept in Ierusalem, from the fourteenth yeere of the raigne of Iosias, vntill the destruction of the Citie and temple; as in 2. Paral. 25. Ieremy prophecieth the captiuitie. of Babylon. In what time Ieremie liued. Ioaz king of Iuda. 4. Reg. 23. 2. Paral 36. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. Alias. chap. 6. Eliacim called Ioachim made king of Iuda. The yeare of the world. 3335. before Christs birth 629. time and place conuenient we will declare, setting downe those occurrences that hapned to this Prophet. After the death of Iosias (heretofore mentioned) his sonne Ioaz succeeded him in the kindome, at such time as he was twenty and three yeers olde, who raigned in Ierusalem; his mothers name was Ametala: he was a man full of impietie, and of a malignant and peruerse nature. The King of Aegypt returning from the warre, sent vnto Ioaz, commanding him to meet with him in Samath a Citie of Syria, where he was no sooner arriued, but he kept him prisoner, committing the kingdome to Eliacim his brother (on the fathers side) who was his elder brother likewise. L He changed his name also, and called him Ioachim: he imposed atribute also on Iudaea, of one hundreth talents of siluer and a talent of golde, which Ioachim paid. And as touching Ioaz, hee led him into Aegypt, where he finished his daies, after he had been king three moneths, and ten daies. Now Ioachims mother was called Zabuda, of the Citie of Abuma. He was a wicked person, and of a malignant nature, hauing neither pietie towardes God, nor respect of equitie towardes men.
CHAP. VI.
Nabuchodonosors army commeth into Syria.
IN the fourth yeere of his raigne, a certaine man called Nabuchodonosor possessed the M The yeare of the world. 3336. before the birth of Christ. 628. Nabuchodo nosor king of Babylon warreth against the Egyptians. kingdome of Babylon; who at that time went out with a great army against Carchabesa (a Citie scituate neere vnto Euphrates) resoluing with himselfe to fight against Nechao king of Aegypt, vnder whose power all Syria was subiect. Nechao vnderstanding of the Babylonians intent, and how great his army was, made verie little account thereof, but with a huge army addressed himselfe towards Euphrates, with an intent to repulse Nabuchodonosor. But he [Page 251] was ouercome in battell, and lost diuers thousands of his men. Whereupon the Babylonian The yeare of the world. 3336. before Christs birth 628. A (passing Euphrates) seazed all Syria as far as Pelusium (Iudaea onely excepted.) The fourth yeere that Nabuchodonosor raigned ouer these conquered countries, & the eight yeere of the raigne of Ioachim ouer the Hebrewes, the Babylonians led forth his army against the Iewes, with a mightie power, threatning them to vse al hostility, except Ioachim would pay him tribute. Ioachim fearing his threats bought his peace with siluer, and paid him for three yeers space the tributes that were Ioachim paseth Nabuchadnezzar tribute. 4. Reg. 24. imposed on him. But in the third yeere (vnderstanding that the Aegyptian was vp in armes against the Babylonian) he denied the paiment of the tribute; notwithstanding he was frustrated of his hope, for the Aegyptians were not so hardy as to make warre. All which the Prophet Ieremy The yeare of the world. 3343. before Christs natiuitie, 621. daily foretold him, signifying vnto him that he builded his hope in vaine vpon the Aegyptians, and that it would fall out that the Citie should be ouerthrowne by the king of Babylon, and B Ioachim himselfe should be deliuered prisoner into his hands. But because there was no meanes for them to escape this iustice, all that which he said was nothing auailable. For notwithstanding Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. Ioachim reuolteth from the king of Babylon. the people and gouernours heard thereof, yet made they no reckoning of the same; but were displeased with those counsailes which he proposed vnto them, accusing Ieremy as if he tooke pleasure to vtter and publish ominous and aduerse presages against the king: they likewise called him in question before the kings counsaile, and required that he might be condemned. Whereupon some of them gaue sentence against him: the rest reproouing the aduise of the elders that were thus addicted, tooke a more discreete course, and caused the Prophet to depart out of the kings house, forbidding his aduersaries to doe him any mischiefe: they protesting that he had not only foretolde the future calamities of the city, but that many before him had done the like, as Micheas C and diuers others; & yet that no one of them had suffered any euill by the kings of their time, but that contrariwise Micheas had been honoured as a Prophet sent from God. By these words they The yeare of the world. 3345. before Christs Natiuity 619. Ieremy foretelleth the destruction of Ierusalem. Ier. 22. appeased the people, and deliuered Ieremy from the death intended against him. This man wrote all his prophecies, and red them to the people in their fasts, and assembled them in the temple in the ninth moneth of the fifth yeere of the raigne of Ioachim, which booke he had composed touching that which should happen vnto the Citie, the temple, and the people. When the gouernours heard the same, they tooke the booke from him, and commanded that both he and his secretarie Baruch should withdraw themselues out of the sight of men: and they tooke the booke, and presented it vnto the king; who in the presence of his friends, commanded his secretarie to reade the same: and after he had heard the contents thereof, he waxed wondrous wroth, and renting D it in pieces, cast it into the fire, intending that it should neuer be seene. He sent out likewise a strickt commission to seeke out Ieremy and his secretarie Baruch, and to lead them out to be punished. But they had preuented his indignation.
CHAP. VII.
Nabuchodonosor putteth Ioachim to death, and establisheth Ioachin in the kingdome.
NOt long after this, he went out to meete the king of Babylon, who was marched out E to make warre against him: and being incredulous and carelesse of the Prophets predictions, Nabuchadnezzars entertainment into the citie, and his crueltie. 4. Reg. 24. 2. Paral. 36. Ioachin or Iechonias king of Iuda. he opened the gates vnto him, supposing that he intended him no euill. But when the Babylonians were entred into the Citie, the King obserued not his promises, but put all such to death as were in the flower and beautie of their yeeres, and spared none of the inhabitants of Ierusalem: with them also he slew their king Ioachim, and caused his body to be cast from the toppe of the wals, and vouchsafed him no sepulture, establishing Ioachin his sonne King of the countrey, and of the citie. Moreouer he tooke three thousand of the most honourable Citizens of Ierusalem prisoners, and led them to Babylon with him, amongst whom was the Prophet Ezechiel, at that time very yoong in yeers. This was the end of king Ioachim, who liued thirty six yeeres, and raigned eleuen. Ioachin that succeeded him in the kingdome was the sonne of Nosta F of Ierusalem, and raigned three moneths and ten daies.
CHAP. VIII. The yeare of the world. 3346. before Christs Natiuitie. 618. G
Nabuchodonosor changeth his purpose and besiegeth Ioachin, and receiueth him vnder composition.
AS soone as the Babylonian had bestowed the kingdome of Iudaea on Ioachin, he was seazed with a sodaine feare, which made him suspect least Ioachin remembring himselfe Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 9. of the iniuries he had done vnto him by the murther of his father, might draw the countrey into rebellion, and reuolt against him. For which cause he sent out certaine forces and besieged Ioachin in Ierusalem; who being a man of a good nature and of an vpright heart, was loth 4. Reg. 25. to forsake the Citie in that danger without a gouernour, considering that it was for his cause that H the common weale was in that hazard. For which cause, taking his wife and his neerest akin with him, he deliuered them into the hands of the captaines that were sent against him, receiuing an oth from them, that neither they nor the Citie should receiue any harme. But this promise continued Nabuchodonosor a truce [...]eaker. not a yeere: for the King of Babylon obserued it not, but commanded his captaines to imprison all the youth and artificers that were in the Citie, and to bring them bound vnto him. The number of them was ten thousand eight hundreth thirtie and two persons, besides Ioachin, his mother, and his neere allies, whom they tooke prisoners.
CHAP. IX.
Sedechias is made King ouer Ierusalem by the Babylonian. I
IN steed of Ioachin, he appointed Sedechias his vncle king of Ierusalem, whom hee bound by an oth that he should gouerne the countrey without any innouation, or partiall fauour towards the Aegyptians. This Sedechias was one and twentie yeeres olde, at such time as he came vnto the kingdome, and was Ioachims brother by the mothers side: he was a contemner of all lawes, and a peruerter of ordinances. For the yoong men that were about him Sedechias king of Ierusalem seduced by his courteours & false prophets, giueth no eare to Ieremy. were without the feare of God, and all the people vnder his dominions committed whatsoeuer outrages were best liking vnto them. For this cause the Prophet Ieremy came vnto him, protesting oftentimes against him, and denouncing, that (if he renounced not all those impieties and iniquities he vsed, and addicted not himselfe to that which was iust, but gaue eare vnto his gouernours, K amongst which there were many wicked men, and to those false Prophets that misled him, trusting that the Babylonians should not make warre against his Citie, but that the Aegyptians should leuie an army and ouercome them) that then he should incurre much miserie: for (said he) they haue no truth in their sayings, and those things also which they pronounce, are not to be spoken. Whilest Sedechias gaue eare to these discourses of the Prophet, he was perswaded, and acknowledged al that to be true which he had spoken, & very profitable both for him, & his people: Ezechiel prophecieth the destruction of the temple. but anon after his friends corrupted him, & diuerted him according to their own opinions. Ezechiel also at the same time had prophecied in Babylon all those calamities which were to fall vpon the tēple, & sent notice to Ierusalem of that which he had receiued frō God. Notwithstanding Sedechias gaue no credit to his prophecies, by reason that all the Prophets were accustomed L to accord in all things the one with the other, as touching the surprisal of the city, and the imprisonment of Sedechias: but Ezechiel differed in this, that he said that Sedechias should not see Babylon; The yeare of the world. 3354. before Christ birth. 610. Sedechias reuolt from the Babylonian. Hedio and Ruffinus, chap. 10. The king of Egypt comming to rescue the king of Ierusalē, is ouerthrowne by Nabuchodonosor with all his army, and driuen out of Syria. notwithstanding that Ieremy had prophecied, that the king of Babylon should lead him away prisoner in bonds, because therefore these two accorded not in their sayings; he concluded that the matter wherein they agreed, was of no consequence. Notwithstanding all things hapned vnto him according as the Prophets had pronounced, as we will declare in a conuenient place. After that he had continued his alliance and friendship with the king of Babylon for the space of eight yeers, he brake the league that was between them, and confederated with the Aegyptians (vnder hope that they should ouercome the Babylonians.) Which when the king of Babylon vnderstood, he led forth his army against him, and destroied his countrey to the vttermost: M so that after he had taken his Cities of defence, he finally planted his army and besieged Ierusalem. The Aegyptian perceiuing the estate wherein his allie Sedechias was, leuied a huge army, and came into Iudaea, with an intent to raise the siege. Whereupon the Babylonian withdrew his army from Ierusalem to encounter with the Aegyptian, and fought with him, and ouercame him in battell, and pursued him with such alacritie, that he put him to flight, and droue him altogither out of Syria. As soone as the Babylonian was dislodged from Ierusalem, the false prophets [Page 253] deceiued Sedechias, telling him that the Babylonian should neuer more returne to make The yeare of the world. 3346. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 618. Sedechias seduced by false prophets The prophecy of the captiuitie of Babylon and the deliuerie. Ier. 25. 29. 37. A warre either against him or his nation; and that he should neuer any more depart from his house in Babylon; and that they who had beene led away captiues, should returne home againe, loaden with those vessels of the temple which the king of Babylon had taken from them.
But the Prophet Ieremie presenting himselfe before the king, prophecied the contrary to these impostures, assuring both him and the people, that no profit could befall them by meanes of the Aegyptians, for that the Babylonians should ouercome them, and should returne and encampe before Ierusalem, and besiege the same, and destroy the people by famine, and lead them away prisoners that were remaining, and carry away all their substance; & that after they were seazed of the riches of their temple, they should finally burne the same. As for the Citie, they should race it: ‘and (said he) they shall keepe vs captiue for the space of seuentie yeares: And from this seruitude B the Persians and Medes shall deliuer vs, at such time as they haue gotten the Empyre out of the hands of the Babylonians: then shall they send vs backe againe into our countrey, and we shall build our temple anew, and establish the Citie of Ierusalem.’ Diuers men gaue credit to these words of Ieremie; but the gouernours and contemners of God, intreated him verie cruelly, as if he had beene a man transported out of his sense. And whereas he had an intent to visit his natiue countrey Anathoth, some twentie stounds off of Ierusalem, one of the magistrates encountring him in his iourney, & laying hold on him, retained him, loading him with this slander, that he went & stole away to submit himself to the Babylonians. But Ieremy answered, that he was falsely accused, & that he repaired only to the place where he was borne. This Prince giuing him no credit, arrested him, and brought him before the iudgement seat, where he sustained all sorts of C outrages & torments, and was shut vp in prison to be punished, & remained there for a time, suffering The yeare of the world, 3354. before Christs birth 610. Ierusalem besieged. 4 Reg. 25. Ier. 39. Two mightie enemies, Famine and pestilence. Ieremy perswadeth them to yeeld. the extremitie of wrong and iniurie. The ninth yeare of the raigne of Zedechias, and on the tenth day of the ninth moneth, the King of Babylon came and encamped the second time before Ierusalem, and entrenched himselfe round about the same, for the space of eighteene moneths, and laid batterie and siege thereto, with as great spleene as might be possible: And they that were besieged therein, were encountred with two most hainous afflictions, famine, and most grieuous pestilence. At this time the Prophet Ieremy being in prison, held not his peace, but cried with a loud voice, and preached, and exhorted the people, willing them to entertaine the Babylonians, and to open their gates vnto them: because that in so doing they might warrantize themselues with all their families, whereas otherwaies they were assured of destruction. He foretold them D also, that if any one remained in the Citie, he should most assuredly either perish by famine, or the enemies furie: but if so be they submitted themselues to the enemies mercy, they should escape from death. But those gouernours that heard him speake after this sort, gaue him no credit, in that they were not as yet pressed with the danger: for which cause they came vnto the king, and after a despitefull manner, told him all that which had beene spoken, accusing Ieremy, and reprouing him for a mad man; vrging this, that he had abated their courage, and by his wofull predictions, had weakned the hearts of the people, which were otherwaies readie to fight for him and their countrey, by reason that he flying vnto the enemie, menaced them with the surprisal and vtter ruine of their Citie. But the king in regard of the naturall humanitie and iustice that was The reward of godly preachers in this life. in him, was not any waies whetted in respect of his owne interest; yet to the intent he might not E seeme to be vtterly opposed to the gouernours, by contradicting them, he deliuered the Prophet into their hands, to deale with him howsoeuer they pleased. Who hauing obtained this libertie from the king, entred the prison on the sodaine, and laying hold on Ieremy, they let him downe into a pit full of mud, to the intent he might die in that place, and be strangled by the ordure: in effect, he was set therein vp to the necke. But one of the kings seruants (an Aethiopian by nation) certified the king of the Prophets affliction, assuring him that his friends and gouernours did not iustly, so to thrust and burie the Prophet in the mud, and cursedly to conspire against him, tyring him with bonds and tortours worse then death. For which cause the king hearing this newes, was sorie that he had deliuered the Prophet to the gouernours, and commaunded the Aethiopian to take thirtie men of his court with him (with cords and such other things necessary, F as might concerne the safetie of the Prophet) charging him with all expedition to deliuer him from that captiuitie. Hereupon the Aethiopian furnished with men and necessarie meanes, drew the Prophet out of the mud, and dismissed him without any gard. That done, the king sent for Sedechias neglecteth the prophets good counsaile for feare of the gouernours. him in secret, demaunding of him if he had any message to deliuer him from God, praying him to let him vnderstand what soeuer he knew as touching the successe of the siege. The Prophets answere was, that although he should tel him, yet it would not be beleeued; & that if he should exhort [Page 254] him, he would not giue eare or listen vnto him. ‘But (said he) O king, thy friends haue condemned The yeare of the world, 3354 before Christs birth 610. G me to death, as if I had beene a most wretched malefactor. But where are they now at this present that haue deceiued thee, and bore thee in hand, saying, that the Babylonian would not come and besiege thee? Now will I take heed how I tell thee the truth, for feare least thou condemne me to death. Hereupon the king swore vnto him that he should not die, neither that he would deliuer him into the hands of the gouernours: for which cause Ieremie grounding himselfe vpon the faith which he had plighted vnto him, counselled the king to yeeld vp the Citie to the Babylonian, because that God had willed him to signifie vnto the king, that if he would saue his life, and auoid the imminent daunger, and saue his Citie from vtter ruine, and preserue the temple from burning, he should submit; or otherwise, that none but he should be the cause of all these euils that should happen vnto the Citie and Citizens, and of that calamitie that should H confound both him and all his familie. When the king heard this, he told him that he would doe according as he had counselled him, and performe whatsoeuer he thought necessarie to be done: but that he feared his friends, who were alreadie of the Babylonian faction, least being accused by them, he should be deliuered (by their meanes, and the kings displeasure) vnto death. But the prophet encouraged him, telling him that his feare was in vaine; assuring him that he should suffer no euill, if so be he yeelded vp the Citie: and that neither his wife, nor children, nor the sacred temple should either endure desaster, death, or ouerthrow.’Vpon these words the king dismissed Ieremy, charging him to communicate the counsell that was held betweene them to no one of the Citizens, no not to the princes, if so be they should light on any inckling of their conference, or aske of him whether the king had sent for him: aduising him to answere, if so be I they were inquisitiue that he resorted to the king, to request him that he might be no more imprisoned: all which the Prophet performed, for they instanced him verie much to know, for what cause the king had sent for him.
CHAP. X.
Ierusalem is taken, and the people carried into Babylon by Nabuchodonosor.
MEane while the Babylonian continued his violent siege against the Citie of Ierusalem, and hauing raised towers vpon certaine bulwarks, he droue away by this meanes all those K Ierusalem besieged eighteene moneths and at length taken. that approched neere vnto the walles: he raised also (round about the circuit of the Citie) diuers platformes, that equalled the walles in height. Meane while the Citie was as valiantly and couragiously defended by the inhabitants, for neither pestilence nor famine plucked down their spirits: And although that within the Citie they were tormented with these scourges, yet were not their resolutions distracted by the warre, neither did the enemies inuentions astonish them, nor their engines affright them; but that they inuented new countermines: so that all the battel betwixt the Babylonians and Iewes seemed to be a trial both of valour & art; whilest these by the one doe assuredly hope to surprise the Citie, and the other thought their safetie consisted herein, if they ceased not by new inuentions to frustrate their enemies endeuours: And in this estate continued they both for the space of eighteene moneths, vntill they were consumed by famine, L and by the darts that were shot against them by those that shot from the towers. At length the Citie was taken by the princes of Babylon (in the eleuenth yeare of the raigne of Zedecias, the ninth day of the fourth moneth) who were put in trust by Nabuchodonosor to performe the siege. For touching his owne person he made his aboad in the Citie of Reblata. Now if any The yeare of the world. 3356. before Christs birth 608. man be desirous to know the names of them that had commaundement at such time as Ierusalem was surprised, these they be, Nergelear, Aremantus, Emegar, Nabosar, and Echarampsar. The Citie being taken about midnight, the princes of the enemies armie entered into the temple: which when Zedecias vnderstood, he tooke his wiues and his children, with the princes and his friends, and fled thorow a great valley by the desart: which when the Babylonians vnderstood by certaine Iewes that were reuolted, and had submitted themselues vnto them, they arose earely M Sedecias flyeth by night, and is suprised by the enemie. in the morning to pursue them, and ouertooke and surpised them neere vnto Iericho. Whereupon those princes and friends of Zedecias that had taken their flight with him, seeing the enemies neere vnto them, forsooke him, & scattering themselues heere and there, concluded each of thē to saue himselfe. When as therefore the enemies had apprehended him, who was attended by a few followers only, and accompanied by his children & wiues, they brought him vnto the kings presence, who no sooner beheld him, but he called him wicked and perfidious, and vpbraided him [Page 255] with breach of his promise, and contempt of his maiestie, to whom he had sworne he would The yeare of the world, 3356. before Christs Natiuitie, 608. A keepe it to his vse. Furthermore he reproched him for his ingratitude, in that hauing receiued the royaltie from his hands (which he had taken from Ioachin to bestow it on him) he had notwithstanding employed all his forces against his benefactor. ‘But (said he) that great God that hateth thy trecherie hath deliuered thee into my hands: and when he had spoken these words, he caused Zedechias friends and children to be slaine before his eies, with all his other prisoners: afterwards Sedechias hath his eies pulled out, and his children slaine before his face. commaunding his eies to be plucked out, he led him to Babylon. All which hapned vnto him, according as the prophets Ieremie and Ezechiel had foretolde him: namely, that he should be surprised and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speake with him face to face, and should see him with his eies (for so had Ieremy prophecied) but being made blind and conducted to Babylon, he should not see the Citie of Babylon (according as Ezechiel B had foretold.) All which may sufficiently expresse to those that knowe not the nature of God, how diuers and admirable his iudgements be, in disposing all things in good order, and presignifying those things that are to come, euen as in this place there appeareth a most signall example of humaine errour and incredulitie, by which it was not lawfull for them to auoid their future calamitie, neither shunne their vnremoueable destinie.’ Thus was the race of the kings extinguished How many and how long the kings raigned that were of Dauids luie. that descended from Dauid; who were in number one and twentie, that raigned after him. All of them together gouerned fiue hundreth and fourteene yeares, sixe moneths and ten daies: adding thereunto the twentie yeares of the first king Saul, who was of an other tribe. After this, the Babylonian sent Nabuzardan general of his army vnto Ierusalem to spoile the temple, giuing him in charge to burne both it, and the kings pallace, and to race and leuell the Citie with C the ground; and afterwards to transport the people into Babylon. Who arriued there the eleuenth The temple the pallace, and the citie spoiled and burnt. yeare of the raigne of Sedechias, spoyled the temple, & caried away the vessels that were cōsecrated to Gods seruice, both those of gold, as also them of siluer: he tooke likewise the great lauer that was giuen by Salomon. The columnes and pillars of brasse, with their chapters likewise, and the tables and candlestickes of gold, and after he had borne away all things, he burned the temple the first day of the fist moneth of the eleuenth yeare of Sedechias raigne, which was the eighteenth of Nabuchodonosors gouernment. He burned also the kings royall pallace, and raced the Citie. This temple was burned 470. yeares, sixe moneths, and 10 daies after the foundation therof: & in the yeare 1062. six monethes & ten daies, after the departure of the people out of Aegypt: & 1950. yeres, six moneths & ten daies, after the Deluge: from the creation of Adam vntil D the ruine of the temple, there were three thousand; fiue hundreth and thirteen yeares, six moneths and ten daies. Thus haue we set downe the number of the yeares, and orderly expressed what, and in what time euerie thing hath beene performed. The generall for the king of Babylon hauing destroyed the Citie, and transported the people, tooke prisoners the high Priest Sareas, and The captiuitle of Babylon. his fellow in office the Priest Sephan, with the gouernours and keepers of the Temple; which were three; the Eunuch also which had the charge ouer the rest, and seuen of Sedechias friends and his secretarie, besides sixty other gouernours, al which (together with the vessels which he had pillaged) he sent to Reblatha a Citie of Syria, vnto the king of Babylon; who commaunded in that place that the high Priest and gouernours should be beheaded: as for the rest of the prisoners and Sedechias the king, he carried them with him to Babylon: he sent also in bonds, with the rest, Iosadoch E the son of Sareas the high Priest, whom he had put to death in Reblatha (as we haue heretofore declared) And for that we haue reckned vp the race of the kings, & set down likewise what they were, and how long they continued, me seemeth that it shall not be vnnecessarie to recite the names of the high Priests, and to report who they haue beene, that haue administred the priesthood vnder the kings. Sadoc was the first high Priest of the temple builded by Salomon: The high Priests in Ierusalem. After him his sonne Achimas succeeded in that honour, and after Achimas Azarias, after whom succeeded Ioram, and after Ioram Ioschua, after Ioschua Axioram, who had for his successor Phideas, to Phideas succeeded Sudeas, to Sudeas Iulus, to Iulus Iotham, to Iotham Vrias, to Vrias Nerias, to Nerias Odeas, to Odeas Saldum, to Saldum Elcias, to Elcias Sareas, to Sareas Iosadoch, who was carried away prisoner into Babylon: all which haue succeeded in the priesthood by lineall F descent. When Nabuchodonosor was come to Babylon, he shut vp Sedechias in prison, Sedecias death where he kept him vntill he died, and after his death he honoured him with a royall tombe. He likewise offered the vessels that he had taken out of the temple of Ierusalem vnto his gods, and caused the people to inhabite the countrey of Babylon, deliuering the high priest from his Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. bonds. The generall Nabuzardan that led the people away captiue, left the poorer sort in the country of Iudaea, & those also that voluntarily yeelded themselues vnto him, ouer whom hee appointed [Page 256] Godolias the sonne of Aicam gouernour (a man that was both vpright and noble) commanding The yeare of the world. 3356. before Christs birth 608. Godolias captaine of the fugitiues. Ieremy set at libertie by the Baby lonian, and richly offered and presented. G them to till the land, and to pay their assigned tribute to the king. He drew the Prophet Ieremy also out of prison, perswading him to repaire with him to the king of Babylon, telling him that he had receiued expresse commaundement from the king, to furnish him with all thinges necessarie for that iourney; but if he were not contented to repaire to Babylon, he should declare to him in what place he would make his aboad, to the intent he might certifie the king thereof. But the Prophet would not follow him, neither depart or soiourne in any other place, desiring rather to liue amidst the ruines of his countrey, and among the pitious reliques of his poore nation.
When the generall Nabuzardan vnderstood his resolution, he gaue charge to the gouernor Godolias (whom he left in Iudaea) to haue care of him, and to furnish him with all that which he H wanted; and after he had gratified him with presents, he departed. Meane while Ieremy dwelt in the Citie of Masphath, praying Nabuzardan that he would send him his disciple Baruch (the son of Neria, a man of a noble family, and excellently learned in that countrey language.) Nowe when as these that during the siege of Ierusalem were retired out of the Citie, vnderstood of the Baruch dismissed out of prison. The Iewes resort to Masphath to Godolias. retreat of the Babylonians, they assembled togither from all parts, and came to Masphath to Godolias, vnder the conduct of Iohn the sonne of Careas, and Iezanais and Sareas, and others. And besides these, a certaine man called Ismael of the bloud royall, a wicked and fraudulent man, who during the siege of the Citie, had retired himselfe to Bathal king of the Ammonites, and had soiourned with him during all the troubles. Who being in this sort assembled before him, Godolias counselled to remaine in that countrey without any feare of the Babylonians, promising I that in manuring their land they should incurre no inconuenience. All which he confirmed vnto them by an oth; adding further, that if any disturbance were offered to any man, he would readily assist him. He gaue each one this aduise likewise, to inhabite any Citie that best liked them; promising them to send them thither, with such things as appertained to them, to build them houses and furnish their habitations; promising them that when time serued, hee would make their prouision of corne, wine, and oyle, for their maintenance during the winter time: which when he had proposed these conditions vnto them, he gaue them leaue to depart, and inhabite the countrey wheresoeuer they best liked. Now when the rumour ran amongst the people of Iudaea, that Godolias had thus curreously entertained those that were fugitiues, and how he had permitted them to inhabite and till the countrey (prouided that they paid their tribute to the K Babylonian) diuers of them repaired incontinently to him, and inhabited the countrey. And Iohn and the other gouernours being with him, and assured both of his clemencie and courtesie, begā intirely to loue him. For which cause they told him, that Bathal king of the Ammonites had sent Ismael to murther him by some treacherie, that by that meanes he might haue the dominion ouer the Israelites that remained, in that he was of the bloud royal. Assuring him, that the means of his deliuerance from that treason, was, if so be he would commaund them to kill Ismael in secret: assuring him on the contrarie side, that they feared, that if Ismael should happen to kill him, their whole nation that remained, was like to fall to vtter ruine. But Godolias tolde them plainly, that these stratagems they intended, were practized against a man that had receiued pleasure at his hands; and that it was not likely that he whom he had succoured during the time of his necessitie, L would be so wicked or impious against his benefactor, as to attempt to murther him, whom in any occasion or necessitie he could not but to his great shame and indignitie, either flie or forsake. Yea, said he, although those things are true which you informe me of, yet had I rather die, then oppresse a man that hath committed his life to my trust. For which cause Ihon and the rest (seeing their perswasions were in vaine) departed from him. Some thirtie daies after, Ismael (accompanied with ten men) came to Masphath to Godolias, who receiued them with presents and magnificent entertainment, so that to expresse to Ismael and his companions how hartily they were welcome, Godolias drunke so hard that he was somwhat ouerseene with wine. Now when Ismael perceiued him to be in that key, and ouerloaden with drinke and sleepe, he stept vnto him with his ten associates, & cut both his throat and theirs, who kept him company at the M banquet: after which murther, he issued out by night and slew all the Iewes that were left in the citie, & those Babylonian soldiers also that were left in garrison in that place. The next day there came fourescore men of the countrey to Godolias with presents, being vtterly ignorant of that which had hapned. Ismael knowing them, called them vnto him, as if he intended to bring them to Godolias, and as soone as they were entred, he locked the court and slew them, and afterwards cast their bodies into a deepe ditch, to the intent they might not be discouered. Of this number [Page 257] there were some that escaped, who besought him that they might not be put to death, before they The yeare of the world. 3356. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 608. A had deliuered certaine moueables, garments, and corne that they had hidden in the field: which when Ismael vnderstood, he spared them: But he kept them prisoners that were in Masphath with their wiues and children, in the number of whom were the daughters of Sedecias, whom Nabuzardan had left with Godolias. This done, he retired backe againe to the king of the Ammonites. Iohn and the gouernours of his company, vnderstanding of the actes committed by Ismael in Masphath, and aboue all, of the murther of Godolias, they were wonderfully displeased: so that each of them assembling his priuate force issued forth to pursue and persecute Ismael, whom they ouertooke neere vnto a fountaine in Hebron. The prisoners that were with Ismael, seeing Iohn his confederates, tooke courage, supposing that it was some succours that came to helpe them, and forsooke him that led them, and began to ioyne with Iohns followers: and thus fledde Ismael B with his eight men, to the king of the Ammonites. Iohn gathering togither all those whom he had rescued from Ismaels hands, both Eunuches, women, and children, retired into a certaine Iohn releaseth limaels captiues. place called Mandra, where he soiourned all that day, resoluing from thence to depart into Aegypt, fearing least the Babylonians should put him to death, if they should remaine in Iudaea, for that they would be displeased with the death of Godolias, whom they had planted in the gouernment.
Being thus plunged and perplexed with these deliberations, they addressed themselues to the Iohn asketh counsaile of God, and being informed refuseth the same. Prophet Ieremy, beseeching him to enquire of God, and to certifie them, what it behooued them to do in this their doubtfull estate, binding themselues by an oth to doe that which Ieremy should commaund them. Hereupon the Prophet promised that he would aske counsell of God for C them: and some ten daies after, God appeared vnto him, and willed him to certifie Iohn, the gouernours, and the rest of the people, that if they inhabited Iudaea he would assist them, and haue care of them, and keepe them so, as the Babylonians (whom they feared) should doe them no harme: but if they departed into Aegypt, he would abandon them, and would be so incensed against them, that he would thrall them in the like miserie, as their brethren had indured in times past. Whilest the Prophet thus warned them from God, they would not beleeue him, in that he commanded them to remaine in that place by Gods prescript ordinance: but they imagined that vnder a false pretext of Gods commaund, he had counselled them thereto, but that in effect Ier. 42. 43. he spake in fauour of his disciple Baruch, perswading them to stay there, to the end they might be consumed by the Babylonians: contemning therefore the counsell which God gaue them by D the Prophet, both Iohn and the rest of the multitude went into Aegypt, and led with them both The prophecy of the Babylonian armie, and the Iewes captiuitie. Baruch and Ieremy. Whither they were no sooner come, but God told the prophet that the Babylonian should lead his army into Aegypt: for which cause he willed him to foretel the people that Aegypt should be destroyed, and that they should partly be slaine in that place, and partly led captiue to Babylon. Which came in like manner to passe: for in the fift yeere after the destruction of Ierusalem (which was the three and twentith yeere of the raigne of Nabuchodonosor) Nabuchodonosor in his owne person led his army into Coelosyria, and hauing conquered the same, he made warre vpon the Ammonites and Moabites. And after he had brought these nations vnder his obeisance, The yeare of the world. 3361. before Christ birth. 603. he went and sought against the king of Aegypt and ouercame him: and after he had slaine their king that gouerned at that time, and planted an other in his place, he afterwards E tooke the Iewes that he found in that countrey, and carried them prisoners into Babylon. By this means we haue learned, that the state of the Hebrewes being brought to this point, hath bin translated twise to the other side of Euphrates. For the people of the two tribes were captiued by the Assyrians, during the raigne of Oseas; and consequently that of the two tribes, vnder Nabuchodonosor king of the Babylonians and Chaldees, vpon the taking in of Ierusalem. True it is that Salmanazar after he had displaced the Israelites, planted the Chutheans in their place, who beforetime inhabited the innermost of the countries of Persia and Media, and were called Samaritanes, according to the name of the place which they inhabited: but the Babylonian hauing led the two tribes prisoners, hath not planted any other people in their places.
For this cause Iudaea, Ierusalem, and the temple, remained desert for the space of seuentie F yeeres: and all the time that passed betweene the captiuitie of the Israelites, vntill the destruction of the two tribes, was a hundreth and thirtie yeeres, six moneths, and ten daies. But Nabuchodonosor chose the most noblest yoong men amongst the Iewes (and such as were allied to king Sedecias, and esteemed likewise for the good disposition and faire proportion of their bodies and faces) and committed them to masters to be instructed, commaunding that euery one of them should be gelded, according as they were accustomed to deale with yoong children of other nations, [Page 258] whom he subdued by force. He allowed them victuall from his owne table, and they were G The yeare of the world, 3361 before Christs birth 603. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 12. Dan 1. Daniels forwardnes and his fellowes towardnes in studying wisedome and good letters. taught and instructed in the disciplines of the countrey, and in the Chaldeetoong. These were verie apte to learne wisedome: and for that cause he commanded that they should be trained vp in the exercise thereof. Of these there were foure of Zedechias kindred, faire in body, and vertuous in nature, who were called Daniel, Ananias, Misael, and Azarias; whose names the Babylonian changed, and willed them to be called by other names, distinct and different from their own: Daniel was called Balthasar; Ananias, Sidrach; Misael, Misach; and Azarias, Abdenago. These did the king esteeme very highly for their excellent nature, and for the great affection that they had to attaine vnto learning and wisedome, wherein they profited greatly, and were for that cause highly reckoned of by him. And whereas Daniel and his kinsemen thought good to liue austerely, and to abstaine from those meates that came from the kings table, and in generall from H all things that had life, they went vnto Askenas the Eunuch (who had the care and charge ouer them) beseeching him to conuert those meates to his owne vse, which were sent them from the kings table, and to allow them herbes and dates, and such things as had no life; because they intended to hold that course of life, and to forsake all other. Askenas told them, that he was ready to condescend vnto their demaunds; but that he feared, least being called for by the king, they should be found to be leane in body, and discoloured in face (for without doubt in following that diet, they must needly lose their colours, and be lesse dispost in comparison of others) which might be the cause to bring him into hazard of his head. They perceiuing that Askenas intended nought els but his securitie, perswaded him to allow them but ten daies of approbation, vnder condition that if by that regiment of diet their habitude of body should not be any waies altered, I they might continue in that fashion of life and diet, which they had intended from that day forwards: but if they should be found leane and weake, and lesse proportionable (then they that sed vpon the kings allowance) that then they should returne to their accustomed diet. Now it so fell out, that not onely their bodies were better in growth, but they seemed rather better fed, and of a taller statute then the rest: so that they that liued vpon the kings ordinarie, seemed leane and wearish; where as Daniel and his companions made shew as if they had beene nourished with dainties, and brought vp in aboundance. From that time forward, Askenas tooke all that which was allowed the foure yoong men from the kings table, and boldly kept it to himselfe, giuing them in steed thereof, the diet that they chose and delighted in. They hauing their spirits more pure and subtill to comprehend their masters instructions, and their bodies more strong to K endure labour (for their spirits were not charged with diuersitie of meates, nor their bodies effeminated for the same cause) attained the more readily to all that doctrine that was taught. them by the Hebrewes and Chaldees: Daniel especially hauing profited in wisedome, studied the interpretation The yeare of the world, 3363. before Christs natiuite, 601. Dan. 2. Nauchodonosor dreaming, forgetteth his vision sendeth for the magitions not able to discouer his doubts, he threatneth them with death. of dreames, and God appeared vnto him. Two yeeres after the surprisall of Aegypt, king Nabuchodonosor dreamed a wonderfull dreame, the issue whereof God made him see in a dreame: but he forgat the same when he arose out of his bed. And for that cause sent he for his Chaldees and diuines, telling them that he had dreampt a dreame, but that he had forgot the same; commanding them to declare vnto him what the dreame was, and the signification thereof also. Whereunto they answered, that it was impossible for men to sound out the secret thereof; notwithstanding they promised him, that if he would declare his vision vnto them, they would L cause him to vnderstand the signification thereof. Hereupon Nabuchodonosor threatned them with death, except they represented his dreame vnto him; and they protesting that they could not fulfill his request; he commanded them all to be slaine. But Daniel hearing how the King had condemned all the sages to death, and knowing that both he and his companions had part in that danger, addressed himselfe to Ariochus the captaine of the Kings guard, requiring him to informe him, for what cause the king had adiudged the Chaldees and sages to be put to death: And hauing intelligence what had hapned as touching the dream, & how the king by forgetting the same, had charged them to informe him therin, & how they had answered that it was impossible for them to performe the same, and how thereby they had prouoked the king to displeasure: he besought Ariochus to go vnto the king, and to procure one nights repriue in the behalfe of M the Aegyptians and Chaldees, in that he hoped during that night time to beseech God and intreat from him both the dreame and the signification thereof. Hereupon Ariochus told the king what Daniel had requested, who respited the execution of the Magitians for that night, vntill he might see what would become of Daniels promise: who retiring himselfe with his companions into his chamber, besought God all the night long to manifest vnto him the dreame, and deliuer the Magitians and Chaldees from the kings wrath, with whom both he and the rest of his [Page 259] companions were like to die, except he might know what the king had dreampt the night past, The yeare of the world. 3 [...]63. before Christs birth 601. A and what was the interpretation thereof. Whereupon God (hauing compassion of the daunger wherein they were, and taking pleasure in Daniels wisedome) signified vnto him both the dreame and the signification thereof, to the intent the king might be resolued in the meaning thereof.
Daniel hauing receiued the truth from God arose verie ioyfully, and certified his brethren, The vision and the Rouelation thereof opened to Daniel. (who had alreadie lost all hope of life, and thought on no other thing but death) and gaue them courage and hope of life. Hauing therefore rendred thanks vnto God, for that he had had compassion of their young yeeres, as soone as it was day he went vnto Arioch, requesting him that he might be brought to the kings presence, certifying him that he would open vnto him the dreame which he had seene the night past. Now when Daniel was brought vnto the kings presence; B he besought him that he would not esteeme him to be more wise then the other Chaldeans and magicians in that, whereas none of them could expound his dreame, he did attempt to expresse the same: for that came not to passe, by reason of his experience, or for that he was more industrious then they were, but (said he) God hath had compassion on vs that were in daunger of death; and at such time as I requested him to grant me, and my countrie men life, he hath certified me both of your dreame, and the signification thereof. I was not so much agrieued for that in our innocency we were adiudged to death by thee, as afraid of thine estimation and glory, which was hazarded by condemning so many and so innocent and iust men to death: whereas that which you haue required of them sauoreth nothing of humane wit, but is the onely worke of God: Whilest therefore thou thoughtest in thy selfe, who it was thatDaniel telleth the king his dreame, and the enterpretation thereof.C should commaund the whole world after thy selfe, at such time as thou wert asleepe, God intending to let thee know all those that should gouerne after thee, presented thee with this dreame. It seemed vnto thee that thou sawest a great statue, wherof the head was of gold; the shoulders and armes of siluer; the belly and thighes of brasse; and the legs and feete of yron. Thou beheldst after that, a great stone (that was drawen from a mountaine) that fell vpon the statue, and beat downe and burst the same, and left no whole peece thereof: so that the gold, siluer, yron, andNabuchodonosors dreame of the foure monarches of the world.brasse were poudered as small as dust: whereupon a violent wind seemed to blow, which by the furie and force thereof, was borne away and scattered into diuers countries: on the other side the stone grewe so mightie, that it seemed to fill the whole earth. This was that vision that appeared vnto you, the signification whereof is expressed after this manner. The head of gold signifieth D your selfe (and those kings of Babylon that haue been before you.) The two hands and shoulders signifie that your Empyre shal be destroied by two kings, the one part by the king of the east, cloathed in brasse, whose force shall be abated by an other power, resembling that of yron; and he shal haue the power ouer the whole earth, by reason of the nature of yron which is more strong then gold, siluer, or brasse, he told the king also what that stone signified. But for mine owne Daniel and his fellowes aduanced to honour. The yeare of the world, 3364 before Christs birth 600, part; I thought it not expedient to expresse it in this place: because the onely but and intent of my writings is onely to register such things as are past, and not such matters as are to come. But if any man haue a desire to know these things, and cannot bridle his curiositie, but will vnderstand such matters as are hidden, let him [...]ead the book of Daniel, which he shal find amidst the sacred scriptures. When king Nabuchodonosor had heard these things, and remembred himself of his dreame, E he was astonished at Daniels wisedome, and casting himselfe prostrate on the earth after the manner of those that adore God, he embrased Daniel, giuing direction that sacrifice should be offered vnto him, as if he were God. Moreouer he called him by the name of God, and committed the The kings edict for honouring the goldē statue. Dan. 3. administration of his whole kingdome to him and his companions, who by reason of the commotions and conspiracies of their maligners and detractors, hapned to fall into most eminent and dreadfull daunger, vpon this occasion that ensueth. The king built a golden Image sixtie cubits high, and sixe in bignesse, and erected it in a great plaine neere vnto Babylon, and being readie to dedicate the same, he assembled all the gouernours and princes of his countries, commanding then first of all, that as soone as they should heare the trumpet sound, they should prostrate themselues on the earth to adore the statue; threatning that whosoeuer should do the contrarie, F he should be cast into a burning furnace: whereas therefore all of them adored the statue vpon the sound of the trumpet. Daniel and his companions vtterly refused to performe that dutie, alledging for their iustification that they would not transgresse the lawes of their countrey: for Daniel and his kinsmen refusing to adore the statue are cast into the furnace. which cause being apprenended, they were instantly cast into the furnace of fire, and (protected therein by Gods prouidence) escaped death beyond all mens expectation. For the fire touched them not, neither could it burne during their aboad in the furnace. For God so fortified their [Page 260] bodies that they could not be consumed by fire: which accident made them in greater estimation The yeare of the world 3364. before Christs Natiuitie. 600. G with the king, for that he saw they were vertuous and beloued by God: and for that cause they were highly honoured by him. Not long after this, the king saw an other vision in his sleepe, which signified vnto him, that being cast from his empire, he should conuerse with sauage beasts, and that hauing liued in that estate in the desart for the space of seuen yeares, he should recouer The yeare of the [...]ld, 3369. before Christs na [...]uitie, 595. his kingdom again. Hauing had this dreame, he assembled the Magitians once more, demanding their answere, and the signification thereof. But it was impossible for any one of them eyther to find out, or declare the intelligence of this dreame vnto the king: onely Daniel discouered the same, and the effect was answerable to his prediction. For the king passed the forelimited time Dan. 4. The dreame and exposition thereof. in the desart, so that no man durst intermeddle with the affaires of estate during seuen yeares. But after he had called vpon God, that it would please him to restore him to his kingdome, he repossessed H the same again. Let no man in this place accuse me for reporting these particularities, according as I haue found them written in holy books: for in the entrance of my history I haue answered those obiections: so that I haue openly protested, that I will onely faithfully translate the Hebrew Histories into the Greeke tongue; & according to my promise, relate that which is contained therin, without adding any thing of mine owne, or concealing ought of an other mans. After that Nabuchodonosor had raigned fortie three yeares, he died: he was a man of execution, and more happie Nabuc [...]odosors death. then any of his predecessors. Berosus maketh mention of his actes in the third booke of his Chaldaique historie, where he speaketh thus. His father Nabuchodonosor, hauing notice that the gouernour whom he had appointed ouer Aegypt, & the neighbouring parts of Coelosyria & Phaenicia, The yeare of the world, 3381. before Christs birth 583. Berosus of Nabuchodosor. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 13. was reuolted from him (being at that time in himselfe vnable to endure the troubles of warre) I committed a part of his forces vnto his son Nabuchodonosor, who was in the flower of his age, and sent him forth against him: who encountring the rebell, and fighting with him, ouercame him, and brought the countrey vnder his subiection. Meane while Nabuchodonosor the father died, of a sicknes in Babylon, after he had raigned one and twentie y [...]ares. Nabuchodonosor the sonne, hauing notice of his fathers death, gaue order to the affaires of Aegypt, and the rest of the countrey, and committing the care and transportation of the Iewes, Syrians, Aegyptians, and Phaenicians to his friends, to bring them to Babylon with his army and carriage, he with a fewe men made hastie iourneies thorow the desa [...]t. And when he had taken the administration of the kingdome vpon him (which in his absence was in the hands of the Chaldees, and by their chieftaine was reserued vntil his returne vnto his vse) he became Lord of all his fathers Empire. When K his prisoners were arriued, he assigned them conuenient dwelling places in the countrey of Babylon; and with the spoiles of the warre, he magnificently repaired and decked the Temple of Bel, & other places. He enlarged the olde Citie, and repaired & beautified it with other buildings: by meanes wherof, they that would besiege the same, were hindred from cutting off of the currant of the riuer, to the preiudice of the inhabitants. He enuironed it inwardly with a treble wall, and outwardly with as mig [...]tie and as many enclosures, and made all of burnt bricke. The wals were magnificently builded, & the gates brauely adorned in maner of temples. He caused a pallace to be builded neere vnto his fathers auncient pallace: the magnificen [...] and ornament wherof, I am too weake witted to expresse; onely this thing most memorable, [...] [...]ue thought good to note downe, that these huge, great and pompous buildings were finished in fifteene daies. In this pallace L he had vaultes raised so high, that in outward appearance they seemed to bee mountaines, on which all sorts of trees were planted. He deuised and prepared also a goodly garden, and called it the hanging garden, because his wife (hauing beene brought vp in the countreyMegasthenes of Nabuchodonosor. D [...]ocles. Philostratus.of Media) desired to haue a place conformable to that of her birth. Megasthenes in the fourth booke of his Indian Historie, maketh mention of this garden in that place, where he inforced himselfe to proue, that this King surpassed Hercules in valour and execution of worthie actions. For he said, that Nabuchodonosor ouercame the chiefe Citie of Libya, and a great part of Spaine. Diocles in the second booke of his Persian Historie, and Philostratus in his Phae [...]ician and Indian Historie, make mention of this King, saying, that he ouercame the Citie of Tyre at the end of thirteene yeeres; at such time as Ithobal raigned ouer the Tyrians. M This is the summe of all that which the Historiographers write as touching this King.
CHAP. XI. A The yeare of the world, 3382. before Christs Natiuitie, 582.
Nabuchodonosors successors, the destruction of Babylon by Cyrus King of Persia.
AFter Nabuchodonosors death, his sonne Euilmerodach obtained the kingdome, who incontinently deliuered Iechonias king of Ierusalem out of prison, and held him in the Euilmerodach releaseth lechonias from his long imprisonment. 4. Reg 25. Ierem. 52. Niglisar. Labosardach. Balthasar or Naboandel king of Babyl [...] number of his most esteemed friends, and gaue him presents, and committed the gouernment of the pallace of Babylon into his hands. For his father had not kept his promise with Iechonias, when he surrendred himselfe, his wife, children, and friends into his hands, in the behalfe of his countrey, and to the intent that the Citie of Ierusalem should not be rased B by those that besieged it, as we haue heretofore declared. Euilmerodach died in the eighteenth yeere of his raigne, and Niglisar his sonne obtained the kingdome, which hee possessed fortie veeres, and afterwards died. After him the succession of the kingdome came vnto his sonne called Labosardach, which continued in him but for the space of nine moneths, and after his death it came vnto Balthasar, who by the Babylonians was called Naboandel. Against him Cyrus king of Persia, and Darius king of Media made warre; and at such time as he was besieged in Babylon, there hapned a meruailous and prodigious spectacle.
Balthasar sate vpon a certaine festiuall in a royall chamber, where he was serued with great The yeare of th [...] world. 3421. before Christs birth 543. store of vessell fit for his maiestie and royaltie; and with him at the banquet there sate his concubines, and most intirest friends. At which time (to shew his magnificence) he caused those vessels C to be brought out of the temple of his God, which Nabuchodonosor his predecessor (fearing to employ to his owne vse) had stoared vp in his Idols temple. But Balthasar was so puffed with pride, that he dranke out of them, and employed them to his vses. Now so came it to passe, that whilest he quaffed and blasphemed the name of God, he sawe a hand issuing from a wall, which Dan. 5: Balthasar see [...]h a hand thrust out of a wall and writing certaine sillables. The yeare of the world. 3425. before the birth of Christ. 539. wrote in the same certaine syllables: by which vision being somewhat terrified, he assembled his Magitians and Chaldees, and all that sort of people (who amongst those barbarous nations made profession to interprete prodigies and dreames) to the intent they might signifie vnto him the meaning and vnderstanding of that writing. Now when these Magitians had told him that they could in no sort sound or vnderstand the same, the king was sore vexed and toubled at this vnexpected vision: whereupon he caused it to be proclaimed thorow his countrey, that whosoeuer D should read that writing, and declare the meaning thereof, he would giue him a golden chaine, and a purple robe (such as the king of Chaldees wore) and besides all this, the third part of his Empire. After this proclamation, the Magitians assembled togither with greater concourse, and were farre more diligent and inquisitiue to finde out the signification of the writing: but they were no lesse grounded therein then they were at the first. Meane while the kings grandmother seeing him wholy amated in minde, began to comfort him, and to tell him that there was a certaine man amongst the prisoners of Iuda, led thither at such time as Nabuchodonosor destroied Babylon, whose name was Daniel, a man wise and expert in searching out of things that were impossible and only knowne vnto God, who euidently expounded that which Nabuchodonosor required, at such time, as no other man could satisfie his demaund. Whereupon the E king called him vnto his presence, and telling him what proofes he had heard of his wisedome, and of that diuine spirit that was in him, and how he only was fit to interprete those things which otherwise were obscured from other mens knowledge; he praid him to informe him what that hand writing signified, promising him in reward thereof a purple garment, a golden chaine, and the third part of his Empire: to the end that being honoured with these titles for his wisedome, he might grow famous amongst all men, who demaunding the reason, should know the intent why he was honoured.But Daniel (refusing all these presents of his, in that the wisedome that is giuen from aboue is not corrupted thereby, but is freely answerable to those that haue neede thereof) told him that that writing did foretell him the end of his life, because he had not learned to feare God, neither to lift his thoughts higher then humane nature: notwithstanding he had F seene the chastisement wherewith his predecessor had been punished, for the outrages he committed against God. For that Nabuchodonosor hauing been driuen to lead his life among beasts by reason of his impieties, after diuers requests and supplications had obtained mercie, and was returned vnto humane conuersation, and into his owne kingdome; for which cause all the time of his life he praised almightie God the gouernour of all things: whereas he had omitted to do the like, and had blasphemed the name of God in diuers sorts, and had swilled both himselfe [Page 262] and his concubines in the vessels dedicated to God: For this cause God was displeased with G [...]he yeare of the [...]rld. [...]25. before Christs birth 9 [...]9. Daniel interpreteth the writing to the king. The king performeth his promises to Daniel. him, and certified him by this writing, what end he should expect. Whereupon he expounded the writing in these termes: Mane (which is as much to say, as number) sheweth that God hath numbred the daies of thy life and dominion, which shall endure but a little while. Thekel signifieth a ballance; God therefore (said he) waying thy gouernment sheweth that it shall be ouerthrowne: Phares, this word signifieth a fragment, God shall breake thy kingdome, and shall diuide it amongst the Medes, and Persians. When the king had heard this interpretation, hee was very sorrowfull (according as the nature of things so desastrous, and so apparant required.) Notwithstanding he delaied not to performe those presents which he had promised the Prophet, although (as he well perceiued) the words aboaded him ill, and gaue him all that which he promised him, considering with himselfe, that it was his owne destinie that he ought to accuse, and H not Daniel, who like a vertuous man had declared the truth of things: notwithstanding they were Babylon surprised by Cyrus king of Persia. very vnfauorie in his eare. Not long after, this Balthasar and the Citie were ouerthrowne and taken by Cyrus king of Persia and his army. For this was that Balthasar, vnder whom, and in the seuenteenth yeere of whose raigne, the surprisal of Babylon hapned. This as farre as I could gather, was the end of king Nabuchodonosors posteritie.
Darius (who with his allie Cyrus) had destroied the estate of the Babylonians, was threescore and two yeeres olde at such time as he tooke Babylon. He was Astyages sonne, and is otherwaies called by the Greekes. He tooke the Prophet Daniel, and led him with him into Media, and kept him neere vnto him, doing him much honour: for he was of the number of the three gouernors whom he constituted ouer three hundreth and threescore prouinces; for so had Darius commanded it. I Now Daniel being thus honoured and beloued by Darius, and onely trusted by him in all things, for that God was with him, was grieuously hated: for they are most hainously hated, who haue greatest interest in Princes fauours. Whereas therefore they that were iealous of the good esteeme which he had with Darius, sought occasion to calumniate and backbite him, he warily cut off all opportunitie thereof: for he would neither be bribed with siluer, nor corrupted The force of enuie. Daniels honour and vprightnes. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 14. Dan. 6. with presents, supposing it to be an act of much dishonestie, to receiue gifts after a man had done any curtesies. He therefore gaue his maligners no manner of ground to detract from his reputation. Yet notwithstanding, they seeing they could finde no hole in his coat, whereby his honour might be touched, blamed, or calumniated, they sought out a new meanes to disgrace him. For they perceiuing that Daniel did thrise euerie day make his praiers vnto God, they supposed K that they had found a iust pretext to worke his ruine: For which cause they came vnto Darius, certifying him that the princes and gouernours had concluded to gither to this effect: That for thirtie daies space an intermission should be granted to the people; during which time, it was neither lawfull for them to demaund any thing, neither of himselfe, or of any man or God whatsoeuer; and if any man should attempt any thing against this common decree, it was ordered that he should be cast into the Lyons denne. But the King perceiuing not the drift of their malice, nor how they sought by this deuise to entrappe Daniel, told them that he liked of the decree, and promised to confirme the same, and propounded a publike edict, wherein the princes resolutions were ratified. Now whilest all men endeuoured thorow seare, carefully and diligently to obserue this edict, Daniel set light thereby, and according to his accustomed manner standing in L all mens sight, he worshipped his God, and prayed vnto him. Whereupon, the princes (hauing got that occasiō which they long expected) came readily vnto the king, & accused Daniel for that he onely amongst the rest had presumed to infringe their decree: vrging moreouer, that he did it not for the religion sake that was in him, but because he was obserued and watcht by his maligners. And for that they feared least Darius by reason of the great affection he bare vnto Daniel, should be ready to pardon him (notwithstanding he had transgressed their edict) they concluded vpon no milder iudgement, but that he might be cast into the Lyons denne, according to the forme of the edict. Darius hoping that God would deliuer Daniel, and that no harme should befall him by the iawes of wilde beasts, exhorted him patiently to endure that aduenture. Now Daniel cast into the Lions denne. as soone as he was cast into the den, the king sealed vp the stone that closed the mouth thereof, M and departed, spending all that night without repast or repose, so grieuously was he distempered in Daniels behalfe. And when the day was come, as soone as he arose he came vnto the den, and finding the seale vnbroken wherewith he had marked the stone, he opened the same, and called vnto Daniel with a'loud voice, asking him if he were whole and in safetie. He hearing the king speake, answered that he had receiued no hurt: whereupon Darius commanded that they should draw him out of the Lyons den. His aduersaries perceiuing that Daniel had escaped all inconueniences [Page 263] (because that God had taken care of him) would not that he should escape: and thereupon The yeare of the world. 3425. before Christs birth 539. Daniels enemies rent in pieces by the Lions. A told the king that the Lyons did neither touch nor approch Daniel, because they had beene fed and gorged before. For which cause, the king displeased with their iniurious malice, commanded a quantitie of flesh to be cast vnto the Lyons; and when they were glutted, he willed that Daniels enemies should be cast among them, to the intent he might know whether the Lyons would touch them or no, when they were gorged. At which time Darius saw verie manifestly, that God had by his power warranted Daniel from death. For as soone as the nobles were cast into the den, the Lyons spared not one of them, but tore them all in pieces, as if they had beene hungry and without meate. I suppose that these Lyons hauing been a little before glutted with meat, did not annoy these men by reason of their famine; but I rather iudge that their malignitie did whet on their furie: for when as God so pleaseth, vnreasonable creatures doe iustice vpon malignant B and enuious men. Daniels aduersaries being in this sort exterminated and destroied, Darius gaue notice hereof to all the subiects of his prouinces, praysing that God whom Daniel adored, saying, that he was the onely true God, who had all power: he honoured Daniel likewise with especiall regard, esteeming him amongst the chiefest of his familiars. He therefore being thus famous and admirable (because he: was beloued by God) builded in Ecbatane in the countrey of the Medes a magnificent castle, and a meruailous monument that remaineth euen vnto this day, which seemeth to those that looke thereon, that it is but newly builded, and made but that very day which they behold the sarine; the beautie thereof seemeth so liuing and perfect, as that continuance of time doth in no sort deface it. For it fareth with buildings as with men, they wax olde and are enfeebled by yeeres, and lose their beauty; at this day all the kings of Media, C Persia, and Parthia are entombed in this Castle, and the charge thereof is committed to a priest; who is a Iew: and this custome continueth euen vntill this day. Neither is that to be buried in silence, which is worthy especiall admination in this man: For all exceeding felicitie that was incident to a most famous Prophet, attended him; and during his whole life time he was both most highly honoured by kings, and reuerenced by the common sort: and after his death his memorie is perdurable. For all the bookes which he left in writing, are red amongst vs euen at this present; and we haue been perswaded by the reading thereof, that Daniel had conference with God. For he hath not onely prophecied of things to come (as other Prophets haue done) but also hath determined the time wherein those things should happen. And whereas other Prophets Daniels prophecies. were accustomed to foretell aduersities, and for that occasion were misliked both by princes D and their people; Daniel foretold them alwaies good successe: so that he hath drawne vnto him the good will of all men, by reason of those pleasing predictions that he pronounced; and by the issues thereof he hath obtained a testimony of truth, and a reputation likewise of diuinity, and hath left vs certain writings, by which he hath manifestly declared the immutabilitie and exact certaintie of his prophecies.
It is said, that being at Susa the Metropolitane Citie of Persia, at such time as he walked abroad attended by his familiars, that there fel an earthquake with a great noise: so that he was left alone, and all his companions fled from him. And that thereupon being sore troubled, he fell vpon his face, and both his hands: at which time some one touched him, and commaunded him to stand vp, and to see that which should happen to his countrimen after diuers ages. Being E therefore raised vpright, there was a great ramme shewed vnto him, that had diuers hornes, the Daniels vision of the Ramme and Goat, by whom the king of Media, and Persia were prefiguted. last whereof was the greatest of all. Afterwards he looked towards the west, and perceiued a goat carried thorow the ayre, that butted at the ramme, and hauing encountred him twise, had beaten and trampled him vnder his feete. Thirdly, he saw a goat, in whose forehead there grew one great horne onely: which being broken, foure others broke out in steed thereof, bending each of them towards the foure windes of the world. He hath written also, that from them, there shal arise another little one also, which as God (who presented the vision to him) told him, being growne to perfection, should warre against the whole nation of the Iewes, and take the Citie by force, and confound the estate of the temple, and hinder the sacrifices, for one thousand two Dan. 2. hundreth ninety and six daies. F
Daniel writeth that he saw these things in the field of Susa, and hath declared that God himselfe told him what that vision signified, which was, that the Ramme signified the kingdomes of the Persians, and the Medes: His hornes signified the kings that were to raigne in those kingdomes; and that the last horne signified the last king, who should surpasse all the rest in riches and glorie. That the goat signified, that there should come a certaine king among the Greekes, who should fight at two seuerall times with the Persian, and should ouercome him in warre; and [Page 264] afterwards possesse the whole gouernment: And that by the great horne that grew in the front G The yeare of the world 3425. before Christs Natiuitie. 539. of the Goat, the first King was represented; and how that after he was taken away, fower other should spring thereout. And whereas euerie one of these turned themselues toward the foure corners of the world, it was a signe that after the death of the first, he should haue foure successors, that should depart the kingdome betweene them: who neither should be his allies or children; yet such notwithstanding as should commaund the world for many yeares: That from them, there should arise a certaine King that should oppose himselfe against the Hebrewe nation, and their lawes, and should ouerthrow their pollicy; spoyle their temple, and be a let that for three yeares space the sacrifices should not be solemnized. Now so hath it hapned, that our nation hath beene so handled vnder Antiochus the famous, as Daniel had foreseene, and hath written diuers yeares before, all that which should happen. H
At the same time Daniel wrote as touching the Empyre of the Romanes, how it should destroy our nation: and hath left all these things in writing, according as God declared Daniels predictions of the Romane Empyre. Dan. 9. them vnto him; so that they who read and consider those things, that haue hapned, admire Daniel for the honour that God dignified him with, and find thereby that Epicures erre, who driue all diuine prouidence from humaine life, and affirme that God gouerneth not the affaires of the world; or that the world is administred by a happie and incorruptible essence, which causeth all things to continue in their being: but say, that the world is mannaged by it selfe, by casualtie, without any conductor, or such a one as hath care thereof. For if it were so, and that it were destitute of a soueraigne gouernour (as we see shippes destitute of their pilots to be drowned by the winds; and chariots that haue no driuers to conduct them, I to be at one against another) euen so should it perish, and should ruinate it selfe by such an irregular motion. By these things therefore that Daniel hath foretold, I iudge that they are farre estraunged from the truth, that affirme that God hath no care of humaine affaires; for if wee The Epicures errour conuicted. see that all things happen casually, then happen they not according to his prophecie. But I haue written hereof according as I haue found and red, and if any one will thinke otherwise, let him continue his opinion as long as him list.
THE XI: BOOKE OF K THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Syrus King of Persia dismisseth the Iewes from Babylon, and permitteth them to returne into their countrey, and contributeth towards the raparation of the Temple.
- 2 The Kings gouernours hinder the building of the Temple.
- 3 Cambyses commaundeth the Iewes that they should not build the Temple.
- 4 Darius Hystaspis sonne buildeth a Temple for the Iewes.
- 5 The bountie of Xerxes (Darius sonne) towards the Hebrew nation.
- 6 How during Ataxerxes raigne, the whole nation of the Iewes were almost extinguished thorow Amans trecherie.
- 7 Bagoses Generall of Ataxerxes, the youngers armie, doth much iniurie to the Iewes. M
- 8 How bountifull Alexander of Macedon was vnto the Iewes.
CHAP. I. A The yeare of the world. 3426. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 538.
Cyrus King of Persia dismisseth the Iewes from Babylon, and permitteth them to returne into their countrey, and contributeth towards the building of the Temple.
THe first yeare of the raigne of Cyrus (which was the seuentith after that our The end of the Babylonian captiuitie after seuentie yeares. 1. Esd. 1. 3. Esd. 2. The edict of Cyrus king of Persia. nation was translated from Iudaea to Babylon) God had compassion of the captiuitie & calamitie of his poore afilicted people: & euen as he had foretold them before the destruction of the Citie, that after they had serued Nabuchodonosor and his posteritie for seuentie yeares, he would againe restore them B to their countrey wherein they were borne, where they should build a Temple, and enioy their former felicitie: so brought he it to passe. For he awakened the spirit of Cyrus, and made him write his letters thorowout all Asia to this effect. Thus saith the King Cyrus: Since the Almightie God hath made me king of the whole world; I am perswaded that it is he whom the Iewish nation doe adore: for he hath declared my name by his Prophets before I was borne, and hath said that I shall build his Temple in Ierusalem, which isEsay. chap. 44. 45. his prophecy of Cyrusin the countrey of Iudaea. Now Cyrus knew these things by reading of a booke of prophecie written by Isay, two hundreth & ten yeares before his time. For (he saith) that God did secretly reueale these things vnto him, speaking to this effect. I will that Cyrus, whō I haue declared King ouer many nations, shall send my people backe into their countrey of Iudaea, and shall build my C Temple. These things did Isay foretell one hundreth and fortie yeares before the ruine of the Temple. Cyrus in reading these things (being rauished in admiration of the Maiestie of God) was surprised with an affection and zeale to finish that which was written. He therefore called for all the men of greatest reckoning among the Iewes that were in Babylon, and told them that he Cyrus permitteth the Iewes to returne into their countrey to build their temple & citie gaue them licence to returne into their countrey, and to repaire the Citie of Ierusalem, and erect the Temple of God; promising them that he himselfe would assist them. And to that effect he wrote vnto his gouernours, and princes of those countries that confined vpon Iudaea: charging them to contribute both gold and siluer toward the building of the temple, and to furnish them with cattell for the sacrifice. After that Cyrus had certified the Israelites of this his intent; the Princes of the two tribes of Iuda and Beniamin, with all the Leuites and Priests departed D thence, and repaired to Ierusalem: Nathelesse diuers of the Iewes remained in Babylon, in that they were loath to abandon those possessions they had gotten. As soone as they came vnto the Kings friends, they affoorded them both fauour and aide, and furnished them with necessarie matter to build the temple, some of them with gold, other some with siluer, and the rest with a certaine number of oxen and horses. Thus paied they their vowes vnto God, and offered the sacrifices according to the ancient custome, as if the Citie had bin new builded againe, and the The vessels belonging to the temple sent backe from Babylon to Ierusalem. ancient seruice of God but newly awakened. Cyrus sent them backe also those vessels consecrated to God▪ [...] king Nabuchodonosor had sent into Babylon after he had spoiled the temple; and deliuered them to Mithridates his treasurer, commaunding him to carry and commit them to Abassars hands, who should haue the custodie thereof, vntill the temple were builded, to the end E that at such time as it were compleat, he might deliuer them to the priests & princes of the people, to be restored again to the seruice of the Temple. He sent letters also to the gouernours of Syria to this effect: Cyrus King of Sisine and Sarabasane, health. I haue permitted those Iewes that inhabit my countrey, to returne into their natiue countrey, and to reedifie their Citie, and erect Cyrus mandate to the princes of Syria the temple of God in Ierusalem, in the same place where it stood before. I haue also sent my treasurer Mithridates and Zorobabel the Prince of the Iewes, with expresse charge and authoritie, to lay the foundations of the same, and to build it sixtie cubits in height, and as many in bredth, making three Isles of hewen stone, and an other of such timber as the countrey affoordeth; the Altar likewise, whereupon they may offer sacrifice vnto God: and my pleasure is that the charge of all these things come out of my cofers. I haue also sent backe those vessels which Nabuchodonosor F took out of the temple; and haue deliuered them to the treasurer Mithridates, and to Zorobabel the Prince of the Iewes, to be conueyed to Ierusalem, and restored to the temple of God: the number whereof I haue heereunder subscribed. Fiftie lauers of gold, and foure hundreth of siluer; fiftie pots of gold, and foure hundreth of siluer; fiftie golden sieues, and fiue hundreth of siluer; thirtie Ewers of gold, and three hundreth of siluer; thirtie great viols of gold, and two thousand foure hundreth of siluer; and besides all these, one thousand other great [Page 266] vessels. I release them also of the tribute which their predecessors were accustomed to pay, GThe yeare of the [...]orld, 3426. before Chriss birth 538.namely, the leuy of cattell, wine and oyle, and of two hundreth fiue thousand fiue hundreth drachmes; and two thousand fiue hundreth measures of wheate, yeelding fine flower. Commanding these necessarie furnitures to be deliuered them out of the Tributes of Samaria; and the Priests shall offer vp these sacrifices in Ierusalem according to the ordinance of Moses: and during their sacrifice they shall make praiers vnto God for the preseruation of the king, and his house, to the end that the Empire of the Persians may be still permanent. And my will is, that they that disobey and contradict these thinges, shall be hanged on the gibbet; and that their goods be confiscate. These were the contents of his letters. Now the number of those that returned The number of the Iewes that returned from the captiuity of Babylon to Ierusalem. togither from the captiuitie into Ierusalem, was fortie two thousand foure hundreth sixtie two. H
CHAP. II.
The Gouernours for the King doe hinder the building of the Temple.
WHilest these men laid the foundations of the Temple, and were verie affectionately busie Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2. 1. Esd. 4. The Samaritanes inhibite the Iewes from building the temple. Alias cap. 3. The letters of the Samaritās and others written to Cambysis as touching the reedifying of the citie and tēple of Ierusalem. about the building thereof, the nations that bordered vpon them, and in especiall the Chuteans (whom Salmanazar king of Assyria sent from Persia and Media to inhabite in Samaria, at such time as he translated the people of the ten tribes) incited the princes and gouernours, to interdict the Iewes from raising and building their citie, and reedifying the temple. I Who corrupted with siluer, sold their negligence, and delay to the Chuteans, which they vsed in those buildings. For Cyrus intending his other wars, was ignorant hereof, and hauing conducted his army against the Massagetes, it was his hap incontinently to finish his life. When as therfore Cambyses his sonne had obtained the kingdome, they of Syria and Phoenicia, the Ammonites, Moabites, and Samaritanes wrote their letters to Cambyses in these termes. O King, thy seruants Rathimus the secretarie, Semelius the Scribe, and those men that are counsellers in Syria and Phoenicia, giue thee to vnderstand, that those Iewes that were led captiue into Babylon are returned backe into this countrey, and doe build a wicked and rebellious Citie, and repaire the places and walles of the same, and reedifie their temple likewise. Know therefore that if these things be permitted to be finished, that they will no more endure to be thy subiects and tributaries, K but will oppose themselues against their kings, holding it more fitter to commaund then to obey. We haue therefore thought good that whilest they are thus on working, and affectionat in rearing their temple, to write vnto your maiestie, to the intent you may not neglect to examineThe yeare of the world. 3435. before Christs birth 529.your fathers records, wherein you shall alwaies finde that the Iewes haue been rebels, and enemies to their kings; and that their Citie hath been for this cause laid desolate vntill this present. We haue thought good to signifie thus much to your maiestie, which perhaps is vnknown vnto you, because that if this Citie be once more reinhabited and inclosed with a wall, your way is shut vp from passing into Coelesyria and Phoenice.
CHAP. III. L
Cambyses inhibiteth the Iewes to build the Temple.
WHen Cambyses had red this letter (in that he was by nature both wicked and malicious) he grew inwardly iealous, and displeased at the contents thereof, and wrote backe againe afterCambyses answere wherein he inhibiteth the Iewes from building the citie or templethis manner. The King Cambyses to Rathymus the secretarie, of his casuall euents, and to Belsem and Semelius scribes, and to al his other counsellers and inhabitants in Samaria & Phoenicia, health. Hauing red your letters, I haue commanded the records of mine auncestors to be examined, and I finde that the Citie of Ierusalem hath bin alwaies enemy to their kings, and that the inhabitants thereof haue alwaies raised sedition and wars. I haue likewise found, that their kings haue bin mightie, and violent, and that they haue vexed Syria & Phoenicia with continuall tributes. M For this cause I haue ordained, that the Iewes shall not be permitted to reedifie: their Citie, for feare least their malice should augment by such occasion which they haue continually vsed against their kings. Incontinently after the receipt and reading of these letters, Rathymus and the s [...]ibe Semelius, and those of their faction, tooke their horse and rode hastily to Ierusalem, leading with them a great number of people, prohibiting the Iewes from the building either of their Citie or temple. Thus was this worke interrupted vntill the second yeere of the raigne of Darius [Page 267] king of Persia, for the space of nine yeeres. For Cambyses raigned six yeeres, during which time The yeare of th [...] world 3443. before Christ birth. 521. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 9. al. chap 4. Darius the son of Hystaspis made emperour of the Persians. A he subdued Aegypt, and vpon his returne from thence, he died in Damasco. And after the death of Cambyses, the Magi that held the Empire of the Persians for the space of one yeere being taken away, the seuen families of Persia made Darius (the sonne of Hystaspis) king.
CHAP. IIII.
Darius the sonne of Hystaspis causeth the Temple to bee builded.
THis Darius, during the time that he liued a priuate life, made a yow vnto God, that if he obtained the kingdome, he would send backe vnto the temple of Ierusalem all those 1. Esd. 5. 6. Darius voweth to send the sacred vessels to Ierusalem. Zorooabel. B vessels, which were as yet remaining in Babylon. It fortuned that about the same time, Zorobabel, who was appointed gouernour ouer the captiue Iewes, came vnto him from Ierusalem. For he was the kings auncient friend: for which cause he with other two were chosen to be of his guard; and obtained thereby that honor which he expected. The first yeere of the raigne of Darius, he entertained all his courtiers with great pompe, and magnificence both those of his houshold, as they also that were his gouernors and Princes of Media and Persia, and the commanders in India confining vpon Aethiopia, with all the chieftaines of his army in one hundreth, twenty & seuen prouinces. Now after they had made great cheere, and were full of wine, they departed each of them vnto their lodgings, to betake themselues to rest: But king Darius laid in his bed, reposed verie little all the night long, but passed the time without sleepe, for which cause Dar [...]us propoundeth three questions to three of his gard. 3. Esd. 4. C seeing he could take no rest, he began to deuise and discourse with three of his guard, promising him that should most truely and aptly answere those questions that he should demaund, to grant him licence in way of reward to weare a purple garment, and to drinke in golden cups, to lie on a gilded bed, and to ride in a chariot harnessed with gold, and to beare the Tiara or linnen wreath, and weare a golden chaine about his necke, and sit in the next place vnto the king; and should likewise bee called his kinsman in regard of his wisedome. After he had made these large promises, he demanded of the first, whether wine were the strongest? of the second, whether the king were stronger? of the third, whether women, or truth, were the most strongest of the three? And as soone as he had deliuered them these questions to deliberate vpon, he laid him downe to rest. Vpon the next morrow he sent for the princes, chiefetaines, and gouernours of Persia and D Media, and afterwards sitting aloft in that throne from whence he was accustomed to determine the differents among his subiects, he commanded those three yoong men of his guard in the presence of that princely assistance, publikely to yeeld their resolution of those questions he had proposed vnto them.
Whereupon the first of them began after this manner to expresse the force of wine. ‘Noble princes, when I consider the force of wine, I find nothing that may surmount the same. For wine The first expresseth the power of wine. entangleth and deceiueth the vnderstanding, and maketh the princes vnderstanding like to the poore mans, who is abandoned; and giueth the slaue that freedome in discourse, which appertaineth to men of greatest libertie: It maketh the poore resemble the rich: It changeth and transformeth the soule, asswageth the miserable mans griefe, and maketh the indebted forget their E bonds, and to thinke themselues verie rich; so that they ruminate on no abiect things, but talke of talents, and such things as appertaine vnto the ritcher sort: it causeth them to lose all apprehension both of princes and kings, and taketh from them the remembrance of their friends and familiars: It armeth men against their greatest friends, and maketh them suppose their neerest welwillers to be strangers; and when the wine concocted by night and sleepe hath forsaken them; they rise and know not what things they haue committed in their drunkennesse.’
‘When the first of them had in this sort declared his resolution, as touching wine, he was silent; The second extelleth the kings power. 3. Esd 4. and the next began to speake of the kings force, shewing that it was of mightie consequence, and more powerfull then any other thing that seemeth to haue force and intelligence; and thus handled he the subiect of his demonstration. Kings (saith he) haue dominion ouer men, who haue F the abilitie to enforce the earth, and at their pleasure can command the sea to serue them: Kings haue power and dominion ouer those men who maister and commaund the vntamed and mightiest creatures; it therefore appeareth that their force and puissance exceedeth all these. If they commaund their subiects to wage warre, and to expose themselues to danger, they are obedient: and if they sende them out against their enemies, they willingly obey them by reason of their force: By their ordinance they leuel mountaines, beate downe walles, and race towers. And if [Page 268] they commaund their subiects to kill or to be kild, they resist not for feare least they, should seeme G The yeare of the world 3443. before Christs birth 521. to transgresse the kings commandement. When they haue obtained the victorie, all the glorie and profit of the warre redoundeth vnto the king. They likewise which beare no armes, but intend the tillage of the earth, after they haue trauailed and supported all the toyle of their tillage, reape and gather the fruits, to the end to pay the King his tribute: And if he will or commaund any thing, it must needly be performed without any intermission or omission. Furthermore, when the king is addicted to any pleasures, or intendeth to enioy his pleasant and delightfull rest, during the time that hee sleepeth, he is guarded by them that watch, who are as it were tied vnto him, thorow the feare and awe they haue of him: For not one of them dare forsake him when he sleepeth, nor depart from him to follow their owne affaires; but intend those seruices onely which he thinketh necessarie, which is the guard of his person. Who therefore will not esteeme the H kings sorces to be greater then any others, since so many people obey him in whatsoeuer, and whensoeuer he commandeth?’
After he had spoken to this effect; Zorobabel, who was the third, began to iustifie in respect of Zorobabel the third, expresseth the power of women, and at length attributeth the palme vnto truth. women and truth, and spake after this manner. True it is, that wine hath much force, and no lesse true that all men obey the king; yet farre more mightie is the power of a woman. For by a woman the king was bred, and brought into this world, and those men that plant the vineyards where wines doe grow, are borne and nourished by women; and generally there is not any thing which we enioy not by them. ‘For they weaue vs garments, they haue the care and custody of our houses; neither is it possible for vs to be seuered from women. Yea they that possesse much gold and abundance of siluer, and other things of great and inestimable price; onely vpon the I sight of a faire woman forsake all these things, and will follow after the beauty which they beheld, and for the onely possession thereof, content themselues to lose all things. We forsake likewise our father and mother, and the countrey that hath bred vs, and forget our friends for our wiues sake; yea we will willingly content our selues to die with them. Yet is there a greater and further demonstration of the most mightie power of a woman. For what soeuer we trauell for, all the paines that we endure both by land and sea, to the intent we may reape some fruits of our labours, doe we not carrie all this to giue vnto our wiues, as vnto those who are our mistresses? I haue seene the king likewise, who is so great a lord, endure a stroke on the eare, by Apame the daughter of Rhapsaces his concubine, and patiently endure when she tooke the diademe from his head, and set it on her owne. When she laughed, he laughed; and when she was displeased, he K was displeased: and according as her passion changed, so flattered he, and humbly submitted his affections to her pleasures, according as he saw her passionate or pleased.’
‘But whilest the Princes in way of admiration beheld one another, he began to discourse of truth, saying: I haue already declared what the force of women is, yet notwithstanding both the king and they are more feeble then truth. For whereas the earth is huge and mightie, the heauen likewise of an immeasurable height, and the sunne of vnspeakeable celeritie; and whereas the will of God both gouerneth and moueth these things (because God is iust and true) it therefore followeth, that truth is the most mightiest of all things, against which iniustice may no waies preuaile. Furthermore all other things notwithstanding they seeme to be of valew, yet are they mortall and of little continuance: but truth is immortall and euerlasting. Moreouer, all those L things which we receiue thereby, are neither mortall, neither subiect to the iniuries of time, fortune, or alteration; but continue iust, and lawfull, and separated from all staine of iniustice.’When Zorobabel had spoken after this manner, he made an end of his discourse: whereupon all the assembly began to pronounce that his assertions were of most valew, and that onely veritie had an immutable force, and an indeterminable continuance. Whereupon the king commanded him to aske what he would, as touching that which he had promised to giue, because he intended to grant it him, as to the wisest, and best learned amongst the rest. For (said he) thou shalt Zorobabel obtained both praise & great rewards by his good discourse Darius being put in memory of his vow, commandeth that the temple should be restored. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 4. sit henceforth next vnto me, and shalt be called my familiar.
When the king had spoken thus, Zorobabel called to his remembrance the vowe that the king had made, if so be at any time he obtained the kingdome, namely, that he would build Ierusalem, M and the temple of God, and restore those vessels likewise, which were taken away by Nabuchodonosor, and carried into Babylon. For this (said he) O king is my request which you permitted me to aske, and you promised me to grant at that time as I was iudged wise and well lettered by you. The king tooke great pleasure at these words of his, and arising from his throne kissed him. He wrote also vnto his gouernours and princes, that they should send away Zorobabel, and those of his company to build the temple. Moreouer he sent letters to them of Syria and Phoenicia, [Page 269] commaunding them to cut downe the Cedars of Libanus, and to send them to Ierusalem The yeare of t [...]e world. 3443. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 521. Darius letters for the liberty. possession and erection of the temple granted to the Iewes. 1. Esd. 6. A towards the building of the Citie; publishing a lawe that all Iewes should be made free, if so bee they would resort into Iudaea; forbidding all commissaries and Princes to impose any charge vpon the Iewes, for the necessities of the kingdome; permitting that all the countrey which they might occupie, might be inhabited by them, and exempt from tributes: commanding the Idumaeans, Samaritanes, and Coelesyrians to restore those lands vnto the Iewes which they vnlawfully held, and the other lawfully claimed for their inheritance: And besides that, to deliuer them in way of contribution fiftie talents of siluer towards the building of the temple, permitting them to offer their ordinarie sacrifice. He likewise commaunded that all. the necessaries and vestments, which either the high Priest, or the ordinarie sacrificers vsed in the seruice of God, should be furnished at his charges. He willed also that the Leuites should haue instruments B of Musicke deliuered vnto them, to praise God with; and that certaine portions of land might be allotted for them that had the gard of the Citie, and the temple. Moreouer he allowed them a certaine summe of money euery yeare for their ordinarie maintenance. After this, he sent backe all those vessels which Cyrus before time had resolued to restore vnto Ierusalem.
When Zorobabel had obtained these things abouenamed at the kings hands; he issued out of the pallace, and lifting vp his eies vnto heauen; he began to giue God thanks for the wisedome and victorie he had granted him, & for the good successe he had giuen him in Darius presence. For (said he) O Lord, if thou hadst not beene fauorable vnto me, I had not obtained it. After he had at this time, & in this sort giuen thanks for the present, & praied God to shew himself alwaies fauourable hereafter, he repaired to Babylon, and told his countrimen what good newes he had receiued C from the King: who heating the same, gaue God thanks also, who had restored them once Glad tidings brought to the Iewes. more to the possession of that countrey wherein they were borne: and they fell to feasting and banquetting for seuen daies space, for the restoring vnto their countrey, as if they had solemnized the feastes of their birth daies. Anon after they made choise of those gouernours and common sort, that (with their wiues, their children, and horses) should returne vnto Ierusalem, who by the assistance of Darius conuoy, performed their iourney to Ierusalem with ioy and consolation; The Iewes depart from Babylon to Ierusalem. 3. Esd. 5. playing on their Psalteries, Flutes, and Cymbals; and were after this manner conducted on their way, with delight, by the number of those Iewes that remained as yet in Babylon. Thus therefore went they forward, being a certaine and determinate number of euerie family. I haue not thought it meet to repeat these families name by name, for feare I should confound my storie, and least the D readers should any waies be distracted or interrupted in their readings. Notwithstanding the whole number of those that went, and were aboue twelue yeares olde of the tribes of Iuda and The number of the Iewes that went ou [...] of Babylon. 3. Esd. 2. Beniamin, were foure millions, sixe hundreth, twentie and eight thousand. There were likewise foure thousand and seuentie Leuites: And of their wiues and children togither, fortie thousand, seuen hundreth, fortie and two. Besides these, there were of singers of the tribe of Leui, one hundreth, twentie and eight; of porters, one hundreth and tenne; and of sacred seruants three hundreth, twentie & two. There were certain others likewise, that pretended that they were of therace of the Israelites, yet could they not giue testimony of their descent; the number of whom were sixe hundreth, fiftie and two. Of the number of priests, they that had espoused wiues (whose genealogie could not be deriued, and who were not found also in the genealogies of the Priests E and Leuites) they were about fiue hundreth, twentie & fiue. The multitude of seruants that followed or attended on them, were seuen thousand, three hundreth, thirtie and seuen. There were also two hundreth, fortie and fiue singers of men and women: foure hundreth, thirtie and fiue Camels; and fiue hundreth, twentie and fiue other beasts to beare their carriage. The conductor of this aboue named multitude, was Zorobabel the sonne of Salathiel; descended of Dauids line, and of the tribe of Iuda; and Iesus the sonne of Iosedech the high priest: besides Zorobabel chieftaine and Iesus high priest of this company. which were Mardochaeus & Serebaeus, who were chosen by the people to be their gouernors, who contributed one hundreth pounds of gold, and fiue hundreth of siluer. Thus the priests and Leuites, and a part of all the people of the Iewes which were then in Babylon, were conducted to dwell at Ierusalem; the other part of them following a little after returned euery one into his F owne countrey.
The seuenth moneth after their departure out of Babylon, the high priest Iesus, and the gouernour Zorobabel sent messengers thorow all the countrey, and assembled the people from all quarters of the region, who with all alacritie and expedition repaired to Ierusalem. There erected 1. Esd. 3. they an Altar in the same place, where before time it was builded, to the end they might offer lawfull sacrifices thereon, according to Moses law: in which action of theirs, they yeelded [Page 270] little content to their neighbour nations, who in generall were incensed against them. They ceebrated The yeare of the [...]orld, 3443 before Christs birth 521. The feast of Tabernacles. G also at that time the feast of tabernacles, according as the law-maker had ordained: afterwards they offered oblations, and continuall sacrifices, obseruing their Saboths and all holy solemnities. And they that had made any vowes performed the same, and sacrificed from the new moone vntill the seuenth moneth. After this they began to build the temple, and deliuered great summes of money to the hewers of stone, and masons; and gaue straungers their ordinarie diet, who brought them stone and timber. For it was an easie matter for the Sidonians and an The temple began to be built. act well pleasing vnto them; to bring wood and timber from Libanus, and to bind it, and gathering it together in rafters to ship it, and land it at the port of Ioppa. For Cyrus had before time giuen them that commaundement, and now the second time they were en [...]yned thereunto by Darius. H
The second yeere after their arriuall in Ierusalem, the Iewes assembled together in the second moneth, and the building of the temple went forward; so that hauing laid the foundation thereof in the first day of December, they builded vpon the same the second yeare. Ouer this worke those Leuites that were aboue twentie yeares of age, were ouerseers; with them also was Iesus, and his sonnes and brothers ioyned, and Zolimiel the brother of Iuda the sonne of Aminadad, and his sonnes. And thorow the diligence that these ouerseers of the temple vsed, it was sooner finished, then it was expected: As soone as the sanctuarie was builded, the priests apparrelled in their accustomed habits, and the Leuites, and the sonnes of Asaph arose, and with trumpets praised God, according as Dauid first of all had set downe the manner of his seruice. The priests and Leuites with the elders of the tribes (calling vnto their minds how great and precious the I first temple was, and beholding that which was builded vpon the present, farre inferiour to the precedent, & perceiuing how much the ancient wealth & dignitie of the temple was abased, they were confosed thereat, and being vnable to ouercome their passion, they burst out into lamentations and teares. But the people were contented with that which they beheld, and without any estimate or mention of the former temple, they tormented not themselues in comparing the one with the other; neither thought they vpon the difference and bignesse betwixt the present and that which stood in times past: yet notwithstanding the elders lamented, and the priestes complained, that the new erected temple was farre lesse then the former; yet the noise of the trumpets drowned their laments, and the ioyfull applauses of the people their mournings. K
The Samaritanes hearing the noise of the trumpets, ranne out to know the cause thereof, in that they were lewdly affected towards the tribes of Iuda & Beniamin; & vnderstanding that the Iewes which were returned from Babylon had reedified the temple, they addressed themselues to Zorobabel and Iesus, and to the chiefe gouernours of the families, requiring them that it might be The Samaritans desirous to further the building of the temple are reiected. lawfull for them to repaire the temple with them; and to haue part in the building thereof. For (said they) we honour God no lesse then you, we pray vnto him and adore him; we conforme our selues to your customes euer since the time that Salmanazar King of Assyria remoued vs out of Chuthea and Media hither. To these demaunds of theirs, Zorobabel and Iesus the high priest and the gouernours of the tribes answered, that it was impossible for them to admit their assistance in the building of the temple, for that they had receiued their first commandement from L Cyrus to performe the same, and afterwards from Darius: notwithstanding they gaue them licence to adore therein, offering them that the temple should be common to both, if they pleased: yea and accessible to all other nations, that would repaire thither to adore God. The Chutheans (for so were the Samaritanes called) hearing this answere, were sore offended; and perswaded the other The Samaritanes suppose to hinder the building of the temple. nations of Syria to requite their princes (who continued their authoritie since the time of Cyrus, and afterwards ruled in Cambyses time) to hinder the building of the temple; and to delay the Iewes, who were so intent and busie in their worke. Whereupon Sisin gouernour in Syria and Phaenicia, and Sarabazan, accompanied with others, came vnto Ierusalem; and demannded of the chieftaines of the Iewes, by whose permission they builded the temple, which rather seemed to be a fort then a temple, and for what cause they fortified their Citie with gates and so M strong walles? Zorohabel and Iesus the high Priest answered, that they were the seruants of the The Syrian princes examine the cause why the Iewes repaire their citie and tēple. liuing God, and that their temple had beene built by one of their kings, who was opulent and surpassed all other in vertue, that after it had continued long time in venerable estimation (by reason their fathers had committed impietie against God) Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon and Chaldaea, hauing taken the Citie by force destroyed the same; and after he had spoyled the citie he burned it, and transported the people captiue into Babylon.
[Page 271] But after that Cyrus king of Persia had obtained the kingdome of Babylon, he commanded The yeare of the world. 3444. before Christs birth 520. 1. Esdras. 5. A by his expresse letters sealed with his royall seale, that they should reedifie the temple, and ordained that all that which Nabuchodonosor carried from thence, as well gifts as vessels, should be deliuered to Zorobabel and the treasurer Mithridates, to be conuaied to Ierusalem, and be placed againe in the temple, as soone as it should be builded. And he commanded also, that it should be presently reedified, willing Abassar to repaire to Ierusalem, and giue order for all that which was requisite; who resorting thither as soone as he had receiued Cyrus letters, did speedily lay the foundations anew. From that time forward vntill this present it hath been continued; but the subtiltie and malignitie of their enemy had wrought so much, that as yet it remained imperfect. If therefore it please you, and you thinke it good, signifie that you heare, by your letters to Darius, to the end that examining the registers of the kings, he may find that we are not faultie in any B thing of that which we haue said. When Zorobabel and Iesus had answered to this effect; Sisin and they that accompanied him, thought not good to hinder the building, vntill such time as they had certified Darius hereof: for which cause they wrote vnto him presently. Hereupon the Iewes were much discomforted and troubled, fearing least the king should change his minde in respect of the building of Ierusalem and the temple. But two Prophets Aggeus and Zacharie (who were amongst them) began to perswade them, willing them to feare no desaster from the Aggeus and Zachary the Prophets. Persians, because God had assured them: for which cause, the people gaue credit to the Prophets, and diligently intended their building, and intermitted no one day.
When the Samaritanes had in this sort written to Darius, and accused the Iewes vnto him for fortifying their Citie, and reedifying their temple; and how it seemed to be rather a fort, then C some sacred place, and had further alleadged that it would be no profit vnto him, and moreouer The Satharitans indeuouring to hinder the reparatiō of the temple and citie doe further it the more. had produced Cambyses letters, by which they were forbidden to build the temple; he vnderstood that the reestablishment of Ierusalem stood not with the securitie of his state. But when he had read Sisins letters and his associates, he commanded that the Panchartes and Chronicles of the kings should be searched, how the matter hath past; and there was found in Ecbatane a Citie of the Medes, in a tower a certaine booke, in which these things were written. ‘The first yeere of the raigne of Cyrus, commandement was giuen to build the temple of Ierusalem, and the altar therein: It was likewise decreed, that the height of the temple should be sixtie cubits, and the Cyrus decree as touching the temple and the Iewes. breadth as many; three stories of hewed stone, and one storie of the wood of that countrey: and it was ordained that the expence of that building should be deducted out of the kings reuenewes. D Moreouer he commanded, that restitution should be made vnto the inhabitants of Ierusalem, of those vessels that were taken away by Nabuchodonosor, and carried away to Babylon: And the commission to effect all these things was giuen to Abassar, gouernour of Syria and Phoenicia, and The yeare of the world. 3450. before Christs birth 514. his companions, to the end that they might depart from these places, and the Iewes might bee permitted to build therein. Furthermore, he ordained that the charge of this pile and building should be gathered out of the tributes of his countries, and that they should furnish the Iewes with bulles, weathers, lambes, goates, flower, oyle, and wine, and all other things which the Priests should think meet to offer sacrifice, to the intent that they might pray for the preseruation of the king of Persia: commanding that they that should transgresse or contradict this commandement of his, should be laid hold on, and hanged on a gibbet, and that their goods should be E confiscate to the kings vse. Moreouer he besought God, that if any man went about to hinder the building of the temple, that he would punish him and strike him, and restraine his wickednes 3. Esdras. 6. therby. When Darius had found these things written in his Panchartes and Chronicles, he wrote backe to Sisin and his companions in this forme: King Darius to Sisin, and Sarabazan, with their associates; health.’ Hauing found amongst the memorials of Cyrus the copy of your missiue; I Darius epistle to the prefects of Syria. haue sent it you, and my pleasure is that the contents thereof be executed. Fare you well. Sisin and his associates being c [...]tified of the kings pleasure, resolued themselues conformably to execute the same: and taking the care of the sacred buildings vpon them, they assisted the Princes and magistrates of the Iewes in such sort, as the building of the temple was finished with great diligence, by the instigation of the Prophets Aggeus and Zachary, according to Gods commandement, F and by the directions of the kings Cyrus and Darius; so that it was finished within seuen yeeres. In the ninth yeere of the raigne of Darius, and the three and twenty of the eleuenth moneth, called by vs Adar, and by the Macedonians Distre; the Priests and Leuites, and all the rest The finishing of the temple. of the people offered sacrifices for the renouation of their former felicitie, after their captiuitie, and for their new temple also: sacrificing one hundreth bulles, two hundreth sheepe, foure hundreth lambes, twelue goates, according to the number of the twelue tribes of Israel; and for the [Page 272] sinnes of each of them. The Priests and Leuites also (according to the lawes of Moses) appointed The yeare of the [...]orld 3450. before Christs Natiuitie. 514. The temple dedicated 23. of March, or as it is in the first of Esdras 6. dedicated the third of March. The passeouer celebrated. G porters to euery gate. For the Iewes had builded galleries round about, and within the temple.
Now when the feast of vnleauened bread (which is the feast of Easter) drew neere, in the first moneth called Xanthicus by the Mecedonians, and Nisan by the Hebrewes, all the people of the townes round about Ierusalem resorted thither, and celebrated the feast; purifying both themselues, their wiues, and children, according to the ordinance of their forefathers: And after they had solemnized the feast called Easter, or the passeouer in the 14. moone, they banquetted for seuen daies space, sparing no cost how great soeuer it were. They offered burnt offrings also, and sacrifices of thankesgiuing, acknowledging Gods goodnesse that had brought them home into their natiue countrey, to liue according to the lawes of their forefathers, and had made them H gracious in the king of Persiaes eies. Thus dwelled they in Ierusalem in all ioy, sacrificing and seruing God with great affection, and liuing vnder the gouernment of their nobilitie. For the The forme of commonweale in Ierusalem. chiefest authoritie remained in the hie Priests, vntill the Asmonaeans obtained the kingdome: for before the captiuitie of Babylon, they were vnder the gouernment of kings, who began from Saul and Dauids times, about some fiue hundreth, thirtie, two yeeres, six moneths, and ten daies; and before their kings certaine gouernours called Iudges raigned: and vnder this sort of pollicie liued they more then fiue hundreth yeeres; from the death of Moses and Iosuah. See here the estate of the Iewes deliuered from their captiuitie, during the daies of Cyrus and Darius. True it The Samaritanes mightie enemies of the Iewes. is that the Samaritanes were their mightie and malicious aduersaries, and did them many mischiefes, trusting in their riches, and pretending themselues to be the Persians kinsmen, because I their originall proceeded from thence. For they refused to pay that tribute, which the king had commanded them to disburse vnto the Iewes to make their sacrifices, and had their gouernours likewise affectionate and forward to further their malice; neither was there any of them idle or negligent in working them mischiefe, either in themselues, or by others. For which cause, the Iewes determined to send Embassadors vnto king Darius, to accuse the Samaritanes; and to that intent Zorobabel and foure others were sent. As soone therefore as the king vnderstood by these Embassadors, what crimes and accusations they had brought against the Samaritanes, he dispatched The embassage of the Iewes to Darius. The yeare of the world, 3464. before Christs Natinitie, 500. A commandement to supply the charge of the building of the temple and sacrifices. his letters, and addressed them to the gouernours and counsaile of Samaria; the tenour of which letters was to this effect. King Darius to Tangara and Sambaba gouernours of Samaria, to Sadrach and Bobelon, and to their companions our seruants being in Samaria, health. K Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mardocheus, Embassadours in the behalfe of the Iewes, accuse you to be perturbers of the building of their temple; alleadging, that you refuse to discharge that, which by my decree you ought to furnish them with, for the charge of the sacrifices. My will is therefore, that vpon the sight of these letters, you deliuer out of the royall treasurie in Samaria, appointed for the tributes, all that which shall be necessary for them to performe their sacrifices, vpon the request of the Priests, to the intent they let passe no day without sacrifice and praier vnto God for me, and for the Persians. This was the contents of his letter.
CHAP. V. L
The beneficence of Zerxes Darius sonne, towardes the Iewes.
AFter Darius death, his sonne Zerxes succeeded him, not onely as heire in the gouernment Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 5. [...]. Esd. 7. Xerxes king of Persia. Esdras learned in the law. of his kingdome, but also as successor vnto his pietie and deuotion towards God: for he no waies changed those institutions of his fathers that concerned religious seruice, but with great beneuolence fauoured all the Iewes. During his raigne Ioacim the sonne of Iesus was hie priest: Amongst them also that remained in Babylon, there liued a hie priest with the Iewes in that place called Esdras; a iust man and one of great reputation amongst the people: and whereas he was verie skilfull in the lawes of Moses, hee obtained great friendship with the M king. This man intending (with certaine other Iewes of Babylon) to make his repaire vnto Ierusalem, besought the king that he would vouchsafe to bestow his letters of commendations to the gouernors of Syria in his behalfe. Whereupon the king wrote his letters pattents of grace, Xerxes fauoureth the Iewes. certifying his fauour toward Fsdras, to the princes in those parts, to this effect:
It is decreed by me and seuen other of my counsaile, that whosoeuer in my kingdome of the Israelites, their Priests, or Leuites [Page 273] will repaire with thee vnto Ierusalem, he may freely performe the same with my good licence, A The yeare of the world. 3506. before Christ birth. 458. and reuisit Iudaea according to the law of God: bearing with you those presents vnto the God of Israel, which both I and my friends haue vowed. I likewise giue thee licence to take with thee all the gold and siluer whatsoeuer, that any of thy nation liuing here in Babylon will offer vp vnto God, to buy offrings to be sacrificed vpon the altar of thy God: and to make whatsoeuer vessels of gold or siluer, which either thou or thy brethren shall thinke meete. Those sacred vessels also which are giuen thee, thou shalt dedicate vnto thy God, and if there be ought els requisite in this behalfe, that according to thy wisedome shalt thou prouide, and the charges shalt thou receiue out of my treasurie. I haue also commended thee to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia; and haue written to them, that whatsoeuer Esdras the priest and reader of the lawe of God shall require, they shall presently deliuer it him. And to the end that God may be fauourable B to me and my children, my will is, that a hundreth measures of wheat be giuen vnto God, according to the law. I commaund you also that are magistrates, that you exact nothing, neither impose any taxations on the Priests, Leuites, sacred singing men, porters, or holy officers. But thou Esdras (according to the wisedome giuen thee from aboue) shalt appoint Iudges, who shall in Syria and Phoenicia execute iustice vnto the people, according to the science of the law. Teach thou likewise freely all such as are ignorant, so that whosoeuer violateth either Gods or the kings law, he may be fined, or els condemned to death, as not sinning thorow ignorance, but of contumacie.
Farewell.
When Esdras had receiued this letter, he was wonderfully contented, and began to adore Esdras assembled the Iewes that dwelt in Babylon. God, confessing openly that it was he, who was the author of that fauour he had receiued at the C kings hands: for which cause he said, that the onely thankesgiuing appertained to him. And after he had read this letter vnto the Iewes that were at that time residentin Babylon, he kept the originall, but sent the copy to all those of his nation, being in the countrey of the Medes: who vnderstanding of the kings affection towards God, and his fauour towards Esdras, were very ioyful; and diuers amongst them tooke their goods and came vnto Babylon, desiring to returne to Ierusalem: but all the rest of the Israelites would not abandon or leaue their quiet dwelling there. For which cause it came to passe, that two tribes were vnder the obedience of the Romans in Asia and Europe: but the ten tribes were on the other side of Euphrates, euen vntill this day; being many infinites of thousands, whose number may not be comprehended. With Esdras there departed a great number of Priests, Leuites, porters, singing men, and seruants of the temple. D Now after that he had assembled those of the captiuitie, that inhabited on this side Euphrates, and soiourned there three daies, he commanded them to solemnize a fast, and to pray vnto God for his preseruation, and that no euill might happen vnto him; and that neither their enemies nor any other might doe them any violence. For Esdras had foretold the king that God would be their protector, and that therefore he required no conuoy of horsemen at his hand for his securitie. After that they had recommended themselues vnto God, they set forward on their way, the twelfth day of the first moneth, of the seuenth yeere of the raigne of Zerxes, and arriued in Ierusalem Esdras repaireth to Ierusalē and cōmitteth the vessels and other precious presents to the treasurers hāds in the fift moneth of the same yeere. Whereupon he incontinently presented vnto the treasurers (who were of the race of the Priests) the siluer that was consecrated, namely, six hundreth and fiftie talents, and siluer vessell a hundreth talents, of vessell of golde twenty talents, E of brasen vessell (more precious then gold) waying twelue talents. These were the presents of the king and his friends, and of the Israelites that dwelt in Babylon. When Esdras had deliuered these abouenamed presents vnto the hands of the priests, he offered burnt offrings vnto God, according to the law, namely, twelue bulles for the publike conseruation of the people, 72. rammes and lambes, & twelue goates for the expiation of sinne. And after them he deliuered the kings letters to his princes and gouernors in Coelosyria and Phoenicia, who being constrained to execute that which was enioyned them by the king, honoured the nation of the Iewes, and supplied them euerie waies in their necessities. This counsaile had Esdras himselfe giuen of their departure. But in my opinion God (hauing regard of his wisedome and integritie) did happely aduance his deliberation. F
Not long after this, there came certaine men vnto him, complaining that some of the people, Priests, and Leuites▪ had transgressed against the pollicie, and broken the lawes of the countrey, for that they had espoused certaine strange women, and confounded the race of the Priests: requiring him that he would haue an inward regard to Gods ordinances, for feare least he (conceiuing a generall hatred against them all) should send them anew some grieuous calamities. For which cause Esdras deuoured with sorrowe, incontinently rent his clothes, and tore his haire, [Page 274] and pulled his beard, and cast himselfe vpon the ground, because the principals amongst the people The yeare of the world. 3506. before Christs birth 458. G had part in that offence. And for that he feared least if he should commaund them to forsake their wiues, and those children they had begotten by them, he should not be obeyed, he persisted in griefe, and lay continually couched vpon the ground. Whereupon all those resorted vnto him, who were not guiltie, and wept and lamented with him, for that which had hapned. Whereupon Esdras (raising himselfe from the earth, and lifting vp his hands to heauen) said, that he was ashamed to looke thereupon, because the offences of the people were so hainous; Esdras praiers for the Leuites that had married strangers. [...]. Esd. 9. who had forgotten the inconuenients that had befallen their forefathers for their impieties, beseeching God that he would reserue some remainder and seede of the aduersitie and captiuitie, which at that time hapned vnto thē, & that he would once more establish thē again in Ierusalem their natiue countrey: that he would take compassion of them, and grant them pardon for those H sins which at that present were cōmitted by them: for which though they deserued death, yet hoped they in the mercies of God for their deliuerance. Whilest thus both he and those that came vnto him lamented round about him, with their wiues and children. a certaine man called Achonius, one of the principall men of Ierusalem, repaired vnto him, and said,that they had sinned, because they had espoused straunge women, and perswaded Esdras to adiure them all, to banish both them and the children begotten by them; wishing that they, who obeied not the law, might be punished. Esdras (perswaded by these words) made all the Princes of the Priests, Leuites, and tribes of Israel sweare, that they would dismisse their wiues and children, according to the counsaile of Achonius. And as soone as he had receiued their othes, he departed from the temple vnto Iohns house the sonne of Eliasib, and there spent he all the day without tasting any meat (by I reason of the griefe which so inwardly he had conceiued.) Whenas therefore it was published by edict, that all they that were returned from the captiuitie, should repaire within two or three daies to Ierusalem (vnder the penalty that they, who defaulted therein, & came not within the prefixed time, should be held as excommunicate, and their goods confiscate to the publike treasury of the temple, by the ordinance of the Priests) they of the tribes of Iuda and Beniamin came thither within three daies, on the twentith day of the ninth moneth, called by the Hebrewes Thebeth, & by the Macedonians Apellaeus. And assoone as they were seated in the vpper part of the temple, in the presence and assistance of the Elders, although the weather was verie intemperate, by reason of the frost; Esdras arose and reproued them for that they had transgressed the law, in taking wiues vnto them, who were not of their nation: for which cause he told K [...]. Esd. 10. them (that if they would performe a matter that were agreeable vnto God, and profitable for themselues, they should dismisse such wiues. Whereupon with a loud voice they all cried, that they would doe it willingly: but that there was no small number of them, and that the time was winter, and the matter of that consequence, as one or two daies could not end it: For which cause they thought it verie needfull, that the execution were deferred for a while; and that at the length some of the Princes, who were free from that sinne, with certaine other chosen Elders of euerie place, should make inquisition of them that had married wiues contrarie to the prescript of the law. Which being approued by them, about the new moone of the tenth moneth, this inquisition [...] began, which continued vntill the new moone of the moneth ensuing: and there were many of the family of Iesus the high Priest, and of Priests, Leuites, and Israelites, that L (making more account of the obseruation of the laws, then of the natural affections of their wiues and children) did presently put away their wiues, and those children they had by them, and sacrificed certaine Rammes for a peace offering vnto God: whose names it were a needlesse matter to reckon vp in this place.
When Esdras had in this sort reformed the errour committed by such marriages, he so corrected the euill custome thereof, that this reformation continued firme and irreuocable for euer. In the seuenth moneth, they solemnized the feasts of Tabernacles, whereto when all the people were resorted, they all gathered together in an open place of the temple towards the gate that looketh eastward, requiring Esdras that he would read Moses ordinances vnto them, which he performed, and standing vp in the midst of the multitude, he red the law vnto them from the morning M The reading of Moses law. 2. Esd. 8. vntill noone. By which reading not onely for the present, but for the time to come, they learned that which was iust; and also calling to memorie that which was past, they were so discomforted, that the teares fell from their eies, in thinking with themselues, that if they had kept the law, they had not suffered any of those euils, by which they had beene tormented. But Esdras beholding them in that estate, willing each of them to repaire homeward, and to weepe no more, because that day was a solemne and holy day, wherein they ought not to weepe, because it was forbidden: [Page 275] He rather commaunded them to intend their feasts and pleasures, assuring them that the repentance A The yeare of the world. 3506. before Christs birth 458. and griefe of those faults that were committed by them in times past, ought to serue them and instruct them to assure and defence themselues, to the end that hereafter they commit not the like. They following Esdras exhortation, began to celebrate the solemnitie, and continued their feastes in their tabernacles during eight daies. After which time they returned euery one vnto his house, praising God in hymnes; and thanking Esdras for the amendement of those vnlawfull marriages that had hapned in their pollicy: who after he had gotten great honour 2. Esdras. 1. among the people, finished his life, being loden with yeares, and was buried honourably in Ierusalem. About the same time also died Ioacim the high Priest, whose, sonne Eliacim succeeded in his place.
After this it came to passe that a certaine man that was one of the captiue Iewes, & king Xerxes B butler called Nehemias, walking before the Citie of Susa (which was the Metropolitane Citie of Persia) heard certaine straungers that came from farre; who vpon their entrie into the Citie deuised the one with the other in the Hebrew tongue; for which cause he drewe neere vnto them, and asked them whence they came. Who returning him this answere, that they came from Iudaea: he began to demaund of them againe, of the estate of Ierusalem, their natiue Citie, and how the people fared. To whom they answered, that they were in verie bad estate, and that their Citie walles were conuerted to dust and rased, & that the nations round about them afflicted the Iewes with many outrages, in making inrodes into their countrey, and spoyling them daily, not sparing them by night; so that diuers of them were led away prisoners; yea some Citizens of Ierusalem; and that daily the high waies were found full of dead bodies. Hereupon Nehemias The yeare of the world, 3519. before Christs natiuitie, 445. C began to weepe (thorow the inward compassion he had of his distressed brethren) and looking vp towards heauen: How long (said he) O Lord, wilt thou see our nation thus afflicted without taking care of vs? Behold how we are made a pray vnto all men? whilest thus he walked before the gate and lamented bitterly, newes was brought him that the King was readie to sit downe to his meat: For which cause he gaue attendance according to his office, and serued the king dutifully, during his time of repast. As soone as supper was done, the King grew pleasant and ioyfull, and casting his eies vpon Nehemias (whom he perceiued to be heauie and disconsolate) he asked him what he ailed? Nehemias (after he had besought God to giue him grace and persuasiue speech to discourse vnto the king) answered. O king, how is it possible that I should be other but discomforted, and that griefe should not pierce euen vnto the very center of my soule, when D I heare that the wals of Ierusalem (which is my natiue countrey) were leuelled with the ground, and the sepulchers and monuments of my predecessors are defaced, and the gates of the Citie are burned? doe me therefore this grace, that I may resort thither, and repaire the same, and finish the rest of the building of the temple.
This said, the King gaue eare to his request, and promised him his letters, assuring him that he would addresse them to the gouernours, commaunding them to doe him honour, and to furnish him with all things necessarie, to accomplish that which he intended. For which cause (said he) cease thou to be sad, and do thy seruice willingly. Hereupon Nehemias adored God, and thanked the king, for the promise he had made him; and therfore by the pleasure he conceiued, he cleared that confusion and sorrow, that before that time he bate in his countenance. The next E day the King called for him, and gaue him letters vnto Sadeas the gouernour of Syria, Phaenicia and Samaria, in which he commaunded him to honour Nehemias, and to furnish him with all things necessarie for that building which he intended. As soone as he came to Babylon, he tooke diuers of his countrimen with him, who willingly followed him, & went with him vnto Ierusalem Nehemias hauing gotten licence, and authority to build the wals of Ierusalem inciteth the people thereunto. 2. Esd. 2. in the fiue and twentith yeare of the raigne of Xerxes, and after he had presented his letters before God, he deliuered them to Sadeas; and the other gouernours. Afterwards assembling the people in Ierusalem, he stood vp in the midst of them, and spake vnto the whole congregation to this effect. ‘You men of Iury, there is none of you but knoweth that God hath our forefathers Abraham, Isaac and Iacob in perpetuall memorie, and that in regard of their iustice, he hath neuer failed to haue care of vs: by his mercy likewise I haue receiued the fauour from the king to repaire F your wals, and finish the rest of the temple. I therefore pray you (who are assuredly perswaded of the enuie and hatred the neighbouring nations beare vnto you, who hearing that we are intent and busie in our building, will ouerpresse vs, and labour by all meanes possible to hinder vs) first to assure your selues in Gods prouidence, who will oppose himselfe against the hatred which they beare vs, and afterwards to intermit neither day nor night in prosecution of the building, but with all care continue the worke in that the oportunitie of the time doth challeng our diligence [Page 276] therein.’ After he had spoken to this effect, he gaue order that the gouernours should take G The yeare of the world 3519. before Christs Natiuitie. 445. the measure of the wall, and distribute the taske amongst the people, according to the burroughs and townes, and according to euerie mans abilitie: and after he had promised to imploy both himselfe, and all his family therein, he dismissed the assembly. Hereupon the Iewes (incited by his authoritie) addressed themselues to the worke; which name of Iewes was first imposed both on them and their religion by reason of the tribe of Iuda, who first of all came into these places.
The Ammonites, Moabites, Samaritanes, and all the inhabitants of Coelesyria, vnderstanding the walles were raised, with such haste and diligence, were sore agrieued, and resolued with themselues to lie in ambush, and to hinder them in their deliberations; so that they slew diuers [...]. Esd. 4. 6. Iewes, and sought the meanes likewise to murther Nehemias himselfe; and hauing hired certaine H strangers with money to commit the fact, they layd in waite for him. They bred also a feare and trouble amongst them, by spreading certaine rumors, that diuers nations intended to make war against them: by which reports (being too much distracted) they desisted somewhat in the prosecution of their building. Yet none of these things could weaken Nehemias diligence or resolution, The ardent care in building the wals of Ierusalem. but that (keeping a court of guard round about him) he instantly prosecuted his purpose, setting light by all occurrents; so great was his affection to accomplish his intent. And for that cause did he carefully and intentiuely stand vpon his guard, not for that he feared death, but for that he beleeued that after his departure the Iewes would not finish the building of the walles. He commanded afterwards that the workemen in their trauell should haue their furnitures fast by them, so that both Masons and labourers carried their swords. Moreouer, he gaue order that they I should haue their targets by them; and he placed certaine trumpeters, some fiue hundreth foote distant the one from the other, charging them that as soone as they discouered the enemy from any part, they should incontinently sound the allarum, and giue notice vnto the people to arme themselues, and prepare for the fight, for feare they should be surprised and found naked. He himselfe also walked the round about the citie by night time, with an indefatigable courage, and without either eating or sleeping at his pleasure, but onely for necessitie sake: and this labour endured he for the space of two yeeres, and three moneths: For the wall of Ierusalem was builded againe in that time, in the eight and twentith yeere of the raigne of Xerxes, and in the ninth moneth. After the Citie was fortified, Nehemias and the people offered sacrifices vnto God, and The wals of Ierusalem finished. The yeare of the world, 3527. before Christs Natiuitie, 437. spent eight daies in feasting. When the rumor was spred abroad that this building was finished, K the inhabitants of Syria were sore displeased. But Nehemjas perceiuing that the Citie was weakely manned, besought the Priests and Leuites to forsake their dwellings without the Citie, and to come and dwell within, and to that intent he builded them houses vpon his owne charge. He ordained likewise, that they that intended their husbandry, should bring the tenths of their fruits vnto Ierusalem, to the intent that the Priests and Leuits by enioying their continnall maintenance, Prouifion for the priests. might intermit no time in the seruice of God, wherein he was willingly obeied. By this meanes the Citie of Ierusalem was very well peopled. After that Nehemias had honourably 2. Esd. 10. The death of Nehemias. executed diuers other worthy actions, deseruing praise, he died at such time as he was loaden with age. He was a man of a good nature, iust and highly affectionated towards his countrey: he left the Citie of Ierusalem incompassed with a wall, for a perpetuall memorie of his loue vnto L his countrey. All these things hapned during the raigne of Xerxes.
CHAP. VI.
How during the raigne of Artaxerxes, the whole nation of the Iewes were in danger to bee extinguished by Amans trecherie.
AFter the death of Xerxes, the kingdome fell to Cyrus his sonne, who by the Graecians was called Artaxerxes. Vnder his gouernment all the race of the Iewes both men, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 6. Esiher. 1. women, and children, were in danger to be vtterly exterminated: the cause whereof I M will hereafter declare. But first of all it behooueth me to speake somewhat of the king, and to declare how it came to passe, that he married an Hebrew woman of the bloud royall, by The yeare of the world, 3543. before Christs natiuitie, 521. whose meanes (as it is said) our nation was preserued. After that Artaxerxes had taken the kingdome vpon him, and established gouernours ouer one hundreth, and seuen and twentie prouinces from India, as farre as Aethiopia: in the third yeere of his raigne, he entertained and feasted all his friends with great magnificence, the nations of Persia likewise with their gouernours [Page 277] (according as it became a king so opulent, who was prepared for one hundreth and eightie daies The yeare of the world. 3543. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 421. A to make shew of his wealth and bounty.) He feasted after this, for the space of 7. daies the Embassadors of all nations in his Citie of Susa, and the setting foorth of the banquet was such, as ensueth. He sate in a tent, whose pillers were of golde and siluer, couered with linnen and scarlet vailes, which were of that greatnes, that diuers thousands of men might take their refection therin. All the acates were serued in in vessels of gold, inriched with precious stones very glorious to behold. The king likewise commanded his seruants (that attended the feast) that they should enforce no man to drinke, by filling continually, according to the manner of the Persians, but to permit euery one of the guests to drinke according to his discretion. He sent also thorow out all the countrey, commanding a cessation from all labour, and that euery one should make holiday for many daies in honour of his roialty. The Queene Vasthi also made a banquet vnto her women Assuerus sendeth for Vasthi to grace his feasts, she refuteth, and therefore is cast off by him. The yeare of the world, 3545. before Christs birth 419. B in the royall pallace. Now whereas the king was desirous to shew the maiestie of his queen to those he had inuited, he sent vnto her, commanding her to resort vnto the banquet in more roiall manner then the rest of her attendants: but she too curiously tied to the obseruation of the law of the Persians (which forbiddeth women to be seene by strangers, went not vnto the King: and notwithstanding he sent his Eunuches diuers times vnto her, yet persisted she in her refusall to come vnto him. Whereupon the king (mooued with displeasure) gaue ouer his banquet, & arising therefro he called vnto him his seuen counsellers, to whom (according to the vse of the Persians) it belonged to expound the lawes, and accused his wife, telling them how grieuously he had been wronged by her, for that being sent for by him diuers times to accompany him at his banquet, she had euerie way refused to obey him: He therefore commanded them to declare C their opinion, what punishment appertained to her. One amongst them called Muchaeus answered, that the iniurie was not onely offered vnto him, but to all the Persians, who being after that manner despised by their wiues, were like to passe their liues ignominiously, for that no one of them would acknowledge duetie towards their husbands, taking their example from the Queens disobedience, which she shewed towards him, who was the gouernour ouer all. Whereupon he concluded, that she that had thus dishonored him, should be grieuously punished: which done, he thought it meete that this ordinance of the kings might be published thoro [...] all nations, that Queene Vasthi should be separated from his bed, and another woman chosen in her place. But the king, who vehemently loued her, and could hardly endure to be separated from her, knowing that he could not keepe her contrarie to law, was wholy deuoured in sorrow, for that he might D not be master of that which he desired. Which when his familiars perceiued, they counselled him to forget the memory & loue of a woman so vnprofitable, & to send and seeke out thorow al his countries for the fairest woman amongst them, whom he might choose and take to wife, that surpassed all others in beauty: for that by the interuiew & company of an other woman, the great affection which he bare vnto Vasthi, might be extinguished. The king allowing and ratifying this counsaile of theirs, sent out certaine messengers and deputies, commanding them to bring vnto his presence the fairest virgins that were to be found in his kingdome: when as therefore they had assembled a great number of them, they found in Babylon a yoong orphelin (without either father or mother) who was brought vp vnder her vncle (whose name was Mardocheus) of the tribe of Beniamin, and one of the greatest men amongst the Iewes. It came to passe, that this Esther E (for such was her name) was iudged to be the fairest amongst the rest, who for her amiable countenance made all men stand at gaze to behold her. She therefore was deliuered in charge vnto one of the Eunuches, who carefully attended her with all the diligence that was possible, decking her with odors and precious perfumes, according to the custome of noble women; and after this manner were foure hundreth virgins entertained for the space of six moneths. Now when he that was put in trust with this commission, thought these virgins to be sufficiently prepared, and that they deserued to approch the princes bed, he sent euery day one vnto the king, to keepe him company: who after some embraces sent her presently backe againe vnto the Eunuch. But when as Esther came vnto his presence, he setled his affection on her more then on all the rest, and being surprised with hir loue, he tooke her for his lawfull wife: and the nuptials were solemnlie The yeare of the world. 3549. before the birth of Christ. 41 [...]. The maiden Esther made Queene. Esther. 2. Mardocheus came from Babylon to Susa. F celebrated in the seuenth yeere of his raigne, and in the twelfth moneth called by vs Adar, and generally Februarie: and he sent posts thorow all his kingdomes to proclaime a feast in honour of his marriage: he himselfe also feasted the Persians, and Medes, and the Princes of the nations, for a whole moneths space for the same cause. At such time as Esther entred into the royall pallace, he set a diademe vpon her head, and so liued with her, that he neuer questioned with her either of her birth, or nation. Her vnele also came from Babylon to Susa (the chiefe citie of Persia) [Page 278] where euery day he walked before the pallace gate, enquiring how Esther did: for that he loued G The yeare of the world, 3 [...]49 before Christs birth 415. The kings cō mand that no m [...]n [...]uld app [...]oth his th [...]e except h [...] [...]re called [...]. 4. M [...]chtus d [...]couereth the [...]. Esther, 2. her as deerely as if she had been his owne naturall daughter. Now the king had made a law that no man should approch his presence, except he were called; during the time that he was in his throne; & round about his seat there stood certaine officers with their axes; ready to punish those, who being vncalled should attempt to approch the throne. The king himselfe sate aloft, and holding in his hand a golden scepter, whensoeuer he intended to saue the life of any one that approched his throne vncalled, he stretched forth the same, and touched him therewith: who being thus touched by these means auoided the penaltie of death. And as touching these things we haue sufficiently spoken in this place.
Not long after this, when as Bagathous and Theodestes, two of the kings Eunuches, had conspired against him; Barnabazus, who was of the Hebrew nation and one of their seruants, disclosing H their treason, discouered it to the Queenes vncle Mardocheus, who by her meanes made the king priuy to their conspiracie. Who sore troubled herewith, found out the truth by examination, and after he had commanded them to be executed on the gibbet, he for that time gaue no recompence to Mardocheus for the safegard of his life: he onely commanded his name to be registred and chronicled in his commentaries, commanding that he should attend in the pallace, and be esteemed for one of the kings most inward friends. Now as often as Aman (the sonne of Amadath an Amalechite) came vnto the pallace to visite the king, all those that were either Persians Aman being▪ ho [...]ured by all men is neglected by the Iewes. Esther 3. or trangers (according to the kings especiall direction) did him honour: But Mardocheus shewed him no honour (both by reason of that vpright iudgement that was in him, as also for that the lawes of the Iewes f [...] bade the same.) Which when Aman had obserued, he demaunded whence I he was? and vnderstanding that he was a Iew, he was much displeased, saying in himselfe, that the Persians who were of freer condition, cast themselues prostrate before him, and he that was but a slaue disdained to do the like. Intending therfore to reuenge himselfe on Mardocheus, he thought it not sufficient to procure his punishment at the kings hands, but resolued wholy to exterminate his race (for he was by nature a capitall enemy of the Iewes, by reason that the Amalechites, from whom he challenged his descent, had been wholy ruinated by them.) ‘For which cause, he addressed himselfe vnto the king, and accused them, saying that there was a certaine cursed nation spred thorow his whole kingdome, insociable, and abhorring the customes of other men, who vsed diuers lawes and ceremonies hatefull both for their manners, and studies to all the rest of his subiects, and all mortall men. This nation (saith he) if thou wilt doe a gratious and acceptable K fauour vnto thy people, thou shalt vtterly extinguish, and leaue neither captiue nor slaue aliue amongst them. And least your maiesties tribute should be any waies impaired by these meanes, I promise you of mine owne reuenewes forne thousand talents of siluer, desiring rather willingly to forbeare so much money, then that your kingdome should be vnpurged of such a cursed race of men. When Aman had made this his request, the king answered, that he forgaue The de [...]ruction of the Iewes granted vnto Aman. him the money, and that he permitted him to deale with that nation as best him liked. When Aman had obtained this his desire, he presently sent an edict thorow all nations in the kings name, and to this effect. The great king Artaxerxes vnto his gouernours of a hundreth, and seuen and twenty prouinces, extending from India as farre as Aethiopia: Health. Hauing obtained the Empire ouer so many nations, and extended my dominion ouer the world, according L to mine owne pleasure, without being constrained to offend any of my subiects, by vsing our power more proudly and importunately then becommeth vs, but shewing our selues fauourable and mercifull in prouiding for their peace, and plentifull estate, we haue searched out the meanes thereof, to the intent that we might perceiue the fruit. Being therefore admonished by my friend Aman (who for his wisedome and iustice is more honoured then all others by me, and for his approued fidelitie, hath the second place in authoritie next mee) that there is a certaine race of men intermedled among you, enemies to all humanitie, vsing none but their owne lawes, and such as are different from others, disobedient to their kings, and of depraued manners and customes, that neither allow our monarchie, nor further our affaires: I will and command, that they (being made knowne by Aman, a man whom we hold as deere as our father) be slaine, with M their wiues, and children; so as you spare none of them, attributing more vnto your owne mercie then our edict: and this commaund we to be done the fourteenth day of the twelfth moneth of this present yeere, that in one day cutting off all our enemies, hereafter it may be lawfull for you to liue in peace and securitie. This edict being spred thorow all places of the countrey, and published in euerie citie; all men addressed themselues against the prefixed day, vtterly to exterminate the Iewes: and no les diligence was there vsed in Sufan the Metropolitane city.’ Meane [Page 279] while the King and Aman feasted, and made good cheere, whilest the Citie hung in The yeare of the world. 3549. before Christ birth. 415. The lamentation of the Iewes vpon the hearing of this edict. Esther. 4. A suspence, being troubled with the expectation of the euent of that which should follow. But Mardocheus hauing intelligence hereof, rent his garments, put on sackcloth, and cast ashes on his head, walking thorow the Citie, and crying that their nation had not committed any crime that deserued death: and vsing these or such like speeches, he came vnto the Kings pallace, & stood before the gate, because it was vnlawfull for him to enter thereinto in that habit: The like also did the Iewes that were in the Cities, where those edicts had beene published against them, weeping & lamenting their miseries. But when the newes hereof was brought vnto the Queene, that Mardocheus stood before the pallace gate in a lamentable estate, she was sore troubled, & sent certain of her seruants vnto him to cōmand him to exchange his attire; but they could not perswade him to put off his sackcloth, because the inconueniēt, for which he had put it on, was not ouerpast. B She therefore called vnto her her Eunuch Acratheus, and sent him vnto Mardocheus, to know what hatefull accident had befallen him, that made him put on this desolate habit, and poure forth those lamentable teares (notwithstanding she had instantly praied him to disrobe him of the one, and dry vp the other.) Hereupon Mardocheus told the Eunuch of the edict made against the Iewes, and sent by the king vnto all his prouinces; the offer of the money that Aman likewise had tendered to the king, whereby he had bought the vtter ruine of his nation at the kings hands. The yeare of the world. 3 [...]54. before Christs birt [...] 410. Moreouer he gaue him the copie of that which had beene proclaimed in Susan, to be deliuered vnto Esther: whom he commaunded to beseech the king, and to esteeme it no dishonour to put on an abiect and base garment, to saue her nation, and to preserue the Iewes from that death, whereunto at that time they were exposed: for that Aman the next in honour to the king, had C accused the Iewes, and incensed his maiestie against them. When Esther vnderstood this, she sent againe vnto Mardocheus, giuing him to vnderstand that she was not called for by the king, and that whosoeuer entred vnto him, and was not called, should die, except the king would warrantize him by stretching out his golden scepter: for he, vnto whom the king extended that fauour, although he were not called vnto him; yet suffered he not death, but obtained pardon. When these things were reported by the Eunuch from Esther vnto Mardocheus, he commanded him to tell hir, that she ought not so much to tender the particular respect of her life, as the liues of her whole nation; assuring hir, that if at that present she had not care of them, their succours should wholy proceed from God by some other meanes then this: but she and her fathers house should be destroyed by them, whom she had contemned. Vpon this reply, Esther sent the D same messenger backe againe vnto Mardocheus, commaunding him to repaire vnto Susan, and to Fasting & praiers vnto God for the safetie of the people. call a generall assembly of all the Iewes that remained there, willing them for three daies space to fast and abstaine from all kind of meat for her safetie, and that both her selfe and her seruants would doe the like, promising them that at that time she would present her selfe to the king, notwithstanding his contrarie edict; and that if she must needs die, she would willingly endure it.
Mardocheus following this direction of hers, caused the people to fast, and to pray vnto God for her: he likewise himselfe besought him that it might please him at that present to haue compassion their desolate and destressed nation; as before that time he had oftentimes had care of them: and that as he had pardoned them at such time as they had offended; so now also at this present he would deliuer them from that perdition which was denounced against them. For that they E were not in daunger to die infamously for any offence of their owne, but because he onely had incensed Aman vnto displeasure, in that he would not adore him, or performe that honour vnto him, which is onely due to God: for which cause in despite he hath imagined this thing against them, who would not transgresse the diuine ordinances. The people likewise praied to the like effect, beseeching God that he would haue care of their preseruation, and warrantize the Israelites in what place soeuer they were from the misery at hand, which was before their eies, and alreadie expected by them. Esther also besought God (according to her countrey manner) casting her selfe prostrate on the earth, clothed in sackcloth, and abstaining for three daies space from meat and drinke, and what thing soeuer else was delectable, beseeching God to haue compassion vpon her, that when she presented her selfe before the king she might haue words fit to perswade F and mollifie him, and grace and beautie farre more amiable then euer she had, to the end that by these two meanes she might be the better enabled to appease the king, if so be he were displeased against her; and to succour her brethren agitated and tossed in extreme daunger, wherethrough the king might enforce his hatred against the enemies of the Iewes, and take compassion Esther resorteth to the king to solicite him in the bahalfe of the Iewes. of their imminent daunger, which without his preuention would surely fall vpon them. After she had in this sort for three daies space both fasted and praied, she cast off her mourning attire, and changed her habite, attiring her selfe like a maiesticall Queene, hauing two of her seruants [Page 280] on whom she leaned, and the third that followed her carried vp with the tops of her fingers her G The yeare of the world. 3554. before Christs birth 410. traine, which was large and trailed on the ground: and in this equipage came she vnto the king, hauing her cheeks stained with crimson blushes, making shew of maiestie mixed with beautie, & not altogither estranged from feare. But when she beheld the king sitting aloft in his throne, glorious in his garments distinguisht with gold, and adorned with pearle, and rich stones, a certaine feare sodainly fell vpon her, and by chance he had cast a frowning and yreful looke on her; whereupon being presently astonished, her members failed her, her colour faded, and she fel betwixt her handmaids armes in a swoune. Hereon the king (by the will of God, as I verily esteeme) chaunged his affection, and (suspecting least feare should cause his wife to fall into some grieuous accident) he sodainly lept from his throne, and embrasing her with both his armes, he raised her vp, and kissed her, and spake comfortable words vnto her, praying her to be of good courage, H and not to suspect any sinister misfortune, for that she came vnto him without any motion of his: That the ordinance was onely made for his subiects: for which cause he willed her (who was equall in gouemment with him) to seare nothing: whereupon he tooke his scepter in his hand, and laid it on the Queenes necke (according to the law) enforcing himselfe to deliuer her from all feare; by which meanes she recouered her vigour and courage, and spake after this manner. O king (said she) I cannot easily expresse vnto you the inconuenience that is sodainly fallen vpon me: For as soone as I beheld the great, faire, and redoubted maiestie of your person, my spirits forsooke me, and my heart failed me. Now whilest she spake these words with paine and feeblenesse, the king was touched with compassion; so as he animated and encouraged her, and commaunded her to expect nothing but good; yea (said he) if thou demaundest the halfe of my I kingdome, I will grant it thee. But Esther onely requested this at his hands, that onely he and his intire friend Aman would vouchsafe to grace her with their presence at her banquet: which the king readily granted her. Now when they were come vnto the banquet, and in the midst of their cups, the king commaunded Esther to aske what she would, and he would grant it her, assuring her that he would refuse her in nothing; yea although she demaunded the halfe of his kingdome. But she deferred to discouer her suit vntill the next day, requiring him once more to repaire with Aman vnto her banquet. When the king had promised to reuisit her, Aman departed with great ioy, for that he alone had the credit to banquet with the king and Esther, and no other had euer obtained the like honour amongst any kings of that dominion. But in his returne, perceiuing Mardocheus in the court, he was sore moued, because that (notwithstanding K he had lookt vpon him) he had not done him honour: when as therefore he came home vnto his house, he called Zaraza his wife, and his friends, and told them what honour (not onely the king but the queene also had done him; and how he onely with the king had supped that day with the queene; and was inuited the next day also to banquet with the king and her: notwithstanding he told them that he was discontented, because he saw Mardocheus the Iew in the court. Zaraza his Amans hatred against Mardochaeus. wife told him, that he should cause a gallowes to be raised of fiftie cubits high, and that the next day he should demaund licence of the king, that Mardocheus might be hanged on that gibbet. Aman praising his wiues counsel, commaunded his seruants to prepare the timber, and erect the gallowes in his court, to the end to hang Mardocheus thereon: which they diligently performed. But God mocked at Amans cursed hope, and knowing certainly what should happen, tooke L pleasure to see it prepared. For the verie same night he depriued the king of sleepe, who verie loth to spend the time idlely whilest he was awake, but to imploy it in some thing that was profitable for his kingdome, he commaunded his secretarie to bring him the Chronicles of the kings Alaudable custome in a king. Esther. 6. his predecessors, and of those things that were done by himselfe, and to read the same. When as therefore they were brought and read, he found that a certaine man whose name was there set downe, had receiued a great possession for reward in reacknowledgment of his vertue. He red likewise of an other that had obtained recompence for his fidelitie; and consequently of others; till at last he came to the place where the Eunuches Bagotheus and Theodestes were noted downe, for a secret conspiracie against the person of the king; and how it was discouered by Mardocheus. Now when the secretarie (hauing onely recited this accident) turned ouer to an other historie, M the king staied him, and asked him if he found therein written, that he had giuen any recompence to Mardocheus: He answered, that he found nothing set down. Whereupon the King commanded him to giue ouer, and inquired of those to whom that office appertained, what houre of the night it was, and knowing that the morning was alreadie discouered, he commaunded that some one should certifie him, which of his familiars attended before the pallace: at this time it chanced that Aman was found there, who repaired thither sooner then he was accustomed, with an [Page 281] intent to beseech the King, that it might be lawfull for him to put Mardocheus to death. A The yeare of th [...] world. 3554. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 410.
Now when the officers had brought the king tydings that Aman was before the pallace; they were commanded presently to call him in. As soone as he came into the kings presence, he said vnto him: Knowing that thou art my affectionate and onely friend, I prithee giue me thy counsaile, how I may condignly honour him, according to my greatnesse, whom I doe most affectionately loue? Aman thinking the aduice he should giue, should be giuen for himselfe (because he supposed that he only was beloued by the king more then all others) counsailed him that which in his opinion was the best, in this manner. For (said he) if you intend to inuest the man with glorie, who (as you say) is beloued by you, cause him to be mounted vpon a braue horse, and let him be apparelled in a royall habit, and put a chaine of gold about his necke, and let some one of thy chiefest friends march before him, and proclaime thorow out the Citie, that thus is the B man honoured whom the king loueth. Aman gaue this counsaile, in that he hoped that it should be his owne fortune. But the king (highly contented with this his aduise) turning towards him, spake thus vnto him: Thou hast a horse, a garment, and a chaine, seeke out therefore the Iewe Mardocheus, and giue them him, and match thou before him, making this publike crie: For (said he) thou art mine inward friend, and it is verie decent that the execution of that thing be committed to thy trust, which thou hast so faithfully counsailed. And this commaund I to be done, in this sort; because Mardocheus hath been the preseruer of my life. Aman hearing these words, beyond al expectation was confused in his spirit, & being wholy discomforted, knew not which way to turne him: he therefore issued out, hauing with him the horse, the purple habite, and the chaine of gold. Meeting therefore with Mardocheus before the pallace, who was cloathed C in sackcloth, he enioyned him to lay his mourning habite aside, and to cloath himselfe in purple. But he (who was wholy ignorant of that which had hapned, and supposing that he mocked him) said: O thou wickedest man amongst men, doest thou thus mocke at our afflictions? Notwithstanding being afterwards informed that the king had bestowed this honour on him for sauing Honour offered to Mardochaeus. his life, and discouering the trecherie of those Eunuches that would haue slaine him, he put vpon him the scarlet habite that the king wore ordinarily, and put the chaine about his necke, and afterwards mounting his horse, he went round about the Citie, Aman also walking before him, and crying, that thus should be dealt and done with him whom the king honoured, loued, and thought worthy of estimation. Now after they had circuited the whole Citie, Mardocheus gaue his attendance on the king, but Aman came not in presence; so much was he ashamed at that D which had hapned: for which cause he repaired home, and told his wife and friends, with teares, of all that which had hapned; who told him, that it was no waies possible for him to reuenge Esiher. 7. himselfe as yet on Mardocheus, because God was with him.
Now whilest they were discoursing and debating this matter togither, Esthers Eunuches came to hasten Aman to the banquet, and Sabuchadas one of the Eunuches seeing the gibbet erected in Amans lodging (whereon he intended to execute Mardocheus) demanded of one of the seruants, wherefore it was raised vp: and vnderstanding that it was for the queenes vncle, whom Aman would require at the kings hands, to the end he might put him to death, for that time he held his peace. But when the king being seated with Aman at the banquet, required the Queene to declare what she would require that he might grant her, she began to lament the danger of hir E people, saying, that she with her whole nation were made a pray to the sword, and that for that cause she brake out into that discourse: For (said she) I had not troubled your maiestie, neither had I been agrieued, if you had commanded that all the Iewes should be sold, and led away captiues to extreme miserie; for that affliction might haue been borne: she therefore praied him to redeeme them from those miseries. When as therefore the king demaunded who it was, that practised that tyrannic: she began publikely to accuse Aman, saying, that he alone was that wretched and enuious man, who had complotted their tragedie. Hereupon the king was verie sore troubled, and rose from the banquet to depart into the garden: then began Aman to pray and beseech Esther to forgiue him his offence, for that at that present he was in a dāgerous estate. Now Aman hauing all his trecheries and cruelty discouered in the banquet is adiudged to the gallowes. whilest he was fallen vpon her bed to beseech her fauour, the king entred, and grew the more displeased F at that he saw, and said: O thou cursed amongst men, darst thou attempt to enforce my wife? Aman was wholy confounded with this question; so as he had not a word to answere him. Hereupon the Eunuch Sabuchadas stepping forth, accused him for that he had found him in his lodging erecting a gibbet for Mardocheus, assuring the king that one of his houshold seruants had told him it, at such time as he was sent to call him to the banquet; alleadging moreouer that the gibbet was fiftie cubits hie. Which when the king vnderstood, he adiudged Aman [Page 282] to no other death, but that which he intended against Mardocheus; and thereupon presently commanded The yeare of the world, 3554 before Christs birth 410. Esther. 8. G that he should be hanged vpon the same gibbet, vntill he were dead. And in this place it behooueth me to admire the maiestie of God, in considering what his wisedome and iustice is, in that he not onely punished the wickednesse of Aman (as he had deserued) but also caused him to fall into the same snare which he had prepared for an other man. Thus died Aman, who had vniustly abused the kings friendshippe: as for his goods they were giuen vnto the Queene.
After this, the king called for Mardocheus vnto him (for already he had notice that he was his wiues vncle) and gaue him the ring which he had giuen vnto Aman: the Queene likewise gaue Amans goods bestowed on Mardochaeus. him his goods, and required the King to deliuer the nation of the Iewes from that dismay whereinto they were fallen, thorow the perill of their liues: letting him see those letters which were H sent by Aman the Amadathite thorow all his countries, assuring him that she could not liue to behold the death of her brethren, and the totall ruine of her countrey. The king assured her, that he had vndertaken nothing that might discomfort her, auowing to her, that he would not contradict her will, wishing her to write her selfe in the kings name all that, which she would haue done in the behalfe of the Iewes; promising that when she had done the same, he would seale it with his owne seale, giuing her authoritie to send the same thorow all his realmes: to the end that they that read those letters, confirmed by the kings seale, should not any waies contradict the execution of the same. Whereupon he sent for his secretaries of estate, commanding thē to write vnto the magistrates of al the nations as touching the Iewes, and to the princes and gouernors of one hundreth, twenty and seuen prouinces, from India as farre as Aethiopia. The contents of I which letters were these:
Many men being puffed vp with pride, by reason of the many and mighty The kings letters for the securitie of the Iewes. benefits and honours, which they receiue thorow the too lauish liberalitie of their benefactors, do not onely exercise their pride towards their inferiours, but also are not affraid to wax insolent against them, who are the authors of their benefits, extinguishing as much as in them lieth, all gratuitie that hath euer been amongst men, and being corrupted with vnexpected felicitie abuse those graces against them, by whom they haue gotten the same, in effect no waies fearing God, whose power they suppose they can deceiue. On the other side, other some enhanced to the administration of the common weale, and giuing place to the hatred they haue conceiued against some particular men, deceiue their princes, and by false accusations and detractions prouoke K and kindle their wrath against those, who haue not done amisse: whence it commeth to passe, that they are sometimes in extreame danger to lose their life. The proofe whereof appeareth not onely in ancient histories (the knowledge whereof we haue onely obtained by hearsay) but by that likewise which hath been audaciously attempted before our eies; so that hereafter we ought not to giue credit to detractions and accusations, nor to such things as men inforce themselues to perswade: but it behooueth euery man to iudge according to the truth of that he knoweth, and to punish that which is faulty, and to pardon that which requireth pardon, in considering the actes, and not the words that are spoken. For it is most notorious vnto all men, that Aman the Amadathite (an Amalechite by nation, and by that meanes a stranger, and not of the Persian bloud, but entertained by vs) hath in all things enioyed the fruit of our bountie hitherto; so L that he hath been called our father, honoured by all men, and obtained amongst all men, and in all things the second place of honour after vs: yet could he not equally make vse of his good hap, neither with prudent aduice entertaine the greatnesse of his felicitie; but hath sought the means to depriue Mardocheus of his life, who preserued mine, seeking by his fraud and malice to practise the ruine of Esther the companion of our life and kingdome; and by this meanes striuing to dispossesse me of my most faithfull friends, he determined to transferre the kingdome vnto others. Touching my selfe, in that I know that the Iewes, who are by this wretch destinated to die, are no wicked men, but such as liue vnder a well pollicied gouernment, praying God continually that it would please him to continue the kingdome in vs, and our successours: I absolue them not onely of that penaltie, contained in my former letters sent by Aman (which by these presents M I vtterly disanull) but my pleasure likewise is, that they be had in all honour. As for him that practised these things against them, I haue caused him and all his race to be hanged before the gates of Susan, according to the iust iudgement of God inflicted on them for their offences. My will and pleasure therefore is, that the copy of this letter be sent thorow all the countries of our obeisance, to the intent that the Iewes be suffered to liue, according to their owne lawes, in peace; and that assistance may be giuen them, to the end they may reuenge themselues of those, who [Page 283] haue offered them outrage in their aduersitie. And I commaund that this be done the thirteenth The yeare of the world. 3554. before Christs birth 410. A day of the twelth moneth called Adar, which is the day that God ordained for their preseruation (when as they were appointed to be slaine) which day I desire to fal out fortunate to those that loue vs, and a monument of reuenge on those that pretended our ruine. My pleasure likewise is, that all men, cities and nations should know, that whosoeuer shall neglect, thorow obstinacie, to fulfill the tenor of this my mandate, he shall be pursued with fire and sword: and let these copies be set vp thorowout all our dominions, and let each man of the Iewes vpon the prefixed day, prepare himselfe to be reuenged on his enemies.
As soone as the Poasts had receiued these letters, they presently mounted on horsebacke, and road each of them his appointed way, and Mardocheus being cloathed in a royall habite, and adorned with a crowne of gold on his head, and a chaine of gold about his necke, issued forth: and The Iewes reuenge them on their enemies. B the Iewes of Susan, seeing him thus honoured by the king, supposed that his good hap was an assurance of their owne: and when the kings letters were published, a ioy as it were a bright beam of consolation enuironed the Hebrew nation, as wel those that were in the citie of Susan, as they that were amid the countrey; so that diuers men of other nations circumcised themselues, for feare they had of the Iewes, supposing that in so doing they should be in securitie. For the thirteenth day of the twelfth moneth (by the Hebrewes called Adar, and by the Macedonians Distre) the Poasts that carried the kings letters certified them, thatthey should exterminate their enemies on that very day, whereon they themselues were in danger to be exterminated. The gouernours likewise of the prouinces, the lords, kings, and secretaries, did honour to the Iewes: for the feare they had of Mardocheus constrained them to moderate themselues; and after the kings C letters were published thorow all the countrey, it came to passe, that the Iewes slew about fiue Esther. 9. hundreth of their enemies. But after the king had declared vnto Esther, the number of the dead that perished in the Citie, suspecting with himselfe what might happen thorow the whole countrey, and had likewise questioned with her if she requested any further matter, promising her that he would see it executed: she besought him that it might bee lawfull for the Iewes to reuenge them yet once more the next day vpon their enemies, and to hang Amans ten sonnes vpon the gibbet: which the king (being loath to contradict Esther) permitted the Iewes to doe: they therfore returning the fourteenth day of the moneth Distre, slew about three hundreth more of their enemies; yet aliened they not in any sort the smallest portion of their goods. Furthermore, the Iewes slew in the Champion countrey, and in the Cities, about seuentie fiue thousand of their enemies, D whom they dispatched the thirteenth day of the moneth, and solemnized the day following. The Iewes that were at Susan, assembled themselues likewise on the fourteenth day of the moneth, and banquetted the whole day. Whence it commeth to passe, that all the Iewes which are thorowout the world, keepe and solemnize this day for a festiuall, and send presents the one vnto the other. Mardocheus also wrote vnto the Iewes, who liued vnder the Empire of Artaxerxes, commanding them to obserue those daies, and to solemnize them; willing them to charge their successours to doe the like, to the ende that this feast might continue for euer, and outliue all obliuion. For since on that day they should haue been made away by Aman, they should doe well if after they had escaped that danger, and taken reuenge on their enemies, the very same day they should obserue the same to giue thanks vnto God: For this cause the Iewes keepe a solemne E feast on these daies and call it Purim, as who should say, Lottes. But Mardocheus was great Phrurae [...]festa. Mardocheus authoritie. and mightie with the king, administring the kingdome with him; he had also a part of the greatnesse of the Queene: and for this cause the affaires of the Iewes had better successe, then was hoped for. See here how matters passed, during the raigne of Artaxerxes.
CHAP. VII.
Bagoses Generall of Artaxerxes the youngers armie, offereth many outrages to the Iewes.
AFter the death of Eliasib the high Priest, Iudas his sonne succeeded in the office. And The yeare of the world. 3560. before Christs birth 404. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7 [...]: The reuenge taken on Iohn for slaying his brother. F after his death Iohn his sonne obtained the place; in whose time Bagoses generall of Artaxerxes army polluted the temple, and made the Iewes tributaries; so that before they could offer their ordinarie and daily sacrifices, they were compelled to pay for euery lambe fiftie drachmes, which hapned vpon this occasion. Iohn had a brother called Iesus, whom Bagoses fauoured, and promised to giue him the high priesthood. Iesus woon by these perswasions, quarrelled with his brother Iohn, who was so much prouoked against him, that he slew his brother [Page 284] Iesus in his choler. It was a thing verie straunge, that Iohn being a priest, should commit such, an G The yeare of the world 3 [...]84. before Christs Natiuitie. 380. impietie against his brother; and yet farre more straunge in that so cruell an act, and an offence so impious hath neither hapned amongst Greekes nor Barbariās. God also left it not vnpunished, but for the same sinne the people were reduced vnder captiuitie, and the temple was polluted by the Persians. When Bagoses had intelligence, that Iohn (the high Priest among the Iewes) had slaine his brother Iesus in the temple, he resorted thither in al haste, and began to vtter, and breake forth into bitter threats against the Iewes: Haue you (said he) beene so bold as to commit murther in your temple? And when he thought to haue entred into the same, they hindred him. Whereupon he replied: Am I therefore more polluted then the bodie that leth dead in the temple? and hauing spoken thus, he entred thereinto, and for the space of seuen yeares Bagoses being The yeare of the world, [...]599. before Christs Natiuitie, 365. Iaddus high priest, whose brother Manasses marrieth Sanaballaths daughter. The yeare of the world, 3608. before Christs natiuitie, 356. thus animated against the Iewes, punished them for murthering Iesus. After that Iohn was H deceased; Iaddus his sonne was made high Priest; who had a brother called Manasses: Sanaballath sent by the later King Darius to gouerne Samaria (for he also was of the race of the Chutaeans, from whom issued the Samaritanes) knowing that Ierusalem was a famous Citie, and that the Kings thereof wrought much trouble vnto the inhabitants of Assyria, and Coelesyria; he willingly married his daughter Nicazo to this Manasses, with an intent that this marriage should be as a pledge of his good will to all the nation of the Iewes.
CHAP. VIII.
What benefits Alexander King of Macedon bestowed vpon the Iewes.
ABout that time, Philip king of Macedō died in the citie of Aegaeas, being traiterousle slain I Alexander made king after Philip his father king of Maced on. by Pausanias the sonne of Cerastes of the race of Orestes; and his sonne Alexander succeeded him in the kingdome: who passing ouer Hellespont, gaue battell vnto the huge army of Darius neere the riuer Granic, and there obtained a famous victorie. And hereupon he also inuading the countrey of Lydia (after he had conquered Ionia, and ouerrunne Caria) finally set vpon the quarters of Pamphilia, as it is declared in an other place. But the elders of Ierusalem were sore displeased, for that Iaddus brother, who was at that time high Priest, and had married a forraine woman, should be companion and associate with him in the priesthood; so as they mutined against him. For they supposed that that marriage would be but a means to animate The yeare of the world, 3629. before Christs birth 335. those, who had a mind to prophane marriages, & proue an inducement to other to cōmunicate K in marriage with straungers: remembring them that the cause of their euils, and first captiuitie was, because some of them had fallen, and offended by coupling themselues with women of forraine nations.
They therefore commanded Manasses either to forsake his wife, or else neuer more to approch the Altar. The high Priest likewise being incensed against his brother, as well as the people, The yeare of the world. 3630. before the birth of Christ. 334. droue him in like manner from the sacrifice. For which cause Manasses (addressing himselfe to his father in law Sanaballath) told him that although he loued his daughter Nicazo very intirely; yet would he notwithstanding condescend for her sake to be depriued of the priesthood (which was the greatest dignity that could be among their nation, and which had euer continued in his race. Whereupon Sanaballath answered and promised him, that he would not onely continue L him in the priesthood, but also would giue him the power and dignitie of the high priesthood, Manasses vnder hope of greater fortunes retaineth the for raine wife he had. and make him gouernour of all places where he commaunded, prouided the marriage solemnized betwixt his daughter and him, were continued. He furthermore assured him that he would build a temple (resembling that in Ierusalem) vpon the mountaine of Garizim which was the highest among the rest, permitting him to do the same with Darius consent. Manasses puffed vp by these promises, remained with Sanaballath, and grew in hope that he should obtain the priesthood by Darius meanes: for Sanaballath was verie olde. Whereas therefore diuers other, both Priests and common people, among the Israelites, were intangled in such like marriages, there arose no small commotion in Ierusalem. For all they of this condition retired themselues to Manasses, The Apostacie of the priests. whom Sanaballath furnished with money, and lands to till, and houses to inhabite in all M sorts, to fauour the intent of his sonne in law.
At the same time Darius vnderstanding that Alexander, hauing passed the Hellespont had ouercome those gouernours, whom he had established neere vnto the floud Granicus, and that he passed further, spoyling of his countrey, he gathered together both his horsemen and footmen, Hedio & Ruffinus, [...]hop. 8. resoluing to make head against the Macedonians, before they should gaine all Asia: he therefore passed Euphrates, & mount Taurus in Cilicia, to encoūter & fight with his enemies in the country. [Page 285] Sanaballath ioyful of Darius descent, incontinently told Manasses that he would fulfil his promises, A The yeare of the world. 3630. before Christ birth. 334. as soone as Darius should returne from the conquest of his enemies. For not onely he, but also all the Asians perswaded themselues most assuredly, that the Macedonians would not abide the battell against the Persians, by reason of their great multitude; but it fell out altogether contrarie to their expectation. For the Persian encountring with the Macedonian was ouercome, and Alexanders victory against Darius. after he had lost the greater part of his army, and left his mother, wife and children prisoners, he himselfe fled into Persia. Alexander arriuing in Syria, seased Damasco, tooke Sidon, and besieged Tyre: and by his letters sent vnto the high priest of the Iewes, he required him to send him some supplies in his warre, and to sell his armie victuals for their money; assuring him that if he desired the friendship of the Macedonians, he would giue him that tribute which he paid to Darius, besides other good turnes. The high priest answered Alexanders messenger, that he had sworne B vnto Darius neuer to beare armes against him, during his life time; against which oth of his, he would neuer worke any indignitie. Which when Alexander heard, he was sore displeased, and resolued notwithstanding to continue the siege at Tyre, vntill such time as it was taken; yet threatned he that as soone as he had taken the same, he would lead forth hs army against the high priest, to the end that all men might know to whom they ought to keepe their faith. For which cause sparing no labour) he ouercame Tyre, and after he had giuen order to the estate thereof, he came vnto Gaza; and tooke it with Babemeses the captaine of the garrison that held it. But Sanaballath finding a fit oportunitie to make himselfe great, forsooke Darius, and followed Alexander, leading with him eight thousand of his subiects, and finding him vpon the beginning of the siege of Tyre, he offered to surrender him all those places wherein he commaunded, acknowledging him for his C Lord more willingly then he had done Darius. Alexander accepted him willingly: whereupon Sanaballath freely informed him of the whole estate; giuing him to vnderstand that Manasses (who was brother to Iaddus the high priest of the Iewes) was his sonne in law, who with diuers of the same nation, were desirous to build them a tēple in the countries vnder his dominion, assuring the king of much profit therby, because in so doing the force of the Iewes should be dismembred into two parts, and they might not conspire togither to make any new insurrection or trouble, as in times past they had done during the gouernment of the kings of Assyria.
When Sanaballath had permission from Alexander to build this temple, with the greatest speed he might, he finished the same, and made Manasses the high Priest thereof, supposing that it Manasses enioyeth his desire. was the greatest aduantage that might happen to his daughters children. Seuen moneths after D the surprisall of Tyre, and two after the taking in of Gaza, Sanaballath died. Alexander also raced Gaza, and prepared himselfe to come sodainly vpon Ierusalem. Which when the high priest Iaddus vnderstood, he was much grieued, and sore afraid, not knowing how to grow in fauour with the Macedonians: and on the other side knowing that the king was displeased against him (because before time he had disobeyed him:) He therefore commaunded the people to make their praiers vnto God, and he in his owne person offered sacrifice; requiring God that it would please him to be a shield of defence, and succour to their nation, and to deliuer them from those imminent daungers wherein they were plunged. But the next night following whilest he slept, God appeared vnto him, and willed him to be of good courage, and commaunding him that as soone as he had circuited the wals, he should open the gates boldly, and commaund the rest E of the people to attire themselues in white, and that accompanied with them, he should march forward in those priestly ornaments, which were ordained by the law, to the end that in this equipage they might goe and meet with Alexander, without apprehension of any future euill, because that God had preuented the same. As soone as he awaked from his sleepe, he was very ioyfull, and certified the rest of this prediction of God; and performing that which had beene commaunded him, he expected in this manner the approch of the king: and when he knew that Alexander intending to befiege Ierusalem meeteth with the hie priest and people in white, and is honorably receiued by thē, and doth thē honour in memory of his vision that appeared vnto him in the like habit. he was not farre off from the Citie, he marched forth to meete him, accompanied with the Priests, and a multitude of other people, presenting a most royall manner of entertaine, and farre different from that of other nations, neere vnto a place called Sapha; which word signifieth a watch (by reason that from that place a man may discouer the Citie and Temple of Ierusalem.) F The Phaenicians and Chaldaeans that were of Alexanders traine, grounding their hopes vpon his displeasure, made their attempt to sacke the Citie, and to hewe the high Priest in pieces: but it fell out quite contrarie. For Alexander espying the people from a farre in white rayments, and the Priests going before them in their fine rochets, and the high priest attired in a robe of purple, bordered with gold, hauing his miter on his head, and his plate of gold, wherein the name of God was written, Alexander himselfe marched forward before the rest of his company, and [Page 286] fell prostrate on his face before that Name, saluting first of all the hie Priest; and at the same instant The yeare of the world. 3630. before Christs birth 334. G all the Iewes togither saluted the king with one voice, and circled him in round about. The kings of Syria & the rest that saw that which hapned, were wonderfully astonished, and thought that the king was out of his wits: Parmenio onely drew neere vnto him, and asked him what he meant to adore the Priest of the Iewes, whereas all other men adored him. To whom he answered; I doe not adore him, but that God whom the Priest worshippeth: for in my sleepe I sawe him in such a habite, as I see him in at this present, at such time as I was in Dio a Citie of Macedonia: and whilest I consulted with my selfe by what means I might attaine to the conquest of Asia, he counselled me to make no delay, but to march forward boldly, assuring me that it would be he that would guide both me and mine army, and would deliuer the Empire of the Persians into my hands. Since that time I haue not seene any one attired after the same manner: and at H this present beholding this man, and remembring me of the vision, and exhortation that hee gaue me in my sleepe, I hope that mine army being conducted by diuine prouidence, I shall ouercome Darius, and discomfit the Persians; and that my purpose shall haue a happy issue.
When he had answered Parmenio in this sort, he gaue the hie Priest his hand, and went with him into the Citie, being conducted by the priests: after this, when he came vnto the temple, he Alexanders sacrifice in the temple, the confirmation of his conquest by Daniels prophecy, his bountie to the Iewes. offered sacrifice, according to the hie priests direction, whom he honored likewise with very great reuerence. And when as likewise Iaddus shewed him the prophecie of Daniel, wherein he declared that a certaine man of the nation of the. Greekes, should destroy the estate of the Persians, and that in his opinion it should be he: thereof Alexander was very ioyfull, and dismissed the multitude that attended him for that time. The next day assembling the Iewes, he commanded I them to demaund certaine fauours at his hands: whereupon the high priest answered, that he required the exercises of the ordinances of their forefathers, and that euerie seuenth yeere they might be exempted from tributes. Which was granted them fully. They besought him likewise, that by his permission the Iewes that were in the countries of Babylon and Media, might liue according to their lawes: And he promised them willingly to doe all that which they desired. He made proclamation also among the people, that if any one of them would beare armes with him (in liuing according to the custome of their nation) he was ready to receiue them with him, and diuers tooke pleasure to serue vnder him in the warres.
After that Alexander had in this sort demeaned himselfe in Ierusalem, he marched with his arm / against the neighbouring Cities, and wheresoeuer he went, he was receiued with great affection. K But the Samaritanes, whose Metropolitane Citie at that time was Sichem (scituate neere vnto the mountaine of Garizim, in which there dwelt diuers Iewes also, that were reuolted from their nation) seeing how magnificently Alexander had entertained the Iewes, they resolued to demeane themselues like Iewes. For such is the nature of Samaritanes (as we haue declared The Samaritans be kinsmē to the Iewes in prosperity, strangers in aduersitie. heretofore) that when the Iewes are in affliction, they deny all acquaintance with them, (wherein they confesse the truth:) but when they perceiue any beame of good aduenture shining vpon them, sodainly they vaunt of their alliance, saying, they are neere akin, and of the race of Ephraim and Manasses the sonnes of Ioseph. They came therefore to the kings presence, and met him neere vnto Ierusalem, with great magnificence, and demonstration of singular affection towards The [...]eare of the world. [...]632. be fore Christs birth 332. him. And after that Alexander had entertained them, they of Sichem approched neere L vnto him (being accompanied with those men of war that Sanaballath had sent vnto the king) beseeching him that he would visit their Citie and honour their temple with his presence: whereupon he promised that at his returne hee would visit them. They required him also, that hee would acquite them of the tribute of the seuenth yeere, because they did not sowe in the same. He asked them who they were that made that request? They answered him, that they were Hebrewes: but that they were called Sichemites by the Sidonians. He asked them againe, if they were Iewes? and they said, they were not. Well (said he) I haue made this grant vnto the Iewes: when as therefore I shall returne, if I be more particularly informed, I shall doe that which shall be held requisite. Thus dismissed he the Sichemites, but he commanded Sanaballaths men of The temple on the mount of Garizim. Onias sonne of Iaddus high priest. The yeare of the world, [...]635. before Christs Natiuitie, 329. warre to follow him into Aegypt: promising in that place to impart possessions vnto them by lot; M which afterwards he did (enioyning them to liue in garrison in the Citie of Thebais, to make good that countrey.) After Alexanders death, his Empire was deuided amongst his successors, & the temple builded neere vnto the mount Garizim remained intire. And if any one were accused in Ierusalē for eating vnlawful meats, or for transgressing the Saboth, or for any such like fault, he fled vnto the Sichemites, saying, that he was accused vniustly. In that time deceased the hie priest Iaddus, and Onias his sonne succeeded him. This was the estate of them of Ierusalem at that time.
THE XII. BOOKE OF A THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Ptolomey the sonne of Lagus is made lord of Ierusalem, and the rest of Iudaea by a stratageme, and leadeth diuers Iewes with him prisoners into Aegypt.
- 2 Ptolomey Philadelphus translateth the lawes of the Iewes into the Greeke tongue, and dismissing diuers captiues of that nation, he dedicateth many presents in the temple of God.
- 3 In what estimation the Iewes were with the Kings of Asia, and how the freedome of those Cities they built, was granted them.
- 4 Ioseph the sonne of Tobias driueth away the Iewes imminent calamitie, by reason of his friendship with king Ptolomey.
- 5 The frienship and societie betweene the Lacedemonians, and Onias the high Priest of the Iewes. C
- 6 The Iewes distracted by seditions call Antiochus to their assistance.
- 7 How Antiochus leading his army to Ierusalem, and possessing the Citie spoiled the Temple.
- 8 Antiochus forbidding the Iewes to vse the lawes of their forefathers, only the sonne of Asmonaeus called Matthias contemned the king; and put his captaines to flight.
- 9 Matthias being dead, Iudas his sonne succeeded him.
- 10 Appollonius a captaine of Antiochus is ouercome in Iewry and slaine.
- 11 The ouerthrow and death of Lysias and Gorgias sent out against the Iewes.
- 12 How deuiding their armies, Simon ouercame the Tyrians and Ptolemaidans, and Iudas the Ammonites.
- 13 The death of Antiochus Epiphanes among the Persians. D
- 14 Antiochus Eupator ouerthrowing the army of the Iewes, besiegeth Iudas in the temple.
- 15 Antiochus giuing ouer his siege, plighteth a league of friendship with Iudas.
- 16 Bacchides a captaine belonging to Demetrius being sent with his army against the Iewes, returneth backe to the King, without the dispatch of his businesse.
- 17 Nicanor elected captaine after Bacchides and sent out against the Iewes, is slaine with his whole army.
- 18 Bacchides sent out once more against the Iewes ouercommeth them.
- 19 How Iudas being ouercome in battell, is slaine.
CHAP. I. E
Ptolomey the sonne of Lagus ouercommeth and surpriseth both Ierusalem and Iudaea by a stratageme, and leadeth away diuers of the Iewes prisoners into Aegypt.
ALexander King of Macedon hauing ouercome the Persians, and established The death of Alexander, and the ware of his successors. the estate of the Iewes (according as it hath beene spoken) he departed this life. Wherupon his dominions and kingdomes fell into diuers mens hands: Antigonus was lord of Asia: Seleucus of Babylon, and the bordering nations: Lysimachus had Hellespont: Cassander Macedon: and Ptolomey the F sonne of Lagus held Aegypt. Now when as these men were at discord amongst themselues (whilest each of them affected the soueraigntie, & fought the one with the other) diuers great and continuall warres grew to head, which afflicted many The yeare of the world. 3643. before Christs birth 32 [...]. Cities: whereby it came to passe, that many of the inhabitants thereof died in fight, and all Syria likewise vnder Ptolomey the sonne of Lagus (who beyond his merit was called Soter, that is as much to say, as a Sauiour) liued in little safetie. He it was that seazed Ierusalem by a stratageme, [Page 288] and pollicie: for he entred the Citie vpon a Saboth day, vnder pretext to offer sacrifice; and G The yeare of the world 3643. be fore Christs Natiuitie. 321. Ierusalem surprised by pollicy, and the Iewes led away captiue. whilest the Iewes suspected nothing, but spent the day in idlenesse and quiet, he surprised the Citie without resist, and ouerpressed the Citizens with hatefull captiuitie. Agatharchides the Cnidian (who wrote the actes of Alexanders successors) witnesseth no lesse, reproching vs of superstition, as if intending thereby, that by that meanes we lost our Citie. He writeth to this effect. ‘There is a certaine nation, which are called Iewes, who inhabite a citie which is called Ierusalem, both strong and mighty. They suffered it to fall into Ptolomeies hands, because they would not stand vpon their guard, and thorow their importunate superstition, they permitted themselues to be subdued by a tyrant conqueror. See here what Agatharchides saith in this place of our nation.’ But Ptolomey leading away with him diuers prisoners of the better quarters of Iudaea, and the places neere vnto Ierusalem, of Samaria and mount Garizim, sent them into Aegypt H to inhabite there: and being assured that those of Ierusalem were most firme in maintaining their oaths and promises, according as it appeared by their answere made to Alexander, when as after the discomfiture of Darius, he sent Embassadors vnto them: he put diuers of them into his garrisons, giuing them the same priuiledges in the city of Alexandria, which the Macedonians had. After he had receiued their oath, that they should be faithfull vnto his successors, in memorie of the great trust and fauours he had bestowed on them, many of the other Iewes likewise of their owne accord went into Aegypt, partly allured thereunto by the plenty of the countrey, partly by the liberality of Ptolomey towards their nation. Yet were there continuall Sedition betwixt the Iewes and Samaritanes as touching the temple seditions betwixt their posteritie and the Samaritanes: for that they would keepe and maintaine the customes and ordinances of their forefathers; whereupon diuers wars arose amongst them. I For they of Ierusalem said, that their temple was the true sanctuarie of God, and would that the offrings and sacrifices should be sent thither: the Samaritanes contrariwise, commanded them to be brought to the mount Garizim.
CHAP. II.
Ptolomey Philadelphus causeth the lawes of the Iewes to be translated into the Greeke tongue: and dismissing many captiue Iewes dedicateth many presents in the temple of God.
AFter him Philadelphus succeeded in the kingdom of Aegypt, and held it for nine & thirty The yeare of the world 3680. before Christs natiuitie, 284. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2. The library of Ptolomey Philadelphus. K yeers space. He it was that translated the law into the Greeke tongue, and deliuered the Iewes from that seruitude, wherein they were enthralled in Aegypt, to the number of sixscore thousand, vpon the occasion that ensueth. Demetrius Phalereus master of the kings librarie, endeuoured to his vttermost to gather vp all sorts of bookes that were in the world, and bought all that which was agreeable to the kings intent, who aboue all things was curious to assemble diuersitie of bookes. He being one day demaunded by the king, how many thousands of volumes he had already gathered: he answered him, that he had already assembled about some two hundreth thousand volumes: but that shortly he would gather to the number of fiue hundreth thousand. Besides he certified him, that he had been lately aduertised that there were diuers volumes among the Iewes, wherein many things as touching their lawes and pollicies L were written, which were worthy of note, and deserued to be put in so memorable and famous a librarie as his was: which being written and set downe in the Hebrew tongue, were very laborious and difficult to those that should attempt to translate them into the Greeke tongue. For their characters seeme to haue some reference to the Syriacke, and their pronunciation likewise not much dissonant from the same: and notwithstanding they haue their phrase proper and peculiar vnto themselues. For which cause there was no impediment, but that they might be translated: for the king defraying the charge, might easily cause it to be done, to the end that being faithfully translated, they might be afterwards placed in his librarie. Hereupon the king praising Demetrius care in collecting and gathering bookes, wrote vnto the high Priest of the Iewes, commanding that this translation might be finished. In the meane time a certaine M man called Aristaeus, who was intirely beloued and befriended by the king, by reason of his modestie, and had diuers times before that present resolued with himselfe to sollicite the King, to dismisse all the Iewes that were in his kingdome, supposing that at that instant he had fit opportunitie offered him to make his request, he spake vnto Sosibius the Tarentine, and Andrew the chiefe captains of the kings guard, beseeching them to fauour him in that which he intended to moue the king in. Hauing therefore sounded the affections of these noble men, he addressed [Page 289] himselfe vnto the king, and spake vnto him after this manner: ‘Since my soueraigne, it behooueth The yeare of the world. 3684. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 280. A vs not to deceiue our selues by dissimulation, but it necessarily importeth vs to discouer the truth: whereas we haue concluded with our selues, not onely to transcript, but also to translate the lawes of the Iewes, the rather to performe some acceptable seruice to your grace, what honest pretext is there left for vs to attaine thereunto, as long as there are so great a number of Iewes kept in thraldome in thy kingdome? You shall therefore doe a worke answerable to the greatnes of your courage and benignitie, if you deliuer them from their miserie, considering that he who gaue them their lawes is God, who gouerneth your kingdome (as by diligent inquisition I haue certainly apprehended) for both they and wee adore one God creator of all things, whom we call by the name of Iupiter, forasmuch as he maintaineth our life, and the liues of all men. For that honour therefore which you owe vnto God, send backe these people into their countrey, and permit B them to inhabite the same, who amongst al men are most singularly affected to their religion. Neither hath your Grace occasion to suspect, that I offer these supplications and praiers vnto you in their fauour, and for their profit, because I am either allied or descended of any of their tribes: But whereas there is but one God, who is the maker of all men, and I my selfe am assured, that he taketh pleasure in those men that addict themselues to beneficence, this is the onely cause that induceth me to make this request vnto you.’When Aristaeus had ended this discourse of his, the king beholding him with a cheereful and pleasant countenance, asked him how many thousands he thought they were, whose liberty he required? Andrew (being hard at hand) answered, that there were more then one hundreth and twentie thousand. Wherupon the king replied, is this demaund Aristaeus a matter of small consequence, which thou requirest? Sosibius and the other C assistants answered, that this reacknowledgement which he made vnto God, who had giuen him the kingdome, was worthie the greatnes of his courage; so that reioycing at this their content, he charged them at such time as they deliuered the men of warre their pay, they should ouer and aboue the same, pay euery one of them that had prisoners with them, sixe score drachmes: and as touching the request made by them, he promised them to dispatch his letters pattents, in most ample manner, to bring a happie issue to Aristaeus suite; or rather to satisfie the will of God, which was especially to be respected. Whereunto conforming himselfe, he sent out his proclamation; The king of Egypts proclamation touching the liberty of the Iewes sollicited by Aristaeus. certifying thereby that he not onely set them at libertie, who had beene brought thither by his father, or those of his army who attended him; but them also who before time had beene in his kingdome; or that sithence likewise had beene brought thither: and notwithstanding D it was told him that the money that would be required for their ransome would amount to more then foure hundreth talents; yet ceased he not to confirme that which he had promised. But that it may more plainely appeare how great his royal magnificence was, I haue thought good to insert in this place the copie of his edict, which he sent abroad to this effect. ‘Whosoeuer of you that in my fathers seruice (by bearing armes vnder him) haue made any roades into Syria and Phaenicia, and after the conquest of Iudaea haue taken any prisoners, and brought them to our Cities and countries, with an intent to sell them: all they also, who haue heretofore detained any, or at this present haue any such captiues in their possession, they are to set them at libertie that liue vnder their thraldome, receiuing for the ransome of euery person six score drachmes: namely the men of warre, at such time as their wages shall be paid them: as for E the rest, they shall receiue their money out of the kings treasury. For I am of that opinion, that contrarie to my fathers mind, and against all right, they haue beene taken prisoners, and that their coūtry hath bin in this sort euilly intreated, by the insolēcy of the soldiers, who haue thought to make their profit and merchandize by them, in transferring them into Aegypt. Hauing therefore an especiall respect of iustice, and intending to shew mercy to those who are wrongfully oppressed, I commaund that all those Iewes, who are detained in seruitude be discharged, and that they who held them captiue receiue the ransome published by vs; so as no deceit or fraud be vsed therein. And to the end that our ordinance be exactly and fully fulfilled, our will is, that this edict of ours be publikely proclaimed three daies after it shall come vnto your hands; and that those, who hold such prisoners in their possession, declare how many prisoners they hold. For we F suppose, that in so doing it shall redound to our profit. Moreouer it shall be lawfull for any man that will, to accuse the contemners of this decree, and our pleasure is that such as contradict the same, shall haue their goods confiscate to the Kings vses.’ When this edict of the Kings published to this effect, was proclaimed abroad, and that onely point was omitted, that concerned those that before time had beene, & afterward the second time were led away prisoners, in whose behalfe he had giuen no direction; he shewed himselfe most bountifull in like manner toward [Page 290] these: And gaue order that the number and tallie should be speedily gathered, and the money G The yeare of the world, 3684 before Christs birth 280. distributed to the cōmittees, & tresurers appertaining to him. Which being speedily performed in the space of seuen daies, all the kings ordinance was accomplished, and there was laid out for the ransomes of them all to the summe of more then foure hundreth and sixtie talents: For the masters exacted sixescore drachmes for the children also, grounding themselues vpon the kings edict, by which it was ordained that for euerie person they should haue that summe, extending the same euen vnto the children.
These things being thus magnificently exployted, according to the kings commaund, he gaue Demetrius in charge to make a decree, as touching the translation of the bookes of the Iewes. For the king did nothing rashly, but administred all things with great wisedome, and circumspection; and for that cause the copie of Demetrius suggestion, and the letters sent H to this effect, are orderly registred, and recorded in writing. The number likewise of the presents that were sent, and by whom they were offered: so that who soeuer shall behold the same, he shall incontinently iudge by the curious workmanship the high perfection of the workman, and by the excellencies of the pieces he shall incontinently know by whom each of them was fashioned. The copie of the aduice and suggestion made by Demetrius is this:
Most mightie Prince, since you haue committed the trust vnto me to find out Demetrius exhortatory letter to Ptolomey as touching his library. those bookes that are deficient in your librarie, and to search for such volumes as hitherto haue beene hid from my sight, to the end that I might gather them and perfect them, and that those which are lost, might be restored with all the diligence that thereunto belongeth, after that I had vsed herein all the care that in me was possible; I giue you to vnderstand that amongst others, we I want the books of the lawes of the Iewes. For in that they are written in Characters and Hebrew words, we haue had no notice thereof, where through they haue beene more negligently handled then was behoouefull: for that vntill this day it hath neuer hapned, that any Princes thought hath extended so farre. It therefore behooueth thee to haue them exactly interpreted: for since that those lawes proceeded frō God himself, it is most certaine that of all other lawes in the world they are the wisest and incorruptest. For which cause, Hecataeus the Abderite saith, that neither Poets nor Historians haue made any mention of them; neither of those, who haue beene policied and gouerned vnder the same: because in themselues they are pure, and are not to be declared by impure lips. May it therefore please your Maiestie to write vnto the high Priest of the Iewes, commaunding him to send you sixe Auncients of euerie tribe, such as he shall know to K be most expert in their law, by whom we may cleerely apprehend the sense contained in those bookes, to the end that hauing the faithfull interpretation of those things that are contained therein, we may collect and gather them together to the full satisfaction of your Maiesties desire.
When the king had in this sort beene both aduised and suggested, he wrote vnto Eleazar the high The kings liberality towards the Iewes. Priest of the Iewes, as touching this matter: giuing him likewise to vnderstand of that libertie by him granted vnto the Iewes that were in his kingdome: He sent him also fiftie talents of gold, to make cups, ewers, and vessels, with an infinite number of precious stones, commaunding his coferers, who had the charge of his Iewels, to suffer the workmen to choose what stones they best liked. Furthermore he willed that a hundreth talents should be giuen for the sacrifices and oblations, and other vses of the temple. But after that I haue declared what was the copie L of the letter sent vnto Eleazar the high Priest, and the manner howe hee obtained that sacerdotall dignitie; I will set downe both the rich presents, and their curious workemanshippe
After the death of Onias the high Priest, his sonne Simon surnamed the Iust, succeeded him in his place, who for that cause was so called, by reason of the piety which he shewed toward God, & the good affection which he bare vnto his countrimen. This Simon dying, & leauing behind him one onely son, of yong & tender yeres who was called Onias: his brother (which was this Eleazar of whom we speake at this present) tooke vpon him the priesthood, and to him wrote Ptolomey in such maner as is hereafter expressed.
Whereas Prolomeis epistle to Eleazar for interpreters to trāslate the Bible. diuers Iewes dwelt in my kingdome, whom my father hath honoured (though during the M raigne of the Persians they were drawen thither as prisoners) some of whom he hath established to be chieftaines in warre, vnder honourable wages & conditions: To other some borne in his time in Aegypt, he hath committed his forts and garrisons, to the end they might be respected among the Aegyptians. After that I haue beene called to the gouernment, I haue behaued my selfe graciously towards all men, and especially towards those of your nation, of whom I haue deliuered more then one hundreth thousand out of captiuitie, disbursing their ransome out of[Page 291] mine owne cofers: I haue likewise inrouled some of those that were of age in the companies The yeare of the world. 3684. before Christs birth. 280. A and bands of my men of warre: I haue receiued some into my court, whom I tooke to be faithfull and loyall, and in my opinion well worthy of such preferment: supposing that the most acceptable and the deerest present I might offer vp vnto God, for his prouidence extended toward mee in aduancing me to the kingdome, was to performe the same. And being desirous not only to gratifie them, but also all those Iewes that are in the whole world, I haue determined to cause your law to be translated, that after it hath been transcripted out of Hebrew into Greeke, I might place it in my librarie. You shall therfore doe well, if you choose me out six disereet and learned men of euery tribe amongst you, who are already stept in yeers, and send them vnto me, who by reason of their age shall be well instructed in your lawes, and sufficiently enabled to expound the same. For in so doing, I shall accept it at your hands, as a great honour. For this B cause I send vnto you Andrew the principall captaine of my guard, and Aristaeus also (whom we especially honour) to conferre with you: by whom I haue sent you one hundreth talents of siluer, as the first fruits of those gifts and sacrifices, which we intend to offer in the temple. You shall doe vs an especiall fauour, if you signifie your mind vnto vs by your letters.
As soone as Eleazar had receiued the kings letters, he returned him an answere full of honor Eleazars letters in aunswere to Prolomey. and affection, according to the tenour which ensueth.
If you, your Queene Arsinoe, and your children be in health, all our affaires likewise haue no lesse fortunate successe. We haue receiued your princely letters with no small ioy, and haue both read and considered vpon the contents thereof; we haue also published them in the presence of all the people, and haue declared vnto them your pietie towards God, and haue C shewed them those viols which you sent vs, twenty of gold, and thirty of siluer; with fiue vessels, and a table which in way of present you haue sent vnto vs. We haue likewise shewed them those hundreth talents which Andrew and Aristaeus (very vertuous and excellently learned men, and honoured by you amongst your deerest friends) haue brought vnto vs, to be imploied in sacrifices and other necessities of the temple. Know therefore, that whatsoeuer standeth either with your content or profit, we will enforce our owne natures, to the ende we may acknowledge the benefits, which you haue diuers waies bestowed vpon our nation. We haue therefore duly and continually offered sacrifice for you, your sister Arsinoe, your children and friends: the people likewise haue praied that God would send you happy successe in whatsoeuer you desire, that your kingdome may be continued in peace, and that the translation of our law may be accomplished D in such sort, as you desire, for your owne commodity. To that intent we haue chosen fix Elders out of euery tribe, whom we send vnto you, together with the originall of our law. Our request is, that according to your accustomed pietie and iustice, you returne vs both our lawes and these interpreters in safety, as soone as they haue satisfied your expectation.
Fare you well.
This is the answere which the high Priest sent vnto him. Yet haue I thought it to be a matter meerely vnnecessarie to set downe the names of the seuentie two Elders in particular, who were sent by Eleazar togither with the lawe, notwithstanding they are set downe in the Epistle. Yet thinke I it not amisse, to recite the excellencie and fashion of those presents that were sent by the The description of those presents which Ptolomey dedicated in the temple of Ierusalem. king, and offered vp vnto God, to the end that all men may know how zealous he was towards the seruice of God. For in performance thereof, he spared no immeasurable expence, but continually E assisted the workemen, and examined their workmanship, to the end that nothing might be carelesly finished, or negligently performed. I will therefore set downe (as neere as in me lieth) the excellencie of euery piece (although it may bee thought that the course of historie requireth it not) but therefore will I discourse the same, because my desire is by so doing to expresse vnto the readers, how great the liberalitie and generositie of the king hath been. And first of all I will begin to describe the table.
The king desirous to make it great in all dimensions, desired to know the greatnesse of that The golden table. which was at Ierusalem, to the intent that he might cause it to be far greater. And hauing certain notice how great it was, and that there was no let but that he might make his far greater, he said that he would haue it fiue times greater then the other: but that he feared, least being so great it F would be vnfit to offer sacrifice thereupon; and his intention was, that the oblations, which he offered, should not only serue for shew, but that they might also be somewhat proper for the vse and seruice of the temple. For this cause, concluding that the first was of sufficient and conuenable measure, he resolued that his should not exceede the other in greatnesse; but that equalling the same in quantity of gold, it might exceed the other in varietie and beauty of workmanship. For he was ingenious to obserue the nature of diuers things, and to inuent new and vnexpected [Page 292] fashion: so that by his ripe iudgement, he shewed the workemen such inuentions, as before The yeare of the world. 3684. before Christs birth 280. G time had not been in vse; and commanded them to make and finish them, hauing alwaies an eie to the model, that he had proposed them to worke by. He vndertooke therefore to make the table of two cubits and a halfe in length, of one in breadth, and of one and a halfe in height, all of massiue gold: about the which there was made a border, a hand breadth large; enriched with mouing waues, on which there was a bend grauen with admirable art, appearing on three sides: For being triangulary, euery angle presented the same engrauing; so that when it was turned, it seemed that one and the same, and no waies different figure, represented it selfe: within the inside of this border it was inchased with diuers goodly figures, but on the outside it was farre more excellently beautified and wrought, because in that part it was most open to the eie. For this cause the vpper part of the table appeared to be of two parts, and of three angles, which (as H we said) were apparant at such time as the table was turned, each one seeming of equall magnitude with the other. Vpon the graued bends there were precious stones inchased, distant by equall proportion the one from the other, and fastned by golden buttons tied by loopes. The sides of the borders (which presented themselues to the eie) were beautified with rich stones, disposed after the manner of an ouall; and there was a border of golden twigs engrauen round about the table: vnder the ouals there was a crown garnished with clusters of diuers sorts of fruits, the clusters of grapes hung downe, the spikes of corne stood vpright, and all vvas inclosed vvith pomgranats, and the precious stones were enchased in gold thorow the vvhole circuit of the table, to represent each sort of fruit in their natiue colours. There was also a ranke of ouals vnder the crowne, not vnlike vnto the former, made of gold: so that on both sides, both the variety and I delicacie of the vvorke appeared, both in the bends and borders; as also in the table, in vvhich there appeared not any difference, on whatsoeuer side it was turned; and from the top vnto the lower foot one & the same workmanship appeared. For it had a plate of gold some foure fingers broad, comprehending the breadth of the table, on which the feet of the same were staied, which were afterwards fastned to the border by buttons and claspes of gold, to the end that the excellent and curious workemanship might the better be seene, and that on what side soeuer it were turned, it might alwaies seeme the same. They engraued also on the same a labyrinth, in the midst whereof there were diuers kindes of precious stones, shining like starres; and amongst the rest there were Rubies and emeraulds of most orient brightnesse, as also all other sorts of stones that either are esteemed or desired for their beauty or price. Neere vnto this labyrinth from the K one end vnto the other, there went certaine corded pleites in the middle like vnto a Rhombus or Loseng, vpon which there were certaine pieces of Chrystall and Amber, enchased and placed the one by the other in equall distance, and proportion: which gaue a marueilous contentment to whomsoeuer beheld the same: The Chapters of the feete were made after the forme of a lillie; the leaues whereof bent themselues vnder the table, whereas other waies the stalke seemed to be stretched out straight. The base of the same was an hands breadth large, adorned with a carbuncle in euery part. The breadth thereof was eight fingers, on which all the plate of the feete was staied; and on euery one of them was there engrauen by curious workmanship Iuie, and vine branches loaden with clusters of grapes; so made to life, that they seemed to be very grapes in deed. For the whole was so subtill and delicate, that when the winde blewe, the workemanship L waued and was carried vp on high; so that it seemed that these fruits were rather naturall, then counterfaited by art. The worke was made after a new fashion, as if it consisted of three pieces, and notwithstanding it was so well shut and closed togither, that the seames and ioints might not any waies be seene. The thickenesse of the Table was no lesse then halfe a cubite.
See here what this present was, which through intire affection the king presented; wherein the price of the stuffe, the diuersitie and beauty of the workmanship, and the excellencie of the engrauing was accomplished in perfection. Moreouer, in this he so farre inforced himselfe to performe so much, that if it might not surpasse the other which was already in the temple, at leastwise in art, new inuention and excellencie of proiect, it might be farre more excellent and admirable. He gaue besides this, two vessels of gold, scaled from the bottome as farre as the halfe part M of the cuppe; and besides that, inriched with diuers precious stones curiously and diuersly enchased. Two golden standing cups. And in the midst of them there was a labyrinth a cubite hie, made of all sorts of precious stones; and at the foote thereof were ingraued spires, after the manner of twigs; and fast by them a certaine fould like vnto a net made in ouall fashion, that ascended euen vnto the brims. The midst thereof was filled with little targets, of the greatnesse of foure fingers, made of precious stones, and round about the edges thereof were lillies, iuy, flowers, and vines with their clusters [Page 293] of grapes engrauen round about. This was the beauty and excellencie of those two cups, The yeare of the world. 3684. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 280. Two siluer stā ding cups. Thirtie viols. A each of them containing twenty and foure pintes. There were also others made of siluer, so transparent, as if they had been of the purest chrystall, thorow which all those things that were put into them, were naturally and manifestly discouered. He caused also thirty ewers to be made, in which all the gold that was not couered with precious stones, was shadowed with Iuie leaues, and vine branches most curiously engrauen, and all these things were not onely miraculously wrought by the wonderfull cunning of the workemen; but were in like sort seconded by an ambitious diligence of the king, who thinking it not enough that without parcimony he had vndertaken Ptolomeis charge and diligence in the finishing of his presents. the charge, did oftentimes (forsaking his more serious affaires) visit the shoppes, and examine the workes; and that which more and more increased their diligence, was, for that they saw him so intent vpon the busines, which made them the more earnest vpon their worke. B
And these were the presents which were sent by this king to be dedicated in the temple of Ierusalem. All which being consecrated and laid vp in the temple by the high Priest Eleazar, after he had greatly honoured those that brought them thither, and deliuered into their hands certaine presents to be tendred in his behalfe vnto the king, he dismissed and sent them backe again. No sooner were they arriued in Alexandria, but the king (hauing notice thereof, and how the seuenty two Elders were come with them) he sent to seeke out his Embassadors Andrew and Aristaeus, The 70. interpreters comming to Alexandria are royally entertained. who came and presented him with letters from the high Priest Eleazar, and answered him to all that which he demaunded of them face to face. And being desirous to communicate with the Elders that came from Ierusalem to expound & interpret the law, he contrary to his ordinary custome and manner, dismissed all those that resorted thither for their particular affaires, C to whom he was accustomed to giue audience euery fifth day; as it was his ordinary manner also to giue monthly satisfaction to forraine Embassadours. Hauing therefore for that time dismissed them, he kept those by him whom Eleazar had sent vnto him; who comming to his presence (accompanied with those presents which the high priest had deliuered them to present vnto him, with the originall wherein the lawe was written with golden letters) he asked them where their bookes were: and they discouering and opening them, shewed them vnto him. After the king had seene them, he was very much astonished, to see the membranes & parchments so delicate, and to behold the whole forme thereof so perfectly conioyned, that it was impossible to discouer the seams: and he told them that he gaue them thanks for that they were come vnto him, & more great thanks vnto him that had sent them; and the greatest and most especiall thanks vnto God, D who was the author of these lawes. Whereupon the Elders and those that assisted them, cried out altogither, and wished that all good hap might befall the king: who, thorow the excessiue ioy that he conceiued, burst out into teares: For naturally extreame ioy and most grieuous sadnesse haue like effects. After he had commanded that these books should be committed to their trust, who were deputed to that office, at length he saluted the Elders, telling them that it was very behoouefull for him first of all to debate with them vpon the matter, to which intent he had sent for them: and afterwards to giue them intertainment: in a word, he confessed vnto them, that their accesse was so gratefull vnto him, that he promised them, so long time as he liued, he would euery yeere renew and honour the memorie of the same (and by good hap it was the very same day wherin he ouercame Antigonus by sea.) His pleasure was also, that they should be his guests, E and he caused diuers goodly lodgings to be assigned them vnder the Castle.
Nicanor likewise, who had the charge to entertaine strangers, commanded Dorotheus (who was ordinarily emploied in the same) to prepare for euery one of them such things, as were necessary for their diet and entertainment. For so was it ordained by the king, that in euery Citie that had any particularity in their manner of life, there should be a commissary appointed to prouide for forrainers that arriued in that place, to the intent they might be intreated according to their customes: intending thereby that their entertainment should be the more agreeable vnto them, and that they might be the lesse tired with forraine nouelties. This custome of his was put in practise at this time, by Dorotheus care and exact diligence, who in his owne person disposed all that which was necessarie for that hospitality. He prepared two places to banquet in, in F two seuerall parts (according as the king had commaunded him) so that some of them might sit on either side of him; and the rest might be placed neere vnto his table, omitting nothing of that which concerned either their honour or kind enteruiew. When they were in this sort placed, the king commanded Dorotheus to entertaine them in like manner, as he was wont to doe those, who repaired vnto his court from Iudaea. Hereupon he dismissed the Aegyptian priest, and other that were woont to make the ordinary praiers: which done, he commaunded that one [Page 294] of the elders called Eliseus (who in like sort was a Priest) to blesse the table: whereupon he standing The yeare of the world, 3684 before Christs birth 280. The banquet that Ptolomey made for the Iewes and their praiers before meat. G vpright in the midst of them all, besought God to blesse both the king & his subiects with all happines. Whereupon there arose an applause and acclamation of all men, intermixed with ioyfull delight; which being ceased, they fell to their banquet, and made good cheere, with that which was set before them. When the king had held his peace so long as he thought conuenient, he began at last to play the Philosopher, asking of euery one of thē certaine questions in Phisicke, praying them to decide and discusse the same: and when as each of them in order had verie pertinently answered to the question that was propounded vnto them, the King tooke great pleasure therein, and for twelue daies space he continued this feast. Who so desireth to know the questions that were proposed vnto them in particular, let him read the booke which Aristaeus hath written to that effect. In a word, the king was not onely astonished at their answeres, but H the Philosopher Menedemus also, who hauing affirmed that all things were administred by diuine prouidence, and that it appeared what the vertue and excellencie of this discourse was, this questioning debate was finished. But the king protested in their presence, that their accesse had infinitely contented and instructed him, in that by their meanes he had obtained the good hap to be enformed by them how to goueme his kingdome. Whereupon he commaunded that each of them should haue three talents giuen him, and that they might bee conuaied to their lodgings. Some foure daies after Demetrius tooke them with him, and led them ouer that trench of the sea, that containeth seuen furlongs, and that bridge which coupleth the Island with The translatiō of the Bible into the Greek tongue. the continent, and towards the northermost end thereof, he assigned them a lodging remote from all noice, and fit for contemplation: to which place after he had brought them, he besought them, I that since they had all those things that were necessarie for the interpretation of their lawes, they would intend the same without any discontinuance of the worke, vntill they had brought it to perfection; and they for their parts imployed all their labour and diligence that was in them possible, to the end the interpretation might be exact, intending onely and continually this labour from the morning vntill three houres after noone: after which time they imployed the rest of the day in their refections; and to that end they were furnished in all aboundance with all sorts of victuals. Ouer and besides, Dorotheus presented them with a part of diuers dishes, which were prepared for the King: for so had his Maiestie commaunded it. Thus euerie morning entred they the Kings pallace, and after they had saluted him, they retired themselues to their accustomed place; and after they had washed their hands in the sea water, and were purified, they set them K downe in that manner to proceed and prosecute their translation. Now when the law was fully interpreted, and the worke was fully finished in the space of seuentie and two daies: Demetrius assembled all the Iewes in that place where the law had beene translated, and caused it to be read ouer in the presence of the interpreters themselues. Which done, the assembly approoued the exposition of the interpreters: and praised Demetrius, by whose suggestions, and inuention they enioyed so great a good. They requested likewise, that this exposition should be perused, and ouerred by the Nobles and gouernours. After this, both the Priest, the Elders of the interpreters, and the magistrates of the people required, that since this translation was so happily atchieued, it might remaine vnaltered; so that no iot thereof might be chaunged. Which resolution being allowed by all men, it was ordered that if any man perceiued L any thing in that translation, which was either extiperant or deficient, he should consider thereupon and giue notice thereof, to the end it might be corrected: dealing herein verie discreetly, to the end that that which had once beene adiudged good, should continue inuiolable for euer. The king therfore was highly contented, seeing his indeuours and purpose in that behalfe so happily and profitablie finished: but aboue all things, he tooke pleasure in reading of the law, admiring at the deepe conceit and wisedome of the law-maker, and began to question with Demetrius, by what meanes it came to passe, that neither any Poet, nor Historiographer had made mention of that law, notwithstanding that in it selfe it was so admirable. To whom Demetrius gaue this answere: that no man was so hardie to touch that worke, by reason that it was diuine and euery way venerable: assuring him also, that certaine men who had attempted to set M their hands thereto, had beene punished by God: giuing him to vnderstand, how Theopouspus Gods iustice vpon those Ethnickes that intermedled with the sacred scriptures intending to reduce certaine contents of that law into his history, had beene distraught in mind for more then thirtie daies, & that hauing some intermission of his fit, he appeased God by prayer; thereby easily coniecturing what was the cause of his maladie. Moreouer, he was certified by a vision that appeared vnto him in his sleep, that this inconuenient befel him, in that he had too curiously serched into sacred and diuine matters, and had intended to communicate the same with [Page 295] prophane men: from which enterprise since he had desisted, he recouered his right wits againe. The yeare of the world. 3684. before Christs birth 280. A He likewise insinuated further, that Theodectes the tragicke Poet, intending to make mention in some of his peomes of a certaine historie written in the sacred scriptures, was strooken blind; and acknowledging the cause hereof to proceed from his audacious presumption, he was restored to his sight after he had appeased Gods displeasure.
When the king had considered on these words, according as Demetrius had discoursed them vnto him, he prostrated himselfe on the earth, and commaunded that the bookes should be carefully kept, to the end they might continue in their pure integritie. Furthermore he exhorted the translators to repaire oftentimes vnto him from Iudaea, assuring them that in so doing the matter would redound both to their honour and profit; telling them that for that time he thought good to dismisse them: but when they should returne vnto him againe of their owne motion, The presents which the king bestowed vpon the interpreters, and those he sent to Eleazar. B they should obtaine all that which their wisedome deserued, or his magnificence might impart vnto thē. This said, he gaue thē leaue to depart, after he had giuen each of thē three seueral sutes of apparrell, two talents of gold, & a cup that was in value worth a talent, & a certaine bed or curious seat to sit and banquet vpon. This gaue he them for themselues. But to Eleazar the high Priest he sent by them ten couches, whose feete were of siluer, and the furniture correspondent, and a vessell of thirtie talents. Ten purple robes likewise, and a magnificent crowne, and one hundreth pieces of fine linnen: and besides that, hee sent in way of present vnto the temple ewers, basons, and two golden vessels: beseeching Eleazar by his letters, that if any one of his subiects had a will to come vnto him; he would permit him, asluring him that he would highly esteeme the conuersation of so learned men: and that he had riches which he C would imploy with great pleasure in such affaires. See heere how Ptolomey Philadelph esteemed and honoured the Iewes
CHAP. III.
How the Kings of Asia honoured the nation of the Iewes, and gaue them liberty and freedome to dwell in those Cities that were builded by them.
THey receiued honour likewise at the hands of the kings of Asia, because they had borne Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 3. The immunit [...]es and priuiledges granted the Iewes by Seleucus Nicanor king of Syria. armes vnder them. For Seleucus surnamed Nicanor, highly respected them, & permitted D them to dwel in those cities, which he built in Asia & lower Syria; yea in Antioch likewise which was the Metropolitane and chiefe Citie. Moreouer he ordained, that they should be held in as great estimation, as either the Macedonians or Greekes that inhabited therein: so that euen vnto this day that order is continued (as it appeareth by this) for that the Iewes refusing to annoint themselues with forraine oyle, doe receiue a certaine summe of money from the masters of the exercises in lieu of the oyle. Which when the people of Antioch intended to abolish, during The priuiledge in Antioch continued to the Iewes. the present warre, Mutianus at that time gouernour of Syria, opposed himselfe against them. Againe, when as Vespasian and his sonne Titus had conquered the world, although the Alexandrians and Antiochians required them, that the priuiledges that the Iewes enioyed might continue no more; yet could they not obtaine the same. Whereby the humanity and valour of the E Romanes may appeare, and in especiall of Vespasian and Titus; that notwithstanding they had beene so trauailed by the warres of the Iewes, and were so bitterly incensed against them, for that they had not by laying downe their armes submitted themselues, but had continued warre against them to the vttermost; yet depriued they them not of their aforesaid priuiledges, but surmounted their displeasure, which they had long before conceiued against them: and in like sort had not regard to the request of two so puissant cities, as Alexandria, & Antioch were. In such sort as they granted nothing in fauor of them, neither ordained any thing in disfauour of those whom they had ouercome in warre, to the intent to abolish one only iot of those priuiledges which they had in times past; but said that they that had resisted them by armes, and who had beene ouercome, were sufficiently punished for their obstinacy: and as touching those that had not committed F any offence, they saw no reason to depriue thē of their rights & prerogatiues. We know likewise, that Marcus Agrippa was of the same opinion, as touching the Iewes. For whereas the Ionians were seditiously bent against them, and besought Agrippa that it might be only lawfull for them to make vse of the priuiledge, which Antiochus Seleucus nephew (whom the Greeks intituled by the name of God) had giuen them; requiring that if the Iewes were of their bloud, they might be tied to adore the same gods which the Ionians worshipped. When as therfore [Page 296] this matter was referred to the determination of the Iudges, the Iewes had the day, and obtained The yeare of the world 3684. before Christs Natiuitie. 280. G the liberty to liue according to their owne lawes and customes: and he that at this time pleaded their cause, was Nicholas Damascene. For Agrippa pronounced, that it was vnlawfull for them to innouate any waies: And if any man desire to haue exact knowledge hereof, let him reade the hundreth twenty three, and twenty fourth booke of the histories of Nicholas. Neither ought this iudgement of Agrippaes to seeme in any sort strange, for at that time our nation had not by any wars procured the Romans displeasure. But vpon iust occasion may a man admire the magnanimity of Vespasian and of his sonne Titus, who behaued themselues with such moderation after so great a warre, and so grieuous battels, as they had fought against vs.
Now will I returne to my purpose, from whence I haue digressed. At such time as Antiochus the great raigned in Asia, the countrey of Iewry was grieuously spoiled, and both the Iewes H Antiochus the great king of Asia and Syria vexeth the Iewes. and the inhabitants of Coelesyria endured many miseries. For Antiochus making war against Ptolomey Philopator and his son, called Ptolomey the Famous, they were pitifully perplexed. For whether Antiochus either ouercame or was ouercome, they were continually spoiled: so that betwixt the prosperitie & aduersity of Antiochus, they fared like a ship tossed and tormented with a storm. Finally after Antiochus had ouercome Ptolomey, he conquered Iewry. After the death of Philopator, his sonne sent a great army into Coelesyria vnder the conduct of Scopas, who seazed a The yeare of the world, 3742. before Christs natiuitie, 222. great number of those Cities; and our nation also was inforced by warre and conquered by him. Not long after this, Antiochus fought with Scopas, neere vnto the floud Iordan, and obtained the victorie, discomfiting the greater part of his enemies army; at which time Antiochus recouered againe those Cities of Coelesyria, which were before time surprised by Scopas. He tooke I Samaria also: which when the Iewes perceiued, they submitted themselues of their owne accord vnto him, and hauing entertained him in the Citie of Ierusalem, they gaue both his army and his Elephants abundance of prouision, and willingly assisted him with their forces, to subdue those garrisons which Scopas had planted in the fortresses of the higher Citie. For which cause Antiochus supposing it to be a matter behoouefull for his honor, to acknowledge and remunerate the affection and forwardnesse, which the Iewes had expressed in his seruice, wrote vnto his captaines and friends, signifying vnto them how forward the Iewes had been in his warres: and to expresse likewise what gifts he intended to bestow vpon them. Hereafter I will insert the copy of his letters, which he wrote in fauour of them, after I haue recited that which Polybius the Megalopolitane writeth, answerable to this purpose, which I will recite out of the sixteenth booke of K Ptolomey Epiphanes king of Egypt warreth against the kings of Syria. The yeare of the world. 3760. before Christs birth 204 Polybius the Megalopolitane of Scopas Ptolomeis captaine. Antiochus Epistle to Ptolomey as touching the libertie of Iewes. his histories. Scopas (saith he) the generall of Ptolomeies army, marching towards the midland, did in one winter ouercome the whole nation of the Iewes. He reciteth also in the same booke, that after that Scopas had beene ouercome, Antiochus seazed Bathanaea, Samaria, Abila, and Gadara; and anon after the Iewes, which dwelt at Ierusalem where the temple was, ioyned themselues with him: and although we are to speake more amply and particularly of that apparition that hapned neere vnto the temple; yet notwithstanding we will referre the recitall thereof vntill an other time. This is that which Polybius hath written. But to returne vnto our purpose: I will recite in this place the copy of those letters which were sent by the King.
Whereas the Iewes haue giuen vs a most apparant testimony of their affection towards vs, since the first time of our entrance into their countrey, and haue magnificently L entertained vs at such time as we were in person before their Citie, by presenting themselues before vs with all their Elders; and haue also furnished vs largely with all that which was necessarie for our souldiers and our Elephants; and haue likewise taken armes with vs against the Aegyptian garrison: we haue thought it a matter answerable to our honor, to affoord them some satisfaction in repairing their Citie, ruinated by humane casualties, to the intent it might be inhabited and peopled againe, by gathering togither those Iewes that are scattered abroad in diuers places, and planting them againe in the same. And in especiall (to the end that the seruice of God may be renued) we haue set downe a certaine summe of money to be imployed in sacrifices, and in buying beasts for their offrings, wine, oyle, and incense; that is to say, twenty thousand sicles of siluer; and for fine flower according to the law of the place, one thousand, four hundreth M and sixtie measures of wheate, and three hundreth, seuentie and fiue measures of salt. And my will is, that all these things that are abouenamed, be deliuered vnto them according to the forme of our ordinance. We likewise commaund, that the worke of the temple be finished with the galleries, and other necessary buildings; and that all the stuffe of timber be brought out of Iudaea and other places, and especially out of Libanus, without any taxe or tallage: which exemption also shall take effect in all other necessaries that are requisite towards the reparation of so famous [Page 297] a temple. My pleasure likewise is, that all they of the same nation gouerne their estate, according A The yeare of the world. 3760. before Christ birth, 204. to their owne lawes. Let the ancient Priests and Scribes of the temple also, and the singing men be freed from all taxations, that are paide by the powle, and the tributes of the crowne, and all other whatsoeuer. And to the end that the city may be the sooner builded, I grant vnto all them that inhabite the same at this present, or that hereafter shall transport themselues thither within the moneth of October to inhabite, the same exemption of all charges for three yeeres space. We forgiue them moreouer the third part of their tributes, to the intent they may recouer themselues of their losses. We will also that those Citizens that haue beene forcibly led from thence into seruitude, be set at liberty, both they themselues as also those that are of their alliance; commanding their goods to be restored vnto them.
Farewell.
These were the contents of this letter. And to yeeld the more honour vnto the temple, he B sent an edict thorow all his kingdom to this effect: ‘That it should not be lawful for any stranger to enter within the inclosure of the temple, without the Iewes permission; except those that should The edict of Antiochus the great in honor of the temple. be purified, according to the law and custome of the place. That no man should bring into the Citie any flesh of horse, mulet, wilde or tame asses, leopards, foxes, or hares, or generally of any cattell prohibited to be eaten by the lawes of the Iewes. That it should not be lawful likewise for any man to bring their skins into the Citie, or to nourish any such beasts in the same; but that it might onely be lawfull to vse those beasts which might be sacrificed vnto God, according to the law of their ancestors. That whosoeuer should contradict those inhibitions, he should pay 3000. drachmes of siluer vnto the Priests. Furthermore to expresse his pietie and fidelitie towards vs, at such time as he heard of the troubles that hapned in Phrygia and Lydia, he wrote also vnto Zeuxis C gouernour of one of the higher prouinces, and his intire friend, commaunding him to send certaine of our nation from Babylon to Phrygia, writing vnto him to this effect. King Antiochus to Zeuxis his father: Health. If thou art well, I am glad of it: I likewise am no lesse healthy. Vnderstanding that those of Lydia and Phrygia are newly growne to rebellion, I haue thought good (according to my duty) to preuent the same: and whilest I consulted with my friends Antiochus Epistle to Zeuxis, in which he maketh honourable mention of the Iewes. what was to be done, it hath been thought fit that two thousand families of the Iewes, with all their housholds should be sent thither, all which should be drawne out of Mesopotamia and Babylon to plant them in garrisons, and places of securitie. For I am perswaded of their good affection and zeale towards vs, both in respect of their deuotion towards God, as also for the testimony which our predecessors haue borne of them; namely, that they are faithfull, and ready to D execute that wherein they are imployed. And although it be a difficult matter to remooue them, yet resolue I my selfe that it shall be done; and withall I permit them to liue according to their lawes. Now when as they shall arriue in that place, thou shalt bestow on euery one of them places The yeare of the world. 3764. before Christs birth 200. to build them houses on, with sufficient lands both for tillage and to plant their vineyards in: for which they shall pay no tribute for ten yeeres space: and during such time as they may gather of their owne for their sustenance, they shall be allowed their prouision of corne for them and their seruants. Our will is also that they, who shall be employed in necessarie affaires, be sufficiently prouided of that they neede, to the intent that being so bountifully delt withall by vs, they may shew themselues the more affectionate in that which concerneth vs. Thou shalt giue order also to the vttermost of thy power, that this nation be no waies ouerpressed, or interessed E by any man. Farewell.’ Hitherto haue we sufficiently declared, what friendship Antiochus the great bare vnto the Iewes. After this Antiochus contracted alliance and friendship with Ptolomey, who gaue him his daughter Cleopatra in mariage, and assigned him for her dowry Coelesyria, Samaria, Iudaea, and Phoenicia; and for that these two kings deuided the tributes Antiochus friendship and confederacy with Ptolomey The Samaritanes molest the Iewes. The yeare of the world, 3770. before Christs Natiuitie, 194. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 4. Onias the h [...]gh priest prouoketh the king of Egypt for non paiment of his tribute. betweene them, the chiefest in authoritie in euerie prouince, redeemed the exaction of their countrey, and paid the summe agreed vpon to the kings treasurie. At that time the Samaritanes puffed vp with their prosperitie, vexed the Iewes, spoyling their countrey and leading them away prisoners perforce. This hapned vnder the high Priest Onias. For after the decease of Eleazar, Manasses his vncle obtained the Priesthood; and after the death of Manasses, Onias the sonne of Simon surnamed the Iust, enioyed this dignitie. Simon was brother to Eleazar, as I haue heretofore F declared. This Onias was of no great capacitie, and withall was very couetous: by which meanes he failed to paye the twenty talents of siluer, which his predecessors were woont to pay to the kings of Aegypt, of that tribute which the people paid vnto him. Whereupon Ptolomey Euergetes, the father of Philopator, was grieuously incensed against him; so as he sent an embassadour to Ierusalem to accuse him, for that he failed to pay his accustomed tribute, threatning him, that if hence forward he receiued it not, he would deuide his countrey amongst his [Page 298] souldiers, and send them to inhabite the same. When the Iewes were ascertained of his complaints, The yeare of the world. 3770. before Christs birth 194. G they were confused, and amazed: but Onias was no whit mooued thereby, because he was wholy giuen ouer to couetousnesse.
CHAP. IIII.
Ioseph the sonne of Tobias preuenteth the imminent calamitie of the Iewes, and becommeth Ptolomies friend.
BVt a certaine man called Ioseph, the sonne of Tobias, and of Onias sister, who was the high Priest, being yoong in yeeres (but honoured in Ierusalem for his wisedome, foresight, The taxatiō of the hie priest for offending the king. and iustice) hauing certaine notice by his mother of the arriuall of this Embassadour, H came vnto the Citie (for he had been ablent in the village of Phicala where he was borne) and sharpely reprooued Onias his vncle on the mothers side, for that he did not any waies prouide for the securitie of his Citizens, but sought to draw his countrymen into a generall hazard, for that he retained in his hands that money which was leuied for the tribute: Whereby he told him that he had obtained the gouernment ouer the people, and purchased the high priesthood. And that if he were so bewitched with money, that for the loue of the same he could haue the patience to see his countrie in hazard, and behold his Citizens also suffer all that which cruelty could inflict vpon them; he counsailed him to repaire vnto the king, and to require him to bestow the whole or the halfe of the Tribute vpon him. Hereunto Onias answered, that he would no more execute the gouernment, and that if it were possible for him, he was ready to giue ouer the priesthood, I and that therefore he would not repaire vnto the king, because he was not any waies moued with these occurrences. Whereupon Ioseph asked him, if hee would permit him in the peoples behalfe to go Embassadour vnto Ptolomey. Whereunto Onias answered, that he gaue him free leaue. Vpon this occasion Ioseph went vp into the temple, and summoned the people to a generall The kings embassadour honourably entertained, who reporteth Iosephs liberality vpon his returne into his countrey. assembly, exhorting them to be no waies troubled, and to conceiue no feare thorow the negligence of his vncle Onias, requesting them to be confident in heart, and estraunged from all sinister suspition; promising them that he himselfe would go in Embassage vnto the king, and faithfully pleade their cause before him, and perswade him that they had committed no insolent neglect, or contempt against his maiestie. Which when the people vnderstood, they gaue Ioseph harty thankes. Whereupon he presently came downe from the temple, and honourably entertained K the Embassadors that came from Ptolomey, and hauing presented them with gifts of great price, and feasted them magnificently for many daies, he sent them backe vnto their Prince; assuring them that he himselfe would in person follow them. And the rather was he incited to this iourney, because the Embassador had perswaded him to repaire into Aegypt, vnder such assurance, that he would obtaine all his requests at Ptolomeies hands; the rather for that he was woon with the yoong mans free spirit and noble entertainment.
Assoone as the Embassadour returned into Aegypt, he certified the king of Onias ingratitude, and Iosephs humanitie; certifying him that he would come in person to intreat pardon for the people, for that offence they had committed against him; and the rather, for that he was in especiall authoritie among the people: and so farre vsurped he vpon Iosephs praises, that both the king L and the Queene Cleopatra had a good opinion of him, notwithstanding he was as yet absent. But Ioseph sent vnto Samaria vnto his friends, and borrowed money, making his preparation for his voiage. Hauing therefore furnished himselfe with apparell, vessels, and horses, with the expence of almost twenty thousand drachmes, he arriued in Alexandria. At that very time it chanced that the Princes, and gouernours of Phoenicia and Syria repaired thither to buy their tributes: for the king was accustomed euery yeere to sell them to the men of most respect in euery Citie: These meeting with Ioseph on the way, began to mocke at his basenesse and pouertie. But when he came to Alexandria, and had intelligence that the king was at Memphis, he set forward and went out to meet him. When as therefore the king, accompanied with the queen and Athenion his friend, who had discharged the place of Embassadour in Ierusalem, came riding M onward in his chariot; Athenion (who had been honourably entertained by Ioseph) perceiuing him vpon the way, certified the king that it was he, of whom he had spoken vpon his returne from Ierusalem; protesting on his behalfe, that he was both a good and honourable yoong man. Whereupon Ptolomey embraced him aboue the rest, and made him mount his chariot. Where he was no sooner seated, but the king began to accuse Onias for that which he had committed. But Ioseph said vnto him: Pardon him, O King, and haue respect to his old old yeeres. For you [Page 299] know that ordinarily old men & yong children haue one and the same vnderstanding; but for our The yeare of the world. 3770. before Christs birth 194. A selues; who are young, you shall haue what you please to require without any pretext or cause of discontent. Hereupon the king tooke pleasure in the good behauiour and pleasant discourse of the young man, and began to loue him the more, as if he had receiued a present attestation of his wisedome: whereupon he commaunded that he should be lodged in his owne pallace, and that daily he should accompany him at his princely table. As soone as the king came back to Alexandria, the Lords of Syria seeing Ioseph sitting neere vnto the king, were sore displeased; and the day drawing neere wherein they were to receiue the assurance of their tribute, they that were of the greatest reckoning in their countrey farmed the same; so that the tributes of Coelesyria, Phaenicia, Iudaea, and Samaria, amounted together to eight thousand talents. Whereupon Ioseph arising, blamed the farmers for that they had plotted amongst themselues to beate downe B the price of the tributes, promising to giue the double; and that he would likewise returne the forfeitures that were leuied vpon the goods of such as offended; which were farmed together with the tributes. The king gaue eare to this discourse of his with great content, and said, that he The tributes of Coelesyria cō mitted to Ioseph. approoued the sale of these tributes vnto Ioseph, who in this sort augmented his reuenue. When as therefore he was demanded whether he could giue sureties: he made him answere with a bold courage: O king (said he) I will giue thee such pledges, as are both worthy and honourable, and such as you cannot mistrust. Whenas therefore the king instanted him to produce them: I w [...] (said he) O king, present thee for sureties, thy selfe, & the Queene thy wife, that one of you may be a suretie for me to the other. Ptolomey smiling hereat, granted him the farme of the tribute, without further suretie. This fauour of his displeased those gouernours of the Cities that C were come into Aegypt, in that they saw themselues contemned and constrained to returne with shame vnto their houses. But Ioseph obtained two thousand footmen from the king, to the end to enforce the tribute from those Cities, who were negligent in their paiments: and after he had borrowed fiue hundreth talents of the kings friends in Alexandria, hee departed into Syria.
As soone as he came to Ascalon, he demaunded the payment of the tribute at the Citizens hands, which they not onely refused to performe, but moreouer vpbraided him with iniurious words. For which cause laying hold on about some twentie of the principals among them, he put them to death: and hauing gathered their substances togither, he sent the King some thousand talents, certifying him of that which he had done. Ptolomey admiring at his wisedome, D and allowing of his execution, permitted him to dispose of all things at his pleasure. The Syrians vnderstanding hereof, were sore abashed; and perceiuing that the Acalonites were slaine by The Ascalonites and Scythopolitans punished for their contēpt. Ioseph, thorow the seueritie of his iustice and their disobedience, they opened him the gates, and receiued him willingly, and payed him their tributes. Wheras also the Scythopolitanes in way of cōtumacy refused to lay down, according to order, their accustomed tributes; he slue the chiefest amongst them: the confiscations of whose goods he sent vnto the king. When as therefore he had gathered much siluer, and made great gaines of the purchase of the tributes, to the intent to establish and make his power of more continuance, he liberally employed his gettings; considering with himselfe that it was a part of wisedome to keepe and entertaine his good happe, by those riches which he himselfe had gotten: For he sent many presents both to the King and E Queene, and bestowed liberall bountie both on their familiars and fauourites, and also on all those which had any authoritie, credit or fauour in the court, to win and bind them vnto him by his beneuolence. And in this felicitie of his continued he the terme of twentie two yeares; during which time he was the father of seuen children by one wife, and of an other called Hircanus, Iosephs welth and children. whom he begot on the daughter of his brother Solymius, whom he married vpon this occasion which ensueth.
Walking vpon a time in Alexandria in the company of his brother (who led with him his daughter alreadie mariageable, to the intent to bestow her vpon some Iewe of good qualitie) whilest he sate at meat with the king, there entred into the banquet a certain faire damsel, trained vp in dancing; with whom growing enamored, he told his brother thereof, praying him that F since by the lawes of their countrey it was forbidden that a Iew might marry with a stranger, that he would hide his fault, and be a faithfull assistant vnto him, to the end that he might enioy her whom his heart desired. His brother promised him to shew his willing forwardnes herein; and in the meane time he adorned and decked his owne daughter, and brought her by night vnto his bed: whereupon he lay with her (not knowing who she was, by reason he had drunke ouermuch) and had her company. Which comming to passe diuers times, he was as yet farre more [Page 300] burningly inflamed with the loue of this dancer, and told his brother that he was in daunger to G The yeare of the world 3770. before Christs Natiuitie. 194. be enamoured all his life time; and that notwithstanding the king would not grant her vnto him. His brother told him, that he ought not to vexe himselfe, promising him that he should assuredly enioie her whom he loued, and that already she was his wife; opening vnto him how all things had hapned, and how he had rather wrong his owne daughter then to suffer his brother to fall into dishonour. After that Ioseph had praised the kind & natural affection of his brother towards him, he tooke his daughter to wife, who bare him a sonne called Hircanus, as it hath beene said. Who being thirteene yeares olde, gaue testimonie of that naturall spirit, and dexteritie that Hyrcanus ofspring and towardnes. was in him; by reason whereof his brethren conceiued a certaine hatred against him, the rather for that he excelled them in all things, and had such parts in him, as might draw them to emulate him. Whereas therefore Ioseph was desirous to know which of his children had the ripest H iudgement, and vnderstanding; he sent them one after another to those masters, who were most renowmed for science in that time; but all of them returned backe vnto him rude, and illettered, by reason they were negligent and idle. Whereupon he sent Hircanus the youngest of them after all the rest, into a desart place distant from the high way some seuen daies iourney, and gaue him with him three hundreth couple of oxen, to sow the ground in that barren place, hiding from him before his departure the yokes that should couple them together. When as therefore he came vnto the place, and perceiued that the yokes were missing, he asked aduise of some of the husbandmen: who counsailed him to send some one backe vnto his father to fetch the couples. But he supposing that he ought not to lose so much time as would be spent in sending backe a messenger, deuised a cunning expedient stratageme, more then might be I expected from one of his yeares. For he caused ten couple of oxen to be slaine, and distributed the flesh amongst his workemen, and made them cut the skins, and fashion couples thereof, and hauing yoked his oxen, he caused the land to be manured, according to his fathers direction; and afterwards returned home vnto him. Who loued him the more intirely, by reason of his wisedom, and the subtiltie of his vnderstanding; praising besides that his resolution and execution, esteeming him the more, for that he was his only true sonne, to the general discontent of the rest.
Whenas therefore newes was brought vnto Ioseph, that about that time king Ptolomey was blessed with a young sonne, and how all the chiefest Lords of Syria, and the countries vnder his obeisance, repaired to Alexandria in great pompe to celebrate the birth day of the kings sonne; he being of himselfe vnable (by reason of his age) to repaire thither, he sounded his children, K whether any one of them would go and visit the king. Whenas therefore the elder sons had excused themselues, and made refusall to vndertake the iourney, pretending that they were of insufficient ability to performe the message, and all of them gaue counsaile that their brother Hircanus might be sent: Ioseph tooke great pleasure thereat, and calling for Hircanus, asked him if Ioseph sendeth his sonne Hircanus to Ptolomey. he would goe to king Ptolomey; who promised to vndertake the iourney, and told his father that he needed no great summe of money to performe the voyage; because in the way he would trauell frugally, and content himselfe for the whole expence with ten thousand drachmes. Ioseph was verie glad to heare of his sons prudence; and after Hircanus had kept silence for a while he counsailed his father, that he should not present the King with any thing out of Iudaea, but that he should write vnto his factor in Alexandria, commaunding him to deliuer such summes of money L as he thought conuenient to buy that which he found to be most magnificent & of best esteeme in that Citie. Ioseph imagining with himselfe, that perhaps he would onely employ some tenne talents in presents, and allowing his sonnes counsaile, wrote vnto his factor Arion (who had the The yeare of the world. 3780. before Christs birth 184. Treason intended against Hircanus. vse of almost three thousand talents of his in Alexandria.) For gathering vp his money in Syria he was wont to send it thither; and as oft as the prefixed time came wherein the kings tributes were to be paid, he commaunded Arion to defray the same: Hauing therefore letters of credence vnto him, he iourneyed towards Alexandria. Wherupon his brethren wrote presently vnto all the kings friends, that by some meanes they would make him away. As soone as he was arriued in Alexandria, and had deliuered his fathers letters to Arion; Arion asked him how many talents he would haue? hoping that he would craue but ten, or some little ouerplus: but M when Hircanus had told him that he had need of a thousand, he waxed wroth; and reproued him for his prodigalitie, telling him how his father had gathered his goods with much trauaile, and thriftie sparing; and refusing his demaunds, he praied him to imitate his fathers example who had begot him: and in a word he told him, that he would deliuer him no more then ten talents; and that for no other vse, then to buy giftes to present the king withall. Whereupon Hircanus waxing angry, caused Arion to be kept in prison: All which his wife certified to Cleopatra, praying [Page 301] her that she would moderate the young man (for Arion was in great estimation with the The yeare of the world. 3780. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 184. Hircanus apology of his actions. A Queene) who for this cause acquainted the king with the matter. Wherupon Ptolomey sent for Hircanus, and said vnto him; that he marueiled that being sent vnto him from his father, he had not as yet visited him; and besides that, he had committed his fathers agent to prison: he therefore commanded him to yeeld him a reason thereof. Whereunto he answered, that there was a law among the Iewes, that no man should taste of the sacrifices that had not first of all visited the temple, and sacrificed vnto God; and that in that respect he had not hitherto visited his maiesty, because he expected certaine presents to present his highnesse with from his father, who was his bounden seruant. Furthermore, he alleadged, that he had punished his fathers seruant, because he had disobeyed his commandement, which he ought not to doe, whether his master were either noble or ignoble: and if (said he) we chastise not such men as they haue deserued, expect (O B King) that you also shall be neglected by your subiects.
When Ptolomey heard these words, he began to smile, and wondered at the magnanimitie of the yoong man. Arion perceiuing that the king held himselfe satisfied, and that he was like to haue no assistance at his hands, deliuered Hircanus the thousand talents, and by this meanes was he set at libertie. Some three daies after, Hircanus came and saluted both the king and Queene, who entertained him graciously, and feasted him kindly, for the affection sake which they bare vnto his father. He priuily inquiring among the merchants, bought one hundreth yoong laddes well lettered, and in the flower of their age, paying a talent for euery one; and the like number of virgins for so many talents. Being therefore inuited to a banquet by the king, with all the Princes and other Lords, he was placed beneath them all, because that (by reason of his yoong C yeeres) they that assigned the places, according to euery mans dignitie, made small accompt of him. Now when as all the guests, after they had eaten their meats, laid all their bones before Hircanus, so that the table was loaden round about him, a certaine pleasant fellow of the Kings called Triphon (whose merrie conceits and iests the king very willingly listned vnto) during the time he was at meat, being sollicited by those that were at the table, came vnto the king and said vnto him. ‘See here my liege, what store of bones are before Hircanus: hereby you may coniecture, that his father hath fleeced all Syria, as he hath bared these bones of flesh. The king laughing Hircanus iests. at Triphons words, asked Hircanus how he came by so many bones before him? Not without great cause (said he) O king; for dogs deuoure the flesh with the bones, as these doe (in which speech he glanced at those who sate with him at the table, because they had no bones before thē) D but men eat the flesh, and cast the bones away, as I do, because I am a man.’The king wondring at his discreet answere, commanded all the rest to applaud him, in approbation of his witty vrbanity. Hircanus sounding what other mē would giue, gauemore then the rest, for which he receiueth another kingly reward.
The next day he sought out all the kings friends, and the principals in court, and saluted them one by one, enquiring of their seruants, what presents they would court the king with vpon the birth of his sonne? Who told him, that some of them would giue twelue talents, and othersome that were in dignitie, would present him according to their abilitie. Whereupon Hircanus made a shew of discontent, in that he wanted power to offer such a present, pretending that he had no more but fiue talents. All which these seruants presently reported to their masters: who were very ioyfull thereat, for the hope they had conceiued that Ioseph should be blamed, and would offend the King thorow the abiectnesse of his present. Now when the day of the solemnitie was E come, and they likewise that pretended to present the king most magnificently, offered no more then twenty talents: Hircanus presented the hundreth yoong Lads he had bought, to the King, and the virgins vnto Cleopatra: for whom he had paid a talent by the powle. At this vnexpected magnificence of his gift, all men were amazed: but beside this, he gaue gifts of diuers talents to the King and Queenes fauourites and seruants, and their attendants; whereby he warranted himselfe from the danger that might fall vnto him by their meanes. For the brothers of Hircanus had written vnto them, to murther him. Ptolomey was highly delighted in the great magnificence of this yoong man, and willed him to aske whatsoeuer gift he best liked at his hands. But he required no other thing, but that it would please the King to recommend him, by his letters, to his father and brethren. When as therefore the king had singularly honoured him, and had F giuen him many bountifull rewards, he wrote vnto his father, and his brethren, and all his gouernours, and commissaries, and in that sort sent him away. His brothers hearing newes how hee had in all things highly contented the king, and that he returned with great glorie, they issued Hircanus brothers assailing him on the way, are slaine and discomfited. out to meet with him, with an intent to murther him, with their fathers knowledge. For he being displeased with him, by reason of his aboue named large expence, had no care to warrantize him: yet concealed he his discontent for feare of the king. But when his brothers came and encountred [Page 302] him on the way, he slew diuers of those that accompanied them, and two of his brethren G The yeare of the world, 3780. before Christs birth 184. also were left slaine vpon the place, and the rest fled to Ierusalem vnto their father. And when as vpon his repaire vnto Ierusalem, he perceiued that no man entertained him, he waxed affraid, and departed presently from thence to the other side of Iordan, where he past his life in receiuing and gathering the tributes of the Barbarians. In that time Seleucus surnamed Soter the sonne of Antiochus the great raigned in Asia. At that time also died Ioseph, Hircanus father, who was a man of good conceit and great courage; who established the people of the Iewes in their entire Iosephs death. Onias, and after him Simon his sonne high priest. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 4. peace, and had released them from prouertie and many desasters, and had held the tributes of Syria, Phoenicia, and Samaria for the space of twenty two yeers. His vncle Onias died also about the same time; leauing the priesthood to his sonne Simon; after whose death, his sonne Onias was made high priest: to whom Arius king of Lacedemon sent an embassade and letters, the copy H whereof hereafter ensueth.
CHAP. V.
The frienship and societie of the Lacedemonians, with Onias the high Priest of the Iewes.
ARius King of Lacedemon, to Onias Health: We haue found out a certaine writing wherin The letter of the king of Lacedemon to the high priest of the Iewes. 1. Machab. 12. it is recorded, that the Iewes and Lacedemonians are of the same race, and both of them descended from Abraham. It is therefore requisite, that since you are our brethren, that you giue vs to vnderstand wherein we may pleasure you. The like will we doe also, and will I repute that which is yours to be ours; as that which is ours, shall in communitie be yours. Demoteles our messenger bringeth you our letters foulded in square, the seale whereof is an Aegle holding a Dragon in hertalous. These were the contents of the Lacedemonians letters. After the death of Ioseph it came to passe, that the people began to mutine in the quarrell of his children. Sedition amongst the people after Iosephs death. For the elder brethren made warre against Hircanus, who was the yoonger, by meanes whereof the people were deuided: The greater part of them followed the Elder faction, and the high Priest Simon also, by reason of his affinitie with them, followed their partie. Whereupon Hircanus resolued to repaire no more vnto Ierusalem, but fixing his habitation on the other side of Iordan, he made continuall warre against the Arabians, slaying a great number of them, and taking many prisoners. He builded a huge tower of white marble from the bottome to the toppe, K and on the same planted he the figures of many liuing creatures in sculpture of great height. Hircanus afflicteth the Arabians with continual war. Hircanus buildeth a strong tower. About the same he drew and forced a deepe trench of flowing water; and hauing hewed the front of the rocke that stood opposite against his building, hee made diuers caues therein, many furlongs long. He made also diuers chambers therein, both to eate, sleepe, and dwell in. He drew thither likewise currants of springing water, in so great abundance, that it gaue much delight to those that dwelt there, and great ornament to the whole building. The mouth of euery caue was so little, that but one only man could enter at once, which he therfore made so narrow, because they might the better serue for his securitie and refuge; that if so be he were at any time assailed by his brethren, he might auoid the danger of surprisall. Moreouer, he builded many huge halles, which he adorned with great and goodly gardens, and this place thus builded, was L called by him Tyre: and is scituate betweene Arabia and Iudaea, on the other side of Iordan, not The yeare of the world, 3790. before Christs Natiuitie, 174. Antiochus Epiphanes king of Syria. The sonnes of Prolomey Epiphanes, Philometor and Physcon. Hircanus killeth himselfe. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 6. 1. Macchab. 1. Iesus created high Priest by Antiochus Epiphanes. Iesus depriued of the priesthoode. far from the countrey of Essebonitis. He commanded in this countrey some seuen yeeres, all that time that Seleucus raigned in Syria. After whose death, his brother Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, obtained the kingdome. Ptolomey also King of Aegypt (who was likewise called Epiphanes) died, and left two children very young behind him, of whom the eldest was called Philometor, and the yonger Physcon. When as therfore Hircanus perceiued that Antiochus grew mighty and strong, and feared to be punished by him for his executions done against the Arabians, he slew himselfe with his own hands, and Antiochus enioied all his goods.
CHAP. VI.
A mutinie of the rich Iewes the one against the other. M
ONias the high Priest being dead about this time, Antiochus gaue the priesthood to Iesus his brother. For that sonne, vnto whom Onias had left the succession, was as yet verie yoong (of whom we will speake in conuenient time and place.) This Iesus (Onias brother) was depriued of the priesthood, thorow the kings displeasure conceiued against him, who [Page 303] gaue it shortly after to his yonger brother called Onias: For Simon had three sonnes, who, as we The yeare the of world. 3790. before Christs birth, 174. Onias surnamed Menelaus substituted in his place. The wars betwixt Iason and Menelaus. Apostates frō the Iewish religion. A haue declared, successiuely possessed the priesthood: this Iesus caused himselfe to be called Iason, as his other brother caused himselfe to be called Menelaus, whereas his name was Onias. But Iesus, who had first of all been established in the place of the high priest, arose against Menelaus, who was elected in the place after him. The people therefore were deuided into factions, and Tobias sonnes were on Menelaus side: but the greater number of people followed Iason: so that Menelaus and the sonnes of Tobias being grieuously vexed by them, retired themselues to Antiochus, giuing him to vnderstand, that it was their intent to forsake the religion and ordinances of their fathers, and to follow that of the kings, and to liue after the manner of the Greeks; exhorting him to giue them licence to erect a place of Exercises in Ierusalem. Which when Antiochus had granted them, they so demeaned themselues, that there appeared no more signe of B Circumcision in them; so that at such time as they were naked, there was no difference betweene them and the Greekes, and neglecting all the ordinances and customes of their countrey, they conformed themselues to the behauiour and manners of other nations. Antiochus hauing all things in his kingdome, according to his hearts desire, resolued to make warre in Aegypt; desiring to be possessed of the same, both for that he contemned Ptolomeies sonnes age, (who were as yet weake) as also for that they were not as yet capeable to manage their so mighty estates. Arriuing therfore neer to Pelusium with a great power, he circumuented by a subtil pollicie the yong Ptolomey Philometor, and subdued Aegypt: for after he had besieged Memphis and taken the same, he came to Alexandria, with an intent to besiege the Citie, and to lay hold of the king who was therein. But he was driuen, not onely from Alexandria, but also out of all Aegypt, by the Antiochus enforced to depart out of Egypt. The history of Antiochus Epiphanes. C sommons that was sent him in the name of the Romans, who commaunded him to depart, and dislodge his army out of that countrey, as we haue heretofore declared in an other place. Now will I more largely and particularly discourse the actes and gests of this king, who ouercame Iudaea, and spoiled the temple: For hauing onely made a briefe mention of him in my former workes, I thinke it necessarie in this place to make a more exact recitall of his Historie.
CHAP. VII.
Antiochus leadeth out his army against Ierusalem, taketh the Citie and spoileth the Temple. D
AFter that King Antiochus was returned out of Aegypt, and for the feare of the Romans had forsaken that countrey, he led his army against Ierusalem, and encamped Antiochus entring Ierusalē spoileth the temple. The yeare of the world, 3796. before Christs birth 168. before the Citie, and surprised it by surrender, in that the gates of the Citie were set open vnto him by those of his faction: all which hapned in the hundreth, fortie and third yeere of the raigne begun by Seleucus. Now when he faw himselfe Lord and master of Ierusalem, he slew diuers of the contrarie faction; and after he had gathered togither many great and rich spoiles, he returned backe to Antioch. This misfortune hapned some two yeeres after the surprisall of the Citie, in the hundreth, fortie and fiue yeere of the raigne of that family, on the fiue & twentith day of that moneth which we call Chasleu, and the Macedons Apellaeus, the E Romans December; in the hundreth, fiftie & three Olympiade; at which time he neither spared The yeare of the world. 3798. before Christs birth 166. them, who gaue him peaceable entrance, and opened him the gates, and effected him the means to spoile the inestimable riches of the temple, with greater freedome: but being no lesse tyrannous to the friend, then to the offender, he spared neither. For hauing seene what quantity of gold was in the temple, and how huge a number of presents and precious ornaments were in the same, he was so ouercome with couetousnesse, that he brake and violated all conuentions and conditions. After therefore he had spoiled the temple, and carried away the vessels dedicated vnto God, the golden candlesticke, the golden altar, the table of shew bread, the censors, and pulled downe the curtaines made of fine linnen and scarlet; after he had emptied the treasures that were hidden, and left nothing behind him of any valew: he drowned all the Iewes in grieuous F lamentations. For he inhibited and forbad them to offer their vsuall and daily sacrifice vnto God, according to the prescript order of the law: and after he had spoiled the whole Citie, he slew a part of the inhabitants, and carried away the rest of them into captiuitie, with their wiues and children, to the number of ten thousand. Furthermore, he burned the fairest buildings of the Citie, and rased the walles, and raised a fortresse in the lower Citie. For the temple was as it were a high cittadel, commaunding the rest. For this cause, hauing inclosed it [...]ith high walles [Page 304] and towers, he planted a garrison of Macedonians therein, with whom remained the rabble and G The yeare of the world. 379 [...]. before Christs birth 166. Antiochus abrogating Gods law thorow extreme tyranny enforceth the Iewes to Idolatry, and fortifieth the temple. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. skumme of the wicked Apostate Iewes, who were giuen ouer to all impieties, and who also afflicted their fellow Citizens with many and mischieuous iniuries. The King also commaunded that an Altar should be erected in the temple, on which he caused swine to be slaughtered, offering sacrifice contrary to the religion and ordinance of the Iewes. He constrained them likewise to forsake their deuotion towards God, and to adore those Idols whom he reuerenced for Gods, building in euery Citie and Burrough both Temples & Altars, on which he ordinarily caused swine to be offered. He forbadde them likewise to circumcise their children, threatning to punish him whosoeuer he were, that was found to do the contrary. Moreouer he chose certaine ouersecrs that should constraine them to fulfill his commandement; so that a great number of Iewes, some of their owne accord, othersome for feare of the threatned punishment, endeuoured themselues H to satisfie the kings decree. But those men who were of vpright hearts, and valiant minds, little respected these menaces: For hauing more respect to their lawes and customes, then to the torments wherewith they were menaced, if they performed not the edict; they were beaten, and exposed to most cruell punishment, for many daies, amidst the which they yeelded vp the ghost. For after they were whipt and maimed in their bodies, they were crucified and tortured aliue: they strangled the women also with their circumcised children, whom according to the Kings commaund they hung about the neckes of their parents, who were crucified: And if in any place they found any sacred scripture, they defaced & burnt it, and they with whom it was found, were put to a most cruell death.
The Samaritanes seeing this affliction of the Iewes, claimed them no more for their kinsmen, I The deuil seekehth to abolish the Bible. The variable wits of the Samaritanes which made them so odious in the sight of the Iewes. and called their temple of Garizim no more the temple of God, but (as we haue heretofore declared) they shewed their own corrupt and vnconstant natures, and chalenged their descent from the Medes and Persians, as in effect they were: for which cause they sent embassadours to Antiochus with letters to this effect.
Our ancestors enforced by the continuall pestilence that raunged in their countrey, and induced by a certaine auncient superstition, haue beene accustomed to obserue that day as festiuall, which the Iewes call their Sabbath; and hauing builded on the mount of Garizim a temple, and dedicated it vnto a god, who hath no name, haue offered vp in the same The yeare of the world. 3799. before Christs birth 165. diuers and solemne sacrifices. But since that you haue inflicted punishment on the Iewes, according as their wickednes deserueth, the commissaries of the King supposing that we were K tied to their customes (by reason of some alliance betweene vs) couple vs with them, and charge vs with the same accusations: whereas we are borne Sidonians, as it appeareth by the rowles of our commonweale. We therefore beseech you, who are our benefactor and Sauiour, to commaund your gouernour Apollonius, and your steward Nicanor, not to molest vs any more, by charging vs with those accusations which appertaine vnto the Iewes: who neither are tied vnto vs by alliance, neither accord with vs in maners; but that our temple, which hath not hitherto born the name or title of any God, may now be called the temple of Iupiter of Greece: by which meanes we shall be deliuered from all trouble, and being at libertie to intend our affaires, we may the easier and more willingly pay you greater tributes.
To this request of the Samaritanes the King answered, sending them backe their owne letter:
The Sidonians of Sichem haue sent vs this suggestion; which wee annexe vnto these our letters. Since therefore they, who were sent vnto vs to this intent, haue sufficiently approoued both to vs and our counsel of friends, that they are vtterly strangers vnto those crimes, wherewith the Iewes are charged, and are desirous to liue according to the lawes of the Graecians, we absolue them in as much as concerneth this cause, and their temple, which hereafter shall be called by the name of Iupiter of Greece: we haue written to the like effect also to Apollonius our Magistrate.
Giuen the fortie and sixe yeere, and the eleuenth of the Moneth Hecatombaeon, which signifieth August.
CHAP. VIII.
Antiochus forbiddeth the Iewes to vse their lawes, onely Matthias the sonne of M Asmonaeas contradicteth him, and obtaineth the victory against Antiochus captaines.
AT that same time there dwelt a certaine man in Modin (a village of Iury) whose name was Matthias, who was the sonne of Iohn, and who was the sonne of Simon, the sonne of Asmonaeus a Priest of the ranke of Ioarib, borne in Ierusalem: This Matthias had fiue sons, [Page 305] Iohn called Gaddis, Simon called Matthes, Iudas called Machabaeus, Eleazar named Auran, and The yeare of the world. 3799. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 165. The zeale and piety of Matthias and his sonnes. A Ionathas called Apphus. This Matthias oftentimes complained vnto his sonnes, as touching the miserable estate of their commonweale, the sacke of their Citie, the sacriledge of the temple, and the miseries of the people, telling them that it were better for them to die for the law, then to liue in ignominie. When as therefore the commissaries deputed by the King, came vnto the Borough of Modim, to constraine the Iewes to performe that which was enioyned them, and to commaund them to sacrifice, according to the ordinance; requiring Matthias (who surpassed the rest in honour, and other qualities, but in especiall in excellency of descent and nobilitie) to begin first of all to offer sacrifice, to the end that the rest might follow him and be induced by his example; promising him that in so doing, the King would honour him greatly. Matthias answered thereunto, that he would in no sort commit that idolatrie, assuring them that notwithstanding B al other nations of the world, either in respect of loue, or for feare of iustice should obey the edicts of Antiochus; yet that neither he, nor any of his children could or would be induced to forsake their fathers religion. Now as soone as he had returned this answere, and held his peace, a certaine Iew stepped forth to offer sacrifice, according to Antiochus ordinance; wherewith Matthias was in such sort displeased, that both he and his sonnes fell vpon him, and with their swords An Apostata slaine by Matthias. hewed him to peeces. He slew Apelles the kings captaine likewise, with certaine other soldiers, who would haue withstood him. And not content herewith, he ouerthrew the Altar, crying out with a loud voice: If (said he) any one be affectioned to the lawes of his fathers, and the seruice of God, let him follow me: and this said, he sodainly retired himselfe into the desart with his sons, leauing the borough vtterly dispossessed. The rest doing the like, retired themselues into the desart, Matthias with his sons Hieth into the desart C with their wiues and children, and made their habitation in certaine caues. The Kings captains hauing intelligence hereof, gathered those forces that were at that time in the Cittadel of Ierusalem, and pursued the Iewes into the desart. And hauing ouertaken them, they laboured first of all to make them submit themselues, and to make choice of that which stood with their profit, rather then to indaunger themselues, and inforce them to chastice their disobedience, with bloud in warre. But the Iewes respected them not a whit, but contradicted them in their demands, who had alreadie concluded and resolued among themselues, rather to die then commit such an impietie: For which cause they (who omitted no oportunitie) assailed the Iewes on a Sabbath day, and burned them within their caues, who neither resisted their enemies, nor so much as closed vp the mouths of their caues: And therefore abstained they from all defence by reason of the D day, resoluing with themselues in no sort to violate the Sabbath day (for we are commaunded to The Iewes are slaine on the Sabbath day, which slaughter maketh Matthias more werie. cease from all labour, on that day.) There were therefore about some thousand stifled in their caues, accounting both men, women and children. Yet notwithstanding diuers escaped, who ioyned themselues with Matthias, whom they appointed likewise for their captaine; who declared vnto them that they ought to fight on the Sabbath daie, assuring them that if they did it not, but scrupulously obserued the law, they themselues should be enemies vnto themselues, if perhaps the enemy should assaile them that day, and should not stand vpon their garde: for by that meanes they should be destroyed without resist. By these words he perswaded them to doe as he had said: and vntill this day it is a custome among vs, that if need require we make no difficulty to fight on the Sabbath day. Matthias therefore hauing assembled a sufficient number of E men about him, destroyed the Altars, and slue those that had forsaken their religion, as many of them as he could lay hands on. For diuers were scattered heere and there among the nations, Matthias rooteth out all Idolatry. for the feare they had; these commaunded he to circumcise their children that were not circumcised; driuing those from euery place, whom King Antiochus had ordained to see his law executed.
After therefore Matthias had gouerned for the space of one yeere, he fell sicke of a most desperate disease; for which cause he called for his sonnes, and spake vnto them after this manner. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 8. My sonnes, I must now walke the way that is destinated vnto all men: I therefore recommend and exhort you to follow my deliberation, and diligently to obserue the same, remembring you of the intent of me your father, who haue begot and nourished you, which is, to maintaine F the lawes of our countrey, and to establish our estate, which is vpon the point to be ouerthrowen, Matthias exhorteth his sons to pietie, fortitude and concord. except you submit vnto those who either voluntarily or forcibly betray the same: shew your selues therefore to be worthy sons of me who am your father; strengthen your hearts with courage to ouercome all force and necessitie; thinking with your selues, that if God see that you be such, he will not forsake you, but taking pleasure in your vertue, he will once more grant you the fauour to recouer your former peace and liberty, and will establish you in assured possession [Page 306] of your auncient lawes. True it is, our bodies are mortall and subiect vnto destinie, but the memorie G The yeare of the world, 3799 before Christs birth 165. of our vertuous actions are enfranchised by immortalitie: being therefore stirred vp with the loue thereof, striue and bestirre your selues to obtaine honour, to the end that proiecting mighty things, you make no difficultie to hazard your liues in the execution of the same. Aboue al things, I exhort you vnto cōcord, to the end that in whatsoeuer one of you shal be found more naturally apt and fitted then another, he may prosecute the same without any contradiction of the rest. I charge you also to obserue and obey your brother Simon (who is a politique and valiant man) in whatsoeuer he shall counsaile you. As touching your chiefetaine, you shall serue vnder Machabaeus, because he is both valiant and strong: for he shall reuenge the iniuries and outrages, which haue been done to our nation, and put our enemies to flight: second him therfore with men of valour, and such as feare God: and by this means you shall augment your forces. H
CHAP. IX.
Matthias dieth, and his sonne Iudas succeedeth him.
AFter Matthias had spoken in this sort vnto his sonnes, and praied God to fauour their [...]. Macchab. 3. Matthias death Iudas Machabaeus appointed gouernor. enterprises, and to restore the people to their auncient policie, and the accustomed fashion of their life, which they had in former times continued and obserued; hee died anon after, and was buried in Modin. And after the people had grieuously lamented and mourned for him, for a certaine time; and performed publikely such honour in his funerals, as was agreeable to his estate: his sonne Iudas Machabaeus tooke vpon him the gouernment I of the warres, in the hundreth, fortie and sixt yeere; and by the assistance both of his brethren and other Iewes, he droue the enemies out of the countrey, and put those of his owne nation to death, who had forsaken their religion, and purged the countrey of all vncleannes, which had been brought into it.
CHAP. X.
Apollonius generall of Antiochus army, commeth into Iewry, and is discomfited and slaine.
WHen Apollonius, who was Antiochus generall in Samaria heard hereof, he gathered his K army togither, and inuaded Iudaea: against whom Machabaeus made head, and ouercame Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 9. Iudas Machabaeus ouercō meth Apollonius in battell. Seron gouernour of Coelesyria is put to flight in Iudaea him in a battell, wherein there died many, and among the rest Apollonius; whose sword Machabeus got as his part in the spoile. There were a great number of them also who were wounded, and much booty was taken in the enemies campe: after which execution enriched with spoiles, he retired himselfe. But Seron gouernour of Coelesyria hearing hereof, and vnderstanding that diuers had ioyned themselues with Iudas, and that he had already about him a sufficient power to keepe the field, and bidde the battell; he thought that it concerned him to begin to punish those, who resisted the kings Edicts. For which cause after he had assembled all the forces that he had, and besides them hired certaine apostate or figitiue Iewes, he marched foorth against Iudas, and came as farre as Bethoron a village in Iewry, where he incamped. Iudas also L came out to meete with him, determining with himselfe to bid him battell: and seeing that his souldiers would hardly be drawne out to fight (both by reason of their inequalitie of number, as also for that they had eaten no meate, but had fasted a long time) he encouraged them, saying, ‘that the meanes to obtaine victorie, and to haue the vpper hand ouer their enemies, consisted not in the greatnesse of their number; but in their deuotion towards God: whereof they had a most euident example in their forefathers, who had oftentimes defeated with a small number of men diuers thousands of their enemies, because they fought for iustice, for their law, and for their children: for the greatest force (said he) that a man may haue, is to be innocent and without iniurie.’ By these words perswaded he his souldiers, so that without any feare of the multitude of their enemies, they all togither ranne vpon Seron, and encountring with him, they discomfited M the Syrians. For their chiefetaine being slaine, all the rest betooke them to their heeles, in which thing onely consisted the safetie of their liues. Iudas therefore, pursuing them as farre as the Champion, slew about eight hundreth of them. The rest saued themselues in those quarters that bounded vpon the sea.
CHAP. XI. A The yeare of the world. 3799. before Christs birth 165.
Lysias and Gorgias leade their armies into Iewry, and are ouerthrowne.
WHen King Antiochus heard these tidings, he was highly displeased at that which had hapned: he therefore assembled all his forces, and hiring diuers straungers and mercenarie Antiochus preparation to inuade Iudaea. Islanders, he prepared himselfe to inuade Iudaea about the spring time. But after the muster of his army, when he truely found that his treasures failed him, and that he was in great scarcitie of money (for all his tributes were not truely paid him, because the nations were rebellious) being likewise in his owne nature a man of a great and magnificent spirit, that could not be contented with that which he then had, he resolued first of all to go into Persia, to gather B his tributes. He therefore left the charge of his affaires with Lysias (a man very much esteemed by him, and such a one as gouerned all the countrey from Euphrates, as farre as the borders of Aegypt, and the lower Asia) giuing him likewise a part of his army and some of his Elephants. To him had the King giuen charge to see his sonne Antiochus well and carefully trained vp, vntill his returne: commanding him expressely, that when he had conquered Iudaea, he should make Antiochus committing his kingdome, prouinces and sonne to Lysias charge, departeth into Persia. the inhabitants thereof his slaues, and sell them to those that would giue most, and destroy Ierusalem, and vtterly abolish that race. The king hauing giuen this charge to Lysias, led forth his army towards the countrey of Persia, in the hundreth, fortie and seuenth yeere: and after he had passed Euphrates, he marched onward toward the gouernours of the higher countrey.
As for Lysias he chose Ptolomey the sonne of Dorymenis, Nicanor and Gorgias (men of great C power and authortie amongst the kings friends) and gaue them forty thousand footmen, and seuen The yeare of the world, 3800. before Christs birth 164. thousand horsemen, to inuade Iewry. Who marching as farre as the Citie of Emaus, encamped in the plaine field, and strengthned their army with diuers allies out of Syria, and of the countries thereabouts, and with diuers Iewes also, who were Apostataes. There came also certaine merchants with them, with an intent to buy those that should be taken prisoners, bringing Giues with them to manacle those that should be apprehended, & mony to pay for them. When Iudas had viewed the campe, and numbred the enemy, he encouraged his souldiers, exhorting Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 10. Ptolomey, Gorgias, aand Nicanors war, in Iudaea. them to repose their confidence and hope of victorie on God, willing them to inuocate and cal vpon him, according to their law, and that cloathing themselues in sackcloth they should humble themselues according to their accustomed manner in such extreme dangers, and call vpon D God with supplications and praiers; and that in so doing God would haue compassion on them and giue them force to stand against their enemies, and put them to shame. When as therefore he had arraunged his battell, according to the auncient custome of his countrey, by thousands and hundreths, and sent away those that were newly married, and such as had newly bought possessions, for feare least such men being too niggard of their li [...]s, or distracted by such affections, should not fight couragiously: he stood vp in the midst of thē, inciting his soldiers to fight valiantly, in these or such like words. ‘My countrimen and companions, neuer haue we hitherto had any occasion more necessarie, wherin we ought to expresse our courages, and contemne our dangers, Iudas oration to his soldiers. thē at this present. For at this time, if you fight couragiously, you may recouer your liberty, which of it selfe is so acceptable vnto you all, that being of it selfe most desired, ought the rather more E earnestly to be affected, because by it onely you shall win the meanes to serue God. As therefore you shall be disposed at this time, you may obtaine the same, and withal enioy a happy life (which consisteth in liuing according to our lawes and auncient customes) if you behaue your selues valiantly: but if you prooue cowards in fight, you are to expect no worse then the extremitie of infamy, and hope no lesse then the vtter extermination of all your race. Thinke therefore with your selues, that if you fight not, you must die: and on the other side, assure your selues that in fighting for your libertie, for your lawes, and for pietie, you shall obtaine immortall glorie: Prepare your courages therefore in such sort, that to morrow morning you may bid your enemies battell.’Thus spake Iudas to his army, to encourage them.
Whilest thus he was intent about the future battell, certaine tidings was brought him, that 1. Machab. 4. F Gorgias was sent with one thousand horsmen, & fiue thousand footmen, to the end that (vnder the conduct of some fugitiues) he might by night time, and when he least suspected him, set vpon him: Wherupon he decreed the very same night to breake into the enemies army, especially for that he knew that their forces were diuided. Hauing therfore refreshed both himselfe & his army somewhat liuely, and left a number of fiers in his campe, he marched all the night, and sought out the enemy, who was at Emaus. Gorgias perceiuing that the Iewes had forsaken their campe, [Page 308] supposed that they were retired for feare into the mountaines to hide themselues: For which G The yeare of the world 38 [...]0. before Christs Natiuitie. 164. causes trauailing onward, he determined to search diligently in what place they might be. But early in the morning, Iudas accompanied with three thousand men (who were slenderly armed by reason of their pouertie) shewed himselfe vnto his enemies, who were at Emaus; and after he had suruaied and seene their warlike discipline, and mightie number, and howe souldierlike they were encamped, he exhorted his followers, telling them that it concerned them to fight, notwithstanding they should be naked: for although they were in that estate, yet God (who tooke pleasure in the greatnesse of their courage) had already giuen them the victorie against a number of armed souldiers: and sodainly he commanded the trumpets to sound, so that rushing in vpon his enemies on the sodaine he dismaid them, and discomforted their hearts. And after he had slaine diuers of them who resisted, and put all the rest to flight, hee pursued them as farre H as Gadara; and the plaines of Idumaea, of Azot, and of Iamnia. In this encountrie there died Iudas ouercommeth Lysias army. about some three thousand of the enemy. Notwithstanding Iudas would not permit his souldiers as yet to take the benefit of the spoile, because they were as yet to fight against Gorgias and his army; assuring them, that as soone as they had valiantly executed the same, it should be lawfull for them to make their booty, without feare, because they should haue no further enemies either to feare or expect. Whilest he spake in this sort vnto his souldiers, they that were with Gorgias discouering from the toppe of a certaine hill, perceiued that the army that was left behind them, was put to flight; and that their campe was on fire: for although they were farre off, yet did the smoake assure them of the same. When these men vnderstood that the matter had fallen out in this sort, and perceiued that Iudas and his fellowes in battel ray expected their comming, I they feared, and betooke them to flight. When as therefore Iudas perceiued that Gorgias troupes were discomfited, without stroke striken, he went out to gather the pillage; and after Iudas gathere [...] a huge [...]. he had gotten togither great store of gold, siluer, scarlet, and purple, he returned to his dwelling place, with ioy, praising God for their happy successe: For this victorie did not a little aduantage them, towards the attainment of their liberty. But Lysias being confused at the discomfiture [...] once [...] [...] [...] and lo [...] fiue thousand of his soldiers. of those whom he had sent, assembled an other army of almost threescore thousand chosen men, and fiue thousand horsemen, to inuade Iudaea. After he had therefore made his entrie by the mountaines, he encamped in Bethsura a village of Iudaea. Iudas hauing knowledge thereof, came foorth against him, accompanied with ten thousand men; and discouering the number of his enemies farre to exceede his (after he had besought God by praier that it would please him K to fight with him) he charged the vauntguard of the enemy with so great force, that he discomfited them, and slew about some fiue thousand of them, leauing the rest in great feare. Lysias knowing the resolution of the Iewes, and how they were prest to die, except they might liue in libertie; on the other side redoubting their desperations, more then their forces, he gathered togither the rest of his army, and returned backe to Antioch: where he soiourned, hiring many forraine The temple of Ierusalem. The yeare of the world, 3801. before Christs birth 163. souldiers, to make a greater army and preparation to inuade Iewry with all. After that Antiochus captaines had been discomfited so many times, Iudas assembled the people togither, and tolde them, that after they had obtained so many victories thorow the mercie of God, it behooued them to ascend vp vnto Ierusalem, and to purifie the temple that was desolated; and to offer those sacrifices ordained by the law. Ascending therefore thither with a multitude of people, he found L the temple desart, and the gates thereof burned, and grasse growing within the same, thorow desolation. Being therefore confused with so pitious a spectacle, he began to weepe with all those that accompanied him: And hauing chosen out certaine of his best soldiers, he commanded thē to enforce the garrisons that were in the fortresse; whiles he himselfe purged the temple. Which commaund of his being most exactly and resolutely fulfilled, he sent for new vessels, a candlesticke, a table, an altar of incense, all made of gold. He put also vailes or hangings to the doores, accustomed to be spread abroad; and set gates to the temple. And hauing thrown down the altar of burnt offrings, which had been prophaned by Antiochus, he builded a new of all sorts of stones, neither hewen, nor hammered according to arte. The fiue and twenty day of the moneth of Chasleu (with vs September) there were lights set vpon the candlestickes, and perfumes M laid vpon the altar, & loaues imposed vpon the table, and sacrifices offred vpon the new altar. All The temple left desolate for three whole yeeres space. Dan. 12. which hapned the same day three yeeres wherein before time the sacred Religion was changed into prophane and hatefull impietie. For the temple was ruinated and left desolate by Antiochus, and remained in that estate for the space of three whole yeers. For this desolation hapned in the hundreth, forty & fift yeere, and the fiue and twentith day of the moneth called Apellaeus or August; in the hundreth, fifty and three Olympiade: and the temple was repurged on the same day, [Page 309] in the yeere one hundreth, fortie and eight; and the hundreth, fiftie and fourth Olympiade. The yeare of the world. 3801. before Christs birth, 163. A This desolation of the temple hapned, according as Daniel had foreprophecied, foure hundreth and eight yeeres before: for he declared euidently that the Macedonians should destroy the same.
After that Iudas had reestablished the seruice of the temple, both he and his countrimen solemnized The festiuall solemnized for the reestablishment of the temple. a feast for eight daies, omitting not any kind of honest pleasure, banquetting them sumptuously and magnificently, and honouring God in Hymnes and Psalmes. Thus reioyced they at this reestablishment, seeing that contrary to all hope after so long time, they had recouered the customes of their countrey, & their ancient religion: so that a decree was made for those which should come after, whereby it was commaunded, that for the space of eight daies the rebuilding of the temple should be solemnized, with the ceremonies and ancient ordinances: and B euer since that time vntill this day wee celebrate this feast, called the feast of Lights. For this cause in my opinion, for that this so great felicitie began to shine vnto vs as a light, contrarie to all hope. He inclosed the Citie likewise with a wall, and builded high towers thereon, in which he planted garrisons against the incursions of the enemies. He fortified the Citie of Bethsura also, that it might serue as a fort against the enemy. Whilst these things passed thus, the nations round Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 21. Mach. 5. Iudas maketh continuall warre with the neighbouring nations. about displeased with the reestablishment and force of the Iewes, oppressed diuers, whom they surprised by ambushes and trecherie. On those Iudas made continuall warre to hinder their incursions, and to make them partakers of those euils they had inflicted vpon the Iewes. So that inuading Acrabathan he slue the Idumaeans that were descended from Esau, and brought away a great pray out of their countrey, and shut vp the sonnes of Baan their prince, who lay in waite C for the Iewes; and hauing besieged them, he ouercame them, setting fire on their towers, and killing all the men that were therein. After this he departed from thence, and made warre vpon the Ammonites, who had a great and mightie army, vnder the conduct of Timotheus. These did he encounter with and ouercome, and tooke their Citie of Iazor, and burned it, and led away their wiues and children into captiuitie, and afterwards returned into Iudaea. The neighbouring nations hearing of his departure, assembled themselues togither in Galaad against the Iewes, who inhabited the frontires of Galaad, who hauing retired themselues to the fort of Dathema, sent letters vnto Iudas, giuing him to vnderstand that Timotheus intended to surprise the place whereunto they were retreated, and requested him to deliuer them from this daunger. And whilest he was reading of these letters, certaine messengers came vnto him out of Galilee, giuing him to vnderstand, D Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 11. that they were assaulted by the inhabitants of Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and other people thereabouts.
CHAP. XII.
Iudas fighteth with the Ammonites, Simon against the Tyrians, and others, whom he discomfiteth.
IVdas bethinking himselfe of that which best concerned him in these two vrgent and instant occasions, commaunded his brother Simon to take three thousand chosen men with him, and to go and succour those Iewes that were assailed in Galilee: and himselfe E accompanied with Ionathan his other brother, and eight thousand fighting men, repaired vnto the countrey of Galaad; leauing the gouernment of the rest of the forces in the hands of Ioseph the sonne of Zachary, and with Azarias, commaunding them to haue a carefull and diligent eye to Iudaea, and not to enter battell with any one, vntill his returne. Simon arriuing in Galalee, fought against his enemies, and discomfited them; and afterwards pursuing them that fled as farre as the gates of Ptolemais, he slew about three thousand: and after he had gathered the Simo ouercō ming his enemies in Galilee, deliuereth the Iewes that were captiue. Iudas and Ionathas succour the Iews besieged in Galaad. spoiles of such as were slaine, he set many Iewes at liberty, who were prisoners, and hauing restored them their goods, retired himselfe backe againe to his countrey. But Iudas Machabaeus, and Ionathan his brother hauing past Iordan, and marched on the other side thereof for the space of three daies, encountred with the Nabatheans, who peaceably came out to meet them; by whom F he vnderstood the estate of those that were in Galaad, and how diuers of them were in extreme penury, inclosed and besieged in Castles and Cities of the countrey by their enemy. Who likewise besought him to make haste and encounter the straungers, & to seeke the means to saue their countrimen. For this cause he returned into the desert, & first of all assailed the inhabitāts of Bosra, and tooke their Citie, and set it on fire, killing all the men that were therein, who were able to Bosra taken and burnt. beare armes. Neither was he contented therewith, but when night drew on, he marched towards [Page 310] another Castle where the Iewes were enclosed, and shutvp by Timothy and his armie; and attaining The yeare of the world. 3801. before Christs birth 163. Iudas succoureth the besieged Iewes. G the same about the mornings brie, he surprised the enemy, at such time as they were raising their ladders to scale the walles, and addressed their engins for battery: whereupon he caused the trumpet to be sounded, and after he had encouraged his people to fight▪ valiantly and faithfully for their kinsmen and friends being in great danger, and had distributed his forces into three battalions, he set vpon the enemies rereward. Timotheus soldiers perceiuing that it was Machabaeus, whose valour & good hap they had alreadie approued to their great losse, they without delay tooke themselues to flight. But Iudas with his army followed after them, & slew about eight thousand of them, and marching towards Malla (a Citie of the enemies) he surprised the same, and Timothies soldiers slaine. Malla taken and bu [...]nt. Chaspoma and Bosor takē Timothy gathereth new forces, and is ouercome by Iudas. slewe all the men therein, and afterwards consumed it with fire. After this departing thence, he tooke and destroyed Chaspoma, Bosor, and diuers other places in Galaad. H
Anon after Timothy leuied an other great army, and drewe out with him all his allies to his succour, and a number of Arabians, whom he had hired for wages: with this army of his passed he the floud, and encamped neere vnto a towne called Rapha; exhorting his soldiers to behaue themselues like valiant men against their enemies the Iewes, & to hinder their passage ouer the streame: foretelling them, that if they should win the passage, both he & his were assured of the worst. Iudas vnderstāding that Timotheus was prepared to fight, took with him al his forces, & marched hastily against the enemy; so that hauing passed the riuer he set vpon thē, killing diuers of them that resisted, & grieuously affrighting the rest, who casting away their armes, were constrained to fly. There were some of them, who saued themselues by swiftnes of foot: and some also, who retired themselues into a temple called Carnain, where they were in hope to be secured and so to escape: but I after that Iudas had taken in the Citie where the temple was, he slew them, and burnt the same, enforcing his enemies to suffer diuers and dreadfull sorts of death. After this execution, he led away The Iewes are brought out of the country of Galaad into Iu [...]aea. Ephron besieged & burnt with him from Galaad all the Iewes, their wiues and children, and substance, and brought them with him into Iudaea. When as therefore he drewe neere vnto the towne of Ephron, which was scituate directly in his way, so that it was impossible for him to march any other waies or returne home, except they leuelled their way (which they refused to do) he sent Embassadours vnto the inhabitants to pray them to open their gates; and to grant him free passage thorow their Citie. For they had made Baricadoes of stones to cut off the passage. When as therefore the Ephronites would giue no eare vnto him, he besieged their Citie for a day and a nights space, and tooke and burned the same, and slewe all the men that were therein, and afterwards drewe K onwards on his way; and so great a number was there of those that were slaine, that he marched vpon the bodies of dead men.
After they had past Iordan, they came into a great plaine, wherein the Citie of Bethsan (by the Greekes called Scythopolis) confronted their eies; from whence they departed and came into Iudaea with ioy and gladnesse, singing and praising God, and vsing their accustomed An admirable victory of Iudas Machabaeus, who in all these conflictes lost not one man. Ioseph and Zachary ouercome by Gorgias, lose two thousand [...]olgiers. pastimes and songs of victorie. This done, he offered vp sacrifices of thanksgiuing for their happie successe, and the safetie of his army; for that in all those battels and encounters he had not lost one Iewe.
In the meane while two captaines, to wit, Ioseph the sonne of Zachary and Azarias, who were left for the garrison of Iudaea (whilest Simon went into the countrey of Galilee against those of L Ptolemais, and Iudas and Ionathan his brother were in Galaad against the Ammonites) desirous also for their part to obtaine the honour and reputation of valiant men of warre by some notable exploit; tooke their forces, and went towards Iamnia. Against these issued out Gorgias, who was gouernour in that place, and charged them in such sort, as the Iewes lost some two thousand men, and fled as farre as the marches of Iudaea. This mischiefe fell vpon them, because they had disobeyed Iudas commaundement, who had prohibited them to fight with any before his returne. For besides many other proiects of his warlike prudence, this is to be wondered at, that he forsaw that if they should attempt any thing contrary to his commaund, they should haue but bad successe therein. Iudas and his brethren making warre against the Idumaeans, gaue them no respite, but continually charged them on euery side: they tooke also the Citie of Chebron, M and destroyed all the fortifications in the same, and burnt the towers, spoyling all the countrey of Chebron and Marissa besieged. the enemies, and raced the Citie of Marissa likewise. Afterwards comming to Azot, they tooke and spoiled it, and caried away a great quantitie of bootie from thence, and returned backe into Iudaea in safetie, ioyfull of their victory.
CHAP. XIII. The yeare of the world. 38 [...]1. before Christs birth 163. A
The death of Antiochus Epiphanes in Persia.
AT that time Antiochus trauailing along the higher countries of his kingdome, vnderstood Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 13. 1. Mac. [...]. Antiochus desirous to spoile Dianaes tēple, besiegeth Elymias, and is shamefully repulsed to Babylon. The yeare of the world. 3802. before Christs birth 162. that there was a very w [...]althy Citie in Persia called Elymais, in which there was a rich temple of Diana, replenished with all sorts of presents: wherein also he was enformed, that Alexanders armes and curets, who was Philip king of Macedons sonne, were reserued there of long time. Vpon these considerations he was incited to repaire vnto Elymais, which he besieged and laboured to take by force. And for that the inhabitants thereof, were neither affrighted with his approch, nor terrified with his siege, but sustained the same valiantly, he failed B of his purpose. For they draue him from their Citie, and sallying out vpon him they pursued him so hotly, that he fled backe to Babylon, and lost a great number of his men. Whilest thus he was discomfited, for that he had been frustrated of his hope, newes was brought him of the ouerthrow of his captaines, whom he had left to warre against the Iewes, and how they of Iewry were now the stronger, and had the vpper hand. This trouble seconding his former discontent, he was surprised with despaire, and fell sicke; which sicknesse aggrauated with other accidents, increased Antiochus Epiphanes burdned with cares falleth sicke. in such sort, that he knew well that he should die: and for that cause he called for his most familiar friends, and certified them, that his sicknesse was violent and desperate, and that he was seased with such affliction, for that he had tormented the people of the Iewes, and destroied their temple, committed horrible sacriledge, and contemned the reuerence of God: and whilest thus Polybius Megalopolitan of the cause of Antiochus sicknes. C he spake vnto them, he gaue vp the ghost. So that I wonder at Polybius the Megalopolitane (who is otherwise praise worthy) for that he writeth that Antiochus died, for that he would haue spoiled the temple of Diana in the countrey of Persia. For since he had onely intended to commit sacriledge, but had not effected it, he merited not to suffer punishment for the same. And if it seemeth good vnto Polybius, that Antiochus was punished by death for this occasion, it is farre more likely to be true, that his death befell him for the sacriledge he had committed in the temple of Ierusalem. But our purpose is not to argue against those that maintaine, that Polybius reasons are of greater truth and consequence, then ours are.
CHAP. XIIII. D
Antiochus Eupator discomfiteth the Iewes, and besiegeth Iudas, and shutteth him vp in the temple.
BEfore Antiochus gaue vp the ghost, he called for Philip one of his chiefest familiars, and made him gouernor of his kingdome. And hauing deliuered the diademe into his hands, Antiochus appointeth Philip gouernour of his kingdome, and committeth his sonne Antiochus to his charge. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 14. Lysias createth Antiochus the yonger king, and surnameth him Eupator. The Macedons in the castle of Ierusalem doe much harme [...]o the Iewes. Iudas Machabaeus besiegeth the castle. The fugitiue Iewes fly out of the castle, and require Antiochus assistance. his royall robe, and his ring with other iewels, he charged him to beare and deliuer them to his sonne Antiochus, requiring him earnestly to haue care of his bringing vp, and to maintaine the kingdome in his behalfe, vntill he comming vnto the yeeres of discretion, were fit to manage it himselfe. This done, Antiochus died the hundreth, fortie and ninth ye [...]re of the kingdome of Syria. After that Lysias had certified the people of the kings death, he p [...]oclaimed his sonne Antiochus, E whom at that time he had in his protection, king, surnaming him Eupator (according to the instructions that were giuen him.) About that time the garrisons and Apostataes that were in the fortresse in Ierusalem did much mischiefe vnto the Iewes. For setting vpon those at vnawares, who ascended the temple to worship and offer their sacrifice, they slew them: for the fortresse commanded the temple. For these causes Iudas resolued to cutte off these garrisons, and to that intent he assembled all the people, and besieged it. This enterprise was vndertooke in the yeere one hundreth and fiftie, after that Seleucus had vsurped the gouernment of those countries. Hauing therefore made him certaine engins, and raised diuers rammes, he industriously continued the siege: But diuers of those Apostataes that were reuolted, and of that garrison, issued out by night, and assembling togither such men as were of so malicious nature as themselues, F they came vnto king Antiochus, requiring him that he would not suffer them to be abused in such sort by those of our nation, nor so carelesly neglected by them, considering their disgrace grew by his fathers seruice, for whose sake they had forsaken their own religion, & followed his lawes and ordinances. Furthermore they inferred, that the fortresse was in danger to be surprised by Iudas, and his associates, except some present succours were sent vnto them. When Antiochus the yonger had notice hereof, he was sore displeased, and sent for his captaines and friends, commanding [Page 312] them to hire strange souldiers, and all those in his kingdome, who were of yeeres to beare G The yeare of the world 3803. before Christs Natiuitie. 161. Antiochus marcheth into Iudae a with his army. Bethsura besieged. Iudas with his forces encountreth the king at Bethzacharia. armes; so that he gathered in short time an army of one hundreth thousand footmen, and twentie thousand horsemen, and thirtie two Elephants: and with this Equipage departed he out of Antioch, committing his army to Lysias direction. As soone as he came into Idumaea, he went vp vnto Bethsura a walled Citie, and very difficult to be surprised, which he besieged and begirt: but with such disaduantage, that the Bethsurians resisting him valiantly, and sallying out vpon him, burned those preparations and engines which he had furnished for the batterie of the town. When as therefore a long time was consumed about this siege, Iudas hauing intelligence of the kings approch, raised his campe from before the Castle of Ierusalem, and marching forward to meet the enemy, he shut his army in a certaine streight, in a place called Beth-zacharia some seuentie stounds distant from the enemies campe. H
The king hauing tidings hereof, raised his siege from Bethsura, & marched towards the streight wherein Iudas army was inclosed, and about the morning he set his souldiers in battel aray. He first of all caused his Elephants to march one after another thorow the streight (for that it was impossible for them to march in square.) About euery Elephant were one thousand footmen, and fiue hundreth horsemen. These Elephants bare high towers on their backs, garnished with archers. Touching the rest of his forces, he caused them to ascend two seuerall waies by the mountaines, vnder the conduct of his most intirest friends, commanding them with a huge shout and crie to charge their enemies, & to discouer their golden and brazen bucklers, to the end the reflection thereof might dazel the eies of the Iewes: whereupon the mountaines resounded with fearfull cries of Antiochus army: Yet was not Iudas any waies amated hereat. For entertaining the I charge with a noble courage, he slew almost six hundreth of the forlorne hope. But Eleazar surnamed Auranes Iudas brother, seeing a huge Elephant among the rest armed with royal trappings, & supposing that the king was vpon the same, he ran against him with a mightie courage; and after he had slaine diuers of them that enuironed the Elephant, and scattered the rest, he thrust his sword into the belly of the beast, and wounded him to the death: so that the Elephant falling vpon Eleazar, slew him with the waight thereof; and thus nobly died this worthy man, Eleazar Iudas brother killeth an Elephant. Iudas returneth to Ierusalem and Antiochus followeth him. The Bethsurites yeeld vp their citie. The temple of Ierusalem besieged. ouerthrowing a great number of his enemies, thorow his infinite valour. Iudas seeing his enemies forces so great in number, retired backe to Ierusalem to continue his siege: and Antiochus sent part of his army to Bethsura to surprise the same, and with the rest he himselfe marched onward to Ierusalem. K
The Bethsurites being affraid of this mighty army of the king, and seeing their necessarie prouisions failed them, yeelded vp their Citie, after they had taken the kings oth, that they should receiue no outrage. When as therefore Antiochus became Lord of this Citie, he offered them no iniurie; onely he thrust them out disarmed from the Citie, and planted a garrison therein. Hee spent a long time also in besieging the temple of Ierusalem, for that they who kept the same, defended it valiantly. For against euerie engine the king builded & raised vp against them, they erected a counter-engine. Their only want was victuals, because their old prouision was consumed, & the ground had not bin manured that yeere, because it was the seuenth, in which according to the law, the countrey & soyle should not be stirred: which was the cause that diuers of those that were besieged, fled secretly for want of victuals, insomuch that very fewe remained for the defence L of the temple. In this estate were they who were besieged in the temple. When as King Antiochus and Lysias the generall had receiued tidings, that Philip comming out of Persia, intended Antiochus hearing newes of Philips intent to inuade Persia, giueth ouer his siege to meet him. to make himselfe master and lord of the countrey; they concluded to giue ouer the siege for that time, and to march forward against Philip, without giuing any inckling thereof either to his souldiers or captaines. He onely commanded that Lysias should communicate the same with the captaines, without discouering of his deliberation or enterprise against Philip, and to tel them that for these reasons he leuied the siege, first for the length thereof; next for the strength of the place; lastly for want of victuals; and for many affaires that required some circumspect and carefull foresight in his kingdome. Furthermore, for that he thought it most expedient to capitulate with the besieged, and contract friendship with all the nation of the Iewes, promising and M permitting them the exercise of their religion, because they onely rebelled for that they were depriued of the same; and for that he was assured, that hauing the grant thereof, they would each of them returne into their owne countries. When Lysias had expressed and published these reasons; all the army and the captaines approoued the same.
CHAP. XV. A The yeare of the world. 3803. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 161.
Antiochus giueth ouer his siege, from before the Citie, and entreth a league and alliance with Iudas.
WHereupon Antiochus sent a herauld to Iudas and those that were besieged with him, promising Antiochus maketh peace with Iudas. The wal of the tēple defaced. Onias otherwaies called Menelaus, led away prisoner. them peace, with permission to liue according to their religion. Which conditions they willingly entertained, and hauing taken an oath and assurance from the king; they surrendred vp the temple. Wherupon Antiochus entred the same, and seeing it to be a place so well fortified, he contrarie to his oath, commanded his army to leuell the wall that enuironed the same with the ground: which done, he returned to Antioch, leading away with him the high B Priest Onias, who was called Menelaus. For Lysias had counselled the king to murther Menelaus, if he intended that the Iewes should line in peace, without any commotion: and the rather, because it was he onely who was the author of all these euils, by reason of the counsaile he had giuen to Antiochus his father, to inforce the Iewes to forsake their religion. The King for that cause sent Menelaus vnto Beroea a Citie of Syria, where he commanded him to be put to death, after he had enioyed the high priesthood for the terme of ten yeeres. He was a wicked and impious man, who for his onely ambitious desire of authoritie had inforced our nation to reuolt from their religion. Alcimus or lacimus made high priest. The yeare of the world, 3804. before Christs birth 160. Philip slaine by Antiochus. Onias the high priests sonne builded a tēple in Egypt resembling that at Ierusalem. As soone therefore as Menelaus was dead, Alcimus was made high priest, who was called Iacimus. Now when Antiochus found that Philip had already conquered a great part of his countrey, he fought with him, and taking him prisoner, slew him. But Onias the sonne of the C high priest (whom as we haue heretofore declared, was left an Orphan in his infancie) seeing that the king had slaine his vncle Menelaus, and giuen the priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the race of the priests, and had transferred this honour into another family at the perswasion of Lysias, he fled vnto Ptolomey King of Aegypt, where being honourably entertained by the King and his Queene Cleopatra, he obtained a place in the Heliopolitane signiorie, where he builded a temple like vnto that which was at Ierusalem: whereof wee shall hereafter haue more fit opportunitie to speake.
CHAP. XVI.
Bacchides generall of Demetrius army, commeth to make warre against the Iewes, D and returneth backe againe vnto the king without performance of any thing.
AT that time Demetrius Seleucus sonne fled to Rome, and tooke possession of Tripolis Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 15. 1. Machab. 7. Demetrius seazeth Tripolis and other cities of Syria, and killeth Antiochus and Lysias. in Syria, and after he had set the diademe vpon his head, and had leuied and hired certaine souldiers, he inuaded the kingdome: where he was receiued to the generall content of all men, who submitting themselues vnto him laid hold on the king Antiochus and Lysias, and brought them aliue vnto him; but he incontinently commanded that they should be put to death, after that Antiochus had raigned two yeeres, as we haue already declared in an other place. To this new elected king diuers Iewes (banished for their impietie) and with E them the high priest Alcimus made their resort: who in general accused their nation, and as principals Iudas and his brethren, obiecting against them, that they had slaine his friends, and all Alcimus the high priest, with Apostates accuseth Iudas before Demetrius. such as were on his side; and that among all those that were in the kingdome and expected his comming, some of them were slaine; and that the rest being driuen from their natiue countrey were banished into other places: requiring him that he would send some one of his friends to take knowledge of the outrages committed by Iudas and his brethren. Demetrius was much moued by these reports of theirs, and for that cause sent Bacchides (who was in times past much esteemed by Antiochus Epiphanes for his valour, and to whose gouernment at that time all Mesopotamia was committed:) To whom he gaue an army, ioyning with him the high priest Alcimus, with commission to kill Iudas, and his confederates. Bacchides departing from Antioch with his F army, came into Iudaea, and sent a certaine herauld to Iudas and his brethren, to intreat with him vpon certaine articles of peace, because his intent was to surprise them by some subtiltie and treacherie. But Iudas smelling his drift, gaue little trust vnto him: for in that he came thither with so great an army, he easily coniectured that he intended no peace; but to make warre: notwithstanding Bacchides killeth diuers that trust his oth. some of the people gaue eare vnto the peaceable proclamation of Bacchides, and supposing that there was no sinister intent in Alcimus, who was their countriman, they submitted [Page 314] themselues vnder his gouernment. Hauing therefore receiued an oth from them both, that neither The yeare of the world, 3804 before Christs birth 160. Bacchides vseth great tyranny in Bethzeth. Alcimus vseth popularity and familiarity to win the peoples hearts, and killeth all such as were of Iudas factiō. G they, nor any of their followers should any waies be endomaged by them, they committed themselues to their protection. But Bacchides setting light by his oth, slue three score of them; and by this breach of his faith towards these, he caused others (who intended to submit themselues) to forsake and fly his gouernment. As soone as therefore he had remooued his army from Ierusalem, he came vnto the village of Bethzeth, and there apprehending many of those which had fled, and some others among the people, he slue them all, commaunding all those that liued in the countrey to obey Alcimus, to whom he left in that place for the gard of his person a part of his army: and that done, he returned vnto Antioch to King Demetrius. In the meane while Alcimus intending to assure his estate and gouernment; and supposing that it should be so much the better confirmed, if so be he could obtaine the good wil of the people, he vsed all kind of plausible H & familiar speech vnto thē, and deuising with euery man pleasantly & graciously, he adioyned in short time great forces to those which he had before: amongst whom there were many fugitiues and vngodly men, by whose helpe and assistance he marched thorow the countrey, killing Iudas resisteth Alcimus power. all those whom he found to be of Iudas faction. Iudas perceiuing that Alcimus hauing gathered great forces, had alreadie slaine diuers of the most vprightest men, and such as feared God in all his nation, he addressed himselfe also to ouerrunne the countrey, and slue as many of Alcimus partakers, as he could meet with. Who perceiuing in himself that he was vnable to resist Iudas, made his account to recouer Demetrius fauour. For which cause he repaired to Antioch, & incensed Demetrius Alcimus accuseth Iudas to Demetrius. grieuously against Iudas, accusing him for inforcing many iniuries against him: protesting that he should endure farre more, except he were preuented and punished by a good army I sent out against him.
CHAP. XVII.
Nicanor being sent after Bacchides to be chieftaine of the warre against Iudas, is discomfited with all his army.
DEmetrius imagining, that if Iudas should increase in power, it should be some preiudice to his estate, he sent Nicanor his most intire and faithfull friend, to make war against Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 16. Demetrius sendeth Nicanor against Iudas. Nicanor dissembling with Iudas laboured to surprise him him: (who was one of them also, who accompanied him in his flight from Rome.) Hauing therefore furnished him, in his owne opinion, with a sufficient army, and able to make head K against Iudas, he commaunded him to spare no one of that nation. As soone as Nicanor came to Ierusalem, he intended not incontinently to make warre vpon Iudas, but cast with himselfe to surprise him by some subtiltie: to this intent he sent him a peaceable message, alledging that it was neither necessary not conuenient for him to fight or hazard his fortune; protesting vnto Iudas, that he would offer him no iniury; and that he resorted thither with his friends, onely to expresse the good affection of king Demetrius towards him, and how well he was affected towards the nation of the Iewes. Iudas and his brethren beleeued this false embassage of Nicanors, and suspecting no kind of sinister dealing, they gaue him credite, and entertained both him and his armie. When as therefore Nicanor had saluted Iudas, he conserred with him, and in the meane while gaue a signe vnto his souldiers to lay hands on him: who perceiuing and discouering his L treason betime, incontinently brake from him, and fled vnto his souldiours. When Nicanor sawe that his intent and subtiltie was discouered, he resolued to make open warre vpon Iudas, and to bid him battell neere vnto a borough called Caphar-salama: in which place obtaining the victorie, he constrained Iudas to retire himselfe into the fortresse in Ierusalem. When as therefore Nicanor returned from the siege of Iudas in the temple of Ierusalem, certaine of the Priests and Elders went out to meet with him, and after they had done their reuerence, they shewed Nicanor threatneth the people that except they yeeld vp Iudas he will destroy the temple. him those sacrifices, which (as they said) they intended to offer vnto God for the kings prosperity and health. But he blaspheming, threatned them; that if the people did not deliuer Iudas into his hands, he would destroy the temple vpon his returne, and with these menaces he departed out of the citie. Which when the Priests heard, they began to shed aboundant teares, praying God that M it might please him to defend his sacred tēple, togither with those which called on his name therin, from the violence and outrage of their enemies.
Whenas therefore Nicanor departing from Ierusalem arriued neere vnto the borough of Bethoron, he encamped there; and to that place a great supply of soldiers came vnto him out of Syria. Now Iudas was encamped in an other borough called Adas about thirtie furlongs distant from Bethoron, hauing with him at the most not aboue one thousand men. Notwithstanding he [Page 315] exhorted his soldiers not to be afraid of the multitude of their enemies; neither to thinke with The yeare of the world. 3804. before Christs birth, 160. Iudas and his followers put Nicanor and his soldiers to flight. A themselues against how many they were to fight; but against whom, and for what recompence they were to fight, to the intent they might altogether couragiously set vpon the enemy, at such time as he should lead them forth to the onset. Whereupon assailing Nicanor, there arose a dangerous conflict betweene them; wherein Iudas had the vpper hand: for he slue a great number of the enemie, and finally Nicanor himselfe fighting couragiously was slaine; and as soone as hee fell downe dead, his army betooke them to flight. For hauing lost their chieftaine, they dispersed themselues, and cast away their weapons: Iudas speedily pursuing them, made a great slaughter, and by sound of trumpet certified them of the neighbouring villages, that he had discomfited the enemie. Whereupon the inhabitants there about vnderstanding hereof, betooke them to their weapons, and meeting with those that fled in the foreward, B slue them, so as no one escaped from this battell: notwithstanding they were to the number of nine thousand. This victorie hapned on the thirteenth day of the moneth Adar, as our countrimen Adar. March. call it, and the Macedonians Distre: And hereof each yeere there is both a solemne feast and memoriall obserued. From this time forward the nation of the Iewes were in quiet without any inuasion, and liued in peace for a little time: but afterwards they were troubled with the like combates and daungers. Whereas therefore the high Priest Alcimus intended to beate downe an olde wall of the sanctnarie, which had beene builded by the holy Prophets, he was Alcimus the high priest dieth. sodainly strooken by God; so that he incontinently lost his speech, and fell to the ground, and after he had endured many grieuous torments for diuers daies, at last he died miserably: after he had enioied the Priesthood for the space of foure yeeres. C
After his death, the people with a generall consent gaue his place to Iudas. Who vnderstanding of the great power of the Romanes, and how they had conquered Gaule, Spayne, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 17. 1. Macchab. 8. Iudas couenā teth a peace with the Romanes. Carthage, Greece, and the Kings Perseus and Philip, and besides all these, the great King Antiochus; determined to make friendshippe with them; and sent Eupolemus the sonne of Iohn, and Iason the sonne of Eleazar his two intire friends vnto Rome, to intreate the Romanes to be their allies and confederates, and to write vnto Demetrius, that he should giue ouer to warre against the Iewes. When the Embassadours that were sent from Iudas, were arriued in Rome, the Senate entertained them; and after they had discoursed with them vpon the occason of their Embassage, they accepted and concluded vpon their alliance, and made a decree, the copie whereof was then brought into Iudaea, and the originall reserued in The decree of the Romanes touching society and friendshippe of the Iewes. D the Capitoll, engraued in a Table of Brasse. Which arrest or decree of the Romanes, as touching their alliance and good affection they bare vnto the Iewes, contained these articles. That no man vnder the obedience of the Romanes, should maintaine warre against the nation of the Iewes: neither should furnish them with victuals, shippes, or siluer, who should make warre vpon them. And if any enemies should assaile the Iewes, the Romanes should giue them succours to the vttermost of their power. And that likewise if any one should make warre against the Romanes, the Iewes should succour them. That if the Iewish nation would adde or diminish any thing of that association, it should be done with the common aduise of the people of Rome, and that that which should be ordained, should remaine irreuocable. This arrest was written by Eupolemus the sonne of Iohn, and by Iason the sonne of Eleazar, at such time as Iudas was high Priest, and his brother Simon generall ouer the army. See E heere, how the first amitie and alliance was contracted betweene the Romanes and the Iewes.
CHAP. XVIII.
Bacchides is sent once againe into Iudaea, and obtaineth a victory.
WHen as Nicanors death, and the discomfiture of his army was reported to Demetrius, he Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 1 [...]. 1. Mach. 9. Demetrius sendeth Bacchides with forces into Iury. Bacchides meeteth Iudas with 20000. soldiers. sent a new army into Iudaea, vnder the conduct of Bacchides: who departing from Antioch, and repairing to Iudaea, encamped in Arbela a city of Galilee, where hauing inforced, conquered, and taken a great number of those that were retired into caues, he departed F from thence, and repaired in all haste to Ierusalem. And vnderstanding that Iudas was encamped in the village of Berzeth, he marched out against him with twentie thousand footmen, and two thousand horsemen. Now Iudas had not on his side in all aboue two thousand men, who perceiuing the multitude of Bacchides soldiers were afraid; so that some of them forsaking their camp, fled away: by which meanes there remained no more with Iudas, but eight hundreth men. Seeing himselfe therefore abandoned by so many of his men, and pressed by his enemies, who gaue [Page 316] him neither truce nor time to reassemble his forces, he resolued to fight with those eight hundreth The yeare of the world. 3804. before Christs birth 160. Iudas with a small army intendeth to assaile a mightie host. G which he had: whom he exhorted to be of good courage, and to fight valiantly: but they answered, that they were insufficient to make head against so huge an army, and counsailed him to retire, and to stand on his guard for that time, vntill he had gathered forces that might be able to confront the enemy. But Iudas replied to this effect: ‘God forbid (said he) that the sunne should see me turne my backe vpon mine enemies. And if by this meanes I meete with my death, and that I must needes spend [...]y last bloud in this battell, I will neuer soile so many notable actions so worthily atchieued, nor staine so much glorie obtained with so great vertue by one ignominious flight.’And hauing in this sort exhorted the small remnant of those souldiers that were with him, he commanded them that without any apprehension of danger, they should bend themselues altogither against the enemy. H
CHAP. XIX.
Iudas ouercome in the battell, dieth.
BVt Bacchides drew out his army, and arranged them in battell, placing the horsemen on both the wings; his light armed souldiers and archers in the front of the army; and after Bacchides disposeth his army, and fighteth with Iudas. these a strong band, called the Macedonian Phalanx; and he himselfe led the right wing of the battell. And in this array he approched Iudas campe, and caused the trumpets to be sounded; commanding all his souldiers to giue a great shoute, & to charge their enemies. Iudas did the like, and encountred Bacchides; so that on both sides there was a most cruell conflict, I which continued vntill the sunne-set. And when as Iudas perceiued that Bacchides and the flower of his army fought in the right wing, he chose out a certaine number of his most resolute followers, Iudas disperseth the enemies army, killeth some, and at last is slaine himselfe. and drew towards that quarter, and setting vpon them, he brake their squadron; and afterwards thrusting into the midst of them he forced them to flie, and pursued them as farre as the mount Aza. They of the left wing, perceiuing the flight of those in the right, went after Iudas, and enclosed him on the backpart. He being vnable to flie, and seeing himselfe enclosed by his enemies, resolued with his souldiers to fight it out. When as therefore he had slaine a great number of his enemies, and being enfeebled more through wearinesse, then by the woundes receiued of them, he fell to the ground, and was himselfe at last slaine likewise: adding this honourable manner of death to his former notable and valiant exploites. His souldiers seeing K him dead, and hauing no gouernour of respect left amongst them after the losse of so valiant a captaine, betooke them all to flight. Simon and Ionathan his brothers vpon intreatie recouered his body, and carried it to Modim (a place where his father was buried) there was he interred by all the people, who wept for him diuers daies, and honoured him publikely according Iudas is buried in Modim. to the custome of their countrey. Such was Iudas end, who was a valiant man, a great warriour and verie respectiue of the commandements of his father Matthias, hauing done and suffered all that he might for the libertie of his countrey. Being therefore after this manner adorned with vertue, he hath left behinde him a perpetuall renowne of his worthy actes, and an honourable memorie of himselfe obtained by the libertie, in which hee reestablished his nation, retyring them from the seruitude of the Macedonians: who died also after he had discharged the office of L the high priest, for the space of three yeeres.
THE XIII. BOOKE OF A THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Ionathan after his brother Iudas death, succeedeth him in the gouernment.
- 2 Ionathan hauing wearied Bacchides by warre, compelleth him to draw to a league, and to depart away with his army.
- 3 Alexander the sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes, maketh warre vpon King Demetrius.
- 4 Demetrius sendeth an embassador to Ionathan with presents, perswading him to be of his faction.
- 5 Alexander by greater proffers then Demetrius did offer, and by offering the high Priests place to Ionathan, draweth him to fauour his faction.
- 6 Of the temple of God builded by Onias.
- 7 How Alexander after the death of Demetrius, highly honoured Ionathan. C
- 8 Demetrius the sonne of Demetrius ouercomming Alexander, possesseth the kingdome, and plighteth friendship with Ionathan.
- 9 Tryphon Apamenus after he had ouercome Demetrius, reserueth the kingdome for Antiochus Alexanders sonne, who receiueth Ionathan into fauour.
- 10 Demetrius being ouercome by the Parthians, Tryphon breaketh his couenant of peace, and laying hold on Ionathan traiterously killeth him, and afterwards assaulteth Simon his brother.
- 11 How the nation of the Iews cōmitted both the priesthood & the gouernment of the army to Simon
- 12 Simon driuing Tryphon into Dora, besiegeth him, and entreth friendship with Antiochus surnamed Pius.
- 13 A debate arising betweene Antiochus and Simon, Cendebaeus the kings captaine is driuen out D of the countrey.
- 14 How Simon was traiterously slaine at a banquet by Ptolomey his father in law.
- 15 How Prolomies endeuours being made frustrate, Hircanus obtained the gouernment.
- 16 How Antiochus surnamed the Iust, leading an army against Hircanus for three hundreth talents is both reconciled and tied in league of friendshippe.
- 17 Hircanus expedition into Syria.
- 18 How Antiochus Cyzicenus assisting the Samaritanes is both conquered and enforced to flie.
- 19 Aristobulus was the first that set the Diademe on his head.
- 20 The actes of Alexander King of the Iewes.
- 21 The victorie of Ptolomey Lathurus against Alexander. E
- 22 Demetrius Eucaerus ouercommeth Alexander in battell.
- 23 The expedition of Antiochus Dionysius into Iewry.
- 24 Alexander being dead, his wife Alexandra succeeded him in the kingdome.
CHAP. I.
Ionathan after the decease of his brother Iudas, succeedeth him in the gouernment.
WE haue declared in our former booke, how the nation of the Iewes The yeare of the world. 3805 before the Natiuitie of Christ. 159. (after they had been vnder the subiection of the Macedonians) recouered F their liberty: we haue likewise discouered the great and grieuous conflicts, which Iudas their captaine performed, and in which he finally died in the behalfe of their libertie: how likewise (after the death of Iudas) all the wicked Apostate Iewes, who had reuolted from their religion, tooke courage, molesting and doing many iniuries to the rest of their countrimen. Finally, how besides their malice, the famine inuaded the countrey; [Page 318] so that diuers being vnable to sustaine these two mortall scourges of famine and warre; G The yeare of the world, 3805 before Christs birth 159. The Iewes cō pelled by the Apostates & by famine submit themselues to the Macedonians. Bacchides murthereth those of Iudas faction. were constrained to submit themselues vnto the Macedonians. In the meane while Bacchides gathering togither the false Apostataes (who were fallen from the religion of the Iewes, with an intent to liue after the prophane manner of the Paganes) committed the gouernment of the countrey vnto them: who laying hold on Iudas friends and partakers, betraied and deliuered them to Bacchides: who first of all tormented and beat them at his pleasure, and afterwards put them to death. This so grieuous affliction (then which the Iewes had neuer endured a worse, since their returne from Babylon) was the cause that those of Iudas faction, who were yet aliue, fearing the totall and cruell ruine of their nation, addressed themselues to Ionathan his brother, exhorting him to imitate his brother Iudas vertues, & to haue no lesse care of his countrimē, then the other had; who fought for their libertie vntill his latest breath, requiring him not to abandon H the gouernment of his nation, especially in that [...] miserable estate wherin they were plūged. Ionathan answered them, that he was ready to die for them; and being in all things esteemed no lesse valiant and politique then his brother Iudas, he was proclaimed generall and chiefetaine of the Iewes.
Bacchides hauing notice hereof, feared least Ionathan should be no lesse infestuous to the king and Macedonians, then his brother Iudas before him had been; for which cause he sought the meanes to make him away by treason. But both Ionathan and his brother Simon gat intelligence Ionathan by the publike instigation of the Iewes vndertaketh the gouernment. Bacchides cōplotteth to betray Ionathan and his brother. hereof; and hauing discouered his practise, they tooke all their families with them, and fled into the desart that confined the Citie Ierusalem: and retiring themselues neere vnto a water called the lake of Asphar, they remained in that place. When Bacchides perceiued that they mistrusted I him, and were drawne thither; he went out against them with all his forces, and being encamped on the other side of Iordan, he gathered his army togither. Ionathan knowing well that Bacchides came out to seeke him, sent his brother Iohn (surnamed Gaddis) vnto the Arabians Nabatheans, to commit the trust of their goods vnto their hand, vntill the end of the warre betwixt him and Bacchides: for the Arabians were his friends. Whilest therefore Iohn marched towards the Bacchides draweth out his forces against Ionathā Iohn the brother of Iudas is slaine by Amars sonnes. Bacchides assaileth Ionathan on the Sabbath day, & loseth two thousand of his men. Nabatheans, the sonnes of Amaraeus laid an ambuscado for him (who were of the citie of Medaba) and after they had furiously set vpon him on the way, & laid hold on whatsoeuer he brought with him, they at length slew him and all his company: for which fact of theirs, they were shortly after punished by his brethren, as we will make manifest in that which afterward followeth.
When Bacchides knew that Ionathan was incāped in the marshes of Iordan, he made choise of K the Sabboth day to set vpon him, hoping that he would not defend himselfe on that day, because of the prohibition of the law. But he contrary to his expectation incouraged his companions, & declared vnto them how it concerned their liues to be valiant, for that it was impossible for them to escape, because they were shut vp in the midst betwixt the floud and the enemy: for they had the enemy before them, and the floud on their backes. As soone therefore as he had made his praier vnto God, that it might please him to grant him the victorie, he set vpon the enemy with a stout courage, and slew a great number of them: and perceiuing Bacchides how with great fiercenesse he set forward against him, he stretched out his right hand to strike him; but he preuenting the stroke by stepping aside, Ionathan and his companions lept into the riuer, and so saued themselues by swimming ouer to the other side of Iordan, because the enemies durst not L passe the water to pursue them. Whereupon Bacchides returned incontinently to the Castle of Ierusalem (after he had lost about some two thousand of his men.) After this, he fortified diuers Cities (which were before t [...]ne ruinated) namely Ierico, Emaus, Betheron, Bethella, Thamnata, Pharathon, Techoa, and Gazara, and builded in euery one of them certaine towers, and great and strong walles, and afterwards he planted garrisons therein to sally out vpon the Iewes and vex them; but in especiall he fortified the cittadel of Ierusalem, in which hee kept for hostages The castle of Ierusalem fortified. the children of the principallest men of Iudaea.
About that time there came a certaine man to Ionathan and his brother Simon, bringing them newes that the sonnes of Amaraeus would solemnize their nuptials, and were to leade the bride Simon reuengeth his brother Iohns bloud on the sons of Amaraeus. from the Citie of Gabatha, which was daughter to one of the noblest amongst the Arabians: M for which cause she should be conducted with great magnificence and sumptuous pompe. Ionathan and his brother, supposing that a fit oportunitie was offered them to reuenge their brothers death, and to punish the Medabanes for the wrongs they had done vnto their brother, they tooke with them the greatest forces that they could, and marched towards Medaba; where they lay in ambush vnder the couert of a mountaine. But when they saw them that led the bride and accompanied the bridegroome, and a great troupe of their friends likewise, according to the accustomed [Page 319] manner of marriages, they brake out of their couert, and put them all to the sword; The yeare of the world. 3808. before Christ [...] birth 156. A and after they had seazed their Iewels and all other bootie of that company that followed them, they retired backe againe ioyfully hauing obtained their purpose: and thus reuenged they the death of their brother Iohn vpon the sonnes of Amaraeus. For not onely these alone, but their friends that accompanied them, with their wiues and children, were all of them slaine, to the number of foure hundreth. And in this manner Simon and Ionathan returned into the marshes aforesaid, and aboade there. But Bacchides hauing fortified all the garrisons of Iudaea, returned backe vnto the king. And at that time the estate of the Iewes was in peace for the space of welny two yeeres.
But the wicked, and such as were reuolted from the religion of the Iewes, seeing that Ionathan Demetrius by the solicitation of the fugitiues sendeth Bacchides against Ionathan with an army. Bachides displeased with the Apostates for that they could not surprise Ionathan killeth fi [...]ie of them. Ionathan and his brother besieged in Bethalaga. and his followers conuersed in the countrey in great assurance, by reason of the peace, B they sent certaine Embassadours vnto king Demetrius, requiring him to send them Bacchides, who might apprehend Ionathan, declaring that it might easily be done, and that in one night breaking in vpon them, he might murther them all before they were aware. When Bacchides by the kings commaundement came into Iury, he wrote vnto all his friends both Iewes & also his other allies, requiring them to lay hold on Ionathan: but when by no pollicy nor prowes of theirs, they were able to apprehēd him (for that Ionathā hauing notice of their ambushes, stood vpō his gard) Bacchides the Macedonian was displeased with the Apostataes or fugitiues, obiecting against thē that they had deceiued both the king and him, and laying hold on fiftie of the principallest of them, he put them to death. But Ionathan and his brother, with those of their company, retired themselues vnto Bethalaga (a certaine village in the desart) for feare of Bacchides, in which place C he builded towers, and walles to keepe his garrison in more securitie. Bacchides vnderstanding hereof, tooke the army that he had with him, and those Iewes that were his confederates, and marched forward against Ionathan; where battering those fortifications that were made by him, he besieged him for many daies. But Ionathan for all his busie siege and violence, was not awhit terrified, but resisted him valiantly; & leauing his brother Simon in the citie to make head against Bacchides, he secretly stole out, and gathered a great number of soldiers that fauoured his proceedings, and in the night time with valiant courage brake into Bacchides camp; and after he had there slaine a number of them, he gaue his brother Simon notice of his comming: who, assoone Ionathas stealing out of the citie assaileth Bacchides by night. Bacchides reuengeth himselfe on the fugitiues, and i [...] inforced to retreat. as he heard the noise in the enemies campe, hastily issued forth with his soldiers, and burnt all the Macedonians engines, and for his part also made a great slaughter of them. Bacchides seeing D that he was circumuented by his enemies, and that both before and behind he was pressed by them, being astonished at this so hard, sodaine and vnexpected encounter, was almost out of his wits; so sore was he confused at the issue of his siege, that fell out altogither contrary to his expectation: for which cause he discharged all his choler vpon those Apostataes, supposing he was abused by them, who had sent vnto the king and had caused him to be sent thither:) and full gladly would he haue returned home, could he but make an end of the siege without his dishonour.
CHAP. II.
Ionathan constraineth Bacchides to make peace with the Iewes, and to depart E out of the countrey.
BVt Ionathan knowing his deliberation; sent an Embassadour vnto him to conclude a peace and amitie betwixt them, with this condition; that they should each of them deliuer vp Mac [...]. Bacchides maketh peace with Ionathan. Ionathan liueth at Machmas punishing the wicked. those prisoners that were taken on either side. Bacchides supposing that his request would be to his great honour, and that a fit occasion was now offered him, whereupon he might raise his siege without any disgrace, promised Ionathan his friendship; so that both of them swore from that time forward neuer to make warre the one against the other; and each of them both receiued, and restored their prisoners. Thus returned Bacchides into Antioch vnto his King, and after that retreat he neuer made warre againe vpon Iudaea. But Ionathan hauing obtained this securitie, F went and dwelt in the towne of Machmas, where administring and gouerning the commonweale, he executed such seuere iustice on those that were reuolted from the religion of their countrey, that he clensed the nation of all such kind of men.
CHAP. III. The yeare of the world. 3813. before Christs Natiuitie. 151. G
Alexander the sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes, maketh warre against Demetrius.
IN the hundreth and sixtie yeare, Alexander the sonne of Antiochus the Famous came Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. Alexander the sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes commeth into Syria, and seazeth Ptolemais. into Syria, and seazed the Citie of Ptolemais, by the treason of those soldiers that were therein; who were ill affected towards Demetrius, by reason of his arrogancy, which was such, that he granted no man accesse vnto him: for being locked vp in a royall fort defenced with foure towers (which himselfe had builded neere vnto Antioch) he suffered no man to approch his presence, but was carelesse and wholy negligent in his affaires; liuing in pleasure and H idlenes: whereby he grew into great hatred amongst his subiects, as we haue alreadie declared in another place. Now when Demetrius knew that Alexander had seazed Ptolemais, he gathered all his forces and marched forth against him.
CHAP. IIII.
Demetrius couenanteth a peace with Ionathan.
MOreouer he sent Embassadors vnto Ionathan, that might confirme an alliance and ratifie Demetrius war against Alexander. [...]. Machab. 10. a friendship betwixt them: for he determined with himselfe to preuent Alexander, for feare least he capitulating with him first of all, should obtaine his assistance. And this I did he especially for the feare he had of Ionathan, least remembring those iniuries he had before time receiued at his hands, he should oppose himselfe against him. He therefore sent vnto him, requiring him to assemble his forces, & to make preparation for the warre: cōmanding likewise, that those Iewes should be deliuered into his possession, whom Bacchides had shut vp for hostages in the fortresse of Ierusalem. After that Demetrius had demeaned himselfe in this sort, Ionathan resorted to Ierusalem, and in the presence of all the people, and of the garrison that was in the fortresse, he red the kings letters; and after the reading thereof, the cursed and reuolted Iewes that were in the fortresse were sore afraid, seeing that the king permitted Ionathan to leuy an army, and to receiue the hostages. But he receiuing them into his hands, restored each of them to their fathers and mothers: and by this meanes remained Ionathan in Ierusalem, where he made diuers K reparations and buildings, according as him pleased. For he builded the Citie walles of hewen stone, to make them more forcible against the assaults of warre. Which when they perceiued The Macedonians forfaking their garrisons resort to Antioch. who were in the garrisons thorow out al Iudaea, they forsooke them all, and retired backe into Antioch, except they that were in the Citie of Bethsura, and those in the fortresse of Ierusalem: for they consisted for the most part of those Iewes that had abandoned their religion, who for that occasion feared to forsake their garrisons.
CHAP. V.
Alexander draweth Ionathan to his partie. L
BVt Alexander knowing what promises Demetrius had made vnto Ionathan, and being well assured how valiant he was, and how he behaued himselfe against the Macedonians; Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 8. moreouer how he was vexed by Demetrius and his Lieutenant Bacchides: Hee told his friends and familiars that it was impossible for him to meete with a better allie at that time then Ionathan, who had approoued himselfe a valiant man against his enemies, and for particular causes bare hatred against Demetrius, from whom he had receiued many iniuries, and on whom he Alexander endeuoureth to draw Ionathan to his faction by presenting him with the high Priesthood. had wrought sundry reuenges: for which cause if they thought it good to draw him vnto their side against Demetrius; the time was veriefit to entertaine, and confirme a mutuall peace betweene them: which aduise of his being approoued by his fauorites; he sent a letter vnto Ionathan to this effect.
We haue long sithence vnderstood M of your valour and fidelitie, which hath caused vs to send our Embassadours vnto you, to intreat with you of alliance and amitie betwixt vs; and from this day forward, we elect and ordain you high Priest of the Iewes, & receiue you into the number of our chiefest friends. Moreouer in way of present, I send you a purple robe, and a crowne of gold, exhorting you, that since you are thus honoured by vs, you will in like sort yeeld vs an answerable respect and friendshio.
Ionathan hauing receiued this letter inuested himselfe in the habite of the high Priest, and the day [Page 321] of the feast of the Tabernacles, which was the fourth yeere after the death of his brother Iudas. The yeare the of world. 38 [...]3. before Christs birth, 151. A (For during al that time there had not been any high priest.) He assembled also a great number of souldiers, and caused a great quantitie of armors and weapons to be forged.
When Demetrius heard these newes, he was much troubled, and accused himselfe of sloth and too much negligence in looking to his affaires, for that he had not preuented Alexander in the courteous entertainment of Ionathan, but had suffered him to take the benefit of this occasion. He sent letters likewise to Ionathan and the people, containing that which followeth: King Demetrius to Ionathan, and to all the nation of the Iewes: Health. Since you haue obserued the Demetrius studieth by promises to assure himselfe of Ionathans friēdship. friendship that you beare vnto vs, and haue not entangled your selues with our enemies, notwithstanding their diuers sollicitations, we praise your fidelity, and pray you to perseuere in the same estate, assuring you that you shall receiue the like fauours from vs, in all integritie. ‘For I will forgiue B you the greater part of the tributes and taxes that you haue vsually paid, either to the kings my predecessors, or to me; and from this time forward, I acquite you from those tributes you are to pay hereafter. And moreouer, I release you of the price of salt, and of the gold which you were woont to giue vnto vs for our crowne. We likewise acquite you of the thirds of the fruit of your lands, and the halfe of the fruit of your trees, which heretofore you haue been accustomed to pay me, to keepe and hold them peaceably from this time forward. I acquite you also at this present for euer, of all that which the inhabitants of Iudaea, and the three prouinces annexed therunto, Samaria, Galilee, and Peraea, are bound to pay me; willing and commanding that the Citie of Ierusalem be held sacred, and to haue the right of the freedome, exempt from all tributes and tenths, both in it selfe, & also all the countrey belonging thereunto: And I commit the fortresse C in the same to the hands of Ionathan the high Priest, permitting him to plant such a garrison therein, as in his opinion shall be held both honest and lawfull; and such as will faithfully maintaine it to his vse. I will also that all the Iewes, who are imprisoned in my countrey, be set at libertie. Moreouer, it is my pleasure, that no horses of the Iewes be taken vp to runne post for vs. I grant also on the Sabboths, and other festiuall daies; yea, three daies also before euery one of those feasts, libertie and freedome be vsed. And my will is, that the Iewes, who inhabit within my dominions, be likewise freed of all molestations. The like priuiledge grant I them that will beare armes with me, to the number of thirty thousand: who in what place soeuer they shall be, shall haue no worser entertainment then mine owne army: and part of them will I place in my garrisons; the rest shall be of my guard; and I will make them captaines in my court, and will D permit them to liue according to the ordinances of their countrey, which they shall obserue: and I wil also that the three gouernments annexed to Iudaea be made subiect vnto the same lawes. My pleasure is in like manner, that the high Priest shall take order, that no Iew adore in any other temple then in Ierusalem, and of mine owne charge I giue euery yeere a hundreth and fiftie thousand sicles of siluer to be emploied in making sacrifices: and that which shall be ouer and aboue those sacrifices, my pleasure is that it shall be yours. Moreouer, I acquite the Priests and ministers of the tēple, of the ten thousand drachmes of siluer (which the kings leuied on the temple) because they appertaine vnto the Priests who serue in the temple; as I haue been rightly enformed. I grant also to all those, who shall repaire vnto the temple of Ierusalem, for refuge, and within the precincts thereof (whether it be for money due vnto the king, or for any other cause) E that they be acquit thereof, and receiue not any domage in their goods. I permit also, that the temple be repaired and builded at my charge. My will is also, that the walles of the Citie be reedefied, and that certaine towers be builded about the same, at my costs. Furthermore, if there be any places fit to build fortresses and strong holes in, through all the countrey of Iudaea, and to The battel betweene Alexander and Demetrius, and of Demetrius death. place garrisons in them, my will is that all this be done and fortified, at the charges leuied out of mine owne coffers. These are the promises and offers that Demetrius made vnto the Iewes.’
But king Alexander hauing gathered great forces, as wel of strange & hired soldiers, as of those who in Syria had reuolted from Demetrius, led foorth his whole army against the enemy, and after the ensignes were displaied and the onset giuen, the left wing of Demetrius compelled Alexanders souldiers that fought against it to flie; and his men pursuing them hard at heeles spoiled F their campe. But the right wing in which the king himselfe was, being forced to retire, was discomfited: and as for the rest they betooke them all to flight; but Demetrius fighting valiantly slew some of his enemies; and in pursuing other some, who could not endure his fierce assault, was in the end, by setting spurres to his horse, mainly carried into a deepe and muddy bogge, whereinto by misaduenture his horse fell, and being vnable to get out he was slaine in that place. For being discouered by his enemies, they turned backe vpon him; and hauing inclosed him, [Page 322] they altogither shot their arrowes against him, who being on foote and fighting valiantly, was G The yeare of the world 3813. before Christs birth 151. at length slaine, after he had receiued diuers wounds, and was no more able to sustaine himselfe. Thus died Demetrius, who departed this life the eleuenth yeere of his raigne, as we haue discoursed in an other place.
CHAP. VI.
Onias winneth the fauour of Ptolomey Philometor, and obtaineth leaue of him to build a temple in Aegypt, which was called the temple of Onias.
BVt Onias the sonne of the high priest called also Onias (who flying out of his countrey H Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4. Onias the son of Onias the high priest seeketh to build a temple in Egypt. liued in Alexandria, with Ptolomey Philometor, as we haue heretofore declared) seeing all Iudaea destroied by the Macedonians, and their kings; and intending in his heart to purchase an immortall memorie, he determined to beseech the king Ptolomey and the queene Cleopatra by letters, that it might be lawfull for him to build a temple in Aegypt, resembling in all points that which was at Ierusalem, and that he might haue liberty to plant Leuites and Priests in the same, of his owne kinred: And hereunto was he especially mooued, by a certaine prophecie of Esay, who more then six hundreth yeeres before, had foretold that a temple should be assuredly builded in Aegypt, in honour of the almightie God by a Iew. Being therefore incited by this Oracle, he wrote a letter to Ptolomey and Cleopatra, to this effect:
During The yeare of the world. 3814. before Christs birth 150. the time that I was emploied in your warres, and by Gods fauourable assistance haue done I you many seruices, I haue visited Coelesvria and Phoenicia, and haue been in the Citie of Leontopolis (which is in the territories of Heliopolis.) I haue also visited diuers other places, wherein the Iewes haue temples against all right and honestie, which is the cause that they agree not among themselues: as also the like hath hapned amongst the Aegyptians, thorow the multitude of temples, and the great diuersitie of religions. And hauing found out a very conuenient place neere a Castle called Bubastis in the Plaine, where there is store of all sorts of stuffe for building & cattell fit for sacrifice: I beseech you that it may be lawfull for me to purifie the temple that is leuelled in that place with the ground, and dedicated to no sacred power; and that in the place thereof it may be lawfull for me to erect and build a temple in honour of the highest God, according to the patterne and the same dimensions of that temple, which is in Ierusalem, for the preseruation K and prosperitie both of you, your Queene, and children; and to the intent that those Iewes that dwell in Aegypt may assemble and serue God therein: for that by how much the more there is vnitie and concord among themselues, by so much the more may they be disposed to your seruice. For to this effect is the prophecie of Esay, which saith thus: There shall be (saith he) a temple for our Lord God in Aegypt: many other things also hath he foretold as touching this place.
This is the effect of that which Onias wrote vnto K. Ptolomey. And by his answere which he made hereunto, a man may easily coniecture what pietie was both in him, and Cleopatra his sister, and wife. For they haue returned the sinne and transgression of the law, which through this meanes fell vpon Onias head, by this answere that ensueth.
King Ptolomey and Queene Cleopatra to Onias L the high Priest; Health. We haue perused your letters, by which you require vs to giue you licence to clense the temple, that is defaced at Leontopolis, in the seigniorie of Heliopolis, in the place called Bubastis in the plaine. We maruell very much that a temple builded in a place so vncleane and full of execrable beasts should be agreeable vnto God: but since that you informe vs▪ that the prophet Esay did long time sithence prophecie the same, we giue you licence, if it may be done according to the law, and with this condition, that we commit not any sin against God.
Vpon this answere, Onias (taking possession of the place) builded therein a temple, and erected an altar vnto God according to the model of the temple of Ierusalem, but farre lesse, and A temple builded in Egypt by Ptolomies consent. The warres of the Iewes li. 7. chap. 37. Sedition betwixt the Iews and Samaritanes as touch ing their tēple. Iesse rich. Yet thinke I it no waies requisite to declare the dimensions thereof, neither the vessels in the same, because I describe them particularly in my seuenth booke of the warres, and captiuitie M of the Iewes: neither wanted there some Leuites and priests, who being answerable to Onias in deuotion and zeale, frequented the diuine seruice▪ in that place, and renued the ceremonies. But let this suffice for the present as touching this temple.
But it came to passe, that the Iewes of Alexandria, and the Samaritanes that brought in the seruice and worship of the temple vpon the mount Garizim, vnder Alexander the great, fell at oddes, and debated their differents before Ptolomey. For the Iewes said that the temple in Ierusalem [Page 323] builded, according to Moses lawes and ordinances, was the lawfull temple; but the Samaritanes A The yeare of the world. 3814. before Christs birth 150. maintained that that which was builded on mount Garizim, was the true temple. They therefore besought the king that it would please him to sit in iudgement, with the assistance of his friends, to heare their allegations in this behalfe, and to condemne the party vnto death, who should be found faultie in his processe. Now the aduocates which pleaded for the Samaritanes, were Sabbaeus and Theodosius: and Andronicus the sonne of Messalam defended the cause of those of Ierusalem, and the other Iewes. And both of them swore both by God and by the King, that they would bring their prooues according to the law, beseeching Ptolomey to adiudge him to death, whom he should find to haue falsified his oath. The king therefore sate downe with his friends, both to heare the cause, and determine vpon their differents. But the Iewes of Alexandria were sore mooued and displeased against them, that had drawne the preheminence of the B temple in Ierusalem into question, and were highly discontent that a temple so auncient and famous, and so esteemed and honoured thorow the whole world, should in such sort be dilgraced. When as therefore the day of audience was come, Sabbaeus and Theodosius suffered Andronicus to declaime first, who began to approoue the lawfulnesse, holinesse, and religion of the temple in Ierusalem out of the law; and by the successiue gouernment of the high priests, who from father to sonne, and from hand to hand, had receiued this honour; therein alleadging that all the kings of Asia had honoured the maiestie of that place with presents and rich oblations: whereas neither in record of men, nor course of antiquitie, the temple of Garizim hath been in any estimation. By these and such like words, Andronicus perswaded the king, that the temple of Ieruusalem was builded according to the ordinance of Moses, inuiting him to adiudge Sabbaeus C and Theodosius to death. This may suffice as touching the differents of the Iewes of Alexandria; and such things as befell them during Ptolomey Philometors time.
CHAP. VII.
Alexander after Demetrius death honoureth Ionathan greatly.
AFter that Demetrius was slaine in fight (according as we haue heretofore declared) Alexander was king of Syria, who wrote to Ptolomey Philometor; requiring his daughter Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. 1. Mac 11. Alexander king of Syri [...] marrieth Cleo patra Ptolomeis daughter in marriage, telling him that it was a matter answerable to his dignitie, to contract affinitie D with him; first since he had obtained his fathers empire by the fauour of God: and next for that he had ouercome Demetrius. Ptolomey yeelding a willing eare to these his demaunds, and entertaining them with great pleasure, wrote backe that he was very glad that he had recouered his fathers kingdome; promising him to giue him his daughter in marriage; giuing him to vnderstand, that he would meete him at Ptolemais, and bring his daughter vnto him to that place, and there celebrate the nuptials. After he had written these letters, Ptolomey made his speedy repaire to Ptolemais, and led with him his daughter Cleopatra; where meeting with Alexander (according to their appointment) he deliuered him his daughter, with such a dowry of gold and siluer, as well beseemed his kingly magnificence. Vnto the solemnizing of this marriage, Alexander E by letters inuited the high Priest Ionathan, commanding him to repaire vnto him to Prolemais. Where, after he was arriued, and had both presented his seruice with other magnificent presents to both the kings; he was highly honoured by both, insomuch as Alexander constrained him to put off his ordinarie garments, and to put on a purple to be, and after that to sit vpon a royall throne: commanding his captaines to march before him thorow the Citie; and to commaund by publike edict, that no man should dare to speake any thing against him; neither offer him any cause of discontent in what sort soeuer. All which the captaines performed; so that they, who purposely and maliciously repaired thither to accuse him, seeing the honour that was done vnto him by this publication, fled away hastily, for feare least some mishap should befal the. This king Alexander loued Ionathan so intirely, that he affoorded him the chiefest place amongst the number of his deerest friends. F
CHAP. VIII. The yeare of the world 3818. before Christs Natinitie. 146. G
Demetrius the sonne of Demetrius ouer commeth Alexander, obtaineth the kingdome, and contracteth friendship with Ionathan.
IN the hundreth, sixtie and fifth yeere (of the raigne of the Greekes) Demetrius the sonne of Demetrius (accompanied with diuers hired soldiers, whom Lasthenes Candiot furnished him with) departed out of Candia, and came into Cilicia. Which newes as Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 6. Demetrius the sonne of Demetrius passeth out of Greece into Cilicia and seeketh to make himselfe Lord of Syria. soone as Alexander heard, he was grieuously vexed & troubled: for which cause he instantly posted from Phaenicia to Antioch, with intent to assure the affaires of his kingdome in that place before the arriual of Demetrius. He left behind him for his gouernor in Coelesyria Apollonius Dauus, who comming vnto Iamnia with a great army, sent a messenger vnto the high Priest Ionathā, H signifying vnto him that it was not conuenient that he onely should liue in assurance at his owne ease and in authoritie, without submitting himselfe vnto a King; and that it was a great indignitie for him in all mens eies, for that he had not inforced himselfe to stoupe vnder the obedience of a King. For which cause (said he) deceiue not thy selfe, neither hope thou by skulking in the mountaines, or depending on thy forces to continue thy greatnes; but if thou trustest to thy power, come down into the field, & encounter with me & my army in the plaine, to the end that the issue of the victory may shew which of vs is most valiant. Be not thou so ignorant that the noblest of euerie Citie beare armes vnder one, who haue alwaies ouercome thy predecessors. For which cause I challenge thee to meet me in that place where we may vse our swords and no stones; and A man confident in battel. where the vanquished shall haue no aduantage by his flight. Ionathan whetted by this bitter message, I chose out ten thousand of his best soldiers, and departed from Ierusalem accompanied with his brother Simon, and came vnto Ioppe, and encamped without the Citie (because the Citizens had shut the gates against him) for they had a garrison planted in that place by Apollonius. But as soone as he addressed himselfe to batter the Citie, the inhabitants were afraid, for feare least he should surprise the same by force, and for that cause they opened him the gates. Apollonius vnderstanding that Ioppe was taken by Ionathan, he tooke three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen with him, and came into Azot; whence he departed, leading out his army with a sober march, foot by foot; & arriuing at Ioppe, he retired back to draw Ionathan into the field, assuring himselfe vpon his horsemen, and grounding his hope of victorie vpon them. But Ionathan issuing out boldly, pursued Apollonius as farre as Azot: who finding himselfe in the K champion field, tumed backe vpon him and charged him. Ionathan was in no sort abashed to see the thousand horsmen, that Apollonius had laid in ambush neere vnto a certaine streame, to the Apollonius fighteth with Ionathan, and is put to flight. end they might charge the Iewes behind, but disposed his army in such sort, that his soldiers on euery side turned their faces vpon the enemy; commaunding his mento defend themselues on both sides, fighting with those that assailed them eyther in the vantgard or the rereward. This battell continued vntill euening, and Ionathan had giuen his brother Simon a part of his forces, charging him to set vpon the enemies battell: as for himselfe, he drew himselfe and his soldiers into a forme of a battalion resembling a Tortuse, to the end that being couered with their bucklers, ioyned the o [...]e with the other, they might beare off the horsmens arrowes, to which all of them shewed themselues obedient. The enemies horsemen shooting all their arrowes against L them did them no harme; for they pierced not as farre as the flesh, but lighting vpon the bucklers (enclosed and fastned the one within the other) they were easily beaten backe & borne off, and fell downe being shot all in vaine. But when as the enemies were wearied with shooting from betimes in the morning vntill euening, and that Simon perceiued they could charge no further, he set vpon them with his soldiers so couragiously, that he put them all to flight. The horsmen of Apollonius perceiuing that the footemen were disar [...]aid, grew heartles likewise; and wearied also for that they had fought vntill the euening, and hauing lost the hope that they had in the footmen, they took their flight in great disorder, and confusion: so that they brake their rankes of themselues, and were scattered thorow all the plaine. Ionathan also pursued them as farre as Ionathan pursued the enemy as farre as Azot, and burneth Dagon [...] temple, and killeth 8000. men. Azot, and taking the Citie by assault▪ he slue diuers of them, constraining the rest that were in M despaire to flie into the temple of Dagon, which is in Azot; and taking the Citie by assault, he burned it with the villages round about, and spared not the temple of Dagon, but burned it and al [...] that were therein. The number as well of those that were slaine in the battell, as of those that were consumed by fire in the temple, was eight thousand men. Hauing therefore in this sort discomfited this army, he departed from Azot, and marched towards Ascalon: and as he was encamped without the Citie, the Ascalonites came out vnto him, and both presented and honoured [Page 325] him. He willingly entertaining their good affection, departed from thence, and iournied towards A The yeare of the world. 3818. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 146. Alexāder sendeth presents to Ionathan. Ierusalem charged with great spoiles, which after his victory against his enemy, he droue before him after he had spoiled the countrey.
As soone as Alexander heard that Apollonius the generall of his army was discomfited, and forced to flie, he made a shew that he was glad thereof, pretending that it was against his will that Ionathan had beene molested by warre, who was both his friend and ally. Whereupon be sent an Embassadour vnto him, to signifie vnto him how much he reioyced at his victory, offering him presents and honours, with a chaine of gold, such as the kings were accustomed to giue to those of their kinred: he likewise gaue him Accaron and the countrey thereunto belonging, to him and his heires for euer.
About the same time king Ptolomy Philometor set out an army by sea, and another by land, to Hedio & Ruffinus chap. 7. Ptolomey Philometor [...] [...]to Syria with an army to assist his sonne in law Alexāder▪ Ionathan meeteth with Ptolomey, and is honourably entertained by him. Treason intended against Ptolomey, and discouered: for which cause he taketh away his daughter from Alexander, and giueth her to Demetrius for his wi [...]e. B repaire into Syria, and to succour his sonne in law Alexander; and in his way all the Cities entertained him verie affectionately, according as Alexander had commaunded them, and conducted him as farre as the Citie of Azot: in which place all of them exclaimed before him, and chalenged Iustice at his hand, for that the temple of Dagon was burned and destroyed; accusing Ionathan for the firing thereof, and the slaughter of many people therein. But Ptolomey hearing these accusations, answered them not a word: But when Ionathan came forth to meete him at Ioppe, he courted him with royall presents, and all the honour that was possible, and after hee had kept him company as farre as the flood called Eleutherus he dismissed him, and sent him backe to Ierusalem. When Ptolomey was come to Ptolemais, he hardly escaped death, and that contrarie to all expectation by Alexanders owne complotting, and Ammonius his friends mediation: C Which trechery being discouered, Ptolomey wrote vnto Alexander, requiring him that Ammonius might be punished for his treasons and conspiracies practised against him, which in their natures required a seuere and cruell punishment. But seeing that Alexander deliuered him not vp into his hands, he coniectured and concluded, that he himselfe was the authour thereof; and conceiued a hainous displeasure against him. In like manner before that time, Alexander had offended the Antiochians, by the meanes of the said Ammonius, who had loaden them with many wrongs and incommodities: but in the end Ammonius was punished for these his ou [...]agious misdemeanors, and disgracefully slaine like a woman, whilest in a womans attire, he fought to hide himselfe, as we haue expressed it in another place.
At that time Ptolomey began to accuse himselfe for bestowing his daughter in mariage on Alexander, D and for resusing Demetrius to be his friend and confederate: so that he brake off the affinitie that he had with him; and after he had withdrawen his daughter from him, he presently sent Embassadors vnto Demetrius to confirme a league of peace and affinitie with him; promising him to bestow his daughter vpon him in mariage, and to establish him in his fathers kingdome. Demetrius verie ioyfull to heare of this Embassage, accepted both of the confederation and marriage. There onely remained one difficulty for Ptolomey to surmount, which was how he might perswade the Antiochians to admit Demetrius, against whom they were so grieuously incesed, for the indignities which his father Demetrius had offered them; but this difficulty ouercame he by this meanes that ensueth. The Antiochians hated Alexander, because of Ammonius (as we haue expressed heretofore) and by that meanes were the more easily drawen to driue him E out of the Citie. He perceiuing himselfe to be thrust out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Whereupon Ptolomey came vnto Antioch, and was both by the Citizens and soldiers therein, ptoclaimed king, and was constrained to take two Diademes, the one as king of Asia, the other Ptolomey perswaded the Antiochians to accept Demetrius for their king, and reiused the Diademe of Asia. asking of Aegypt. Hee was a man of a gentle and iust nature, no waies ambitions; but such a one as prudently did forecast what was to ensue: st [...]riuing by all meanes possible to auoid the hatred and iealousie of the Romans. For which cause (assembling the Antiochians together) he wrought so much with them, that at last he perswaded them to accept of Demetrius, assuring them that if he should receiue that benefit at their hands, he would no more keepe in memory those things that had fallen out betwixt them and his father: protesting for his own part, that he would instruct him both how to order the course of his life honestly, & to manage his publike affaires F rightly; and promising thē that if he attempted to worke them any inconuenient, he himself would be the formost to chastice him; alledging for his own part, that he would content himselfe to be king of Aegypt. And by this meanes the Antiochians were induced to receiue Demetrius.
But when as Alexander was departed out of Cilicia, with a g [...]eat army, and was come into Syria, and had burned and spoiled the countrey of the Antiochians, Ptolomey accompanied with his sonne Demetrius (for he had alreadie maried his daughter vnto him) issued out with [Page 326] their armies, and obtained a ioint and mutuall victorie, by ouercomming Alexander, who was G The yeare of the world, 3818 before Christs birth 146. Alexander being ouercome flieth into Arabia, and is staine in that place. Ptolomeis death. constrained to flie into Arabia. It came to passe in that conflict, that Ptolomeies horse hearing the noise of an Elephant, was troubled and stumbled in such sort, as he threw his master on the ground: which when his enemies perceiued, they ran al togither vpon him, and gaue him diuers wounds in the head, whereby he was in danger to haue been slaine, vnlesse his guard had rescued him: notwithstanding he was so sicke for foure daies space, that he could neither heare nor speake. But Zabel the potentate of Arabia beheaded Alexander, and sent his head vnto Ptolomey; who being somewhat come vnto himselfe after his wounds on the fift day, and hauing some knowledge, heard and saw togither a thing both delightfull in his eare, and pleasant in his eie, which was the death and the head of his enemy. But some few daies after he died himselfe, be [...]ng full of ioy in that he saw his enemies fall. This Alexander surnamed Balles, raigned for the H space of fiue yeeres, as we haue elsewhere declared.
Demetrius surnamed Nicanor, hauing obtained the kingdome, began thorow his malice to dismember Ptolomeies army, forgetting both the confederacy and affinitie that he had with him, by reason of Cleopatra his wife, who was Ptolomeies daughter. But the men of warre hating his ingratitude fled into Alexandria to warrantize themselues from his wickednesse; notwithstanding they left the Elephants in his power and possession.
But the high Priest Ionathan hauing assembled an army of all the countrey of Iudaea, began to besiege the castle of Ierusalem, where there was a garrison of the Macedonians, and a great number of wicked Apostates that were fallen from the Iewish religion, who in the beginning set light by the engines that Ionathan had raised to surprise the place, in the strength whereof they reposed I too much confidence: But in the end, some of these miscreants breaking out by night, came vnto Demetrius and certified him of the siege; who was sore displeased thereat, & taking a strong army with him, departed from Antioch to make warre vpon Ionathan. At such time as he came Ionathan appeaseth Demetrius by presents. to Ptolemais, he wrote to Ionathan and commanded him to come vnto him: notwithstanding Ionathan gaue not ouer the siege, but tooke the Elders and the Priests with him, with gold and siluer, robes & a great quantitie of presents to beare vnto Demetrius, and when he had deliuered them into his hands he appeased his wrath; and after he had receiued many honors at his hands, he obtained the confirmation of his priesthood, in as ample manner, as hee enioyed it du [...]g the times of his predecessors: And although the miscreant Iewes accused him, yet did not Demetrius giue them any credit. Moreouer, Ionathan requiring, that for the whole countrey of K Iewry, and for the three gouernments of Samaria, Ioppe, and Galilee, he might pay no more then three hundreth talents for tribute, he granted him a full exemption, and wrote his letters patents in these termes: King Demetrius to Ionathan his brother, and to all the nation of the Iewes: Peace and Ioy. We haue sent you the copy of the letter, that we haue written to Lasthenes our father, to the end you may know the contents thereof, which is this.
Because the people of the Iewes are our confederates, and obserue our ordinances, my intent is to requite their good affection, and to assigne them the three gouernments of Apherema, Lydda, and Ramatha, with their appurtenances, which haue been taken from Samaria and annexed to Iudaea. Secondly, we remit all that which our predecessors kings receiued of them that sacrificed in Ierusalem: And other tributes likewise, which were gathered L for the fruits of the earth and the trees; the tribute of the salt likewise, and the gold that was leuied for the crowne? so that henceforward nothing hereof be exacted at their hands, either for the time present or to come. See you therefore giue order that the copy of these our present letters, be sent and deliuered to Ionathan, to be affixed in some open & conspicuous place in the sacred temple.
See here what he wrote at that time. Demetrius perceiuing that his countrey was in peace, and that he liued without feare of any warre, he dismissed his army, and cashierd his souldiers; hiring onely certaine strangers (who were mustred out of Candy and other Isles) whereby Demetrius incurreth the hatred of his soldiers by abridging their pay in time of peace. it came to passe that his owne souldiers conceiued an enuy and hatred against him, in that he gaue them no wages: whereas his predecessors maintained them as well in peace as in warre, to the end that they might be the more affectionate towards them; and that if need required to employ M them, they might shew themselues more ready and couragious to fight for them.
CHAP. IX. The yeare of the world 3820. before Christs birth. 144. A
Tryphon Apamenus ouercommeth Demetrius, and giueth the kingdome to Antiochus the sonne of Alexander, and plighteth friendship with Ionathan.
A Certaine man called Diodotus, and by surname Tryphon (an Apamean by nation and generall of Alexanders army) hearing what mutiny there was amongst Demetrius souldiers, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 8. 1. Machab. 11. Diodotus called Tryphon Apamenus requireth Malchus to commit Antiochus Alexanders [...]n to his charge. Ionathan sendeth Emballadors with presents to Demettius, to request him to cassiere the forces in the castle of Ierusalem and the fortresses there about. came vnto Malchus the Arabian, who had the bringing vp of Antiochus Alexanders sonne, and wrought as much as in him lay that he would commit Antiochus to his trust, to the intent he might make him king, and establish him in the soueraigne gouernment which appertained B to his father. And although vpon this first motiō of his, he could hardly be drawn to beleeue it; yet not long after by the continuall instance of Triphon he was perswaded to condescend, and suffered himselfe to be drawne by his perswasions. See here what this man pretended at that time. But Ionathan the high Priest, desiring that they within the cittadel of Ierusalem and those wicked and Apostate Iewes, and in generall all those that were in the garrisons thorowout all the countrey, might be displaced and dismissed; he sent Embassadors with rich presents vnto Demetrius, beseeching him to cashiere those that were in garrison in the fortresses of Iudaea: who not only promised him that demaund, but also matters of far greater moment, after that warre which he had then in hand, were determined. For the present troubles at that time, gaue him no leisure to performe the same: he therefore praid him for the right of their friendship to send him some C of his forces, giuing him to vnderstand, that his army was reuolted. Wherupon Ionathan chose out three thousand fighting men, and sent them vnto him. But the Antiochians hated Demetrius, both because of the iniuries they had endured vnder him, as also for the hatred they had conceiued against his father, who had in like manner done them much wrong; so that they onely expected and watched their oportunitie, to expulse him. Vnderstanding therefore that the succours that Ionathan sent vnto Demetrius were at hand; & foreseeing that in short time he would gather a great army, if they hasted not themselues to preuent him betime; they betooke them to The rebellion of the citizens of Antioch, and the reuenge taken on them by Demetrius. their weapons, and beset the kings pallace after the manner of a siege, and guarded all the gates with an intent to lay hold on the king. Who seeing himselfe roundly beset by the armed multitude of the Antiochians, tooke those hired souldiers (with those whom Ionathan had sent him) D and charged them: but he was forced to retire and ouercome by them, who were assembled in that place to the number of many thousands. For which cause the Iewes perceiuing that the Antiochians had the better hand, they mounted vpon the battlements of the pallace, and from thence darted and shot against them, without any endomagement to themselues (by reason of the distance and height of the place where they were) notwithstanding they gauled the people grieuously, in so much as they droue them from the houses neere adioning, which they incontinently set on fire, whereby the flame thereof was spred thorow the whole Citie; so that the houses that were closely builded the one by the other, and for the most part framed of wood, were burnt downe to the ground. The Antiochians perceiuing that they could not remedy the fire, nor extinguish the same, betooke them to flight, and the Iewes chasing them from house to house, E pursued them after an incredible manner. When the king perceiued that the Citizens of Antioch ranne here and there to saue their wiues, and children, and for that occasion had giuen ouer the battell, he set vpon them in a certaine narrow streight, whereas diuers of them were slaine, and all at last enforced to cast downe their weapons, and to yeeld themselues to Demetrius mercie, who pardoning them their rebellion, pacified that sedition. After this he rewards the Iewes with part of the pillage, thanking them as the onely authors of his victorie. Whereupon hee sent them backe to Ionathan, with no small acknowledgment and testimony of their prowesse and vertue. But afterwards he discouered his euill nature towards him, and falsified his promises, menacing him to make warre vpon him except he paid him those tributes, which the people of the Iewes ought, and were woont to pay vnto the kings his auncestors before time. And these deseigns F of his had he executed, had not Tryphon hindred him: for he was enforced to turne those forces that he had prepared against Ionathan, to make warre vpon Tryphon: who returning from Arabia into Syria, with the younger Antiochus (who at that time was vnder yeeres) he set the diademe vpon his head. All the army likewise that had abandoned Demetrius, for shorting them of their wages, came and followed him, and made open warre against their master, and vnder Demetrius thrust out of Antioch. Antiochus and Tryphon fought with him and ouercame him, seazing both his Elephants, and the [Page 328] Citie of Antioch. Whereupon Demetrius being wholy discomfited, fled into Cilicia. But G The yeare of the world. 3820. before Christs birth 144. Ionathan for the fauours & benefits he receiued at Tryphons and Annochus hands, offereth and performeth his best indeuours against Demetrius. the younger Antiochus sent Embassadours and letters to Ionathan, calling him his ally and friend, confirming the priesthood vnto him, and allotted him the foure gouernments annexed to Iudaea; and besides these, he gaue him vessels of gold, a robe of purple, with permission to weare the same: he gaue him also a pendent of gold, and enrolled him amongst his chiefest friends, and created his brother Simon Generall of his army, from the marches of Tyre as farre as Aegypt. Ionathan highly reioyced at these fauours of Antiochus, and sent embassadours both vnto him and Tryphon, protesting that he was their friend and ally, and that he would fight on his side against Demetrius, who neglecting those benefits which he had receiued (notwithstanding that in his necessitie he had been succoured by him) returned him euill for good, which he had so kindly extended towards him. H
But after that Antiochus had granted him leaue to leuy a great army out of Syria & Phoenicia, to fight against Demetrius followers, he addressed himselfe incontinently into the cities, who receiued him very magnificently; yet did they not affoord him any men of warre. Comming from thence vnto Ascalon, the Citizens in honourable array came out to meet him with presents; whom, togither with the cities of Coelesyria, he exhorted to forsake Demetrius part, and to follow Antiochus, to the end, that ioyning themselues with him, they might all of them combine their forces against Demetrius, and take vengeance of those mischiefes which they had oftentimes endured by his meanes: and which if they prudently examined, they had many reasons to prosecute their reuenge. After he had perswaded these Cities to enter into confederation against Demetrius, he came to Gaza, to induce them likewise, and reconcile them to Antiochus. But he found I the Gazeans to be of a farre contrary disposition, then that which he expected; for they flatly resisted him: and although they were intended to forsake Demetrius; yet would they not ioine their forces, or submit their Citie to his gouernment. For which cause Ionathan besieged their citie, and spoiled their country: for with the one halfe of his army he begirt Gaza; and with the other halfe he ouerranne the countrey, spoyling and burning the same. The Gazeans seeing these miseries which they were constrained to endure, and perceiuing that no succours came vnto them from Demetrius; but that their own ouerthrow was at hand, & their assistance farre off; and that which was worse, most vncertaine: they thought it to be the wisest part for them to forsake the one, and follow the other. Whereupon they sent messengers vnto Ionathan, protesting that they would be both his friends and confederates. For men doe vnwillingly take knowledge of K their profite, before they haue bought it to their sorrow; and that which they neglected at first, and was most expedient for them to performe before they were afflicted, that doe they earnestly hunt after, at such time as they haue been chastised.Vpon this submission of theirs, Ionathan receiued them into fauour, and tooke pledges of them, & sent them to Ierusalem; and from thence marched he along the countrey as farre as Damasco. And whereas a huge host sent by Demetrius, came out against him, as farre as the Citie Cedasa neere vnto Tyre and Galilee, making their reckoning to diuert Ionathan from Syria, by succouring and relieuing those of Galilee, who were their confederates: Ionathan went out speedily to meete with them, recommending the estate of Iudaea to the charge of his brother Simon. Who assembling all the power that was possible to be gathered thorowout all the countrey, encamped before Bethsura, a strong fort in Iudaea; L and besieged it (for Demetrius being before time seazed thereof, kept garrison therein, as before this we haue declared.) When as therefore Simon raised his bulwarkes and fitted his engines Simon Ionathans brother taketh in Bethsura. to assault the Citie, and emploied all his study to surprise the same, they that were besieged waxed affraid, least if he should take the towne by force, they should lose their liues. For which cause, they sent an herault vnto Simon, requesting him that he would permit them to depart out of Bethsura with the safety of their liues and goods, and go vnto Demetrius: who satisfying their demaunds, they presently departed out of the Citie, and he planted a garrison therein of his own men, in place of the Macedonians. In the meane while Ionathan, who was in Galilee, caused his army to dislodge from a place called the waters of Genezareth, where first he was encamped, & marched towards the plaine of Azot, without any suspition that his enemies had bin planted M thereabouts: When as therefore Demetrius souldiers had intelligence the day before that Ionathan shoud march forward against them, they laid an ambush for him, which they placed neere the mountaine, preparing the rest of their forces to bid him battell in the plaine. As soone as Ionathan perceiued their preparation to the battell, he arranged his army as conueniently as was possible; but when they that lay in ambush arose, and charged the Iewes vpon their backes, they fearing to be inclosed, and consequently easily slaine, began to flie; so that all of them abandoned [Page 329] Ionathan, except some few to the number of fiftie at the vttermost, & Matthias the son of Absalom A The yeare of the world. 3810. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 144. Ionathan putteth Demetrius soldiers to flight. and Iudas the sonne of Chapsaeus, the chieftaines of the army; who boldly entring, and like desperate men charging the enemie in the vantgard with such fury, that they made them amased at their valour, & by force of handie blowes compelled them to trust to their heeles. Which when they that fled from Ionathan perceiued, they rallied themselues and began to pursue them as farre as Cedasa, where the enemies were encamped.
Now when Ionathan had obtained this famous victory, wherein there died about some two thousand of the enemie, he returned to Ierusalem, and (seeing that by Gods prouidence all things fell out according as he himselfe desired) he sent Embassadours vnto Rome, purposely to renewe the auncient league that was made betwixt them, and the people of the Iewes: commaunding his Embassadours vpon their returne from Rome, to transport themselues to Sparta, B and renue their common friendshippe and acquaintance also in that place. As soone as Ionathan reneweth his frienship & cō federacy with the Romanes and Lacedemonians. they were come to Rome, and had presented themselues before the Senate, they declared how they were sent from the high Priest Ionathan, who required the reuonation of their alliance. Whereupon the Senate granted all that which they had demaunded as touching the amity of the Iewes, and gaue them their letters of recommendation to beare vnto all the Kings of Asia and Europe, and to the gouernours of all the Cities; commaunding them to grant them free passage to returne into their countrey. And in their returne they passed by the Lacedemonians, and presented those letters which Ionathan had written vnto them, the copie whereof contained matters to this effect.
C If you be in health, and both your particular and publike affairers haue their desired successe, The yeare of the world, 3821. before Christs birth 143. we haue that which we desire: For our selues, we are in good disposition. For as much as heretofore we haue receiued a letter by the hands of Demoteles, written from Arius your king to Onias our high Priest, making mention of that acquaintance and alliance, which is betweene you and vs (the copie whereof we haue hereunder inserted) and haue receiued your letters with great content, and haue with all kindly acceptance requited both Demoteles and Arius (notwithstanding we were not ignorant of this consanguinitie long before, for that we were instructed therein by our sacred scriptures.) And whereas we haue not first of all acknowledged you for our kinsmen, it was to no other end but for feare we should rauish the honor of ratifying the friendship betweene vs, which we intended alwaies should be yours. Since which time wherein D we haue contracted friendship with you, we haue on our holy and solemne daies sacrificed vnto our God, beseeching him to continue and keepe you in prosperitie: and on the other side, in as much as we haue beene inuironed with many warres, caused by the disordered desires of our neighbours, we haue neither thought it meet to be troublesome vnto you, or to any other whatsoeuer. But now at this time, since we haue obtained a happie issue of all these troubles, we haue sent Numenius the sonne of Antimachus, and Antipater the sonne of Iason, men honourable amongst our counsellers, both to the Romanes & to you also; to whom we haue giuen our letters to be presented vnto you, in our behalfe, to the end they might renue the amitie which is betweene you and vs: you shall therefore do well if you write backe vnto vs, and certifie vs wherein we may steed you, in that we haue euer had an earnest desire, and wil to cōtinue our loue towards E you, or ought else that concerneth your welfare.
These Embassadours of his were kindly entertained by the Lacedemonians, who made a publike ordinance as touching their association, and amitie with the Iewes; which they deliuered vnto them.
In this time were there three sects among the Iewes, who had different and contrarie opinions as touching humane affaires; the first was that of the Pharisees; the second of the Sadduces; Three sects of the Iewes. The Pharisees. The Essenians The Sdaduces and the third of the Essenians. The Pharisees affirme that some things and not all things, are directed by destiny; and that some other things were tied to mens election, whether they would performe them or not. The Essenians said, that destiny gouerned all things; and that nothing hapned amongst men, that was not disposed thereby. The Sadduces auow that there is no destinie; and that humaine affaires in that destinie is not, cannot be gouerned and disposed thereby: F their onely opinion is, that all things depend vpon our owne disposition; so as in respect of our good deedes, we are the authours thereof; and in respect of our euill, they are the fruites of our The warres of the Iewes. lib. 2. chap. 1 [...]. irregard. But hereof haue I intreated more exactly in my second booke of the warres of the Iewes.
Demetrius Captaines desirous to abolish the dishonour of that discomfiture, and recouer the losse that had lately befallen them, gathered together a greater power then the former, and went [Page 330] out against Ionathan; who hauing intelligence of their comming, marched speedily to encounter G The yeare of the world, 3821 before Christs birth 143. Demetrius captaines once more make warre vpon sonathan, and seeing their purposes discouered flie by night. them neere vnto the plaine of Amath: for he resolued to preuent their intended roade into Iudaea. Encamping therefore some fiftie furlongs off of the enemie, he sent out spies to discouer of what force they were, and how they were encamped. Who, when they had by a most diligent view knowne all that possiblie they could, returning tooke certaine prisoners, and brought them away by night with them: by whose confession the entent of the enemies was discouered vnto Ionathan, which was, that they would set vpon them on the suddaine. But Ionathan with a prouident care speedily fortified his campe, and prepared all things necessarie for defence, and placed a watch or Sentinell without his host, keeping his souldiours vp in armes all the night, and exhorting them to be both valiant and ready, forasmuch as they must needs fight by night, to the end that they might not be surprised by the subtilties and policies of their enemies. But when the H Captaines of Demetrius vnderstood that their intended purpose was discouered vnto Ionathan, they were in suspence, and knew not what counsaile to take: for this troubled them, because they saw that nothing would fall out to their good, without the practise of subtill meanes to entrap their enemies: and supposing themselues not to be of sufficient strength to bid Ionathan battell in the plaine field; they therefore resolued to flie, and leaue great fires through all their campe, to the end their enemies might thinke they were asleepe: and so they discamped by night. On the morrow, when Ionathan drew neere their campe to bid them battell, and saw it abandoned, and coniectured thereby that they were fled, he followed after them; but he could not ouertake them, because they had already past the floud Eleutherus, and were retired into their strong holds and places of securitie. Returning therefore from thence into Arabia, and making warre on the I Ionathan marcheth into Arabia, and spoileth the Nahatheans. Simon his brother taketh Ioppe. Ionathan and Simon repaire the citie of Ierusalem and the fortresses of Iury. Nabatheans, he spoiled their countrey, tooke great booties, and led away many prisoners: and from thence came to Damasco, and sold all in that place. About this verie time, Simon his brother (marching thorow out al Iudaea and Palestine as farre as Ascalon; planted his garrisons in all those places, and fortified them both with men and munition: and finally came to Ioppe, which he tooke by force, and planted a great garrison therein, because he was aduertised that they of Ioppe intended to surrender the Citie to Demetrius forces. When Simon and Ionathan had in this sort disposed all things, they came to Ierusalem, and assembled the people togither in the temple, and perswaded them to fortifie the walles of the Citie, and to strengthen the inclosure of the temple that was ruinated, aduising thē to fortifie the same with strong towers: and besides this, he caused another wall to be builded in the middest of the Citie, to warrantize the same K against the garrisons of the Cittadel, to the intent that by that meanes they might out off and stop vp the passages to victuall the sort. He aduised them likewise, to build farre stronger fortresses thorow out the countrey, then those that were alreadie finished. Now whenas the people had allowed of this his good aduice, Ionathan gaue order as touching all those things that concerned the buildings within the Citie, and set his brother Simon about the fortresses in the countrey. But Demetrius passing the riuer, came into Mesopotamia, intending at one time to take possessiō both of it and the Citie of Babylon, that being seazed thereof, he might the better prouide for all the occurrences of his kingdome. For the Greeks & Macedonians, who inhabited that countrey, had sollicited him by often Embassadours to come vnto them, promising him to subscribe to his authoritie, and to warre with him against Arsaces King of the Parthians. He puffed vp with those L Demetrius maketh warre vpon Arsaces king of the Parthians, and is taken prisoner. hopes, marched towards them with great speed, resoluing with himselfe, that after he had ouercome the Parthians (if he had any forces left him) he would wage warre with Tryphon, and easily driue him out of the kingdome of Syria. Being therefore entertained by those of the countrey with great affection, he leuied a great army, and assailed Arsaces; but he lost the day, and himselfe was taken prisoner, as we haue elsewhere declared.
CHAP. X.
Demetrius is taken prisoner, Tryphon breaketh the couenant of peace betwixt him and Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 9. 2. Mac 11. 13. Tryphō labouring to transferre Antiochus kingdom into his owne hands, and fearing Ionathans opposition traiterously complotteth his death. Ionathan, and surpriseth and killeth him trecherousle, and afterwards maketh warre against his brother Simon. M
WHen Tryphon vnderstood that Demetrius affaires had so vnfortunate an issue, he forsooke Antiochus and his seruice; and complotted with himselfe how hee might kill him and make himselfe king. But the feare that he had of Ionathan Antiochus friend, hindred this intent of his: For which cause he resolued first of all to deliuer himselfe of Ionathan; and that [...]one, afterwards to make Antiochus the young king away. Hauing therefore concluded with [Page 331] himselfe to kill Ionathan by some stratagem of treason, he came from Antioch to Bethsan (which The yeare of the world. 3821. before Christs birth 143. A the Greekes call Scythopolis) whither Ionathan came to meete him with fortie thousand chosen men, supposing that Tryphon resorted thither to make warte vpon him. But he knowing that Ionathan came thither with so much strength, wrought him by presents and counterfeit curtesies; commanding his captaines to obey Ionathan, thinking by that meanes to perswade him that he intirely and truely loued him, and to extinguish his suspition, to the intent he might lay hold and intrap him, at such time as he had least suspition of him. He counselled him to dismisse his army likewise, because hauing cut off all occasion of warre, he had no reason to retaine them, for that there was no suspition of alteration. After this he inuited Ionathan to come to Ptolemais, and to bring with him some few of his souldiers, signifying vnto him that he would deliuer the Citie into his hands, and resigne all the fortresses that were in the countrey to his possession; vrging B further, that he came into that countrey to no other ende, but to performe it. Ionathan suspecting no sinister dealing, and beleeuing that Tryphon spake of good and intire affection, discharged his forces, and tooke onely three thousand men with him, whereof two he left in Galilee, and with one thousand repaired to Ptolemais vnto Tryphon. But the Ptolemaidans shutting the gates as soone as he was entred (according as Tryphon had commanded them) tooke Ionathan prisoner, The yere of the world, 3822. before Christs Natiuitie, 142. and slew all those that attended vpon him. He presently sent also part of his army vnto the two thousand that were left in Galilee, to the intent to put them all to the sword: but they hauing notice of that which had befallen their chiefetaine, taking vp their armes, speedily departed out of Galilee. And although the souldiers of Tryphon exceeded them farre in number, yet were they not so hardy as to trie whether part were the stronger; because they knew that the Iewes were C ready to expose themselues to all dangers to defend their liues: and so they returned backe to him that sent them, without doing anything.
CHAP. XI.
The people maketh Simon generall of their army, and declareth him the high priest.
THey of Ierusalem vnderstanding of the surprisall of Ionathan, and the losse of his souldiers, grieuously lamented for this accident, that so great a man as he was, was taken from 2. Mac. 14. Ionathans want lamented by all men. them, in that they feared (& that not without cause) that being destitute after his decease D both of his valour and prudence, the nations that were round about them would seeke their trouble and molestation: who hauing held themselues quiet in admiration of him, would at that time lift themselues vp against them, and not only persecute them with warre, but bring them into extreame danger of their liues. Neither did their expectation deceiue them. For the neighbouring nations, vnderstanding of Ionathans death, began presently to make war vpon the Iewes on all sides, as against those who had no longer any chiefetaine, vnder whose conduct they might wage warre, and shew themselues valiant. And Tryphon likewise hauing gathered forces, was determined The neighbo [...] ring nations and Tryphon inuade Iudaea. Simon Ionathans brother assembleth the people, and animateth thē. to ascend into Iudaea, to warre against the inhabitants thereof. Simon perceiuing that the Citizens of Ierusalem were dismaied with the feare, which they apprehended of those rumours and new tumults of warre, and being desirous to animate them against all incursions & attempts E intended by Tryphon; assembled the people in the temple, and began to exhort them after this manner. ‘You are not ignorant (men and brethren) how both I, my father, and brethren, haue voluntarily offered our selues vnto death for your liberty. Since therefore, I haue abundance of such like examples, and that it is the ordinarie course of our family to die for our law and religion, there is no feare so great as can plucke out this resolution out of my heart, as it may plant such a desire of life in me, as to be drawne to forget all honour. Wherefore since you haue such The yeare of the world. 3823. before Christs birth 141. a chiefetaine and commander, as setteth light by all danger, whereby he may endure or act any thing for your safetie; it behooueth you to follow me couragiously to what place soeuer I shall conduct you. For I am of no better account then were my brethren, whereby I should spare my life; neither am I lesse then they, whereby I should thorow negligence and cowardise shun and F forsake that which they haue esteemed to be honourable, as is to die for the law and the seruice of our God. I will make manifest therefore by all the testimonies that I can, that I am their true and lawfull brother; for I trust in God, that he will giue me power to take vengeance of our enemies; and deliuer not onely all of you, but your wiues and your children from the iniury which they intend against you; and by the grace of God I will preserue the holy temple, that it may not be ruinated by their prophane hands. I or I already perceiue, that the prophane nations set vs at[Page 332] naught, and contemne you as if you had no chiefetaine: and I know already that they are marching G The yeare of the world. 3823. before Christs Natiuitie. 141. Simon succeedeth his brothers Iudas & Ionathan. Simon sendeth Ionathan Absaloms sonne to [...]oppe to expulse the inhabitants thereof forward to fight with you.’ By these words Simon harmed the people, who were distracted with feare, so that they reuiued their spirits and conceiued better hope. Wherupon all of them cried out with a loud voice, that Simon was their generall, and that he was to succeed his two valiant brethren Iudas and Ionathan in the gouernment; and that as touching themselues, they would be obedient in all things that he should commaund them. He therefore assembled in one instant all the men at armes in that countrey, and hasted himselfe to repaire the Citie walles, defencing them with high and strong towers, and sent a certaine friend of his called Ionathan the sonne of Absalom, with an army to Ioppe; commanding him to expulse the inhabitants of that citie from thence, for that he feared least they should submit themselues to Tryphon: As for himselfe he remained in Ierusalem to secure the same. H
Tryphon departing from Ptolemais with a great army, came into Iudaea; leading his prisoner Ionathan with him. Whereupon Simon with his army went out against him as farre as Addida Tryphon by fraudulent promises vnder certaine conditions perswadeth Simō that his brother should be set at liberty. (a Citie scituate vpon a mountaine, at the foote whereof beginneth the champion countrey of Iudaea.) Tryphon knowing that Simon was made gouernour of the Iewes, sent messengers vnto him, intending to circumuent him by treason and pollicie; giuing him to vnderstand, that if he were des [...]ous of his brothers enlargement, he should send him one hundreth talents of siluer, and two of Ionathans children for hostages, to assure him, that being set at liberty, he should not withdraw Iudaea from the obedience of the king. (For till that present he was held and kept prisoner, by reason of the money which he ought the king.) Simon was no waies ignorant of this cunning intent of Tryphons, but knew well enough that he should both lose his money, if he should deliuer I the same; and that his brother should not be enlarged, no though his children were deliuered for hostages: on the other side he feared, least the people should conceiue sinisterly of him, as if he had been the cause of his brothers death, both by not deliuering the money, neither yet the children: Hauing therefore assembled the army, he declared vnto them what Tryphon demanded, telling them that the whole scope of his actions were nought els but traiterous stratagemes and subtilties: yet notwithstanding he told them, that he had rather send both the mony and the children to Tryphon, then by refusing his conditions and demands, to be accused to haue neglected the life of his brother. Simon therefore sent both the money and children of Ionathan: but Tryphon hauing receiued both, kept not his promise; but detained Ionathan: and leading his army thorow the countrey, intended to passe by Idumaea to repaire to Ierusalem. He came therfore to K Dora a Citie in Idumaea; and thitherward marched Simon to encounter with him, encamping alwaies right ouer against him. They that were in the Castle of Ierusalem, hearing newes hereof, sent Tryphon word that he should hasten and come vnto them, and send them munition: whereupon he addressed his horsemen, pretending that very night to ride vnto Ierusalem; but the snow about that time fell in such abundance, that it couered the way in such sort and was so thicke, as the horses could not trauell; which hindred his repaire to Ierusalem. For which cause he departed from thence, and came into Coelesyria; and speedily inuading the countrey of Galaad, he put Ionathan to death in that place, and after he had buried him there, he returned to Antioch. But Simon sent vnto Basca and transported his brothers bones, and interred them in his Ionathan is slaine by Tryphon. countrey Modin in his fathers sepulcher, and all the people mourned and lamented for him many L daies. Simon also builded a great monument of white and polished marble for his father and his brethren, and raised it to a great height, and garnished it round about with galleries and pillers Ionathans monument. all of one piece, which was an admirable worke to behold. Besides that, he erected seuen Pyramides for his father, mother and brethren, for each of them one, so great and so faire, as they mooued admiration in those that beheld them; and are as yet to be seene at this present day. So great was Simons care, that Ionathan and the rest of his family should be honoured with so magnificent a sepulcher: which Ionathan died, after he had exercised the place of high priest, and possessed the gouernment for foure yeeres. Thus much as touching his death.
As soone as Simon had taken possession of the high priesthood, by the election of the people, the very first yeere of his gouernment, he acquitted the people of the tribute which they were M The yeare of the world. 382 [...]. before Christs birth 140. The Iewes discharged of tributes, Simons authority. woont to pay to the Macedonians. This libertie and exemption from tribute hapned amongst the Iewes one hundreth and seuentie yeeres, since the time that Seleucus surnamed Nicanor obtained the kingdome of Syria. And in so great honour was Simon amongst the people, that in their priuate contracts and publike letters, the date began from the first yeere of Simon the benefactor and gouernour of the Iewish nation. For they prospered greatly vnder his gouernment, and had the victorie of all their neighbouring enemies round about them. For he destroied the [Page 333] Cities of Gaza, Ioppe, and Iamnia: he raced also the cittadel of Ierusalem, and leuelled it with The yeare of the world. 3823. before Christs birth. 141. Simon raceth the castle of Ierusalem. A the ground, to the intent the enemies might be neuer seazed thereof any more, nor retreat themselues thither to endomage the city, as before time they had done. Which when he had brought to passe, he thought it not amisse, but very profitable, to leuell the hill whereon the Castle stood, to the intent the temple might be the eminentest place. All this perswaded he the people to doe in a common assembly, laying before their eies how many euils they had suffered, by the meanes of the garrisons, and how much they were like to suffer hereafter, if a stranger should once more be master of the kingdome, and build a cittadel in that place. By these exhortations The yeare of the world, 3824. before Christs birth 140. he perswaded the people to finish these workes, and all of them began to trauell without intermission both day and night, so that in the space of three yeers they plained the mountaine, and wrought it downe; and from that time forward there was nothing but the temple that commanded B the Citie. See here what Simon performed hitherto.
CHAP. XII.
Simon besiegeth Tryphon within Dora, and contracteth alliance with Antiochus, surnamed the Deuout.
NOt long after the captiuity of Demetrius, Tryphon slew Alexander the sonne of Antiochus, surnamed God, notwithstanding he had the care and charge of his education for foure Hedio & Ruf. finus, chap. 10. 1. Macc [...]b. 15. Tryphon murthering Alexander, obtaineth the kingdome. yeeres, during which time he raigned; and spreading abroad a certaine noise and rumour, that the yong king in exercising himselfe fortuned to die, he sent his friends and familiars C vnto the men of warre, promising them that if they would elect and choose him king, he would giue them a huge summe of money; giuing them to vnderstand, that Demetrius was prisoner among the Parthians, and that if Antiochus his brother should obtaine the kingdome, he would punish them diuers waies, and reuenge their reuolt and rebellion, which they had committed by Tryphon hauing obtained dominion discouereth his corrupt nature Tryphons army submit to Cleopatra Demetrius wife, who married with Antio chus Soter and committed the authority to his hands. forsaking him. The army hoping, that if they bestowed the kingdome on Tryphon, it would redound highly to their profit, they proclaimed him king. But after he had attained the fulnesse of his desites, he shewed how malicious and wicked his nature was. For at such time as he was a priuate man, he flattered the people and made shew of moderation; and by such allurements he drew thē to do what him listed: but after he had taken possession of the kingdome, he discouered his hypocrisie, and shewed plainly that he was not vnaptly called Tryphon, that is to say, a trifler D or mocker. By which meanes he drew the hearts of the better sort from him: and as for his army, they grew so much in hatred of him, that they submitted themselues to Cleopatra Demetrius wife, who had at that time shut vp both her selfe and her children in Seleucia. And wheras Antiochus, surnamed the Deuout, and brother to Demetrius, was driuen from place to place, and had not any Citie that would entertaine him for feare of Tryphon, Cleopatra sent vnto him, enuiting him both to be her husband, and to take the possession of the kingdome. And hereunto did she the rather draw him, partly for that she was thereunto perswaded by her friends, and partly for the fear she had, least some one of Seleucia should betray the citie to Tryphon. As soone as Antiochus was arriued in Seleucia, and that from day to day his forces increased, he marched forth into Hedio & Ruffunus chap. 11. Antiochus hauing driuen Tryphon out of Syria, besieged him in Dora. Tryphons death. The yeare of the world. 3827. before the birth of Christ. 137. the field, and fought with Tryphon, and ouercame him in battell, and droue him out of the E higher Syria, and pursued him as farre as Phoenicia: where after he had retired himselfe into Dora, a strong and impregnable Castle, he besieged him therein, and sent present Embassadors to Simon the high priest of the Iewes, to confirme a friendship and confederacie with him. Simon very curteously accepted his demaunds, and presently sent Antiochus both money and victuals, sufficient to furnish his army at the siege of Dora, so that in short space he was accepted amongst the number of his intire friends. Tryphon flying from Dora to Apamea, was in that place besieged, taken and flaine, after he had raigned three yeeres.
CHAP. XIII.
After Tryphons death, Simon made warre against Antiochus, and droue Cendebaeus F out of Iudaea.
BVt the innated auarice that was in Antiochus, and the malignitie of his nature made him forgetfull of those offices and seruices that Simon had done him: so that he sent Cendebaeus Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 1 [...]. his great friend with a mighty army to inuade Iewry, and to surprise Simon. But he hauing some priuie intelligence of Antiochus treacherie, notwithstanding that at this time hee [Page 334] was verie olde, was in such sort moued with the iniuries that Antiochus had done him, as animated The yeare of the world. 3827. before Christs birth 137. Simon and his son expelleth [...] out of Iurie. G with courage more then became his age, he went himselfe to the warre, as if as yet he had beene but youthfull: he therefore caused his sonne to march before with the picked soldiers of his army, and hauing left a number of his soldiers in ambush, in the hollow retreats of the mountains, he executed al his deseignes without failing in any one of them: so that after he had euery way obtained the vpper hand of his enemies he euer after enioied his gouernment in peace, during the remainder of his life, and renewed likewise the confederacy with the Romans.
CHAP. XIIII.
Simon is traiterously slaine by his sonne in law Ptolomey at a H banquet.
HE gouerned Iudaea for the space of eight yeeres, and was at length slaine at a banquet by the trechery of Ptolomey his sonne in law; who being seased of Simons wife and his The yeare of the world, 3830. before Christs natiuiti, 134. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 13. 1. Mac. 16. No faith nor trust, no not in sons in law. two children, and detaining them in prison, sent out certaine of his traine besides, to kill Iohn the third sonne surnamed Hircanus. But the young man hauing-some inkling of their drift, retired himselfe speedily into the citie, and auoided the daunger that they complotted against him; assuring himselfe of the good will of the people, in consideration of the benefits they had receiued at his fathers hands, and the hatred that they bare vnto Ptolomey; who intending to enter the citie gates was sharply repulsed by the citizens, for that they had alreadie entertained I Hircanus.
CHAP. XV.
How Ptolomey failing of his hopes, Hircanus obtained the Soueraigntie.
WHereupon Ptolomey retired vnto a certaine Castle, scituate beyond Ierico called Dagon: The yeare of the world. 3831. before the birth of Christ. 133. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 14. Ptolomy besieged by Hircanus knowing the power of naturall affection keepeth his mother & brethren prisoners, whippeth them on the wals, and threatneth to throw them downe. but Hircanus was made high Priest in his fathers steed, who after he had recommended himselfe to God by the firstling sacrifices that he offered, marched out against Ptolomey his brother in law to make warre vpon him. Now when he was fully addressed to besiege the place K whither Ptolomey was retired, he had the aduantage in all other things, but onely by the affection that he bare vnto his mother and his brethren, he was ouercome. For Ptolomey hauing taken them, and whipt them vpon the walles in all mens presence, threatned Hircanus that vnlesse he leuied his siege, he would cast them downe headlong from the top of the Castle: now whereas one way Hircanus had a great desire to enforce and surprise the place; so also on the other side he was wholy weakned, thorow the desire that he had to redeeme those, whom he loued, from the enemies tyranny. True it is, that his mother stretching out her hands, besought him that for her sake he should not giue ouer valiantly to assault the place; but that he should bee the more encouraged to surprise the fortresse, and to lay hold vpon his enemy, & be reuenged on the wrong that was offered vnto his decrest friends: alledging that she thought it better to die in L the middest of a thousand torments, then that the enemie should escape vnpunished who had beene so manifest an occasion of their misery. When Hircanus heard his mother speake thus, he was more furiously incensed to giue the assault: but as soone as he saw his mother so beaten and so sore wounded, his heart melted within him, and that seruent desire which he before had to batter and beat downe the citie, was presently alaid and cooled; and so the pitifull compassion on his mother, surmounted and ouercame his irefull affection of reuenge. Whilest thus the siege was continued and prolonged, the yeere of repos [...] celebrated among the Iewes was come: For they obserued the seuenth yeere, as the seuenth day is obserued in the weeke; so that by this occasion Ptolomey was deliuered of this siege, who afterwards slue both Hircanus mother and brethren: which done he fled vnto Zeno surnamed Cotyla, who at that time tyrannized M The end of the histories of the Bible. in the citie of the Philadelphians.
CHAP. XVI. A The yeare of the world. 3831. before Christs birth 133.
Antiochus the Deuout maketh warre against Hyrcanus, and vpon the receit of three hundreth talents contracteth alliance with him.
ANtiochus calling to mind the manifold losses he had receiued by Simons meanes, inuaded Iury in the fourth yeere of his raigne, and in the first of Hyrcanus gouernment, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 15. Hircanus is driuen into the citie by Antiochus. which was in the hundreth sixtie and two Olympiade. And after he had spoiled all the countrey, he locked vp Hyrcanus within the Citie of Ierusalem, which he had besieged with seuen campes; yet with no aduantage at all, both in regard of the strength of the walles, as in respect of the valour of the Citizens, as also the want of water which he had in his campe; which was notwithstanding remedied by a great fall of raine, which fell about the setting of the Pleiades in Pleiades the seuen starres. B the beginning of Aprill. On the North side also where there is a great plaine, Antiochus caused one hundreth towers to be erected euerie one three stages hie, on which he planted certain companies of armed soldiers; who daily fought with the besieged, and who by the meanes of a double and deepe trench, tooke from them all their commodities. They on their side made often sallies, and if they chaunced at any time to charge the enemie on the sodaine, they made a great slaughter: but if they were discouered, they retired soldierlike. But Hyrcanus considering the great number of people that were in the Citie, who rather consumed soldiers victuals then performed any seruice, he deuided those that were vnfit for warre and sent them out of the Citie, The weaker sort are thrust out of the city. retaining onely those with him, who were valiant and warlike. But Antiochus permitted them not to haue free liberty to depart; so that wandring here and there betweene the walles and the C camp, they were consumed with famine, and died miserably. When as therfore the feast of Tabernacles Antiochus affoordeth seuen daies truce to celebrate the feasts of tabercles. was to be celebrated during these affaires, they that were within had compassion of their countrimen, and drewe them within the walles, and entertained them within the Citie. At this time Hyrcanus sent a messenger to beseech Antiochus to grant him truce for seuen daies, by reason of the solemnitie of the feast: whereunto he accorded for the honour which he bare vnto God. Furthermore, he sent a magnificent sacrifice into Ierusalem of Buls with guilded hornes, and vessels full of diuers odors, with other vessels of gold and siluer. Those that had the charge of the gates receiued the sacrifice at their hands that brought the same, and offered them in the temple. Antiochus himselfe also gaue the soldiers certaine meates to grace their festiuall, shewing himselfe herein to be of a farre better disposition then Antiochus Epiphanes, who after he had taken D the Citie, caused swines flesh to be sacrificed vpon the Altar, and besprinkled the temple with the broth of hogs, making a confusion of the ordinances of the law of God, which was the cause that this nation rebelled and conceiued a deadly hatred against him: but Antiochus of whom we we speake at this present, was by all men called Deuout by reason of the incredible affection that he had to the seruice of God.
Hyrcanus acknowledging the bounty and affection he had towards God and his sacrifices, sent embassadours vnto him, requiring him that he would permit them to vse the ancient pollicy of their forefathers. Whereupon the King sequestring all those farre off from his company, who counsailed him to destroy the Iewish nation, who liued a part and had no acquaintance with others, made no reckning of their words. And vnderstanding that all the cōuersation of the Iewes E was conformable vnto pietie, he aunswered the Embassadours, that if the besieged would yeeld Hircanus maketh peace with Antiochus, and the siege is giuen ouer. vp their armes and pay the tributes of Ioppe, and the other Cities that were out of Iudaea, and would receiue a garrison, such as he should appoint; he would discharge them of this warre. They accepted all other his conditions, but they consented not to receiue a garrison, least they should be enforced to entertaine such with whom they could not conuerse; but in steede of the garrison they gaue pledges, and paid fiue hundreth talents of siluer, of which the king receiued three hundreth in hand, with the pledges; amongst which was Hyrcanus brother: and after he had beaten downe the cope and panes, of the wall, with the other battelments of defence; he raised the siege and departed. But Hyrcanus opening Dauids monument (who surpassed all other The yere of the world, 3838. before Christs Natiuitie, 126. Hircanus taketh a huge summe of money out of king Dauids tombe. Nicholas Damascene. kings in riches during his time) drewe three thousand talents out of the same: whereby he tooke F occasion first of all among the Iewes to entertaine a forraine army. There was also a friendship & confederation betwixt him and Antiochus, whom he entertained in the citie with all his army, and furnished him largely and magnificently with all that which was necessary for the same: And that which more is, Antiochus hauing enterprised an exploit against the Parthians, Hircanus marched also in his company. Nicholas Damascene beareth witnesse hereof, writing after this manner in his History: Antiochus erected a trophey neere the floud Lycus, after he had [Page 336] ouercome Indates generall of the army of the Parthians, and aboad there two daies at Hircanus G The years of the world. 3838. before Christs Natiuitie. 1 [...]6. the Iewes request, by reason of a solemne feast at that time, in which it was not lawfull for the Iewes to trauell, wherein he is no waies mistaken. For the feast of Penticost was at that present the next day after the Sabboth, and it is not lawfull for vs neither in our Sabboths nor feasts to iourney any waies. Antiochus fighting against Arsaces king of the Parthians lost the greater part of his army, and was himselfe slaine. His brother Demetrius succeeded him in the kingdome of Syria, Antiochus slaine in the con [...]ct against the Parthians. whom Arsaces had put in prison at such time as Antiochus came into the kingdome of the Parthians, as we haue declared heretofore in an other place.
CHAP. XVII. H
Hircanus leadeth his army into Syria.
HIrcanus hearing newes of Antiochus death, led forth his army with all expedition against the Cities of Syria, hoping to finde them disfurnished both of garrisons and meanes of Hedio & Ruffinus chap. 16. Hircanus surpriseth diuers cities of Syria, and laieth deso late the temple that was builded on the hill G [...]zim. The year [...] of the world, 3840 before Christs birth 1 [...]4. The Idumaeans conquered by Hircanus admit circumcision, and the [...]awes of the Iewes. Hircanus maketh a league with the Romanes. defence, as in effect it came to passe. He therefore tooke the Citie of Medaba at the end of six moneths, after that his army had suffered many calamities. Afterwards, he seazed Samega, and the Cities thereabouts. The Cities of Sichem, and Garizim also where the Cutheans dwelt, who had a temple there made according to the model of the temple of Ierusalem (which Alexander the great permitted Sanaballath to build in fauour of his sonne in law Manasses, brother to the high priest Iaddus, as we haue heretofore declared) which temple was laid desolate two hundreth I yeeres after it was builded. Hircanus also tooke certaine fortresses and Cities of Idumaea, as Adora and Marissa; and after he had subdued all the Idumaeans he permitted them to inhabite the countrey, vnder this condition, that they should consent to be circumcised, and to liue according to the lawes and religion of the Iewes. They thorow the desire they had to liue in the place where they were borne, submitted themselues to be circumcised, and to liue according to the customes and ordinances of the Iewes; and from that day forward they were comprehended within the number of the Iewes.
Whilest thus Hircanus was high priest, he thought good to renew the amitie betwixt the Iewes and the Romans; and to this effect he sent an embassage with letters vnto the Senate. As soone as the Senate had receiued his letters, they made alliance with him, to this effect ensuing: K Fanius M. F. Pr. assembled the Senate in the field of Mars the eight day of February, in the presence of L. Manlius L. F. Mentina, and C. Sempronius C. F. Falerna; concerning that which Simon the sonne of Dositheus, Apollonius the sonne of Alexander, Diodorus the sonne of Lison, men of good reputation and honour, and sent Embassadours by the people of the Iewes, haue proposed; who haue dealt with vs as touching the confederation and amitie that this nation had with the Romans, and haue likewise conferred as touching the affaires of estate, namely, that Ioppe and the ports thereof, Gazara and the fountaines thereunto belonging, and those other Cities of the countrey, which Antiochus tooke from them, contrarie to the decree of the Senate, should be restored vnto them: and that it may not be lawfull for the kings souldiers, to passe thorow their countrey, neither any of those prouinces, that are vnder their gouernment: and that L those things which were attempted by Antiochus during this warre, contrarie to the arrest and decree of the Senate, should be declared void, to the end that the embassadours sent in the Senates behalfe, may prouide for the restitution of those things, which antiochus hath spoiled themThe yeare of the world. 3844. before Christs birth 120.of; and may rate and set downe the domages, which the countrey hath receiued by this warre. Item, that commendatorie letters should be written in the behalfe of the Iewish embassadours, to the kings and free people for their secure and safe returne into their countrey. It hath been held conuenient, to make and ratifie this ordinance, to the end to renew friendship and confederation with men of so good respect, sent vnto them by a nation so good and faithfull towards them. And as touching the letters, the answere was; that they should be written, at such time as the affaires of the Senate would permit them any leasure; and that from this time forward, they would haue M care that no iniurie should be offered them. And the Pretor Fanius was commanded also to deliuer the embassadours money out of the common purse, to beare their charges home into their countrey: and thus did Fanius dismisse the Embassadours of the Iewes, after he had giuen them siluer out of the common treasurie, with the decree of the Senate addressed to those that should conduct them, and giue them assured conuoy to returne into their countrey. And this was the estate of the affaires during Hircanus priesthood.
[Page 337] But King Demetrius. being sharply whetted to make warre against Hircanus, could haue neither The year [...] of the world. 3844. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 120. A time nor occasion to exploit the same, by reason that both the Syrians and his men of war were scarcely well affected towards him, because of his wickednesse of life. For they sent Embassadours to Ptolomey, surnamed Physcon, to require him to send some one of Seleucus race vnto them, to take vpon him the kingdome. Whereupon Ptolomey sent them Alexander surnamed Zebina, Demetrius being ouercome by Alexander is slaine. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 17. Alexāder slain in the conflict betwixt him and Antiochus Gryphus. accompanied with an army; who waging battell with Demetrius put him to the worst, and constrained him to flie to his wife Cleopatra to Ptolemais: who neither accepting, nor entertaining him, he was constrained to retire himselfe from thence vnto Tyre; where he was taken, and after he had suffered many miseries by the hands of his enemies, he finally died. Alexander hauing by this meanes obtained the kingdome, made a league of amity with Hircanus. And wheras it so fell out, that Antiochus surnamed Gryphus, the sonne of Demetrius made warre against B him, he was ouercome and slaine in the battell. When as therefore Antiochus had taken possession of the kingdome of Syria, he forbare to make warre against the Iewes, for that he had intelligence that his brother by the mothers side (who was in like sort named Antiochus) assembled an army against him at Cyzicus. Remaining therefore in his countrey, he resolued to make preparation against his brothers comming, who was called Cyzicenus, because he was brought vp in that Citie, and was the sonne of Antiochus called the Conseruer, who died in the countrey of the Parthians, and who was brother to Demetrius the father of Gryphus, and it so fell out that both these brothers, were married to one and the same Cleopatra, as we haue heretofore expressed. When The yeare of the world, 3852. before Christs natiuitie, 112. Antiochus the Cyzicenian was arriued in Syria, he made warre against his brother, which continued many yeeres: during all which time Hircanus liued in peace (for presently after Antiochus C death, he reuolted from the subiection of the Macedonians) and from that time forward gaue them no succours, neither as subiect neither as friend; but his fortunes both augmented and flourished Hircanus whilest the brothers weaken themselues by ciuill warres liueth in peace. greatly during the time of Alexander Zebina, and principally during the raigne of these two brothers. For the war, wherin they consumed one another, gaue Hircanus an opportunitie, to leuy all the reuenewes of Iudaea, without any contradiction: so that by the same meanes he gathered infinite summes of money. For whilest the Cyzicenian destroied his brothers countrey, Hircanus also made knowne his inclination and disposition: and seeing likewise that Antiochus was destitute of those succours he expected out of Aegypt, and that both himselfe and his brother also (thorow their mutuall discords) weakned one anothers estates, he set as light by the one, as by the other. D
CHAP. XVIII.
How Antiochus the Cyzicenian came to the reliefe of the Samaritanes, and how being conquered, he fled away.
FOr which cause he drew sorth his army against Samaria (which was a strong Citie) and The yeare of the world, 3854. before Christs birth 110. Hircanus besiegeth Samaria. is at this day called Sebaste, because it was reedified by Herode, as we will make manifest in time and place conuenient. He therefore began to be [...] and batter the same with all diligence; animated thereunto, because of the extreame hat [...] [...] the Samaritanes, in that onely to please the kings of Syria they had offered many grieuous outrages to the Marissens, E who were extracted from, and allied with the Iewes. He therefore made a trench round about the Citie, with a double wall of eighty stounds, and committed the generall commaund of this siege to his sonnes Antigonus and Aristobulus, who so diligently and valiantly behaued themselues, that the Samaritanes being ouerpressed with extreame famine, were constrained to eate such things, as were vnusuall and vnaccustomed amongst men: and to call Antiochus the Cyzicenian Antiochus seeking to [...] lieue the Samaritanes, is ouercome and put to slight by Aristobulus. to their rescous. Who readily repaired thither, but was repulsed by Aristobulus souldiers, and being pursued by the two brethren as farre as Scythopolis, he hardly escaped; and they returning to their siege, freshly assaulted and besieged the Samaritanes within their owne wals: So that once more they were constrained to send Embassadours to Antiochus for aide, who was their allie; who sent vnto Ptolomey Lathyrus for about some six thousand men of warre, who furnished F him with them contrarie to his mothers minde, who therefore had almost thrust him out of his dominion. As soone as he had receiued them, he made a roade into Hircanus countrey, and spoiled and forraged the same as farre as Aegypt. For he durst not bid him battell hand to hand, because he had not competent forces; but thought that in spoiling the country he might cause them to leuy the siege, & forsake Samaria: but after he had lost a great number of his men by diuers ambuscadoes of his enemies, he went vnto Tripoli, committing the generall charge of that [Page 338] warre to Callimander and Epicrates, two of his captaines. This Callimander more rashly then G The yeare of the world, 3854. before Christs birth 110. Ep [...]tares corrupted with money, selleth Scythopolis & other places to the Iewes. Hircanus taketh Samaria. wisely attempting to set vpon the enemy was himselfe slaine, and his souldiers discomfited. And Epicrates giuen ouer to couetousnesse did openly yeeld vp Scythopolis and other Cities into the hands of the Iewes: so that it was impossible for either of them to leuy the siege. Finally after that Hircanus had continued his siege before the Citie for the space of one whole yeere, he became master of the same: and not contenting himselfe with the surprisall hereof, he vtterly destroied it; enforcing the riuers thorow the midst thereof; yea he ruined the same in such sort, that the mud and soile both of the water and earth tooke away all the appearance of the Citie; so that it seemed as if it had neuer been. Of this Hircanus there is a certaine incredible matter committed to memorie, namely, how during his high priesthood God had conference with him. For it is reported, that the very same day wherein his sons fought against Antiochus the Cyzicenian, whilest H Hircanus is foretold by a voice in the temple of his sons victory. being himselfe alone, he offered incense in the temple, that he heard a voice, saying: that his two sons had at that present ouercome Antiochus: all which he incontinently signified vnto the people at the gate of the temple; and according as he had said, so came it to passe. See heere what occurrences hapned in Hircanus time.
About this very instant likewise, the affaires of the Iewes prospered not only in Ierusalem and Iudaea, but also amongst the inhabitants of Alexandria; and finally in Aegypt and Cyprus. For Queene Cleopatra rebelling against her sonne Ptolomey Lathyrus, appointed Chelcias and Ananias Chelchias and Ananias captaines of Cleopatras army. Strabo of Cappadocias report of the loyalty of the Iewes. Hircanus grow eth in discontent with the Pharisees. the sonnes of that Onias (who had builded the temple in Heliopolis, according to the patterne of that in Ierusalem) her chiefetaines. And hauing committed her army vnto their hands, she acted nothing without their aduise, according as Strabo the Cappadocian witnesseth, speaking I after this manner. Diuers of those who came with vs, and of those who had beene sent into Cyprus from Cleopatra, sodainly reuolted to Ptolomey: Only the Iewes that were of Onias faction, remained constant in their duety, because the Queene made great account and reckoning of Chelcias and Ananias their countrimen. Thus farre Strabo. This great felicitie and prosperitie of Hyrcanus mooued the Iewes to conceiue a hatred against him, and especially the Pharisees opposed themselues against him. These Pharisees were one of the sects of the Iewes (whereof we haue heretofore intreated) which sect was in so great credit with the common people, that when they deposed any thing, were it against the king or the high priest, they were presently beleeued. Hircanus had been one of their disciples, and was in like sort very much beloued of them. Hee therefore inuited them to a feast, and entertained them with all humanitie, and seeing that they K were set vpon a merrie pin, he began to tell them that they knew his minde, how that he desired nothing more then to be iust, and to square all his actions according to Gods will and direction, according as they themselues taught. He therefore required them, that if they perceiued that he mistooke himselfe in any thing, or that he wandred from the right way, they would by admonition redresse the same. Whereupon all of them gaue testimony of his perfect vertue. Wherwith he was highly contented. But one of the company called Eleazar, a man of a malicious nature, and such a one as delighted in mutiny, said vnto him: Since you desire to heare the truth, if so be Eleazar the Pharisee vpbraideth Hircanus that his mother was a slaue. you affect the estimation of a good man, giue ouer the place of priesthood, and content your selfe with the gouernment of the people. Hircanus demaunded of him the cause wherefore he should forsake the priesthood? Because (saith he) that we haue heard say by our auncestors, that your mother L was a captiue during the raign of Antiochus the Famous (which notwithstanding was a false report.) Hircanus hearing this, was sore mooued against him; as also all other of the Pharisees, who were assistant in that place. Amongst the rest there was a certaine man called Ionathan, of the order of the Sadduces (who maintaine an opposite opinion against the Pharisees) who was an The Sadduee Ionathan incenseth Hircanus against the Pharisees. inward and deere friend to Hircanus, with whom he communicated the iniurious speeches that Eleazar had spoken by him, who told him that (as he thought) Eleazar had spoken these words by the publike consent of the Pharisees; and that he might discouer the same most manifestly, if he enquired of them what punishment Eleazar had deserued for speaking after this sort. Hircanus therfore questioned with the Pharisees as concerning his punishment, telling them that he should very well perceiue, that this iniurie had not been pronounced by the common consent of M them all, if they condemned the offender to suffer a punishment proportionable to his offence. Whereupon they decreed, that he ought to be punished by imprisonment and scourging, for (said they) an iniurie done in word required no capitall punishment: and to speake vprightly, they in their thinking censured seuerely enough of this fault, for that the Pharisees are naturally inclined to mercie, when there groweth any question of punishment. But Hircanus was sore offended with this their answere, and imagined that this Eleazar had spoken after this manner by the [Page 339] common instigation of the rest. This displeasure and conceiued dislike of his, did Ionathan aggrauate A The yeare of th [...] world. 3854. before Christs birth. [...]10. Hircanus forsaketh the Pharisees, and followeth the Sadduces. The constitutions of the Pharisees. to the vttermost, and handled the matter in such sort, that he drew Hircanus to forsake the Pharisees, & subscribe to the opinions of the Sadduces, abolishing their ordināces, & causing thē to be sharply punished that obserued the same. These practises of Hircanus incensed the people against him and his sonnes. But hereof will we speake in another place. At this present I will declare how the Pharisees haue made many ordinances among the people, according to the tradition of their fathers, whereof there is nothing written in the [...]awes of Moses; for which cause the sect of the Sadduces reiecteth them, affirming that they ought to keep the written ordinances, and not to obserue those that are grounded vpon the tradition of the fathers: And great dispute and dissensions haue beene raised among them vpon this occasion, because the richer sort onely, and not the baser sort of people, cleaued vnto the Sadduces: but the Pharisees had the communalty B on their sides. But of these two sorts, and that of the Esseans, I haue more exactly intreated Hircanus death. The yeare of the world. 3861. before the birth of Christ. 103. in my second booke of the warres of the Iewes. But Hircanus finally appeased this mutiny, and liued afterwards in much peace and happines, and after he had most discreetly gouerned his princedome for the space of one and thirtie yeeres he died; leauing fiue sonnes behind him. This man was honoured by God with three great gifts, the gift of gouernment; the gift of Priesthood; and the gift of prophecy. For God spake vnto him diuers times by Oracles, & Reuelations, and gaue him the knowledge of things to come, which he in such sort foretold, that he declared that Hircanus prophecy of his sonnes. his two eldest sonnes should not possesse the principalitie any long time, whose ende it shall not be amisse to set downe in what manner it was, to the intent that the prophecy of their father may be the better knowen. C
CHAP. XIX.
Aristobulus obtaineth the gouernment, and first of all placeth the kingly Diademe on his head. The yeare of the world. 3862. before Christs birth 10 [...]. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 18. Aristobulus Hircanus son was the first afer the captiuity of Babylō that set the Diademe on his head, Aristobulus admitte [...]h his brother Antigonus to be his copartner in the kingdome, and imprisoneth the rest of his brethren and samisheth his mother.
AFter the death of their father, Aristobulus the eldest of his sonnes determined to exchange the principality into an absolute estate of a kingdome, and the better to attaine thereunto, he first of all set the diademe vpon his head, foure hundred eightie & one yeers and three moneths, since the people of the Iewes were delinered from the seruitu [...] of Babylon, and led againe into their countrey. And for that Aristobulus amongst all his other brethren, D loued Antigonus best of all, who was the heerest vnto him in age; he accepted him as a companion in the gouernment of the kingdome: but as touching the rest, he shut them vp in prison. He locked vp his mother likewise, who had contended with him as concerning the gouernment (for that Hircanus had committed all things to her disposition) and so farre extended his crueltie, that he [...]amished her to death in prison. After he had thus handled his mother, he slue his brother Antigonus also; (whom he pretended to loue aboue all the rest, and whom (as he made shew) he had made partner of his kingdome. From whom be estranged himselfe, by reason of some slaunders and false accusations raised vp against him, which at the first he gaue no credit to, both for that the friendship which he bare vnto him, made him sleightly respect the [...], as also for that he imagined th [...] he was enuiously slaundered: It came to passe, that Antigonus, returning vpon E a certaine time from the army with great magnificence, about the time of the feast of Tabernacles, chanced to repaire thither at that verie time, wherein Aristobulus hapned to fall sicke. Antigonus intending to celebrate the solemnitie ascended the temple in great brauerie, attended by some of his army, to make his especial praiers for his brothers health. Whereupon certaine malicious wretches, desirous to breake the concord that was betweene them, made vse of this occasion, and of Antigonus magnificent pompe and good fortune [...] and came vnto the King, amplifying vnto him in malicious words, what pompe and maiestie he had shewed i [...] that solemnitie, Antigonus death complotted. Aristobulus [...] incensed against his brother Antigonus. telling him that in these his actions; he deme [...]ed himselfe in no so [...] like a priuate man; but that all his action [...] were leuelled at a royaltie: finally, that his intent was to enter the kingdom by force, and to kill him, in that he made his account that since he might be [...] F it was a great simplicitie for him to haue a companion. But Aristobulus although hee would verie hardly be induced to beleeue these reportes; yet notwithstanding being desirous both to extinguish the suspicion, and to prouide for his owne securitie, hee disposed certaine of his guard in a darke and priuie place vnder ground, and lodged himselfe in a certaine tower called Antonia, commaunding that no man should offer violence, except to those who entered armed: Giuing a further charge to his guard, that if Antigonus entered armed, [Page 340] he should be slaine. Which done, he first sent for his brother, willing him to repaire G The yeare of the world. 3862. before Christs birth 102. Aristobulus Queene contriueth Antigonus death. vnto him without weapons. Which when the Queene and they that complotted the murther of Antigonus vnderstood, they perswaded the messenger to certifie him the contrarie, namely, that his brother expected (in that he made warlike preparation and furniture for warre, that in that estate and pompe, and in those his royall and warlike accoustrements, he should come and visit him, to the end he might be an eye-witnesse of his braue furniture and preparation. But Antigonus suspecting no harme intended him, and relying on the good wil of his brother, marched all armed on foot toward Aristobulus, to shew himselfe in that brauerie: and when he came right ouer against the tower, that is called Straton, where the passage was verie darke, the kings gard flue him.
By this accident a man may easily coniecture, that there is scarcely any power greater then H that of enuie and slaunder, and that there is not any thing that may sooner breake off the good will and amitie amongst brethren, then these two passions. And aboue all, there is an occasion The force of slaunder. offered vs of great wonder in respect of one that was called Iudas of the sect of the Esseans, who in all those things that he prophecied varied in no sort from the truth. He seeing Antigonus come Iudas the Esseā a prophet. vp into the temple, cried out among his disciples (who frequented with him to be instructed by him in the methode of prophecy) that he was wearie of his life, because Antigonus securitie argued the vanitie of his prophecie, by which he had foretold, that that very day he should be slaine at Stratons tower; whereas the place, where he should be murthered, was sixe hundreth stounds off, and the better part of the day was alreadie spent: so that it could not be imagined, but that he should be in daunger to haue made a false prediction. Whilest he debated his doubtes I after this manner, and was wholy ouercome with choler, newes was brought that Antigonus was slaine in a certaine place vnder ground, which was called the tower of Straton, of the same name with that other that standeth neere the sea, which was afterward called Caesarea; which ambiguitie troubled the diuiner. Incontinently after this accident, Aristobulus repented himself in that he had put his brother to death; & this repentance of his, was seconded by a most grieuous The punishment of Aristobulus for the murt her of his brother. sicknesse, proceeding from the affliction of his spirit and detestation of that cruel murther: so that with grieuous agonie and torment he vomited bloud, as if all his entrals had beene torne in sunder. This bloud so vomited by him, it fortimed (in mine opinion) by the diuine prouidence of God, that a certaine seruant of his bearing it from his presence, by some trip of his foote hapned to stumble, and shed the same in that verie place, which had been soyled with the bloud of slaughtered K Antigonus. By which meanes they that beheld the same, raised a great crie, exclaiming that the Page had shed the bloud in a conuenient place. Aristobulus hearing this outecrie, demaunded the cause thereof, and for that no man addressed himselfe to satisfie him, he was the The touch of conscience. more earnest to know it (according to the nature of men, who are alwayes more suspitious and desirous to know those things, which are most concealed.) Finally, from words he fell to menaces, and neuer a man for feare of him durst tell him the truth. Whereupon hee altogether dismayed and affrighted in his conscience, casting forth abundant teares, and loaden with grieuous sighes, began toocrie out in thi [...] manner: How then? Mine impious and detestable act is not hidden from God, h [...] the sodaine punishment of my brothers murther pursueth me: wherefore, O thou shamelesse body of mine, how long wilt thou detaine my soule, which is due, and appertaineth L to the ghosts of my mother and brother? Why dost thou not take it all at once such as it is, without expecting that I should sacrifice my bloud, poured out so many times to those, whom I haue so traiterously slaine? Whilest he pronounced these words, he died. after hee had The yeare of the world, 38 [...]. before Christs birth 101. raigned one yeere. He was called Philelles, that is to say, a louer of the Greeks. Thus after he had prouted his countrie many wayes, and subdued the Iurreans, and ioyned the greater port of the countrey [...]o Iudaea; and had constrained them likewise, who should remaine in that countrey, to be circ [...]sed, and to liue according to the lawes of the Iewes, he died thus miserably. He was Aristobulus compelleth the Irureans to be circumcised, and to obserue the Iawes of the Iewes. [...]un by nature curtious, and verie shame fast, as Strabo testifieth, speaking after this maner, by the authoritie of Timagenes. This was a curteous man, and profitable to his countrimen the lewes in many things: for he enlarged their countrie, and conquered a part of the nations of the I [...]eans, M whom he tied [...]to him by the bond of circumcision.
CHAP. XX. A The yeare of the world. 3863. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 101.
The exploits of Alexander king of the Iewes.
WHen Aristobulus was dead, Salome his wife 9whom the Greekes called Alexandra) Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 19. Salome surnamed Alexandra Aristobulus wife maketh lānaeus Alexander king. set his brothers at libertie (whom, as we haue heretofore declared, he had shut vp prisoners) and made Iannaeus (who was called Alexander) king; who both in age and modesty surpassed all the other brethren; but such mishap had he, that from his birth day vpward, his father had cōceiued so great a hate against him, that he neuer admitted him to his presence so long as he liued. The cause whereof (as it is reported) was this. When as Hircanus loued Aristobulus and Antigonus, who were his two eldest sons, with most intire affection, God appeared vnto B him in his sleep, of whom he demanded who should be he that should succeed him? Wherupon God presented vnto his sight the semblance of Alexander: wherewith he grew discontent, in that Alexander executeth the one brother that affected the crowne, and honoureth the other. he conceiued that he should be heire of all his goods; and so much preuailed displeasure with him, that as soone as he was borne, he sent him out of his presence into Galilee, to be nourished and brought vp in that place. But God hath apparantly prooued that he lied not to Hircanus. For after Aristobulus death, he taking possession of the kingdome, caused one of his two brethren to be put to death, who affected and laboured to make himselfe king: and as for the other, who resolued himselfe to liue in idlenes and pleasure, he honoured him greatly.
After that he had established his estate, according as he thought it most expedient, he led Alexander besiegeth Ptolemais. foorth his army against Ptolemais, and hauing obtained the vpper hand in the battell, he couped C vp the men within their Citie, and afterward besieged and entrenched about the same. For amongst all the Cities of the sea coast, these two only, namely, Ptolemais and Gaza remained as The yeare of the world. 3864. before Christs birth 100. Zoilus tyrant of Straton and Dora. yet vnconquered, and there was no opposite left but Zoilus, who was seased of the tower of Straton and Dora where he gouerned. Whilest Antiochus Philometor and Antiochus Cyzicenus were thus at debate and warre the one against the other, and consumed each others forces, the Ptolemaidans had not any succour from them. But whilest they were trauailed with this siege, Zoilus (who held the tower of Straton and Dora) assisted them with that army he had vnder him, and gaue them some succours, by reason that (since these two kings were whetted with intestine troubles and warres) he cast how to aduance himselfe to the crowne and soueraigntie. For these two kings seemed to neglect their owne dangers, resembling herein those wrastlers, who D though being wearied with fight; yet are ashamed to submit vnto their aduersarie, but giue themselues a breathing time, that they may the better be hartned to encounter. The only hopes they had, were in the kings of Aegypt and in Ptolomey Lathyrus, who held the Isle of Cyprus at that time (whither he retired himselfe after he had been driuen out of his kingdome by Cleopatra his mother.) To him the Ptolemaidans sent Embassadours as vnto their allie, requiring him to come and deliuer them from Alexanders hands, into which they were in danger to fall. These embassadours perswaded him, that if he would passe into Syria, he should haue both Zoilus to friend, and those of Gaza to his followers, in the rescue of the Ptolemaidans: and moreouer, they assured him that the Sidonians and diuers others would second him: and by this meanes so encouraged him with promises, that he hasted himselfe to set saile. E
But in the meane space Demaenetus (who was both eloquent and in great authoritie with the Citizens) made the Ptolemaidans change their resolution, telling them that it was much better for them to hazard themselues in some vncertaine danger, wherewith the Iewes threatned them, then to deliuer themselues into the hands of such a master, from whom they could expect nothing but manifest seruitude. And moreouer, not onely to sustaine a present war; but that which is more, an imminent warre from Aegypt: for that Cleopatra would not permit that Ptolomey should leuy an army of the neighbouring nations, but would come against them with a great power, and would enforce her selfe also to thrust her sonne out of Cyprus. And as for Ptolomey, if he were frustrate of his hope, yet might he notwithstanding once more returne againe to Cyprus; where as they were to expect no lesse but extreme danger. Now although that Ptolomey F being at sea, vnderstood how the Ptolemaidans had changed their opinion, yet continued he his course onward, and landing in the port of Sycamine, he caused his army (who were of foote and horse to the number of thirtie thousand men) to take land, and with them he approched Ptolemais; Zoilus and the Gazeans require aide against the Iewes at Ptolomies hands. and perceiuing that vpon his encamping, they of the Citie admitted not his embassadors, neither in any sort gaue eare vnto them, he was wondrously perplexed. But after Zoilus and they of Gaza were come vnto him, requiring him to yeeld them assistance, for that their countrey was [Page 342] destroied by the Iewes, and by Alexander: For which cause Alexander raised his siege from before The ye [...]re of the world, 3864. before Christs birth 100. Alexander perswadeth Ptolomey to cut ost Zoilus. Zoilus taken. Ptolemais besieged by Ptolomey. G Ptolemais, for feare of Ptolomey, and retiring his army into his owne countrey, he began to vse this stratageme. For couertly he incited Cleopatra against Ptolomey; and openly he made a shew of amitie and confederation with Ptolomey: promising him to giue him foure hundreth talents of siluer, prouided that he would deliuer him of the tyrant Zoilus, and assigne those possessions held by him vnto the Iewes. Ptolomey hauing made a peace and league with Alexander, did at that time willingly lay hold on Zoilus: but after that he vnderstood that Alexander had sent and incensed his mother against him, he brake all accord, and went and besieged Ptolemais, that would not entertaine him. After therefore he had left his lieutenants at the siege with part of his forces, he departed with the rest, to enter vpon and spoile the countrey of Iudaea. Alexander perceiuing Ptolomies intent, assembled about fiftie thousand fighting men of his owne countrey, H Ptolomey taketh Azota towne in Galilee. (or as some historians haue written, eightie thousand) with whom he went out to fight against Ptolomey, who sodainly setting vpon Azoch a city of Galilee on a Sabboth day, tooke it by force, and led away from thence ten thousand prisoners, and a great quantitie of other booty.
CHAP. XXI.
How Ptolomey Lathyrus fought against Alexander, and obtained the victorie.
HE afterwards set vpon Sephor a Citie neere vnto Azoch, from whence he departed with the losse of many men, with an intent to fight with Alexander, who came foorth to make I Ptolomey assaulteth Sephor. H [...]catontamachi, or the warriors by hū dreths. head against him, and met with him neere vnto Iordan, in a place called Asophon, and encamped right ouer against the enemy. He had in his vantgard eight thousand men, whom he called Combattants by the Hundreths: who carried brazen bucklers. Ptolomies foreward also had bucklers after the same fashion, who perceiuing themselues to be inferiours in other points, deferred the charge, and were loath to hazard battell. But Philostephanus the campe master did not a little encourage them: For he caused them to passe the floud, hard by which they were encamped, neither would he hinder Alexander from passing the same, making his account, that if the enemies had the riuer on their backs, he should be the more assured of them, that they should not warrantize themselues from the fight. In the beginning of the skirmish, each one of them fought, with answerable valour; so that a great number of them fell on both sides. But Philostephanus K perceiuing that Alexanders army had the better, he tooke a part of his followers, and speedily seconded those who were ready to retire themselues. The wing of the Iewes vanguard Alexanders ouerthrow. that saw themselues freshly charged, and not succoured by any meanes, began to flie; and so far were those that marched next them from yeelding them assistance, that contrariwise all of them became partners in one shamefull flight. But they of Ptolomies side behaued themselues farre otherwise: for they pursued and flewe them, and after they had wholy disarraied them, they charged them so hotly, that they blunted their weapons, and wearied their armes with killing them. It is reported that thirtie thousand men were slaine in the battell (Timagenes saith, fiftie thousand) as for the rest, some of them were taken prisoners, and other some fled vnto their houses. After that Ptolomey had obtained this victorie, he ouerranne and spoyled the whole L Ptolomey to the end he might afflict the Iewes with more terrour causeth his soldiers to eat mans flesh. countrey, and in the euening he quartered himselfe in certaine villages of Iudaea, which he found full of women and children, and commanded his souldiers without respect of person, to cut their throats, and to chop them into pieces; and afterwards to cast the morsels into a boiling cauldron, and when they were well fod to eate the same: All which he acted, to the intent that they that were fled from the battell, and retired to their owne habitations, should know that their enemies would eate mans flesh, that by this meanes they might redoubt them the more when they should behold them. Strabo and Nicholas report, that they demeaned themselues after this maner, as I haue declared. And Ptolomey tooke Ptolemais also by force, as I haue made knowne els where. Ptolemais taken by force. Cleopatra prepareth an army against hir sonne.
But Cleopatra perceiuing how her sonne prospered, and how he had spoiled Iewry without M any preiudice, and subiected the Citie of Gaza to his commaund: she concluded with her selfe, that she ought not to suffer him to increase after that manner, considering it was vpon the borders of Aegypt, whose soueraignty he affected. For which cause, she sodainly marched out against him, with an army both by sea and land; committing the command of her whole sorces to Chelcias and Ananias both Iewes; and sent the greater part of her riches into the Isle of Coos, with her nephewes, and her testament, to be reserued and kept there in saseue. And after she had commanded [Page 343] her sonne Alexander to set saile toward Phoenicia, with a great nauy, because the inhabitants A The yeare of the world. 3864. before Christs birth 100. of that countrey were reuolted from her obeisance: she her selfe departed and came to Ptolemais, and besieged it, when she perceiued that they refused to grant her entry. Ptolomey made hast to depart out of Syria, and to enter Aegypt, hoping to be lord thereof at one time, when he should find the countrey disfurnished of men of warre. But his purpose failed him. At that time it fortuned, that Chelcias one of the two Generals of Cleopatras army, died in Coelesyria, being in pursuit of Ptolomey. Cleopatra hauing tydings of her sonnes enterprise, and that the successe and fortune he expected in Aegypt had failed him, she sent part of her army to driue him out of Ptolomey driuen out of Egypt. Ptolemais besieged and takē by Cleopatra. the countrey; so that he was enforced to returne backe againe out of Aegypt, and to go and spend his winter at Gaza. Meane while Cleopatra besieged, and tooke the Citie of Ptolemais, whither Alexander resorted vnto her, with great presents, and an answerable respect vnto his fortune, who B had bin so vntowardly handled by Ptolomey, hauing now no other recourse left him but to her fauour and assistance. Vpon his arriuall, certaine of her familiars counselled her to lay hands on him, and to seaze the countrey; and not to permit that so great a number of Iewes and they so valiant men, should become subiects vnto one man. But Ananias gaue her counsaile to the contrarie, alleadging that she should commit an act of great iniustice, if she should depose him, who was her allie, from the gouernment; who was beside that, very neerely allied vnto her. For (said he) I would you should know, that by committing this wrong, you shall raise in all the rest of the Iewes a hainous hatred against you. Cleopatra conforming her selfe according to Ananias counsaile, resolued with her selfe to offer Alexander no iniurie; but in steed thereof, she entertained Alexanders peace with Cle opatra renueth The yeere of the world, [...]873. before. Christs Natiuitie, 91. Alexander taketh Gadara. him as her allie and friend at Scythopolis a Citie of Coelesyria. Now when Alexander perceiued, C that he was discharged of the feare which he had conceiued in respect of Ptolomey, he incontinently drew his army into Coelesyria, and after six moneths siege, tooke Gadara: hee [...]lie shortly after Amath also (which is a great fortresse belonging to the inhabitants about Iordan) where Theodore the sonne of Zenon had hoorded vp the richest & goodliest part of his substance: who surprising the Iewes at vnawares, slew about ten thousand of them, and pillaged Alexanders baggage. This did not any waies astonish Alexander: but notwithstanding the desaster, he marched forward toward the Cities Raphia and Anthedon, which Herode afterwards called Agrippias scituate on the sea coasts, and tooke them perforce; and seeing that Ptolomey was retired Alexander besiegeth Gaza. Apollodorus by night inuadeth the camp of the Iewes. from Gaza into Cyprus, and that Cleopatra his mother was in Aegypt, he besieged the Citie of Gaza, and spoiled all the countrey round about it, by reason of the displeasure which he had conceiued D against the Citizens, for that they had sought their assistance at Ptolomies hands against him. Against him Apollodotus captaine of the Gazeans made a sallie by night, and entred the campe of the Iewes, hauing onely with him two thousand strange souldiers, and one thousand of his owne followers. And as long as the night lasted, the Gazeans had the vpper hand, because that they made their enemies beleeue that Ptolomey was come to their rescue, and to assault the Iewes afresh: but as soone as the day appeared, and this opinion was found false, assoone as the Iewes were assured of the truth, they turned backe vpon them, and charging the Gazeans, they slew about some one thousand fighting men of them. All this notwithstanding, they bethought them on no surrender, but stood out, being neither amated with losse of men, or lacke of prouision whatsoeuer, resoluing themselues rather to endure any miserie, then to submit themselues E into the hands of their enemies: and that which made them more confident, was the hope of help which they expected from Aretas king of Arabia, who had promised no lesse. But it came to Aretas king of Arabia flattereth the Gazeans with hope of rescue. Lysimachus killeth his brother, Apollodotus, and betrayeth Gaza to Alexander. passe that Apollodotus was slaine before his arriuall, and the Citie taken. For Lysimachus his brother conceiued a iealousie against him, by reason of the good opinion which the inhabitants had of him; and hauing slaine him and gathered those fighting men that he might, he yeelded vppe the Citie vnto Alexander, who at the first made a peaceable entrie, but afterwards dispersed his souldiers, and gaue them licence to execute all hostilitie against the Citizens: so that they acted their crueltie in euerie place, and slew many of the Gazeans: Neither died these Citizens [...]euenged, but so manfully behaued they themselues, that they butchered no lesse number of Iewes, then they murthered Citizens among them, Some of them likewise perceiuing themselues to F be alone, set fire vpon their houses, taking away first that which was therein; to the intent that the enemy might be enriched with none of their spoiles. Other some killed their wiues and children with their owne hands, meaning this way to deliuer them from the enemies seruitude. But the Senators to the number of fiue hundreth, were fled into the temple of Apollo (for at such time as the enemy entred the towne, they were by chance assembled in councell) all these did Alexander put to the sword, and instantly rased and leuelled that Citie with the ground which [Page 344] done, he returned to Ierusalem, after he had spent one whole yeere at the siege before Gaza. The yeare of the world. 3873. before Christs Natiuitie. 91. Antiochus Gryphus slain. Seleucus Gryphus son maketh warre with Antiochus the Cyzicenian. The yeare of the world, 3874. before Christs birth 90. Antiochus Eusebes putteth Seleucus to flight. Antiochus Seleucus brother fighteth against Antiochus the sonne of the Cyzicenian. Demetrius Eucaetus made king of Damasco by Ptolomey Lathurus. Cittons cast at Alexander. G
About this time Antiochus, surnamed Gryphus, died by the treason of Heracleon, in the fortie and fifth yeere of his age, and in the nine and twentith of his raigne. His sonne Seleucus had the kingdome after him, who made warre against his vncle Antiochus surnamed Cyzicenus, and hauing ouercome and taken him, he slue him. Not long after Antiochus the sonne of Cyzicenus, and Antoninus, surnamed the Deuout, came to Arade, and placed the Diademes vpon their heads, and made warre against Seleucus, whom they ouercame in one conflict, and droue him out of all Syria; who flying into Cilicia, and arriuing againe in the Citie of the Mopseates, he exacted a summe of money at the Citizens hands. But the people were so incensed, that they set fire on his pallace; whereby it came to passe that both he and his friends were burned to dust. During the time that Antiochus the sonne of Cyzicenus raigned in Syria, another Antiochus Seleucus H brother made warre against him; but he was not onely ouercome, but both hee and his army were put to the sword. After him, Philip his sonne tooke the Diademe, and gouerned in certaine places of Syria.
Meane while Ptolomey Lathurus sent to Gnidus for his fourth brother Demetrius Eucaerus, and made him king of Damasco. Against these two brothers Antiochus made a manly and valiāt resist, but died verie shortly after. For repairing to Laodicea to succour the Queene of the Galadenians, who made warre against the Parthians, he died fighting valiantly; and his two brothers, Demetrius and Philip possessed Syria, as hereafter it shall be declared. As for Alexander, a domesticall sedition was raised against him; for the people arose and mutined at such time, as he assisted at the Altar to solemnize the feasts of Tabernacles, and during the time that he intended the I sacrifice, they cast Citrons at him: for (as we haue declared else where) the Iewes haue this custome, that on the feast of the Tabernacles, each one bringeth a braunch of palme, and of Citrons. They vpbraided him also with many iniurious speeches, reproching him, that he had bin prisoner in warre; and that he was also vnworthy of the honour of the Priesthood. Whereupon he being moued by these disgraces, slaughtered about sixe thousand men: and hauing made an enclosure of wood about the temple and the altar (as farre as the place whereinto it was lawfull for none to enter but the Priests) he kept there, to the intent the people might not apprehend him: he entertained also certaine strange soldiers Pisidians and Cilicians. For in that he was at oddes Amath destroyed. Obeda king of Arabia. with the Syrians, he made no vse of them. After this hauing ouercome the Arabians, he constrained the Moabites and Galaadites to pay him tribute, and destroyed the Citie of Amath whilest K Theodore for feare gaue ouer to resist him. But encountering with Obeda the king of Arabia, and being surprised and betraied by an ambuscado in certaine miry and vnhaunted places, hee was thrust by the presse of the Camels into a deep trench (neere to Gadara a village of Galaad) from whence he almost despaired to escape: notwithstanding auoyding that daunger he came to Ierusalem. And besides this his last mishap the people hated him, against whom he made warre for the space of sixe yeers, & slue at the least fiftie thousand of them: and the more he intreated them to compremit these hainous debates betweene thē, the more grieuous displeasure conceiued they against him, because of the inconuenients they had suffered: so that when he demaunded of them what they would haue him to do: they all of them with one voice cried out, that he should kil himselfe. And thereupon they presently sent messengers to Demetrius Eucaerus, requesting him of his L fauour and assistance.
CHAP. XXII.
Demetrius Eucaerus ouercommeth Alexander in battell.
HE comming onward with his army, & taking with him those who had incited him to the The yeere of the world, 3884. before Christs natiuitie 80. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 20. Demetrius Eucaerus marcheth out against Alexander. Demetrius fighteth with Alexāder, and hath the vpper hand. Alexander in this fight loseth all his hired soldiers. enterprise, came and encamped neere vnto the Citie of Sichem. But Alexander gathering togither some twentie thousand Iewes (whom he knew to be well affected towards him) with sixe thousand and two hundreth mercenary soldiers and straungers, marched forward against Demetrius, who led with him three thousand horsemen, and fortie thousand footmen. Both on the one and the other side there fell out many subtill stratagems: the one of them M striuing on the one side to enueigle and withdraw the forraine soldiers, who were Grecians; and the other inforcing himselfe to reconcile those Iewes that were of Demetrius followers to his faction: but neither the one nor the other preuailed ought at all by these deuices: so that finally they were driuen to decide their quarrell by the sword; in which encountry Demetrius had the vpper hand. For all the strangers that were on Alexanders side were euery one hewed in peeces, after they had made sufficient proofe both of their faith and valour. There died also many of Demetrius [Page 345] soldiers. But after that Alexander had fled vnto the mountaines, diuers Iewes (to the number The yeare of th [...] world. 3884. before Chriss birth. 80. Sixe thousand men resort vnto Alexander. Alexander being assailed by the Iews besiegeth the mightiest of them in Bethom. Alexander crucifeth 800. Iewes, and murthereth their wiues & children in their presence. A of sixe thousand) in commiseration of his desperate estate, and thorow the feare they had of Demetrius, resorted vnto him; which when the conquerer heard, he retired himselfe. After this the Iewes made warre against Alexander, and in diuers losses which they receiued, there died a great number of them in diuers combates: Finally after he had closed vp the most strongest amongst them in the Citie of Bethom, he besieged them; and after he had taken the Citie, and brought them vnder his subiection, he caried them to Ierusalem, where he perpetrated an vnspeakable and cruell murther. For whilest he banquetted with his concubines, in the sight of them all, he commaunded eight hundreth of them or thereabout to be crucified; and before their eies whilest they yet liued he caused their wiues and childrens throats to be cur. All which he did to reuenge himselfe of those wrongs which he had receiued: but he exceeded the bounds of B humanitie herein, notwithstanding they had rebelled against him, and reduced him into a most piteous estate, and put him in daunger both of his life and kingdom. For being not content to assaile and make warre vpon him with their owne forces, they drewe straungers also into his countrey against him: and finally, they ouerpressed him in such sort, that he was constrained to yeeld vp into the king of Arabias hands, the countries and cities that he had conquered from the Moabites and Galaadites, for feare least they should ioyne with the Iewes, and make warre against him: besides other innumerable iniuries and outrages committed by them against him. This notstanding it cannot be excused, but that he ouershot himselfe herein; so that by reason of this his so enormous cruelty, he was called Thracidas, that is to say, as cruell as a Thracian: and this title continued among the Iewes. The soldiers of the contrary party, who amounted to the number Alexander surnamed Thracidas. C of eight thousand, fled by night into strong and sure holds; and as long as Alexander liued, they were in exile. But at the last after he was deliuered of all these troubles, he liued in quiet, and gouerned his kingdome peaceably all the remnant of his life. But Demetrius departing from Iudaea to Beroea, besieged his brother Philip with ten thousand footmen, and one thousand horse. But Straton Lord of Beroea allied to Philip, called Zizus Duke of the Arabians, and Mithridates Sinaces gouernour of the Parthians, vnto his helpe; who repairing vnto him with great forces, besieged Demetrius in his owne trenches, in which they so inclosed him by continuall shooting of dartes, and want of water, that they constrained him, and those that were with him Demetrius besiegeth his brother Philip in Beroea to submit themselues to their mercy. When as therefore they had praied the whole countrey, and were seazed of Demetrius, they sent him prisoner to Mithridates, who at that time was King D of Parthia. And as touching the Antiochians, as many of them as were found in the campe, were suffered to depart with the safety of their liues and baggage, and to returne to Antioch. But Mithridates King of Parthia honoured Demetrius by all meanes possible, vntill such time as he was surprised with a sicknes, whereof he died. Incontinently after the battell, Philip came into Antioch, and hauing obtained the kingdome ruled ouer Syria.
CHAP. XXIII.
The explaites of Antiochus Dionysius against Iudaea.
AFter this, Antiochus called Dionysius (who was Philips brother) came into Damasco to Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2 [...]. Antiochus king of Damalco. Antiochus thrust out of his kingdom by his brother. The yeare of the world 3887. before the birth of Christ. 7 [...] E obtaine the soueraigutie therein, and there in short space accomplishing his affaires, got possession of the crowne. When his brother Philip (who had an army in a readines to inuade the Arabians) had tidings hereof, he came to Damasco with great speed, and made him sirrender vp the Citie, both by the meanes of Milesius whom Antiochus had left gouernour in the Castle, as also by the consent of the Citizens themselues. But Philip shewed himselfe vngratefull toward Milesius, performing nothing of that which he had promised him, at such time as he deliuered him the Citie, because his intent was, that the world should thinke that the feare of his power, and not Milesius sauour was the cause of the surprisall of Damasco. Which act of his drew him into suspicion with Milesius, and was the cause that he lost the Citie againe. For departing from thence to exercise himselfe at tile Milesius locke the gates against him, and kept F the Citie for Antiochus. Who hauing intelligence of that which had befallen Philip, returned out of Arabia, & at that verse instant-led his army into Iudaea, in which there were eight thousand footmen, and eight hundreth horsemen. Alexander fearing his approch, made a deepe trench Caparbasa called Antipatris. from Caparsabe (which is called at this day. Antipatris) as farre as the sea of Ioppe (which was the onely streight whereby he might be assailed) and made a wal furnished with wooden towers, with their courts of guard, distant the one from the other an hundreth and fiftie furlongs, to [Page 346] keepe backe Antiochus. But he fired all these his fortifications, and made his army passe into Arabia The yeare of the world. 3884. before Christs birth 80. Antiochus death and the famine amōgst his army. Are [...]as king of Coelesyria. Cerraine cities taken by Alexander. G thorow this streight. The king of Arabia retired vpon the first assault; but afterwards he presently came into the field with ten thousand horsemen: whom Antiochus charged very valiantly, and in the onset lost his life (yet with victorie) whilest he sought to succour a company of his men that were hardly laid to. After Antiochus death, his army retired to the burrough of Cana, where diuers of them died for hunger.
After him Aretas raigned in Coelesyria, who was called vnto that kingdome by those that held Damasco and hated Ptolomey the sonne of Mennaeus. Aretas led his army into Iewry, and got a victorie against Alexander neere to Adida: which done, he retired out of Iudaea, vpon a coposition made between them. Moreouer, once more Alexander marched towards the city of Dion, and tooke the same. And afterwards he led his army against Essa, where Zeno had hoorded H vp his chiefest riches: and before he assailed the fortresse he inuironed the place with three huge walles, which he builded round about it, and hauing taken it by force, he marched to Gaulana, and Seleucia: which wen he had ouercome, he made himselfe master of a valley called the valley of Antiochus, with the fortresse of Gamala. And obiecting many crimes against Demetrius the lord of those places, he dispossessed him of his gouernment. Finally, after he had made warre for the space of three whole yeeres, he returned into his countrey, where the Iewes intertained him willingly by reason of the happy exploits which he had atchieued.
About the same time the Iewes were already possessed of the Cities of Syria, Idumaea, and Phoenicia; of the tower of Straton, Apollonia, Ioppe, Iamnia, Azoth, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, The yeere of the world, [...]887. before Christs Natiuitie, 77. The Iewes are Lordes of the cities of the Syrians, Idumaeans and Phaenicians. Pella destroied and rased. Alexanders sicknes. Rhinocura, all which were neere vnto the sea: and in the firme land on the side of Idumaea, as Adora, I Marissa, and all Samaria; the mounts Carmel and Itabyr; and herewith Scythopolis, Gadara, Gaulanitis, Seleucia, Gabala; and of Moab, Essebon, Medaba, Lemba, Orona, Telithon, and Zara; Antona of Cilicia and Pella. (This last Citie was raced by them, because the inhabitants would not promise to conuert themselues to the religion of the Iewes) with diuers other of the principall Cities of Syria also, which were conquered by them.
After this, king Alexander fell sicke, by the meanes of his surfeit and drunkennesse; and for the space of three yeeres he was trauailed with a quartane ague. This notwithstanding, he was alwaies in the campe, vntill such time as being wearied with trauels, he died in the marches of the countrey of the Gerasens, at such time as he besieged Ragaba (which is a Castle scituate on the other side of Iordan.) The Queene perceiuing that he was at deaths dore, and that there remained K neither hope of life, nor recouerie; she began to weepe and lament, and to beate her breasts, because both she and her children were likely now to be left desolate, and in these words she bemoaned her selfe vnto him. ‘To whom wilt thou leaue both me and thy children in the estate, wherein we be? or why should we suruiue or liue one after another, considering that thou assuredly knowest, that the hearts of thy people are estranged from vs? Hereupon the king comforted her, & gaue her this counsaile, that if she would assure the kingdome both vnto her and her children, she should behaue her selfe according to his direction, which was, first to conceale his death, and not to suffer his men of warre to haue notice thereof, vntill such time as she had taken this Castle. Which done, he aduised her to repaire to Ierusalem in pompe, and triumph; and that being there she should bestow some authoritie vpon the Pharisees, who should recount her L praises, and obtaine her fauour amongst the people. For (said he) these kind of men are in great The yeere of the world. 3890. before Christs birth 74. Alexander inst [...]cteth his wife how she may [...]igne securely. The authority of the Pharisees among the people. estimation and credit with the people, and can doe much hurt vnto those they hate, and further them [...] like sort very mightily, towards whom they are well affected: For the people easily beleeueth them, when they vrge ought against any man, notwithstanding it be of enuy; and that he himselfe also had incurd the displeasure of the people for their sakes, in that hee had offended them. When as therefore (said he) thou shalt arriue in Ierusalem, send thou for the chiefest amongst them, and pray them to come vnto thee; and after you haue shewed them my dead body, vse the most plausible speech that you can, and giue them permission to dispose of my body how they list, whether it be their pleasure to interdict, and deny me funerall (in that they haue receiued many indignities by me) or whether in a [...]ngment of their displeasure, they will offer M any ignominy to my body: and promise you them, that you will doe nothing in the administration or gouernment of the kingdome, but by their aduise. If in this sort you shape both your manners and discourse towards them, it will come to passe, that I shall be buried by them with great magnificence (which otherwise I could not be by any other meanes) because they will offer no outrage to my bodie, no although you should permit them: and besides that, you shall raigne in more assurance and quiet.’After he had giuen his wife these aduertisements, [Page 347] he gaue vppe the ghost; after hee had raigned seuen and twentie yeeres, and liued for The yeare of the world. 3890. before Christs birth 74. Alexanders death. A tie and nine.
CHAP. XXIIII.
After Alexanders death, his wife Alexandra gouerneth the kingdome.
AFter that Alexandra had taken the Castle of Ragaba, she conferred with the Pharisees, according to her husbands counsaile, and committed vnto their discretion, not onely that which concerned her husbands obsequies, but also the gouernment of the kingdome: Alexanders funerall. whereby she not only appeased the displeasure which before time they had conceiued against B Alexander, but also obtained their good will and amitie. They therefore came and declaimed amongst the people, making an oration of the acts and gests of Alexander, complaining euery where, that they had lost a good king, and by the inforced praises that they vsed, they incited the people to great griefe and lamentation: so that they buried him with more magnificence, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 22. Hircanus and Aristobulus Alexanders sonnes. then any king that raigned before him. This Alexander left two sons behinde him, the one called Hircanus; the other Aristobulus; and by his testament committed the gouernment of the kingdome to Alexandra his wife. For Hircanus was incapable to manage affaires; and rather delighted in peace and quiet; and Aristobulus, who was the younger, was both actiue and fit for gouernment. The people were well affected towards Alexandra, because she had manifestly expressed how greatly she misliked her husbands misgouernment. She appointed Hircanus high priest Hircanus high Priest. C (both in regard of his age, as also for that by nature he was composed to peace and quiet) and committed all things to the disposition of the Pharisees, commanding the people to obey and obserue them. She also renued and confirmed that which Hircanus had disanulled, and the Pharisees (according to the customes of their forefathers) had introduced; so that she bare the name, and the Pharisees the authoritie roiall. For they restored such as were banished to their estates, and deliuered prisoners; and in all things they demeaned themselues like great Lords. Alexandra also for her part vndertooke the care of the common weale, and kept a great number of souldiers The Pharisees admitted to the administration of the commonweale are greedie of reuenge. Aristobulus & his followers accuse the Pharisees of tyranny. in pay, and increased her power in such sort, that the tyrants round about her feared her, and deliuered her hostages and pledges of peace. All the countrey was in quiet, onely the Pharisees troubled the Queene, perswading her to put those to death, who had counsailed king Alexander D to put those eight hundreth to death (of whom we haue forespoken) and they themselues afterwards slew one that was called Diogenes, and after him diuers others, one by one: vntil such time as those in authoritie came vnto the royall pallace, accompanied with Aristobulus (who seemed to be displeased with that which had hapned, and who if the occasion were offered, made shew that he would not permit his mother to gouern after that manner) and told her that which had hapned, and in what dangers they had been, to expresse their duety and loyaltie which they ought to their deceased master; and how for that cause they had been greatly honoured by him; requiring her that she would not vtterly frustrate them of their hopes, which they expected in lieu of their seruice, that now they that had escaped frō the danger of their forrain enemies, were in their houses murthered like beasts by their priuate maligners, without any reliefe or succours E from any one. They furthermore vrged, that if their aduersaries would content themselues with those they had slaine, they would endure their misfortunes patiently, by reason of the sincere affection they bare vnto their lords: but if they must needly as yet suffer the like, they required that they might haue licence to depart. For that they would not procure their safetie, otherwise then by her consent: & would rather suffer a voluntary death neere vnto her royal pallace, if they might not be spared: For that it would be a shame both for themselues, and for the Queene, if by her toleration, those, who had been her deceased husbands friends, should be thus vexed by them which were his aduersaries.
That Aretas king of Arabia and other princes would be glad of this newes, to heare that she should estrange those persons farre from her, whose names haue been dreadfull euen amongst F those neighbouring kings who haue but heard the same. And if she had resolued to make more account of the Pharisee, fauour, then of their seruice, they besought her that she would at leastwise distribute them in seuerall Castles, for that rather then any mishap should pursue their soueraigne Alexanders house, they were content to lead their liues in that contemptible and abiect condition. Whilest thus they spake, and exclaimed on the soule of Alexander, praying him to haue compassion as well of those that were already dead, as of those who were in danger of their [Page 348] liues, the teares ranne from the eies of all the assistants: and Aristobulus (aboue the rest) was hartily The yeare of the world 3890. before Chr [...] [...]. 74. G discontent, and expressed the same by expostulating the cause with his mother. But they themselues were the cause of their owne calamitie, because that against all right and reason, they had permitted a headstrong and ambitious woman to raigne ouer them, as if the king had no heires reserued to succeed him in the kingdome. The Queene vncertaine how to determine the matter at that instant, committed the charge of all her Castles vnto their hands, reseruing onely Hircania, Alexandrion, and Machaeron, wherein the princes moueables and wealth Alexandra cō mitteth the custody of the Castles to the Iewes. Aristobulus i [...] sent to [...] against Ptolomy. Tigranes inuading Syria, heareth [...] of Lucullus pursuit of Mithridates, and returneth home. The yeare of the world. 3893. before Christs birth 71. was kept.
Not long after, she sent her sonne Aristobulus with a strong army, commanding him to draw his forces toward Damasco, against Ptolomey called Mennaeus, who was an ill neighbour vnto that Citie: but he returned thence without atchieuing any memorable action. About the same H time newes was brought, that Tigranes king of Armenia, inuaded Syria, with fiue hundreth thousand men of warre, intending shortly to set vpon Iewry. This rumour affrighted the Queene, and all the communaltie (and not without cause.) Whereupon she sent Embassadors with many princely presents vnto Tigranes, who besieged the Citie of Ptolemais. (For Queene Selena, otherwaies called Cleopatra, raigned in Syria, and perswaded the Syrians to deny Tigranes passage.) But Alexandras Embassadours met with the king of Armenia, and besought him to conceiue a good opinion of their Queene, and of all the whole nation of the Iewes: who receiued them willingly, praising them for that they had sought him out so farre to doe him honour, and put them in good hope. After the taking in of Ptolemais, it was told Tigranes that Lucullus pursued Mithridates (who was not as yet apprehended, for that he was fled into Iberia, which was the cause I that Lucullus had entred Armenia, and forraged the same.) Tigranes hearing this newes, returned backe into his countrey. After this, Queene Alexandra fell sicke of a dangerous and noysome disease: whereby Aristobulus tooke occasion to entermeddle with the affaires of estate. Walking The yeare of the world. 3894. before Christs birth 70. Alexandras sicknes, and Aristobulus attempt. therefore abroad one night attended by a trusty seruant, he repaired vnto those Castles, which were committed to the custodie of his fathers friends: for of long time he had misliked his mothers gouernment, and now was the more affraid, that if she should happen to die, all her posteritie should be made subiect to the power of the Pharisees. For he well perceiued how vnapt his elder brother was to gouerne the kingdome, vnto whom notwithstanding the succession appertained: onely his wife, whom (accompanied with his children) he had left with Alexandra, had an inckling of this his intent. He therefore went first of all to Agaba, where Galestes one of K the chiefest potentates commaunded, who entertained him with great ioy. The next day the The yeare of the world, 3897 before Christs birth 67. Aristobulus seazeth the castles; and great cō course of people resort to him. Queene hearing that Aristobulus was departed from court, yet little suspected she at the first, that he was retired to worke some alteration in the state. But when as messengers came flocking one after another, and told her that after the first Castle, the second; and after the second, all the rest had consequently been surprised by Aristobulus: at that time both the queene and the whole nation were dismaied, fearing least he should presently vsurpe the soueraigntie; but aboue all they feared, least he should reuenge himselfe on those, who had outraged his familiars: and it was thought meet that both his wife and children should be committed to the Castle, that adioyned the temple. But from all parts round about resorted there souldiers to Aristobulus; so that he was attended like a king: for in the space of some fifteene daies he tooke twenty and two forts, L whither he made his retreats, and assembled an army of souldiers, and leuied them amongst the lords that inhabite Libanus and Trachonitis: For the multitude hath alwaies resort to the stronger side, supposing that if they submit thereunto willingly, and maintaine and roiallize the same, that they shall draw some profit thereby, as being those that were the occasion of the confirmation of his monarchy.
Hereupon the auncient Iewes and Hircanus repaired vnto the Queene, humbly intreating her to take some mature counsaile and good aduice touching the present affaires, because that Aristobulus Hircanus and the elders informe the Queene, and accuse Aristobulus. Alexandras death. The yeare of the world. 3899. before Christs birth 65. her son was already well nigh lord of the whole countrey, since he had so many forts vnder his commaund: Furthermore, that it was inconuenient and vndecent for them to consult without her expresse order, notwithstanding she were grieuously sicke, but that the impendent M danger extorted the same. The Queene willed them to doe that which they thought should be most profitable for the common weale; telling them that they had many meanes, for that their nation was mighty, great and strong; and had great store both of money and riches in the common treasurie: certifying them, that because she knew that she had not long to liue, she had no more reason to take care of those affaires. Anon after she had spoken thus, she died: after she had raigned nine yeeres, and liued in all seuentie and three yeeres. This woman was adorned [Page 349] with greater excellency then could be expected from one of hir sexe, and expressed both in her The yeare of the world. 3899. before the [...] of Christ, 65. A actions and ordinances how fit she was to gouerne a kingdome, and how oftentimes men thorow imprudence ouershoote themselues in affaires of estate. For making more account of the present then future occurrences, and neglecting all other things in respect of those which are requisite in a moderated gouernment, she neuer vpon any instigation whatsoeuer peruerted iustice; notwithstanding her family fell into such inconueniences, that the same soueraignty which she had obtained by diuers daungers and trauels, was not long after that ruinated and lost for her scarce effeminate desires. For she gaue care vnto those, who were ill affected towards her posterity, and left the kingdome destitute of such as were fit to gouerne: so that the gouernment which she enioyed during her life time, was after her death distracted with infinite troubles, and Alexandras family in cu [...] much trouble. calamities, wherewith her family was replenished. And notwithstanding her regiment after B this manner, yet during her life time she kept the kingdome in peace. And thus died Alexandra.
THE XIIII. BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE C IEWES,
- 1 How after the death of Alexandra, her youngest sonne Aristobulus made warre against his brother Hircanus for the kingdome; who obtaining the victorie, compelled Hircanus to flie into a castle in Ierusalem. And how after it was agreed and concluded between them, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hircanus liue as a priuate man without dignitie.
- 2 Of the race of Antipater, and how he purchaseth renowme, great power and authoritie both to D himselfe and his children; and of the flight of Hircanus to Aretas king of Arabia.
- 3 Aristobulus, being vanquished, is pursued as farre as Ierusalem.
- 4 Hircanus and Aristobulus send Embassadours to Scaurus to request his aid and succour.
- 5 Aristobulus and Hircanus present themselues before Pompey, to debate their titles touching the kingdome.
- 6 Pompey is seazed of the fortresses by a warlike stratageme.
- 7 They of Ierusalem shut their gates against the Romans.
- 8 Pompey taketh the Temple and lower part of the citie by force.
- 9 Scaurus maketh warre against Aretas, and by the perswasion & sollicitation of Antipater maketh aleague with him. E
- 10 Alexander being ouercome by Gabinius, retireth himselfe into a castle, where he is shut vp and besieged.
- 11 Aristobulus escaping out of prison, flieth from Rome, who being taken againe in Iudaea by Gabinius, is sent backe prisoner to Rome.
- 12 Crassus warring against the Parthians, passeth through Iewrie, and spoyleth the Treasurie of the Temple.
- 13 Pompey retireth into Epirus, and Scipio commeth into Syria.
- 14 Caesars voyage into Egypt, wherein the Iewes do him faithfull seruice.
- 15 Antipaters valiant acts, and the amitie betwixt him and Caesar.
- 16 Caesars letters, and the Senates decree, as touching the friendship betwixt the Iewes and Romans. F
- 17 Antipater committeth the gouernment of Galilee to his sonne Herod, and that of Ierusalem to Phasaelus his other sonne; and how Sextus Caesar aduāced Herode to great honour and dignitie.
- 18 Cassius afflicteth Iurie, and exacteth eight hundreth talents.
- 19 Malichus poisoneth Antipater.
- 20 Herode putteth Malichus to death, by Cassius commandement.
- [Page 350] 21 Antigonus the sonne of Aristobulus seeking to recouer his fathers kingdome by the aide of the G King of Tyre, is discomfited and driuen out of Iudaea by Herod.
- 22 Herod meeting Antonius in Bithynia winneth his fauour with a great summe of money, to the intent he should giue no [...]are to his accusers.
- 23 Antonius arriuing in the prouince of Syria establisheth Herode and Phasaelus for Tetrarches.
- 24 The Parthians make warre in Syria to restore Antigonus the sonne of Aristobulus to the kingdome.
- 25 The Parthians take Hircanus, and Phasaelus prisoners, and lead them away.
- 26 Herode at Rome is declared King of Iury by the Senate.
- 27 Herode returneth from Rome, and fighteth against Antigonus.
- 28 Antigonus is discomfited by Sosius and Herode H
CHAP. I.
How after the Contention betweene the two brethren touching the kingdome, it was agreed that Aristobulus should be king, and Hircanus liue as a priuate man.
WE haue alreadie intreated in our former Booke both of the actes and The yeere of the world, 3899. before Christs Natiuitie, 65. The office and duty of an Historiographer death of Queene Alexandra: it now remaineth at this present to prosecute and continue the sequell of our History, to the end that we neither I omit any thing thorow ignorance, or burie ought in forgetfulnes. For they that make profession to write Histories, and to recite such things as are obserued by antiquitie, ought not onely studiously to conforme their stile, but also to beautifie the same with the ornaments of eloquence, to the intent the reader may conuerse in their writings with the more delectation. But aboue all things they must haue an especiall care so exactly to set downe the truth, that they, who know not how these things came to passe, may be the more duely and fitly informed.
When as therefore Hircanus had taken vpon him the high Priesthood, in the third yeere of the hundreth seuentie and seuenth Olympiade, and in the yeere that Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus Aristobulus and Hircanus striue for the kingdome. K (called the Cretensian) were consuls at Rome: Aristobulus sodainly vndertooke the warre against Hircanus, and fought with him neere vnto Iericho: where a great number of Hircanus followers submitted themselues of their owne accord to Aristobulus. Thorow which accident Hircanus was inforced to fly to the fortresse of the higher citie, wherein Alexandra Aristobulus mother had imprisoned both his wife and children (as before this it is specified) The rest of his faction for feare of his brother, who had gotten the victory, retired themselues within the enclosure of the temple, where they were besieged and taken. After this a peace was intreated of betwixt both the brethren, and their different was accorded in this manner: that Hircanus should passe the remnant of his life without entermedling with affaires of estate, but should onely intend his The peace betwixt Hircanus and Aristobulus. security and peace: and Aristobulus should commaund the kingdome. This league was ratified L betweene them in the temple, and confirmed with othes, coniunction of hands and embraces, in the sight of all the people: which being finished, Aristobulus retired himselfe into the pallace; and Hircanus to Aristobulus lodging, to lead a priuate and quiet life.
CHAP. II.
Of the race of Antipater, and how he is aduanced to high estate, and how Hircanus flieth to Aretas King of Arabia.
BVt acertaine friend of Hircanus (by nation an Idumaean, and by name Antipater) being wel monied, and by nature both factious and industrious, and thorow ambition but M Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. [...]. Antipater the Idumaean Hircanus friend. Antipater of Iudaea, as Nicholas Damascenus impli [...]th, first called Antipas. badly affected toward Aristobulus, the rather for that he affected Hircanus faction, began to stir much trouble. True it is, that Nicholas Damascene writeth of this man, that he was descended from the noblest amongst those Iewes who returned from out of Babylon into Iury: but this he did of set purpose to gratifie Herode Antipaters sonne, who by a casualtie became afterwards King of the Iewes (as we will expresse hereafter in time and place conuenient.) This Antipater was at the first called Antipas, according to his fathers name, who (as it is reported) was [Page 351] made gouernour of all Idumaea by king Alexander and his wife: and afterwards made a league The yeare of the world. 3899. before Christs birth. 65. A with the Arabians, Gazeans, and Ascalonites, corrupting them, and insinuating himselfe into their fauours by diuers great presents bestowed vpon them. This young Antipater considering with himselfe what Aristobulus power was, and fearing least some mischiefe might be fall him thorow the hatred the young king had conceiued against him, he communicated with certaine of Ant [...]er incen [...] the princes of the lewes against Aristobulus. the greatest reckoning amongst the lewes, and secretly and cunningly incensed them against Aristobulus; telling them that they had done amisse, both to see and suffer Aristobulus to detaine the kingdome vniustly in his hands, and to dispossesse his elder brother Hircanus, to whom by right of inheritance it appertained. He likewise accosted and sounded Hircanus ordinarily with these words; telling him that he liued in danger of his life, and would doubtlesse be ouertaken; except he sought his owne securitie, and fled his imminent perill: alleadging, that Aristobulus B friends would neuer cease to consult how they might shorten his life, to the end▪ that he might liue in more securitie. To these instigations of his Hircanus gaue small credit (for that of his own nature he was curteous, and could not easily be induced or seduced by detractions) but this negligence and carelesnesse in him, was the cause that he was accounted a silly and abiect man. On the contrarie side, Aristobulus was of a different and more heroick nature, being more actuie in performance, and carefull in preuention.
Now although Antipater saw that Hircanus made small accountof his instigations; yet ceased he not daily to inuent and propose new surmises and accusations, vrging Aristobulus hatred and practise to mu [...]her him: and so much preuailed he by his importunity, that at last he perswaded him to flie to Aretas king of Arabia, promising him that in so doing, he would giue him both C aide, and assistance. Hircanus hauing debated vpon these conclusions, at last thought good to flie to Aretas (for that he knew that Arabia confined vpon Iewry.) Whereupon he first of all sent Antipater to Aretas, to take assurance of him that he should not betray him into his enemies hands, if so be he should submit himselfe vnto him, and require his assistance. When as therfore Antipater had receiued this assurance from the king, he returned to Ierusalem vnto Hircanus: and The yeare of the world, 3900. before Christs natiuitie, 64. not long after that tooke him away with him, and departed the Citie by night, and afterwards with great iourneies arriued at Petra, where Aretas kept his royall court. And for that he was inwardly familiar with the king he besought him to reestablish him in the kingdome of Iewry, and wrought so much by his importunitie and the presents which he gaue him, that he perswaded Aretas to attempt the matter. Whereupon Hircanus promised, that if hee confirmed D him againe in his royall dignitie, he would vpon the recouerie of his realme restore vnto him Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 3. those twelue Cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, the names whereof are these that follow: Medaba, Nabello, Liuias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athona, Zoara, Orona, Marissa, Rydda, Lusa, Oryba.
CHAP. III.
Aristobulus being vanquished, is pursued as farre as Ierusalem.
ARetas induced by these promises, was content to send foorth an army against Aristobulus, Aretas maketh warre against Aristobulus, and enforceth him to flie to Ierusalem. The Arabian besiegeth Aristobulus in the temple. E and himselfe in person conducted onward in that expedition fiftie thousand men, both on foote and horse, and had the vpper hand of his enemy in such sort, as diuers after the attainment of this victorie, of their owne accord submitted themselues to Hircanus: and Aristobulus perceiuing himselfe to be destitute of all his friends and followers fled vnto Ierusalem. After him the king of Arabia led his army with all expedition, and besieged him in the temple: In this siege the common people assisted Hircanus, neither were there any but the priests only that stuck to Aristobulus side. Wherupō Aretas marshalled the forces he had, and busily set the army both of Iewes and Arabians about the siege. Whilest these things were vnder these termes, the feast of vnleauened bread, which we call the passeouer, was at hand, and The Iewes flye into Egypt. the princes of the Iewes forsaking their countrey were fled into Aegypt. About that time, a certaine F man called Onias (such a one who for his vertue was beloued of God, and in times past had by his deuout praiers and supplications in a time of drought, obtained raine from God) hid himselfe, perceiuing that this sedition would be of some continuance. This man therefore being surprised and brought into the campe of the Iewes, they required him that as by his praiers he had obtained water; so at that time likewise he would by his imprecations incense God against Aristobulus, and his complices. But whereas he contradicted and excused himselfe, he was at last [Page 352] constrained by the people to performe their request; so that standing vp in the midst of them he G The yeare of the world. 3900. before Christs birth 64. Onias contradicting the Iewes petition is stoned to death. spake after this manner. O God, King of the whole world, since they who are at this present here with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are thy priests; I humbly beseech thee, that when they shall require thee to be incensed against their brethren, thou wilt not heare them: and when as likewise they shall prouoke thee against the other, thou wilt not respect them. Hereupon, a certaine sort of reprobate souldiers amongst the Iewes, hearing these words of his, stoned him to death: but God incontinently punished this crueltie in them; and the murther of Onias so cursedly perpetrated, was reuenged by this meanes which ensueth. At such time as Aristobulus and the priests were besieged, the feast of Easter or the passeouer fell out, during which time it was an vsual custome amongst the Iewes to honour God with many sacrifices: Now for that they who were with Aristobulus, had not any beasts to offer vp in sacrifice, they required the other Iews H which were without, that they might haue some deliuered vnto them for their mony. Wherunto it was answered, that if they would giue one thousand drachmes for euery head, they should haue some deliuered vnto them. To this demaund of theirs, Aristobulus and the priests that were with him, willingly condescended, and let downe the prefixed price and deliuered the same from the wall: but the others, after they had receiued the money, deliuered them not those beasts which they required them to sell them for sacrifice; but so farre were they giuen ouer to impietie, that Breach of faith, and the reuenge therof they falsified their oathes not onely towards men, but defrauded God also, in denying that which they had promised toward the furnishing of the sacrifice. For which cause, the priests (being defrauded in this manner contrarie to the oath and protestations of their aduersaries) besought God to shew vengeance on their countrimen, that had committed this hainous and periutious I impietie: neither did God defer their punishment any long time, but incontinently after he sent a great and violent winde, that spoiled all the fruits of the countrey; so that a measure of wheate was sold for eleuen drachmes.
CHAP. IIII.
Hircanus and Aristobulus send Embassadours to Scaurus, to couenant their peace with him.
MEane while Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria (himselfe being in person detained in Armenia Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 4. Hircanus and Aristobulus embassadours vnto Scaurus. in pursuit of the warre betwixt him and Tigranes.) Now when as Scaurus came vnto K Damasco, he found that Metellus and Lollius had newly taken the Citie; for which cause he marched onward towards Iewry: Where being arriued, certaine Embassadors came vnto him in the behalfe of Aristobulus, and others also in the name of Hircanus, requiring alliance and confederacie in the behalfe of them both, and offering in eithers respect a tribute of foure hundreth talents. But Scaurus preferred Aristobulus promises, both for that he was a man of mightier substance and greater minde, and withall more moderate in his demand; whereas Hircanus was poore and couetous, and notwithstanding he demaunded greater things then his brother did; Scaurus is presented. yet was his promise of lesse assurance: For it was a harder matter to subdue a Citie that was so defenced and strong, then to repulse a troupe of runnagate Nabatheans, and they scarcely well animated to prosecute that warre. For these causes therefore he (receiuing his money) leuied the L siege, commanding Aretas to returne; which if he refused, he declared him an enemy to Rome. Aristobulus maketh warre against Aretas and Hircanus. This done, Scaurus returned to Damasco, and Aristobulus led foorth his army against Aretas and Hircanus, and fighting with them in a place called Papyron he obtained the victorie, and slew about some seuen thousand of his enemies, amongst the number of which was Cephalius Antipaters brother.
CHAP. V.
How Aristobulus and Hircanus debate their titles in the presence of Pompey. M
NOt long time after this, Pompey came vnto Damasco: and as he trauailed thorow Coelesyria, Pompey commeth into Syria, and Aristobulus sendeth a royal present vnto him. diuers Embassadours resorted vnto him from all parts of Syria, Aegypt and Iudaea. For Aristobulus sent him a present of great valew, namely a golden vine of fiue hundreth talents price. Hereof Strabo the Cappadocian maketh mention in these words: ‘There came an Embassadour out of Aegypt, bearing a crowne of foure thousand pieces of gold; and an other from Iewry, with a vine or garden, and the workmanship was called Terpole, that is to[Page 353] say, recreation:’ And this vine haue we beheld at this day in the Citie of Rome in the temple of The yeare of the world. 3900. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 64. Antipater for Hircanus, and Nicodemus for Aristobulus come as embassadors to Pompey. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. A castle destroyed in Apamea. Ptolomey Mē naeus fined at a great summe of money. A Iupiter Capitoline; hauing the inscription of Alexander king of the Iewes; and it was esteemed and valewed at fiue hundreth talents. It is said, that Aristobulus prince of the Iewes sent the same. Straight after this, there came other fresh Embassadors vnto him (Antipater from Hircanus: and Nicodemus, frō Aristobulus) who accused those that had taken mony, namely Gabinius, for that he first of all had receiued three hundreth talents beside other presents: and secondly Scaurus, who had receiued foure hundreth; alleadging that by that meanes they had incensed them against him. He therefore gaue direction, that they should repaire vnto him about the spring, each of them to iustifie and maintaine their seuerall rights: as for himselfe he drew his forces from their wintring places, and marched towards Damasco, destroying in his way a certaine fortresse which Antiochus the Cyzicenian had fortified in Apamea. He visited also the countrey of Ptolomey B Mennaeus (who was a peruerse and wicked man, and no waies differed from Dionysius Tripolitane) who was punished with the losse of his head, and was vnited also with him in friendship and affinitie; yet acquitted of the death he deserued, by the meanes of a thousand talents raunsome, which Ptolomey distributed amongst his souldiers for their pay. He raced likewise the Castle of Lysias (wherein a Iewe called Silas tyrannized) and passing by the Cities of Heliopolis and The yeare of the world. 3902. before the birth of Christ. 62. Aristobulus & Hircanus accused by the Iewes before Pompey. Chal [...]is, and hauing likewise ascended the mountaine (which is betweene them) he came to Coelesyria; and from Pella repaired to Damasco. In which place he gaue audience to the Iews, and their princes Hircanus and Aristobulus, who were at oddes the one against the other, as touching their particular interests, as all the whole nation against them both; alleadging that they would not be gouerned by kings, because their custome was to obey Gods Priests, whom they C honored, affirming that these two brethren (who were descended of the race of priests, sought to draw their nation vnder a different forme of gouernmēt, to the intent to reduce [...]m vnder seruitude. Hircanus complained, for that being the elder borne, he had bin depriued of his inheritance by Aristobulus, and had onely but a small portion of the countrey allotted him, because Aristobulus had seazed the rest by force. He complained likewise of those incursions, that both by land and sea Aristobulus followers had endomaged the frontires with. For the people had not reuolted, if he had not been a violent and turbulent man. To this accusation of his, a thousand of the principallest of the Iewes (drawne on by Antipaters perswasion) subscribed, who auerred and iustified the same. But Aristobulus answered, that Hircanus was dispossessed of the kingdome, Aristobulus Apology before Pompey. by reason of his incapacitie and naturall defects; alleadging for himselfe, that the gouernment D was enforced on him by a necessitie, for feare it should be transported to others: in effect, he protested that he challenged no other title, then that which his father Alexander had had. Hee brought in also for his witnesses certaine arrogant young men, who were hated for their pompe, purple robes, their curiositie in painting and curling their haire, and bard horse, and other braueries which they presented, not like men that intended to expect iudgement, but as if their pretence had been to make shew of their pompe. After that Pompey had heard them, he condemned Aristobulus violence, but for that time he dismissed them (after some fauourable and gracious conference) promising them that he would come into their countrie, and determine their differents, after he had seene the region of the Nabatheans: commanding them in the meane while to liue in peace. He vsed Aristobulus likewise very kindly, fearing least he should incense the people, E and shut vp his passage: which notwithstanding came to passe. For Aristobulus came into Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 6. the Citie of Delion, and from thence went into Iudaea, without respect of that which Pompey had commaunded him.
CHAP. VI.
Pompey maketh himselfe Lord of the Castles by a warlike stratageme.
POmpey hearing this, was sore displeased therewith; and taking with him his army which Pompey marcheth out against Aristobulus. he had prepared against the Nabatheans (with the supplies he had in Damalco, and the F rest of Syria, besides the other Roman companies that he had) he marched forth against Aristobulus: when as therefore he had left Pella and Scythopolis behind him, he came to Core▪ as (which is the entrance into Iudaea) drawing toward the heart of the countrey. There found Aristobulus descendeth from his fortresse to con▪ ferre with Pompey. he a goodly Castle scituate vpon the top of a mountaine called Alexandrion, whither Aristobulus was retired. For which cause he sent Embassadours to inuite him to come and parlee with him: who perswaded by the counsaile of many of his inward friends, in no sort to commence warre [Page 354] against the Romanes, came downe vnto him, and after he had debated his title with his brother, G The ye [...]re of the world, 3902. before Christs Natiuitie, 62. Aristobulus deliuereth the fortresses to Pompeis hāds. Hedio & Ruff [...]s. chap. 7. Mithridates king of Pontus slaine by his sonne Pharnaces. as touching the kingdome, Pompey permitted him to returne againe into his Castle. And this did he two or three times, alwaies flattering Pompey thorow the hope he had of the kingdome, and making a shew that he would be obedient vnto him in whatsoeuer he would command him. Meane while he retired himselfe, and fortified the place, and made preparation for the warre, for feare least Pompey should transferre the kingdome to Hircanus. But when as Pompey commaunded him that he should deliuer vp the fortresses that he held, and had written with his owne hand to the captaines of the garrisons (who otherwise would not haue obeyed him) Aristobulus submitted, and in discontent repaired to Ierusalem, with full intent to prepare for warre. Not long after this, when as Pompey marched towards him with his army, certaine messengers comming from Pontus certified him of Mithridates death, who was slaine by his sonne Pharnaces. H
CHAP. VII.
They of Ierusalem shut their gates against the Romanes.
WHen Pompey was encamped neere vnto Iericho (in which place there were a number of Date trees, and where also groweth that balme which is the most precious of all other oyntments, distilling from a little shrub, which is opened and slit by a sharpe cutting stone) the next morning he marched towards Ierusalem. At that time Aristobulus (being sorie Gabinius comming to receiue the money Ari [...]obulus had promised, hath the citie gates shut against him. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 8. Pompey besiegeth Ierusalē. The yeare of the world, 3903. before Christs birth 61. for his misbehauiour) came vnto him, offering him money, and promising him to receiue him into Ierusalem; he besought him (that dismissing publike enmities and quarrels) he would peaceably I doe what him listed hereafter. Whereupon Pompey pardoned him, and condescended to his request, and sent Gabinius with his soldiers, both to receiue the money, as also to enter the citie; but his purpose failed him in both: for Gabinius returned, because he was excluded out of the citie; neither receiued he any money, for that Aristobulus soldiers would not permit that any promise should be performed. Hereupon Pompey waxed wroth; so that after he had committed Aristobulus to prison, he went in person against the citie, which was strongly fortified on euerie side, except toward the quarter that extendeth northward, which was easie to be beaten downe: for this side is inuironed with a large and deepe valley, compassing the temple, which is inclosed with a meruailous strong wall of stone.
CHAP. VIII. K
Pompey taketh the Temple, and lower part of the Citie perforce.
BVt within the Citie there grew a diuision and faction, by reason of the difference and dissident opinions of those that kept the same; for some thought good to yeeld vp the citie into Pompeies hands; othersome (that were of Aristobulus faction) counsailed that the gates should be kept shut, and preparation for warre should be made, for that the Romanes detained Aristobulus prisoner. These later preuailing more then the rest seazed the temple: and breaking downe the bridge which was betwixt it & the Citie; addressed themselues to stand on Ierusalem partly betraied, partly besieged by Pompey. their defence. But the others not onely deliuered the Citie into Pompeies hands, but the royall pallace L also, who sent Piso his lieutenant thither with his forces to take possessiō therof, & to plant his garrisons therein; and to fortify the houses neere adioining the temple, & whatsoeuer conuenient habitation without the walles. First therefore Piso offered the besieged certaine conditions of peace: which for that they refused, he fortified and shut them in on euerie side, being in all these his indeuours assisted by Hircanus. On the out side of the Citie, Pompey incamped with his army on the north part of the temple (which was the easiest and meetest side to be assaulted) on this side Pompey maketh preparation to besiege the temple. also there were certaine high towers, and a huge trench, besides a deepe valley tha [...] begirt the temple. For towards the citie all waies and passages were so broken vp, that no man could either go vp or downe, and the bridge was taken away on that side where Pompey was encampt. Each day did the Romanes trauell earnestly to raise a mount, and cutting downe all the timber M round about them, & hauing fitly applied the same, the trench being fild vp (although very hardly, by reason of the incredible depth thereof) the Rammes and Engines that were brought from Tyre were addressed, with which they inforced and darted stones against the temple: and had not the ordinance of the countrey commaunded to keepe the Sabbath (which was the seuenth day of the weeke) holy, and to labour in no sort on that day; the Romans had neuer bin able to haue raised their bulwarke, if they within the temple had opposed themselues against them. For the law [Page 355] permitteth to defend themselues against their enemies, at such time as they are assailed & vrged The yeare of the world, 3903. before Christs birth 61. A to fight, but not assaile them when they intend any other worke. Which when the Romanes vnderstood, they neither gaue assault, nor proffered skirmish on those daies, which we call Sabbaths: but they built their fortifications and towers, and planted their engines; so that the next day they were readie to put them in vse against the Iewes. And hereby it is easie to coniecture, how incredible the piety of our nation is, & how studious & industrious they be in obseruing the diuine lawes. For notwithstanding any present or imminent feare, yet desisted they neuer to offer their solemne The Iewes intermitted not their sacrifice notwithstanding the siege. The taking of the temple. sacrifices: but twice a day in the morning & about the ninth houre the Priests offered vpon the altar; & notwithstanding any difficultie or daunger of the siege that might happen, they omitted not the course of their oblations. For at such time as the temple was taken (in the third moneth and on a fasting day in the hundreth seuentie nine. Olympiade, in the yeere wherein Caius Antonius B and Marcus Tullius Cicero were Consuls) the enemy entred the temple by force, and slue those that withstood them. Yet notwithstanding all this, the priests ceased not to exercise their accustomed sacrifice: and neither the hazard of their liues, nor the great number of those that were dead, could force them to fly, but that they held it more conuenient for them to indure all things that might happen in attending vpon the Altar, thē to transgresse or vary one iot from their ordinances. And that this may seeme to be no fable, or praise of their dissembled deuotion, but the exact and perfect truth, all those that write the Histories concerning Pompey and his actes, do witnesse no lesse: amongst the number of which, are Strabo, Nicholas, & Titus Liuius the Romane Historiographer the most famous among the rest. The greatest of those towers was battered by these engines, and fell, bearing a great pane of the wall to the earth with it, which was the cause that the enemies in C multitudes brake in by the breach. The first that ascended the wal was Cornelius Faustus the sonne of Sylla, with his soldiers. After him mounted the Centurion Furius, accompanied with those that followed him, on the other side: and thorow the midst of the breach did the Centurion Fabius enter with a strong squadron. The whole circuite was filled with murthers; and some of the Iewes died by the Romanes swords; other some slue one another; the rest cast themselues downe headlong from the steepie places: many likewise set fire on their houses, and consumed themselues therein, for feare they should behold the executions that were performed by their enemies. There died about twelue thousand Iewes, and verie few Romanes. Absolom also, who was Aristobulus father in law, and vncle, was taken prisoner. The religion of the temple likewise was not Twelue thousand Iewes a little prophaned. For whereas before that time no prophane man eyther entered or beheld that D which was in the temple: Pompey and diuers others that accompanied him, entred the same, and slaine. Pompey entering the temple, neither toucheth or taketh away any thing. saw that which was not lawful to be beheld by any other but the high priests only. But although he found a table of gold, and a sacred candlesticke, with diuers other vessels and odoriferous drugs in great quantitie; and whereas beside that, there was about two thousand talents of siluer in the sacred treasurie in the temple: yet touched he nothing thereof thorow the reuerence he had of God, and herein he behaued himselfe answerably to his other vertues. The next day hee commaunded those that had the charge of the temple to purge the same, and to offer sacrifices Alias, cap. 9. Pompey [...]estoweth the Priesthood on Hircanus. vnto God, according to the law; committing the high Priesthood to Hircanus hands, both for that he had stood him in great steed in many things, as for that he had hindred the Iewes, that were of the countrey, from ioyning themselues with Aristobulus. After this he beheaded the authors E of this warre, and honoured Faustus and the rest with cond [...]gne gifts, who with great courage had first attempted and ascended the wall: As for Ierusalem he made it tributarie to the Romanes, Ierusalem tributary to Rom [...] taking away from the Iewes those Cities they had conquered in Coelesyria, and assigning them a proper and peculiar gouernment. After this he inclosed the nation within certaine limits, whereas before time their dominions were of a large extent. Not long after this, he repaired Gadara, that not long before was destroyed: all which he performed in fauour of Demetrius the Gadarenian his late seruant and bondman. And as touching Hippon, Scythopolis, Dion, Gadara restored. Cities taken from the Iewes Samaria, Marissa, Azot, Iamnia, and Arethusa, he restored them to the auncient inhabitants thereof, all which were scituate in the heart of the land: besides Gaza, Ioppe, Dora & the tower of Straton (cities scituate vpon the sea coast, and ruinated before times with diuers warres) he F set at liberty, and annexed them vnto the prouince. As for the tower of Straton, it was magnificently builded by Herode, and decked with gates and faire temples, and the name thereof was chaunged and called Caesarea. Thus Hircanus and Aristobulus thorow their dissensions and ciuill broiles, were the cause of that seruitude and misery that fell vpon the Iewes. For we haue lost our liberty, and haue beene subdued by the Romanes. Besides that, we haue beene inforced to surrender vp those cities vnto the Syrians, which we before time by force of armes had conquered [Page 356] and gotten from them. And that which is to be lamented, the Romans in a little time haue drawn G The yeare of the world. 3903. before Chri [...]s Natiuitie. 61. from vs more then ten thousand talents: and the roialty which before time was an honour reserued for those that were of the race of the high priests, hath been bestowed on men of obscuritie and communitie: whereof we will speake in place conuenient. After that Pompey had giuen Ceelesyria to Sc [...]urus, from Euphrates as farre as to the frontires of Aegypt, with two legions of the Romans; he went into Cilicia, and from thence drew towards Rome, leading with him Aristobulus in bonds and his children (who were two sonnes, and two daughters) one of which called St [...]rus president of Coelesyria. Alexander, escaped by flight; and as touching Antigonus (who was the younger) he was led to Rome with his sisters.
CHAP. IX. H
Scaurus maketh warre against Aretas.
SCaurus led forth his army against Petra a Citie in Arabia, and for that the Citie might verie hardly be besieged, he spoiled all the countrey round about. When as therefore Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 9. his army was pressed with famine, Antipater by the commandement of Hircanus, furnished him with come and all other necessaries out of Iewry. Who being sent Embassadour to Aretas from Scaurus, in that he had sometime soiourned with him, perswaded him to contribute a certaine summe of siluer to war [...]antize his countrey from pillage; and he himselfe also became pledge for three hundreth talents. This done, Scaurus finished the warre, according to his desire, and with no lesse contentment to Aretas and his countrey. I
CHAP. X.
Alexander ouercome by Gabinius, retireth himselfe into a Castle, wherein he is shut vp and besieged.
NOt long after this, Alexander Aristobulus sonne made diuers inroads into Iewry: for The yeare of the world. 3904 before Christs birth 60. which cause Gabinius came from Rome into Syria, and (besides other things worthy of memorie which he atchieued) he led forth his army against Alexander, for that Hircanus had not as yet sufficient power to resist him, being otherwise exercised in building the wals of Ierusalem that were beaten downe by Pompey; notwithstanding the Romans that were in Iewry K hindred him from performing the same. This Alexander trauailing thorow the whole countrey, Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 10. al. 11. assembled diuers Iewes; so that in short time, hauing gotten togither ten thousand footmen and fifteene hundreth horse with good munition, he fortified the castle of Alexandrion neere vnto the Citie of Coreas. He fortified Machaeron also in the mountaines of Arabia. Gabinius therfore Castles forti [...]ed. came forth against him, hauing sent before him Marcus Antonius accompanied with other chiefetaines of warre, who armed the Romans of their traine and the Iewes that were vnder their obedience, whose captaines were Pitholaus and Malichus. They tooke also those allies whom Antipater had hired, and in this equipage came they to make head against Alexander. Gabinius also seconded them with his troupes. Hereupon Alexander drew more neere with his army towards Ierusalem, where waging battell with the Romans, he lost about three thousand of his L followers, and the like number of his men were led away prisoners. After this Gabinius repaired to Alexandrion, and inuited those that held the same to depart, promising them pardon for the rebellion they had begun. And where as many of his enemies had encamped themselues before the fort, the Romans charged them: in which conflict Marcus Antonius was adiudged to haue behaued himselfe verie valiantlv, in that he slew diuers of his enemies. Gabinius left a part of his army in that place, to the end that during the siege thereof, he might go and visit t [...] countrey of Iudaea: he commanded therefore that all those Cities, which in his iourney he [...]und either Gabinius causeth d [...]ers cities in Iury to be repaired that were defaced. desolate or destroied, to be repaired: so that Samaria, Azot, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, Dora, Marissa and Gaza, with diuers others, were new builded: so that thorow the obedience that was giuen to Gabinius commaund, it came to passe that the Cities were safely inhabited, M which had laine long time before desart.
And after Gabinius had behaued himselfe in this manner in the countrey, he returned to Alexandrion. Whilest therefore he thus insisted about the siege, Alexander sent Embassadours Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 11. al. 11. Alexandrion & other castles ra [...]ed. vnto him, demaunding pardon at his hand for his offences, and restoring into his hands the Castles of Hircania and Machaeron, and finally that of Alexandrion; which Gabinius leuelled with the ground. And whereas Alexanders mother came vnto him (who fauoured the Roman faction, [Page 357] and whose husband and children were kept prisoners in Rome) she obtained all that which The yeare of the world. 3904. before Christs birth. 60. A she requested at his hands: and after he had carefully and friendly disposed of her affaires, he led Hircanus to Ierusalem to take charge of the temple and priesthood. He ordained also fiue iudgement seates and places of session, and deuided the prouince into answerable parts: for the one answered in Ierusalem; the second at Gadara; the third in Amatha; the fourth at Ierico, and the Fiue presidiall [...]eidges in Iury. fift at Saphora, which is a towne of Galilee. By this meanes the Iewes were deliuered of their monarchie, and liued vnder an Aristocracy, or gouernment of the nobilitie.
CHAP. XI.
Aristobulus escapeth out of prison and flieth from Rome, and is apprehended againe by Gabinius in Iudaea, and led backe prisoner to Rome. B
BVt Aristobulus flying from Rome, returned into Iewrie, and determined to reedifie Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 12. al. 13. Aristobulus returning [...] Ro [...]e [...] to reestablish Alexandrion. the Castle of Alexandrion, which not long since was ruinated. Against him Gabinius sent out certaine men of warre with their captaines, namely Sisenna, Antonius and Seruilius, both to keepe him from the possession of the place, as to apprehend and surprise him likewise. For many Iewes resorted vnto him, being drawne thereunto by the auncient reputation that he had: who desired likewise to worke innouations. Pitholaus also (who was established lieutenant generall in Ierusalem) of his owne accord came vnto him, with a thousand men well armed: but the other that were retired within, for the most part were not sufficiently furnished with armes; for Aristobulus making his reckoning to seaze Machaeron, dismissed those C followers of his that were disarmed, and were vnapt for any execution, and retaining only eight thousand well armed men, he tooke the field and marched thither. But the Romans pursuing and ouertaking him, fought desperately with him, and ouercame both him and his, notwithstanding Aristob [...]s ouercome in battell by the Romans. their valiant resist. Being therefore forced by the enemies, they were put to flight, and about fiue thousand of them were slaine; and the rest dispersed wandring here and there, sought for their owne priuate securities: but Aristobulus fled to Machaeron with more then a thousand followers, and fortified the place. And though his affaires had very slender successe; yet lost he not his hope: But after he had endured the siege some two daies, and receiued many wounds, he was taken Aristobulus sent backe again prisoner to Rome with his son Antigonus. prisoner, and with his sonne Antigonus (who fled from Rome with him) led away captiue by Gabinius. Such was the aduenture of Aristobulus, that he was sent prisoner backe againe to Rome, D and there kept in bonds after he had been king and high priest three yeeres, and sixe moneths. A man in that dign [...]ty both magnificent and magnanimous: yet did the Senate send ba [...]e his children (according to the tenor of Gabinius letters) who had promised their deliuerie to their mother, at such time as she surrendred the Castles into his hands: whereupon they returned into Aristobulus sons discharged. Iewry. But Gabinius intending to make war against the Parthians, and hauing already past Euphrates, changed his resolution, and determined to returne into Aegypt, and reestablish Ptolomey, as it is declared in an other place. In this expedition also he was furnished by Antipaters meanes, with victuals, money and munition; and by his aduice those Iewes that inhabite Pelusium (who kept as it were the verie entry into Aegypt) were drawne into his societie. When as Antipater releeueth Gabinius in his iourney to Egypt to install Ptolomey. Alexander Aristobulus son vsurpeth the Monarchie. Alexander ouercome by Gabinius. therefore Gabinius returned backe out of Aegypt, he found all Syria full of tumult and rebellion. E For Alexander Aristobulus sonne, taking once more possession of the kingdome, caused diuers Iews from day to day to reuolt, and forraging the country with a huge army, he slew all those Romans whō he met withal, & besieged all those that fled into the mount Garizim. Gabinius seeing the affairs of Syria in that estate, sent Antipater before him vnto them to appease these commotions, and to heale them of their frenzie, and if it were possible to reduce them to a better mind: for Antipater was a man of good discretion. In effect, he repairing vnto thē, moderated diuers of thē, and brought them vnder obedience: but it was impossible for him to reconcile Alexander, for he hauing thirtie thousand soldiers with him, came forth to meet with Gabinius, with whō he fought, and was ouercome, with the losse of some ten thousand of his men, neere vnto the mount Itabyr.
After that Gabinius had ordered all things in Ierusalem by Antipaters aduice, he presently set F forward against the Nabatheans, whom he ouercame in battell. He sent backe also Mithridates The conquest of the Nabatheans. Mithridares and Orsanes. and Orsanes (men of good reckoning among the Parthians) who had retired themselues vnto him, causing a bruit to be spred, that they were fled with Gabinius. Now when Gabinius had performed great & magnificent exploits in warre, he returned to Rome, surrendring the gouernment to Crassus. Nicholas Damascene, and Strabo of Cappadocia (who differeth in nothing from Nicholas) haue written of these expeditions of Pompey, and Gabinius in Iudaea.
CHAP. XII. The yeare of the world. 3904. before Ch [...]s birth 60. G
Crassus going against the Parthians, passeth by Iudaea, and robbeth the sacred treasurie.
CRassus intending to make warre against the Parthians, came into Iewry, and tooke away with him the sacred money (which Pompey had not touched, which amounted to the Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 13. al. 14. Marcus Crassus in his expedition against the Parthians taketh the treasure out of the temple of Ierusalem. The year [...] of the world, 3911. before Christs birth 53. summe of two thousand talents:). He spoiled the temple also of all the gold that was in the same, to the summe of eight thousand talents. Furthermore, he bare away a wedge of solid gold, to the waight of three hundreth pounds, which pound amongst the Iews containeth two pounds and a halfe. He that deliuered him this ingot was a Priest, and the keeper of the sacred treasure, H called Eleazar, who gaue him the same vpon no malicious intent (for he was a vertuous and iust man) but wheras he had the custodie of the tapestries of the temple comitted to his hands (which both were admirable to behold, by reason of their beautie and esteeme, and withall were in like sort tied and fastned to this beame) and perceiuing that Crassus sought all the meanes that in him lay, to gather all the money he could, he fearing least he should haue seazed on all the ornaments of the temple, gaue him this beame for a ransome to redeeme all the rest: binding him vpon the deliuerie thereof by an oth, that he should not take any thing away that was in the temple, but should content himselfe with that onely piece of great esteeme and valew, which he gaue him. This beame was inclosed in an other hollow beame of wood; so that no man knew thereof but onely Eleazar. Crassus therefore tooke this beame, as if he determined to leaue all other things I Crassus breaketh his oth. Whence the temple of Ierusalem grew so rich. S [...]abo of Cappadocia. in the temple; yet notwithstanding he falsified his oath, and carried away whatsoeuer was therein. Neither is it to be wondred at, that there was so great riches found in our temple, since all those Iewes that were dispersed thorow the face of the whole earth, and all those that feared God (both in Asia and in Europe) for a long time offered their presents in that place. The greatnesse and multitude wherof wanteth no testimony: neither is it fained in way of ostentation, but diuers other historians make mention thereof; and amongst the rest Strabo of Cappadocia speaketh after this manner.‘And Mithridates sent men into the Isle of Coos, to fetch from thence the money that queene Cleopatra had laid vp there, and eight hundreth talents of the Iewes. But we haue no publike money, but that which is dedicated vnto God.’ It is therefore a thing most manifest, that the Iewes that inhabite Asia, transported this money into Coos, for the feare that they had K of Mithridates: For it is not likely that they, who inhabited Iudaea, and had a Citie so strong, and a temple so well defenced, should send their money to Coos. Neither is it credible likewise, that the Iewes remaining in Alexandria should do it, for that they feared not to fal into danger thorow this warre of Mithridates. The same Strabo also saith in an other place, that at such time as Sylla passed thorow Greece to make warre against Mithridates and Lucullus, he sent men to Cyrene, which was troubled by reason of the mutinies of our nation, wherewith the whole world was filled, and saith thus: ‘There were foure sorts of people in the Citie of the Cyrenians: One of them were Citizens; the second were Labourers; the third were Soiourners; and the fourth were Iewes, who at this present are intermingled thorow all Cities; neither is there an inhabited place thorowout the world, neither was there any nation that inhabite the same, wherein these haue L not set foote and fortified. For both Aegypt and Cyrene (being vnder the subiection of the same princes) and diuers other regions conformed themselues to their customes, and nourished assemblies of Iewes, and aduanced them, and more and more vsed the Iewish ordinances. It appeareth therefore that there was a colony of Iewes in Aegypt. Furthermore, in Alexandria a great part of the Citie is assigned to this nation. They haue likewise their peculiar magistrate, who gouerneth the people, endeth, and decideth their differents, and maintaineth their contracts and ordinances, as if he gouerned in his owne common weale. By this means this nation hath fortified and established it selfe in Aegypt, for that the Iewes had their originall amongst the Aegyptians, and for that Iudaea is neere vnto Aegypt, from whence the Iewes are descended: And as touching Cyrene, they haue entred it, in that it confineth that countrey, which is vnder the obedience M of the Aegyptians (in like manner as Iudaea doth) or rather for that in times past it appertained to the same kingdome.’Thus farre Strabo.
After that Crassus had disposed all things according to his owne pleasure, he dislodged and marched forward to make warre against the Parthians, where both he and all his army were destroied Crassus slaine in Pa [...]thia. Cassius resisteth the Parthians. (as it is declared in an other place.) As for Cassius, he retired himselfe into Syria, and tooke possession thereof, to the end he might affront the Parthians; who being proud of their victorie [Page 359] lately obtained, made excursions so farre: and comming to Tyre, he finally arriued in Iudaea, The yeare of the world, 3911. before Christs birth 53. A where vpon his first entrance he tooke the Citie of Ta [...]ichaea, and led away from thence thirtie thousand prisoners. He put Pithola [...]s also to death, for that he maintained Aristobulus faction. All which he did by Antipaters procurement and instigation, who was in great credit with him, Antipaters wife and children. and who also at that time was highly esteemed amongst the Idumaeans; amongst whom he maried his wife, who was descended of one of the most famous families of Arabia, her name was Cypron, by whom he had these foure sonnes: Phasaelus and Herode (who after was made king) Ioseph and Pheroras, and one daughter called Salome. This Antipater also made alliance with other princes, and especially with the Arabian, to whose custodie he committed his children, during The yeare of the world. 3917. before Christs birth 47. the time he made warre against Aristobulus. But Cassius gathered another army, and marched towards Euphrates to make head against the Parthians, as it is specified and registred by B other writers.
CHAP. XIII.
Pompey retireth himselfe into Epirús, and Scipio commeth into Syria.
ANon after this Caesar (being Lord of Rome) after that Pompey and the Senat were fled on the other side of the Ionian sea, set Aristobulus at liberty, determining to send him into Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 14. al. 15. Aristobulus deliuered out of prison i [...] poysoned. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 15. al. 16. The slaughter of Aristobulus sonne. Syria, with two legions; as being a sufficient man to gouerne the state affaires in that quarter. Naitheles Aristobulus failed of his hopes and authoritie he expected at Caesars hands: For C Pompeies partakers preuented and poisoned him, wherethrough he died; so that he was buried by those of Caesars faction. His bodie was kept embalmed with hony for a long time, vntill that Antonius sent it into Iury to be entombed among the kings and princes.
Scipio by Pompeies commaundement caused Alexander Aristobulus sonnes head to be cut off, charging him with some misdemeanors which he had committed against the Romanes, and after this manner finished he his daies being executed in Antioch. Ptolomey the sonne of Mennaeus, who gouerned in Chalcis (at the foote of the mount Libanus) tooke his brothers, and sent his sonne Philippion to Ascalon to Aristobulus wife, commaunding her to send her sonne Antigonus, and his daughters (one of which, called Alexandra, was beloued by Philippion, and maried by him) but afterwards he being slaine, Ptolomey Philippions father maried her, and continued D the carefull maintenance of his brethren in law.
CHAP. XIIII.
Caesars voyage into Egypt, wherein he was assisted by the faithfull seruice of the Iewes.
AFter Pompeies death, and that victory which Caesar had obtained against him, Antipater Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 16. al. 17. Antipater gathereth soldiers out of Syria for Caesars seruice. (gouernour of Iudaea by the commaundement of Hircanus) was verie profitable vnto Caesar. For whereas Mithridates the Pergamenian brought him certaine supplies, and could not bring them on, by reason of an arme of Nilus passing thorow Pelusium; but was constrained E to stay at Ascalon: Antipater came vnto him, and brought with him three thousand soldiers, and so dealt with the princes of Arabia to associate them with Caesar, that by his meanes all they of Syria gaue him their assistance, and neuer altered their affection that they bare vnto Caesar. These were Iamblicus a great Lord, and Ptolomey his sonne; & Tholomaeus the sonne of Sohemus, dwelling on the mount of Libanus, and welny all the Cities. Mithridates being departed from Syria came to Pelusium, where being repulsed and excluded by the Citizens, he besieged the Citie. Antipater in this warre behaued himselfe valiantly, and after he had beaten downe Antipater helpeth Mithridates to take Pelusium. The Iewes [...] Onias countrey are confederated with Caesar. a pane of the wall, he first of all set forward to enter the Citie. Whilest Pelusi [...]m was in this estate, the Iewes that inhabited Aegypt in the countrey of Onias, would neither grant passage to Antipater, nor Mithridates that marched towards Caesar. But Antipater, who was of their nation, F perswaded them to take their parts, shewing them the letters of the high Priest Hircanus, in which he inuited them to be friends vnto Caesar, and exhorted them to furnish his army in whatsoeuer they stood in need of; so that seeing that Antipater and the high Priest were accorded togither, they submitted themselues. They that dwelt round about Memphis, hearing that they were thus Memphis in Egypt. vnited, sent for Mithridates also vnto them, who came and receiued them into his fauour.
CHAP. XV. The yeare of the world 3917. before Christs Natiniti [...]. 47. G
The noble actions of Antipater, and the amitie that hee had with Caesar.
WHen he was come to a place called Delta, he fought with his enemies in a place, which is called the campe of the Iewes: in which battell Mithridates led the right wing, and Antipater The conflict of the Egyptians with Mithridates at Delta Alias cap. 18. the left. When as therefore they came to handie blowes, Mithridates wing retired and fainted, & grew in danger to be wholy discomfited, had not Antipater (running with his soldiers along the banke of the riuer) obtained the vpper hand of his enemies, by putting the Aegyptians that were conquerers to flight, & restoring Mithridates. And so long pursued he them that he H got their campe, and called backe Mithridates, who chased the Aegyptians, to take part of the pray with him, that he had recouered from the fugitiue enemie. In this fight there fell eight hundreth on the enemies side, and fiftie on Aatipaters. Afterwards Mithridates wrote hereof vnto Mithridates commendeth Antipaters seruice to Caesar. Caesar, and certified him that Antipater was cause of the victory, and their preseruation: so that Caesar from that time forward highly commended him, and in all this warre he made vse of Antipater in his most daungerous attempts: Whereby it came to passe that Antipater was grieuously wounded in diuers fights.
Now after that the warre was finished, Caesar sailed into Syria, and bestowed great honours as Caesar confirmeth Hircanus in the priesthood, and maketh Antipater a citizen of Rome. Strabo. A [...]nius. Hyp [...]rates. well on Hircanus to whom he confirmed the high Priesthood, as on Antipater, whom he made a free Citizen of Rome, and granted him full exemption of all charges in all places. Diuers men I report that Hircanus himselfe was an agent in this warte, and that he came into Aegypt: whereunto accordeth Strabo the Cappadocian, speaking after this maner by the authority of Asinius; after that Mithridates had entered Aegypt, with Hircanus the high Priest of the Iews. The same Strabo in an other place speaketh thus by the authority of Hypsicrates, that Mithridates issued alone; and that Antipater was sent for into Ascalon, where he prepared three thousand soldiers, because he was gouernour of Iudaea, and encouraged the rest of the guernours; and Hircanus the high Priest also had a part in this warre. Thus farre Strabo. At that time came Antigonus, Aristobulus sonne vnto Caesar, lamenting vnto him the inconuenient that had befallen his father, and how he was slame by poyson in his seruice, and how his brother had his head strooken off by Scipio; beseeching The yeare of the world. 3919. before Christs birth 45. Antigonus Aristobulus sonne accuseth Hircanus, and Antipater before Caesar. Antipaters answere to his obiection. Antipater made gouernour ouer Iudae [...]. him to haue compassion of him, who was excluded and thrust out of the kingdome. K He accused Hircanus and Antipater also, for their tyrannicall and violent gouernment ouer their nation, and iniuries offered to himselfe. Antipater being at that time present, answered for himselfe in those points wherein he was accused; declaring that Antigonus and his friends were factious and seditious men, protesting for himselfe how much he had trauailed, and how many exploits he had executed, in the late warre, whereof Caesar himselfe was a witnesse. Moreouer he auowed that Aristobulus had beene iustly led twice into captiuitie to Rome, for that he had bene alwaies an enemy, and no waies wel affectioned towards the Romans. And as for his brother, who was beheaded by Scipio, he auerred that he was iustly punished by him, for his Larcinies, and not iniuriously and outragiously as he pretended. After that Antipater had spoken to this effect, Caesar declared Hircanus high Priest, and gaue Antipater any gouernment whatsoeuer best him liked, L who according to his choice was appointed prefect in Iudaea.
CHAP. XVI.
Caesars letters, and the Senates decree as touching their amity with the Iewes.
MOreouer Caesar permitted Hircanus to repaire the walles of Ierusalem (according to his humble suit.) For after that Pompey had beaten them downe, they lay leuelled with the Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 17. al 18, Hircanus by Caesars permission rep [...]ireth the wals of Ierusalem. The Senates, decree as touching their league with the Iewes. earth; and he commaunded the Consuls at Rome, that this decree should be registred in the Capitoll. The example of which ordinance of the Senate containeth matter to this effect. M L [...]ius Valerius the sonne of Lucius the Pretor, hath related to the Senate (assembled in the temple of Concord the thirteenth day of December) in the presence of L. Caponius the sonne of Lucius, and [...]ius P [...]pyrius Quirinus; the requests made by Alexander the sonne of Iason, Numenius the sonne of Antiochus, and Alexander the sonne of Dorotheus, Embassadors in the behalfe of the Iewes, men of good regard, and our allies, and proposed by them in renuing the auncient fauours they haue receiued from the Romanes: and in testimonie of the confederation; haue brought [Page 361] vs a violl and buckler of gold of fiftie thousand crownes price, requiring our letters might be giuen A The yeare of the world. 3919. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 45. them, addressed to the free Cities and the kings our confederates, to grant them passage thorow their countries and ports with all securitie, and without any offence. ‘And we haue thought good to make friendship and alliance with them, and to grant them all that which they require, in accepting the buckler brought by them. This hapned in the time that Hircanus was high priest and prince, and in the ninth yeere of his princedome, in the month of Iuly.’
Hircanus was in like sor [...] honored by the people of Athens, for many commodities and friendships Hircanus honoured by the Athenian [...]. that they receiued at his hands. They sent him also a decree which they ratified in his behalfe, the tenor whereof ensueth: ‘The yeere wherein Dionysius the sonne of Asclepiades was gouernour, and priest, in the moneth of Iuly, and on the 20. day, this arrest or decree of the Athenians was deliuered to the gouernours by the Pretor Agathocles. Eucles the sonne of Menander B the Alimusian hath written it the eleuenth of March in the assembly generall, and placed it in the Theater, and the suffrages were gathered by Dorotheus the high priest, with the chiefe assistants of the people. Dionysius the sonne of Dionysius published the same: Since that Hircanus the sonne of Alexander the high priest and the prince of the Iewes, continueth his good affection towards all the people, and in especiall towards euery Citizen of Athens, and hath shewed them many friendships, receiuing with all humanitie those Athenians that come vnto him, whether they resort thither as Embassadours, or for any other particular occasion whatsoeuer, and sendeth them backe after they haue prouided them of safe conduct, whereof we haue heretofore had testimony by the report of Theodosius, the sonne of Theodorus Simeus; who hath made recitall vnto the people of his worthinesse, and of the will he hath to doe vs all the good that is possible: We C haue thought it good to honour him by sending him a crowne of gold in testimonie of his curtesies, according to our custome and law; and by erecting a brazen statue vnto him in the temple of Demus, and the Graces: Our will is also that this be proclaimed by a herauld in the Theater, during the Bacchanals, and at such time as the new Tragedies are plaid. Likewise in the solemnities Panathean and Eleusynian, and at the publike exercises: we will also that the gouernours prouide, that all that which we haue aduised for the honour, fauour, affection and good will toward this man, as he hath well deserued, be diligently performed, to the end that thereby it may appeare how our nation reward, & entertaine such men as are vertuous; and to the intent, that the honour we impart vnto him, may prouoke others to be the better affected towards vs. It is likewise decreed, that amongst all the Athenians there be certaine Embassadours chosen, who shall D beare this Decree vnto him, and exhort him to doe whatsoeuer is profitable for our common good, seeing himselfe so much honoured by vs.’ Let this suffice to expresse the honors bestowed on Hircanus by the people of Rome, and the Citizens of Athens. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 18. Caesar departeth out of Syria. Antipater pacifieth all occasion of commotion in Iudaea. The yeare of the world, 3921. before Christs birth 43.
After that Caesar had giuen order for the affaires of Syria, he returned backe by sea. And as soone as Antipater had brought Caesar out of Syria, he returned into Iudaea, and sodainly builded vp the walles which were before time defaced by Pompey; and in riding circuit about the countrey, he pacified the troubles, not onely by menaces; but by counsailes also, which he gaue euery one to liue in peace; certifying them that if they submitted themselues to Hircanus their prince, they should liue happily, and enioy their possessions without any trouble: and that if they hoped to aduance themselues by any new commotion (supposing by that meanes to profit themselues E some way) they should feele that in steed of a gouernor, they had a master; and in steed of a king, they should find Hircanus a tyrant; and in steed of the Romans and Caesar to be their gouernors, they should feele and find them to be their most hatefull enemies, for that they would not suffer, that any thing should be altered that they had established. By these and such like admonitions, he kept and continued all the countrey in peace.
CHAP. XVII.
Antipater committeth the gouernment of Galilee to his sonne Herode, and that of Ierusalem to Phasaelus his other sonne: and how Sextus Caesar aduanceth Herode to great honors and dignities. F
ANtipater perceiuing that Hircanus was slow and idle, he declared and appointed Phasaelus Alias, chap. 20. Antipater maketh Phasaelus gouernour in Ierusalem, and Herode. in Galilee. his eldest sonne gouernour ouer Ierusalem, and the countrey thereabout: As for Herode (who was verie young, for he was not at that time aboue fifteene yeeres olde) he committed Galilee vnto his charge, who although he were young in yeeres, yet did not his tender age any waies preiudice him because he was of a noble spirit, and found [Page 362] out this sodaine occasion to expresse that vertue that was in him. For hauing apprehended Exechias, The yeere of the world, 392 [...]. before Christs Natiuitie, 43. Herode executeth Ezechias and his followers for robberies. Sextus Caesar gouernour of Syria. The forme of Phasaelus his gouernment. G who was the prince of those theeues, who ranged ouer all Syria a long time with a great troupe of outlawes, he put him to death with diuers of his complices. Which act of his got him no little estimation and credit among the Syrians: for by that meanes he rid their countrey of all those robbers, according as they desired. He was therefore praised thorow the villages, and Cities for this act, as he that had giuen them peace, and assured possession of their estates. For this cause he was made knowne to Sextus Caesar, who was vncle to Caesar the great. Furthermore his brother Ph [...]saelus was incited to follow his noble actions, and inforced himselfe to obtaine no lesse reputation then he had; for which cause he stroue to get the good will of the common people in Ierusalem, & gouerned the citie with such discretion, that he acted all things to each mans content, and abused not his power to any priuat mans iniurie: which was the cause that Antipater H was honoured by the whole nation, with no lesse respect then if he had been their only Lord and soueraigne. Yet did not this eminencie of estate so farre distract him, that he forgot the loue and Antipater notwithstanding his high authority was alwaies faithfull to Hircanus. Antipater winneth the Romans hearts by Hircanus money, and draweth the Iewes into hatred. The Iewes accuse Antipater and Herode before Hircanus. The yeare of the world. 3922. before the birth of Christ. 42. duetie he ought to Hircanus (as in such like occasions it oftentimes falleth out) notwithstanding diuers of the greatest amongst the Iewes (seeing Antipater and his sonnes so highly aduanced both by the publike fauour of the whole nation, as also by the reuenues, that they drew both out of Iewry, as also by the emploiment of Hircanus money) were grieuously incensed against them. For Antipater had made friendship with the Emperours of Rome, and hauing perswaded Hircanus to send them money, he had appropriated the same vnto himselfe, sending it not in Hircanus name, but in his owne; which though Hircanus knew, yet was he not mooued therewith, but rather well contented. But that which most of all terrified the princes of the Iewes was, to behold I the violent and audacious nature of Herode, who gouerned after a royall and tyrannical manner: For this cause they addressed themselues to Hircanus, and accused Antipater openly. How long (said they) will you dissemble and winke at those things that are daily practized? see you not that Antipater and his sons possesse in effect the royall power and authoritie of the kingdome, and that you haue onely the name? Assure your selfe that you are not out of danger in contemning thus both your selfe and your kingdome. For Antipater and his sonnes are not now your substitutes, neither intend they your profit, or your countries good (whatsoeuer your opinion is of them) but they openly are known for lords and Commanders. For Herode (Antipaters son) hath already put Ezechias and his complices to death, and thereby transgressed our lawes, which forbid to take away any mans life (how wicked soeuer he be) except he be first of all condemned to death by K the councell: and notwithstanding this, he hath been so bold, as to doe iustice without your authoritie. When Hircanus heard this, he grew wroth (for their mothers, whom Herode had slain, had incensed him by their continuall exclamations in the temple, exhorting the king and people to call Herode to account before the councell of that which he had done.) So that Hircanus mooued by these womē, called Herode to answere vnto those accusations which were obiected against him. Who made his appearance, forewarned by his father not to present himselfe after the maner of a priuate person, but wel attended and accompanied to withstand all inconuenients. After Herode called in question appeareeth with a great traine. therefore he had taken order for the affaires in Galilee (according as he thought meet in his owne discretion) and that he himselfe was sufficiently accompanied to make his voiage, with such a guard as neither might terrifie Hircanus with number, nor leaue himselfe vnsecured in danger, L he resorted to Ierusalem. Furthermore, Sextus Caesar gouernour of Syria wrote vnto Hircanus to absolue him, adding threats to his perswasions, if so be he should performe the contrarie; which gaue Hircanus occasion to deliuer Herode in despite of the councell and their intent; the rather also for that he loued him as intirely as his sonne. When as therefore Herode presented Sextus Caesar writeth to Hircanus to discharge Herode himselfe before the councell with his retinue, all of them were astonished, and none of those that accused him in his absence, durst open their mouthes to speake one word, but all of them kept silence, not knowing what to doe. Now whilest they stood vpon these tearmes, a certaine man called Sameas, who was of vpright conuersation, and for this cause was not distracted with feare, arose and spake to this effect. ‘Dread king, and you honourable assistance, I could neuer yet remember, that euer any man which was called in question to defend his cause before vs, hath appeared Same as one of the Iudges foretelleth Hircanus and his counsailers of their imminent death by Herodsmeans. M in this equipage; and I suppose that none of you can say, that the like hath euer happened: but whosoeuer commeth into this place to receiue iudgement, he presenteth himselfe with humilitie and feare, with a countenance prepared to implore mercie, hauing his haire long, and his garment blacke: but this gallant Herode accused of murther (and for this occasion called before vs) who could imagine that he should appeare before vs in a purple robe, hauing his haires trimmed, and besides that, a guard of armed men about him? with an intent [Page 363] that if we condemne him, according to law, he may put vs to death without lawe, that after he The yeare of the world, 3922. before Christs birth 42. A hath violated all right, he might escape and saue himselfe. But I blame not Herode in this action, for that he hath a more inward regard of his particular profit, then of the lawe: but I accuse both you and the king, who haue giuen him such assurance. Know therefore, that there is a soueraign God, that will one day punish both you and the king, and him whom you will deliuer by the kings meanes.’And so generally fell it out as he had said: For as soone as Herode had obtained the kingdome, he put all those of the councell to death, and Hircanus himselfe likewise; onely Herode honoured Sameas. Herode admonished by Hircanus saueth himselfe by flight, and appeareth no more in iudgement. Sameas was exempted: for he held him in great estimation, because of his wisedome and iustice, and because that at such time as the Citie was besieged by Herode and Sosius, Sameas perswaded the people to receiue Herode, telling them, that by reason of their sins and offences, they might not escape from him; whereof we will speake in place conuenient. Hircanus, perceiuing that the B iudges were inclined to condemn Herode, deferred the sentence till the next day, and sent secretly vnto Herode, counsailing him to flie out of the Citie, assuring him that there was no other meanes to saue his life. Thus posted he to Damasco (as if he fled from the kings presence) and presenting himselfe before Sextus Caesar, after he had assured his person, he resolued with himselfe that if the councell should call him once more to his answere, he would not obey them. But after his departure the councel were displeased with Hircanus, and laboured to perswade him, that all these things tended to his destruction: which he well perceiued, yet knew he not what to doe, he was so negligent and void of foresight.
When Sextus had made Herode gouernour of Coelesyria (which estate he sold vnto him for ready mony) Hircanus was affraid least Herode should make war against him: neither passed there Alias, chap. 21. Sextus Caesar selleth his presidents place to Herode for ready money. Herode marcheth against Hircanus with a great army, and is disswaded from war by his father Antipater, and his brother Phasaelu [...]. C long time before the effect grew answerable to his feare. For Herode marched forth against him with a great army, supposing himselfe to be much wronged by the assignation he had sent him, and in that he was summoned to giue a reason of his actions before the councell. But his father Antipater, and his brother Phasaelus came forth against him to hinder his approch towards Ierusalem, striuing to appease his furie, and counsailing him not to attempt any thing by way of action; but that contenting himselfe that he had threatned and affrighted Hircanus, he should not attempt any further against him, who had raised him to that high degree. They told him also, that it became him not onely to remember that he was cited to answere, but that he was absolued also, and permitted to depart without danger or any violence. Moreouer, that he ought to thinke, that God gouerneth the ballance of warre, and that the issue of battels is vncertaine, D and for that cause he ought not to expect the victorie, if he made warre against the king who was his familiar, and from whom hee had receiued farre more kindnesse, and no displeasure: who though he made some appearance and shadow of seueritie, touching the accusation intended against him, yet notwithstanding it proceeded not so much from him, as from his euill counsellors. Herode in some sort pacified by these perswasions, obeyed his father, supposing that it sufficed him in regard of his future hopes, that he had giuen the people so large a testimony of his power. This was the estate of the Iewes at that time.
But Caesar arriuing at Rome, prepared himselfe to set saile towards Affricke, with an intent Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 19. Hircanus embassadours to Caesar. to make warre against Scipio and Cato. To him Hircanus sent Embassadours, beseeching him to confirme the amitie and association that he had with him. But now at this present, I thinke it E very conuenient to declare all the prerogatiues, and associations that the Romans and their Emperors haue made with those of our nation, to the end that all other people might know, that the kings of Asia and Europe haue been well affected towards vs, and haue made great account The Iewes much honoured by the kings of Europe & Asia. of our valour and fidelitie. And although diuers men lewdly affected towards vs, beleeue not that which the Macedonians and Persians haue written of vs, because the same matters are not extant in all places, neither set downe in publike writings, but only amongst our selues and some Barbarians; yet is it manifest that they cannot contradict the declarations made by the Romans, Iulius Caesar testified in a braien pillar that the Iewes were free citizens of Alexandria. Iulius Caesars decree as touching the honors, immunities and priuiledges granted to th [...] Iewes. which are manifestly affixed in publike places in Cities; as likewise also at this present they are written in the Capitol in brazen pillars. Iulius Caesar in like manner in a brazen pillar erected by him, hath declared vnto the Iews that inhabited Alexandria, that they were free Citizens therin. F And to the intent that these things may more manifestly appeare, I will propose the decrees of the Senate, and of Iulius Caesar, made in fauour of Hircanus and our nations. Caius Iulius Caesar Emperour, high Priest, Dictator the second Time, to the gouernours, Senate and people of the Sidonians: Health. If you are well, we are in health, both our selues and our army. I haue sent you the copy of an inscription, registred in fauour of Hircanus Alexanders sonne, high priest [...]d prince of the Iewes, to the end it may be placed among your publike monuments: and my [Page 364] will is, that it be engrauen in a table of brasse, both in Greek and Latin letters; the tenour whereof G The yeare of the world 3922. before Christs birth 42. is this that followeth: ‘Because Hircanus Alexanders sonne the Iew, both at this present as also heretofore, as well in peace as in warre, hath expressed his fidelity towards vs and our estate, as diuers chieftaines of our armies yeeld testimonie of him; and for that in our last Alexandrine warre, he seconded vs in the battell with fifteene hundreth men; and hauing beene sent by vs to Mithridates, hath surmounted all those of his company in valour: For these causes my will is that Hircanus Alexanders sonne and his successors, be princes of the Iewes: and further, that they continue alwaies in the high Priesthood, according to the ordinance and custome of their countrey: & that both he and his children be our associates; and be enrowled likewise amongst our chiefest friends: and that all that which appertaineth to the Priesthood, according to the ordinances of the Iewes, be attributed to him and his. And if there happen any different as touching the discipline H of the Iewes, our pleasure is, that it be determined by him. And as touching the munitions of winter, and the money to be leuied for the entertainment of soldiers, we thinke it not meete that they should be charged. The decrees made and granted by Caius Caesar being Consul are these.’
‘That the sonnes of Hircanus be Princes ouer the nation of the Iewes, and enioie the places granted vnto them. That the high Priest and Prince of the Iewes giue fauour and aide vnto those that are offenced. That Embassadours be sent to Hircanus the sonne of Alexander high Priest of the Iewes, to intreat of amity & association with vs. That a brasen table be erected in the Capitol: and likewise at Sidon, at Tyre, and at Ascalon in the temples, wherein shall be engrauen the contents hereof in Romane and Greeke letters, to the end that all the tresurers that are in the cities, I and all other Magistrates may by this our decree vnderstand, that they are our friends, and that their Embassadours be entertained with kindnes and presents, and that these edicts be sent into all places.’
‘Caius Caesar Emperour, Dictator, Consul, for the good of the Senate and people of Rome, hath granted to the honour, vertue, and humanitie of Hircanus the sonne of Alexander, that both hee and his children shall be High Priests in Ierusalem, and of the whole nation, according to the rites and customes, whereby their auncestors haue enioyed the Priesthoode.’
‘Caius Caesar, Consul the fifth time, hath ordained that they shall inhabite Ierusalem, and build againe the walles of the Citie; and that Hircanus (Alexanders sonne the high priest and prince K of the Iewes) shall gouerne as best him liketh, and that euery second yeere of their tribute, there be a Chore deducted out of the rent they owe, and that they be exempt from all other impositions, and tributes.’
‘Caius Caesar, twice Emperour, hath ordained, that the Iewes shall contribute euery yeere for their cities, except loppe; he acquiteth them also euery seuenth yeere (which they call the yeere of rest) because that therein they neither reape, nor sow, neither gather the fruits of trees. His further pleasure is, that euery second yeere, they bring their tributes vnto Sidon, which shalbe the fourth part of that which shal be sowen; and besides this, that they pay the tenths to Hircanus and his sonnes, which they haue paid to their predecessors, vnto this day. Commaunding that no man whether he be gouernour, captaine, or embassadour, or any other whatsoeuer he L be, leuie soldiers within the countrey of Iudaea, or draw any thereout: neither exact any money, whether it be for garrisons in winter, or for any other cause, but that the Iewes be exempt from all troubles in all places, and enioy all that which sithence they haue had, bought, and possessed. It is our pleasure also, that the citie of Ioppe be vnder their gouernment (which they haue euer enioyed since the beginning of their friendship with the Romanes.) We further grant, that Hircanus Alexanders sonne and his children, receiue the tribute of that citie (both by them, that till the land, as by the gates, entries, and issues of merchandizes that are transported vnto Sidon) twentie thousand, sixe hundreth, seuentie and fiue bushels euery yeere, exempting the seuenth yeere, which is called the yeere of rest, wherein they neither labour nor gather any fruite of the trees. It is the Senates pleasure also, that Hircanus and the Iewes haue those villages, which are M in the great champion, which he & his predecessors haue possessed, and that with the like interests that they held them before this; and that the same customes continue therein, whereby they held and gouerned them. Their will is likewise, that the same lawes which haue from the beginning beene respectiuely obserued betweene the Iewes and their high priests be continued; and what soeuer benefits were granted them by the consent of the Senate and people of Rome. Moreouer it shall be lawfull for those of Lydda, to vse the same rites and priuiledges also. And as touching[Page 365] the demains, places, and habitations that haue appertained to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, The yeare of the world. 3922. before the Na [...]itie of Christ. 42. A by the gift made vnto them at such time as they were allied to the Romanes: the Senate I say ordaineth, that Hircanus the high priest & prince of the Iewes possesse the same. It is lawfull also for Hircanus and his sonnes, and their embassadours sent by them, to behold the iusts and combates, and to sit among the Senators, and that at all and euery time or times wherein they shall require to be brought into the Senate by the Dictator, or by the master of the horse, they may haue free entrance; and that within ten daies at the most they receiue their answere, if there be any decree ratified by the Senate.’
‘Caius Caesar, Emperour, the fourth time Consul, & the fifth time Dictator for terme of life, hath ratified these things, as touching Hircanus the sonne of Alexander, the high priest and prince of the Iewes: Because that the generals my predecessors haue testified as well in the prouinces, as B before the Senate and people of Rome, both of the good deserts of Hircanus high priest and prince of the Iewes, and that nation also towards vs and our state; and whereas both the Senate and people of Rome haue gratified them for the same: we thinke it conuenient also to haue the same in memory, and to giue order that Hircanus and his sonnes may be remunerated by the Senate and people of Rome, according to the measure of their loyalties and good deserts.’
‘Iulius Caius Caesar Romane Consul, to the gouernours, Senate and people of Patras: Health. The Iews are come vnto vs to Delos, with some of the colonies of their countrimē in the presence of your Embassadours, and certifie vs of a decree made by you, whereby you forbid them the practise and auncient vse of their sacrifices and oblations: I thinke it not meete that you make C any such decrees against our friends, and associates; neither that you forbid them to liue according to their fashions and customes, or to employ their purses togither in furnishing their feastes and sacrifices; since in Rome it selfe they are not interdicted or forbidden to performe the same. For at such time as Caius Caesar Consul had prohibited by Edict, that in celebrating the Bacchanals, no one should dance about the Citie; yet were the Iewes alone exempted from this inhibition: and neither haue they beene prohibited to contribute, neither to banquet togither. My selfe also in like case in the defence I haue made to forbid all other sodalities, haue excepted the Iewes therein, and haue giuen them leaue and licence to assemble and demeasne themselues, according to the customes, ceremonies, and ordinances of their countrey. If therefore you haue made any such decrees against our friends & associates, you shall do well to disanull them, D by reason of the vertue of the Iewes, and the forwardnes they haue protested in performance of our seruice.’
After Caius Caesars death, the Consuls Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolobella assembled M. Antonius, and P. Dolobella bring Hircanus embassadors into the Senate. Dolobe [...] letters [...]o th [...] Ephesians. the Senate, and hauing brought in Hircanus Embassadours, they declared their requests, and contracted amitie with them: the Senate likewise ordained, that each thing should be granted them that they required. And Dolobella hauing receiued Hircanus letters, sent them thorowout all Asia, and to Ephesus (which is the Metropolitane citie of Asia) in these termes.
Alexander the sonne of Theodore Embassadour to Hircanus the high priest and prince of the Iewes, hath giuen vs to vnderstand, that his subiects cannot go on warfare, because it is not lawful for them to beare armes, E nor to trauell on the Sabboth day; as also for that they may not seeke for their victuals and other necessaries (on that day) according to the custome of their countrey: for this cause I grant them exemption from the warre in like manner as my predecessors haue done; permitting them to vse the ceremonies and rites of their country, assembling themselues to make their oblations and sacrifices, as their lawes and customes require, in contributing to the offering of the sacrifices in the temple. And my will is, that you write to this effect to euery citie of the prouince.
See heere how Dolobella honoured Hircanus at such time as he sent his Embassadours vnto him.
Lucius Lentulus Consul pronounceth, that the Iewes (that are citizens of Rome) and that obserue Lucius Lucullus in the French, Lentulus in the Latine, being Consul maketh an edict in behalfe of the Iewes. Iosephus conclusion concerning these edicts. and offer the sacrifices of the Iewes in Ephesus before the tribunall, be exempt from warfare, by reason of their religion. Giuen the ninteenth of October. There are besides these many F other Edicts and ordinances made to the like effect, by the same generals, and by the Romane Senate in fauour of Hircanus and our nation, and some other cities. In like sort there were diuers decrees and writs sent vnto the gouernours and rulers of the prouinces touching our priuiledges: all which may be easily beleeued by those that shall read our Historie, with no preiudicate opinion, if they consider those that we haue heere inserted. For we haue shewed most expresse and liuely testimonies of the friendship that we haue had with the Romanes, and such as at this day [Page 366] are affixed to pillers, and engrauen in tables of brasse in the Capitol; and that hereafter shall G The yeere of the world, 3922. before Christs Natiuitie, 42. remaine affixed for euer: For which cause, I haue thought it to be a friuolous and vnnecessarie matter to insert all in this place; and I thinke that there is not any man of so sinister iudgement, that will not beleeue how much we haue been esteemed by the Romans, as they haue giuen testimonies by diuers decrees published in our behalfe; neither may any man suppose that we lie, considering the truth of that which we publish.
Thus haue we sufficiently declared the amitie and association; that in times past we haue had with the Romans. About this time it came to passe, that the estate of Syria was sore troubled vpon Caecilius Bassu [...] murthereth Sextus Caesar. the occasion that ensueth. Caecilius Bassus one of Pompeies partakers, laid an ambush for Sextus Caesar and slew him, and seazing vpon his army, vsurped the gouernment: wherby there arose great warre nigh Apamea. For Caesars captaines marched out against Caecilius, with great force H both of foote and horsemen, to whom Antipater sent his sonnes with a power to second them (in remembrance of the benefits he had receiued at Caesars hands) supposing it to be an act of iustice, that the murtherer should be punished for his so hainous offence. Now whereas this war Marcus succeedeth Sextus in Syria. Caesar slaine by Cassius and Brutus. continued a long time, Marcus came and succeeded Sextus. Meane while Caesar was slaine by Cassius and Brutus in the midst of the Senate, after he had commanded three yeeres and six moneths, as it is expressed in an other place.
CHAP. XVIII.
Cassius afflicteth the Iewes, and exacteth about eight hundreth talents at I their hands.
AFter Caesars death, the brand of ciuill war began to flame, and the greatest men of Rome trauailed the one this way, the other that way to gather men of warre. But Cassius came Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 20 Cassius commeth into Syria, and exacteth more thē 700. talents of siluer from the Iewes. Herode winneth Cassius heart by the money he leuieth in Galilee. into Syria, with an intent to take the army that was neere to Apamea, and hauing leuied the siege he drew both Bassus and Marcus to be of his faction; and trauailing from Citie to Citie; he gathered a number of souldiers, and much furniture, and imposed huge tributes: but especially he afflicted Iewry, and exacted of that countrey more then seuen hundreth talents of siluer. Antipater seeing the state in so great feare and trouble, committed the exaction of the two parts of this money to his sonnes; the other he commanded to be assigned to Malichus, who was his enemy, and the other part vnto an other. Herode first of all gathered that which was commanded K him in the countrey of Galilee, and for this cause was greatly beloued by Cassius: for he being prudent and discreet, thought it no small policie at that time to win the Romans good will by other mens expence. Vnder the other gouernours the Cities were set to sale, togither with their inhabitants: and amongst them these foure were the chiefest, namely, Gophna, Emaus, Lydda, and Thamna: for Cassius sold the people thereof to them that would giue most. Furthermore, Cassius was so much transported with Choler, that he had slaine Malichus (so much was he moued The yeare of the world. 3923. before Christs birth 41. Malichus layeth in wait to mu [...]er Antipater, but forsweareth the same and is reconciled. against him) if Hircanus had not restrained his furie, by sending him one hundreth talents of his owne money by Antipater. But as soone as Cassius was departed out of the countrey of Iudaea, he practised Antipaters death, supposing that his cutting off would assure Hircanus state the more strongly. But Antipater was not ignorant of this his resolution; for hauing an inckling L thereof, he got himselfe on the other side of Iordan, and assembled an army of souldiers both Iewes and Arabians. Hereupon Malichus (who was a politike and subtill fellow) denied stoutly that he had intended any treason, purging himselfe with an oath before Antipater and his children, that he had neuer any such intent, especially for that he saw that Phasaelus h [...]ld Ierusalem▪ and Herode had an army at commaund. And in the end, perceiuing the difficultie wherein he was, he reconciled himselfe to Antipater, and they agreed at that time that Marcus gouerned Syria: who perceiuing that Malichus began to raise troubles in Iewry, resorted thither, and the [...] wanted little but that hee had slaine him, had not Antipater by earnest request obtained his life.
CHAP. XIX. M
Malichus poysoneth Antipater.
BVt imprudent Antipater saued Malichus to his owne mischiefe: For when Cassius and Marcus had assembled their army, they committed all the charge into Herodes hands, Cassius and Marcus make Herode gouernour of Coelesyria. and made him gouernour of Coelesyria, and deliuered him great forces both of foot and horse, and ships by sea: They promised him likewise the kingdome of Iudaea, after they had finished [Page 367] the war, that was at that time betwixt them and Anthony and Caesar the younger. Wherupon A The yeare of the world, 3923. before Christs birth 41, Malichus causeth Antipater to be poisoned Malichus mightily fearing Antipaters power, determined to make him away; and hauing corrupted Hircanus butler with money (with whom both of them celebrated a feast) hee made him away by poyson, and afterwards assembling many men of warre about him, he made himselfe master of the Citie. When Herode and Phasaelus vnderstood of the traiterous conspiracie attempted against their father, they were grieuously incensed against Malichus. But hee denied all, and in especiall abiured the intent or practise of the murther. Thus died Antipater a iust and vertuous man, and such a one as deerely loued his countrey. But Herode, who was his younger sonne, incontinently resolued to reuenge his fathers death, and came forth with an army against Malichus: But Phasaelus, who was the elder, determined to circumuent him by policie, for feare least he should raise a ciuill warre. He therefore accepted of Malichus iustifications, and made a B shew that he supposed that he had in no such sort sought Antipaters death, and only intended his fathers monument and funerals. Meane while, Herode resorting to Samaria, and finding it in desperate estate, restored the same, and pacified the dissensions that were amongst the inhabitants. Not long after (by reason of a feast) he came to Ierusalem with his men of warre. Wherupon Malichus being affraid of this his accesse, perswaded Hircanus that he should not permit him to enter into the Citie: whereunto Hircanus condescended, alleadging for pretext of his defence, that amongst the holy people it was not lawfull to intermixt a troupe of polluted men. But Herode made small reckoning of them that brought him this newes, and notwithstanding this commaund entred the Citie by night: whereat Malichus was much amazed. Whereupon, according to his wonted dissimulations, he openly wept and bewailed the death of Antipater as C his especiall friend; but vnder hand he prepared a guard for his owne safetie. Notwithstanding it was thought meet by Herodes friends, to take no notice of this his dissimulation; but to make a shew for their parts that they were wel affected towards Malichus.
CHAP. XX.
Herode at the commaund of Cassius, killeth Malichus by policie.
HEreupon Herode certified Cassius of Antipater his fathers death, who knowing very well of what conuersation Malichus was, wrote backe vnto Herode that he should reuenge D the death of his father: besides, he sent secret letters to the captaines that were in Tyre, commanding them to aide and assist Herode in that so iust execution which he intended. After therefore that Cassius had taken Laodicea and the inhabitants of the countrey came togither, bringing with them crownes and siluer to present him, Herode expected that Malichus in that place should receiue his punishment: but he entring into suspition of some like practise, at such time as they drewe neere vnto Tyre in Phoenicia, attempted farre greater things. For whereas his sonne was an hostage in Tyre, he entred the Citie with an intent to draw him thence, and afterwards to returne into Iudaea. After this vsurping vpon that oportunitie which he had by reason of Cassius troubles (who hastily marched forward to meet with Anthony) he determined to draw the people to an insurrection, and to make himselfe Lord of the countrey: but God disappointed E his vniust purposes. For Herode being a man of ripe iudgement, incontinently discouered his pretence, and sent one of his seruants before, as if vnder purpose to prepare a banquet, because he had told him before time that he would entertaine all his followers: but in effect, he sent him to the captaines to command them to issue out with their daggers, and to meet Malichus; who marching forth and meeting him neere vnto the shore of the Citie vpon the sea coast, stabbed him in that place with their daggers. Which act did so much astonish Hircanus, that thorow amaze he waxed speechlesse: and finally being much mooued, he demaunded of Herodes men, what accident had happened, and who it was that had slaine Malichus? Whereof when they certified him, and how nothing was done without Cassius commaund: he answered that all things were well done, for that Malichus was a wretched man and a traitour to his F countrey. See here how Malichus was iustly punished for the wickednesse he committed against Antipater.
When Cassius was departed out of Syria, there arose a new tumult in Iudaea: for Faelix, who The yeare of the world. 3924. before the birth of Christ. 40. was left in Ierusalem with an army, marched forth against Phasaelus, and all the people were in armes. For which cause Herode speedily repaired to Fabius gouernour of Damasco, and intending to succour his brother, was preuented by a sicknesse: so that Phasaelus obtaining the victory [Page 368] by his owne forces against Faelix, enclosed him vp in a tower, whence afterwards he dismissed G The yeare of the world. 3924. before Christs Natiuitie. 40. Faelix assaileth Phasaelus in Ierusalem, and is ouercome by him. him vnder composition. Whereupon he presently and grieuously rebuked Hircanus; for that being forgetfull of diuers benefits which he had receiued by him, he had giuen aide vnto his enemies. For Malichus brother being at that time reuolted, planted garrisons in diuers fortresses, and namely in Masada, which was the strongest of them all. As soone as Herode therefore had recouered his health, he drew forth his forces against him, and dispossessed him of diuers places that he held, and after suffered him to depart with his life and goods.
CHAP. XXI.
Herode discomfiteth Antigonus the sonne of Aristobulus, and driueth him out of H Iudaea, seeking to recouer his fathers kingdome by the aide of the prince of Tyre.
PTolomey Mennaeus drew vnto him by force of his money Aristobulus sonne the young Antigonus, who had gathered a power, and hired Fabius, and was likewise drawne Ptolomey Mē naeus adopteth Antigonus Aristobulus son. by Ptolomey, vnder titles of consanguinitie and adoption. With him ioyned Marion (whom Cassius had made Gouernour in Tyre:) For this man hauing occupied Syria by tyrannie kept garrison therein. Marion also inuaded Galilee, which confined his countrey; and hauing seazed three strong fortresses therein, he kept garrisons in the same. Herode also marching forth against him, dispossessed him of them al; and gratiously dismissed those Tyrians that had the keeping Herode expelleth Antigonus out of Iurie. Herode marrieth Ma [...]ā me Hircanus neece by his daughter. Doris Herods wife. thereof, bestowing benefits on some of them for the loue he bare vnto their citie. And that I done, he came and encountred with Antigonus, and fought with him; and ouercame him before he had scarcely entred on the marches of Iudaea, and droue him from thence. When hee was come to Ierusalem, Hircanus and all the people honoured him with crownes: for already was he inserted into Hircanus family, for that by promise hee was his sonne in lawe, by which meanes he had more willingly vndertaken his defence, for that he was to marrie Alexanders the sonne of Aristobulus daughter, who was Hircanus neece: on whom he begat three sonnes and two daughters. Before her also had he married a wife of his owne nation, who was called Doris, on whom he begat Antipater his eldest sonne.
CHAP. XXII. K
Herod meeting with Antonius in Bithynia, giueth him a great summe of money, to the ende he should not giue [...]are to those that would accuse him.
ANtonius and Caesar hauing ouercome Cassius neere vnto the Citie of Philippi; Caesar went from thence into France, and Antonius into Asia. And being in Bithynia, Embassadours resorted vnto him from all parts: Thither also repaired certaine principall men among the Iewes to accuse Phasaelus and Herode, saying, that Hircanus had onely the name, but he the authoritie of the kingdome. But Antonius greatly honored Herode, who came vnto him The iudge corrupted with money. Hircanus embassadours present Antonius with a crowne of gold & require the captiue Iewes liberty sold by Cassius. to answere those accusations that they had imposed on him: for which cause they that were his L opposites could obtaine no audience: for Herode had bought that priuiledge from them with his money. As soone as Antonius was arriued in Ephesus, Hircanus the high priest and all our nation presently sent an Embassadour vnto him, with a crowne of gold; requiring him that hee would write vnto the prouinces, that the Iewes whom Cassius had taken prisoners (contrarie to the lawe of armes) might be set at libertie, and that their countrey (which was taken from them in Cassius time) might be restored. Antonius supposing that the demaunds which the Iewes had proposed, were reasonable, wrote backe presently to the high priest Hircanus and the Iewes; and sent an edict also to the Tyrians to this effect.
If you are well, all goeth well. I and mine army are in perfect estate. Lysimachus the sonne of Pausanias, M and Ioseph the sonne of Mennaeus, and Alexander the sonne of Theodore your Embassadors, came vnto me to Ephesus, and haue renued the same Embassade which they heretofore brought to Rome, and at this present likewise they haue duely and faithfully acquited themselues of the Antonius writeth to Hircanus as touching Brutus and Cassius actions and deathes. Embassade which they present in the behalfe of you, and your nation, by giuing vs to vnderstand what affection you beare towards vs: so that I esteeme you for our friend, sith I am giuen to vnderstand how friendly you haue behaued your selfe towards vs both in words and deeds, since we [Page 369] haue had any knowledge of your good and honest conuersation and pietie. For at such time as The yeare of the world. 3924. before Christs birth 40. A our aduersaries and enemies of the Romane nation spoiled all the countrey of Asia, and without regard of their othes spared neither cities nor temples, we haue opposed our selues against them, not onely for our priuate respect, but in the quarrell of the commonweale, to the intent to punish the authours of such offences committed agaiust men, and of such impieties perpetrated against God: for which wee suppose that the sunne hath in a manner obscured himselfe, by beholding with vnwilling eies what an hainous offence was committed against Caesar. But wee haue gotten the vpper hand of their impious enterprises, which are fallen vpon Macedonia, as on the country and ayre, from whence proceed such detestable and vngracious desseignes: and wee haue likewise cut off the course of their desperate resolution, which made them encounter vs neere to Philippi a citie of Macedonia, where we seazed B their places fortified by nature, and enclosed with mountaines as if it were with wals, as far as the sea, in such manner as the passage was barred vp, as it were with a gate, had not the gods giuen vs way by resisting their vniust exploits, and furthering ours. Brutus likewise compelled to fly to Philippi, where being inclosed by vs, he suffered the like ruine with his consort Cassius; and since they haue been punished as they deserued, me seemeth that we are seazed of peace, and that Asia hath had repose from warre, and all the bodie thereof is relieued from a grieuous maladie, by the meanes of our victory. For which cause remembring vs of you and your nation, to the end to increase your good fortunes, we will bethinke vs of that which shall be commodious for you; and we haue alreadie sent letters from citie to citie, to the intent that if any one among you, eyther captiue or free man, haue beene sold to the vtmost by Caius Cassius, or any of that army, they may C be set at liberty. And our will is, that you make vse of the bountie which we bestow vpon you, both in our selfe as in Dolabellas right, forbidding the Tyrians to molest you, and commaunding them to restore all that which they haue taken from the Iewes in goods or possessions. As for the crowne which you sent me, I accept the same.
I haue Marcus Antonius writeth to the magistrates of Tyre to restore Hircanus and the Iewes their lands, goods, and liberty. been informed in Ephesus by Hircanus embassadours (who is high priest and prince of the Iewes) that you haue seazed their countrey, and spoyled the same, at such time as our aduersaries held that prouince. But in as much as we haue vndertaken the warre for the Empire, and that in defence of right & pietie, we haue punished these in gratefull, disloyall and perfidious persons; our will is, that you suffer our allies to liue in peace: and as touching that which you haue obtained by our D aduersaries, our pleasure is, that you restore the same to those that are dispossessed.
For no one of them hath obtained either prouince or army by the consent of the Senate; but haue rauished them by force, and afterwards bestowed them on those who haue beene ministers of their impieties and iniustice. But since they haue beene punished according to their deserts, we require that our allies may enioy their owne, without any impeachment: and if you hold any places at this present, which belong to Hircanus prince of the Iewes (that were seazed since the time that Caius Cassius by vniust warre inuaded our prouinces) restore them vnto him, without offer of any violence, to hinder him from the possession of his owne. And if you haue or pretend to haue any right in them, at such time as I shall repaire to those places, it shall be lawfull for you to debate your right, and wee will so iudge as that our allies shall receiue no wrong. E
I haue sent you my edict, which my pleasure is that you carefully looke vnto, and that you register it amongst your publike records in Romane and Greeke letters, and set it vp in writing in an open place, to the end that it may be red by all men.
Marcus Antonius Emperour and Triumuir in the presence of the Tyrians assembled for their publike affaires, hath declared, that Caius Cassius during the troubles, by the assistance of his soldiers, hath rauished another mans prouince; and hath in like sort spoiled our allies, and hath ransackt the nation of the Iewes, who are friends to the people of Rome▪ and for that by our valour we haue repressed his insolence, by our edicts and iudgements we will correct his offences; to the end that all things may be restored to our allies, and that all whatsoeuer hath beene sold, F & appertained to the Iews (whether they be prisoners or possessions) be restored to their masters, to the end that each man may be at liberty as he was before; and that each mans possessiō may be restored to his first owner. And my pleasure is, that whosoeuer disobeieth this ordināce, he may be punished. And he that shall be conuicted to haue disobeyed the same, he shall be punished according to his demerit.
He wrote to the like effect to the Sidonians, Antiochians, and Arabians, all which we wil insert in a cōuenient place, to testifie what accoūt the Romans made of our nation.
CHAP. XXIII. The yeare of the world. 3924. before Christs birth 40. G
Antonius arriuing in the prouince of Syria, maketh Herode and Phasaelus Tetrarches.
AFter this Antonius retired himselfe into Syria, and Cleopatra came forth to meet him neere vnto Cilicia, and entangled him in her loues. At that time also, one hundreth Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 21. Cleopatra cō meth into Cilicia to Antonius. Herode accused by one hundreth Iews before Antonius. of the chiefest reckoning among the Iewes came once againe in embassade to him to accuse Herode, & his adherents: who to this end had chosen out the most esteemed Orator that might be found. Messala likewise vndertooke the defence of the young men that were accused, and made them answere. Hircanus also was there in person, who was alreadie by marriage allied vnto them. After that Antonius had heard both the one and the other in the citie of H Daphen, he demaunded of Hircanus, which of both the parties gouerned the common-weale best? who returned him answere, that they, who were on Herods side were most studious of the weale publike. Antonius (who long since had borne good affection towards them, by reason of the auncient hospitalitie that he had receiued with their father, during the time that Gabinius was in Iudaea) established them both for Tetrarches, committing to their hands the affaires in Iudaea: And to this effect wrote he his letters and committed fourteene of their enemies Antonius maketh Phasaclus and Herode Tetrarches. to prison, whom had not Herode besought for their liues, he had condemned them to death. This notwithstanding, as soone as they returned from their embassade, they could not containe themselues in quiet, but resorted once more vnto Antonius to the number of one thousand, to the citie of Tyre where Antonius soiourned. But Antonius (alreadie corrupted by store I of money by Herode and his brother, who commaunded in that place) ordained that the Embassadours of the Iewes should be punished, for that they had attempted and affected some innouation; A thousand Iewes repaire to Tyre to accuse Herode, who are partly slaine, partly wounded, and partly put to flight. where contrariwise he confirmed Herodes gouernment. At that time Herode, who walked by the sea side, came vnto them, aduising both them and Hircanus (who at that present was with them) to giue ouer their appeale, for feare least some grieuous misfortune should befall them. Whereunto since they gaue no regard, certaine Iewes and inhabitants of that citie, all at once ranne vpon them, who slue some of them, and hurt other some, and the rest taking their flight towards their countrey, euer afterwards contained themselues and liued in quiet, thorow the feare they had conceiued. But when the people ceased not to exclaime and protest against Herode, Antonius was in such sort displeased, that he commaunded all those whom he held prisoners, K should be slaine.
The yeere after, Pacorus the kings sonne, and Barzapharnes a prince among the Parthians, inuaded and seazed Syria. And about this time died Ptolomey the sonne of Mennaeus; and his sonne Lysanias raigned in his steed, who plighted friendship with Antigonus the sonne of Aristobulus, The yeare of the world. 3925. before Christs birth 39. who obtained this fauour at his hands by the counsaile and solicitation of a certaine prince of great authoritie and credit with him.
CHAP. XXIIII.
The Parthians make warre in Syria to restore Antigonus sonne of Aristobulus L to his kingdome.
AFter this Antigonus promised the Parthians to giue them one thousand talents of siluer, Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 23. Antigonus promiseth the Parthians a great summe of money to install him in the kingdome. Pacorus sendeth horsemen to Antigonus in Iudaea. The Iewes inhabiting about mount Carmel ioyne themselues with Antigonus. and fiue hundreth women, if so be they would depriue Hircanus of the kingdome, and restore it vnto him, and withall put Herode and his friends to death. Yet did he not deliuer them that he promised, notwithstanding the Parthians led their army into Iury to restore Antigonus, to wit, Pacorus by the sea coast, and Barzapharnes to the landward. The Tyrians locked their gates against Pacorus, but the Sidonians and Ptolemaidans receiued him into their citie. He sent a troupe of horsemen into Iury to discouer the estate of the countrey, and to giue succours to Antigonus. The chieftaine of these horsemen was the kings butler; who in like sort was called Pacorus. But for that certaine Iewes (inhabiting about the mount Carmel) ioyned M themselues with Antigonus, & were prepared with him to inuade his enemies, he conceiued some hope that he might by their meanes reduce a certaine part of the region vnder his gouernment, which is called Drymae, and certaine of his wel-willers meeting him in the way, perswaded him to presse forward as farre as Ierusalem; where being seconded by others (and his followers alreadie much increased in number) they addresse themselues to assault the kings pallace. And whereas those of the faction of the brethren brought present supplies, and the skirmish was maintained [Page 771] in the market place, the young men repulsed the enemy, and droue him into the temple. The yeare of the world. 3925. before Christs birth 39. Penticost. Herode fighteth with his enemies in the suburbes. Pacorus chieftaine of the Parthians entering the citie perswadeth Phasaelus to go embassador to Barzapharnes. A Which done, they sent certaine armed men into the houses neere adioyning, to guard them: but the people rushing in vpon them and seeing they were destitute of aide, burned both them and the houses wherein they were. But this iniquitie of theirs was presently reuenged by Herode, who in a skirmish that he had with them, slew a great number of them. And whereas there were daily assaults betweene both parties, the enemies expected vntill such time as the people assembled from all parts of the countrey, should repaire to Ierusalem to celebrate the feast of Penticost. Which being come, many thousands of men assembled about the temple, both armed and vnarmed, who seazed both the temple and the Citie (except the kings house onely, which Herode made good with a few men of war. The wall thereof did Phasaelus his brother keep. But Herode with a companie of his followers sallied out vpon the enemy, who were planted in the B suburbes, and fighting valiantly against them, he put diuers thousands of them to flight, whereof some retired themselues into the Citie; other some into the temple; the rest into a certaine bulwarke neere at hand. In this battell also Phasaelus shewed no little valour.
But Pacorus conductor of the Parthians came into the Citie with some few horsemen at Antigonus request, making shew that he came to appease the sedition, but the effect and scope of his comming was, to obtaine the soueraigntie for Antigonus. Furthermore, after that Phasaelus was come out to meete with him, and had curteously entertained him in his house, Pacorus perswaded him to go Embassadour with him to Barzapharnes, laying a baite vnder this pretence to surprise him. He suspecting no treacherie, was easily perswaded (notwithstanding that Herode misliked the course) who knowing the perfidious manners of the Barbarians, exhorted him rather C to assaile Pacorus, and to assault and oppresse his forces, when they were come vnto him. Naithelesse Hircanus and Phasaelus vndertooke this embassade, and Pacorus (leauing with Herode two hundreth horsemen, and ten of those whom they call free men) conducted the Embassadours. Now as soone as they came into Galilee, the gouernours of the Cities in that countrey, came forth armed to meete them: Barzapharnes also at the first gaue them friendly entertainment, and honoured them with presents; but anon after, he began to practise treacherie. For Phasaelus and his attendants were conducted to a lodging that adioyned the sea; where hearing tidings that Antigonus had promised one thousand talents, and fiue hundreth virgins to the Parthians, he The Parthians complot trecheries against Phasaelus. began already to suspect the Barbarians. For a certaine friend of his had giuen him an inckling, that there were treasons intended against him that verie night, and that his lodging was priuily D beset with a guard. And surely they had been surprised, had they not expected that the Parthians (who were round about Ierusalem) should be seazed of Herode, fearing least he hauing an inckling of their desaster, should betake himselfe to flight. And that this was true, they incontinently gathered by the guard that was set about them: For which cause there were certaine of Phasaelus friends, who counsailed him, that without any more delay, he should betake him to his horse and flie from thence: and amongst the rest Ofilius was most earnest, who had wrought out of Saramalla a rich Syrian (who offered them his ships that road hard by to further their flight) all that which they pretended. But Phasaelus would neither forsake Hircanus, nor leaue his brother Herode in danger, but repairing to Barzapharnes he told him, that he did him wrong to vse these sinister practises against them. For that if he had neede of money, he was more likely to receiue E it at his hands, then from Antigonus: and howsoeuer he wrought, it was an intolerable iniurie to put Embassadours to death, who came vnto him vnder pledge of his honour, and had no waies offended him. But the Barbarian hearing these things, protested by an oth, that no one point of that which he had suspected, was true; but that he was onely troubled with false surmises: wherupon he presently departed to Pacorus.
CHAP. XXV.
The Parthians lead away Hircanus and Phasaelus into captiuitie.
AS soone as he was departed, certaine of the Parthians tooke Hircanus and Phasaelus prisoners, F who mightily detested their periuries. But the Eunuch that was sent vnto Herode, Hircanus and Phasaelus surprised by the Parthians. had commandement giuen him to entice and traine him without the Citie walles, and afterwards to apprehend him. But Herode was forewarned of this treacherie, by certaine messengers (who were sent by Phasaelus to giue him notice thereof) who being intercepted by the enemy in the way, and Herode getting notice thereof, he addressed himselfe to Pacorus (and those [Page 372] in greatest authoritie among the Parthians) as to them that were the masters: who subtilly dissembled, The yeare of the world 3925. before Christs Natiuitie. 39. The Parthians lay a plot to surprise Herod▪ [...] discouereth i [...], and preuenteth them by flight. G notwithstanding they knew how all things went, telling him that he should doe well to repaire with them without the wall to go and meete those messengers, who brought him letters; who had not as yet been seazed by their aduersaries, but came to certifie him of Phasaelus good estate. But Herode gaue them no credit, because he was already other waies aduertized of his brothers surprisall, and had also [...]rre greater suspicion of the Parthians by the solicitation of Hircanus daughter, whom he had married. And although the rest made no account of her aduertisements, yet Herode, gaue credit vnto her for that she was a most wise woman. Now whilest the Parthians were in deliberation what were best to be done (in that it was held no policie to make open assault vpon such a man) they deferred the whole matter vntill the next morning. Whilest thus they were debating of their differents, Herode came vnto them, who rather giuing credit to H that which he had heard as concerning his brother (and touching the treasons intended against him by the Parthians) then to his aduersaries, as soone as it was night concluded to make vse of the time, and to make away without staying any longer amongst those vncertaine dangers, which his enemies intended against him. For which cause he fi [...] with those men of warre which hee had with him, and mounting his mother, his sister and his betrothed, whom he was to marry (who was Alexanders daughter, the neece of Aristobulus) and her mother (who was Hircanus daughter) and her younger brother, with all their family and traine, he departed into Idumaea without espiall or suspicion of the enemy. Amongst whom there was not one so hard or [...]yron-hearted, who seeing such a pitifull spectacle could not be mooued to compassion, beholding the mothers drag away their little children, and abandon their countrey with tears and complaints: and that which I was worse, to leaue their friends in bondage, without any hope of comfort or redresse.
But Herode mastered these misfortunes by his inuincible courage, and for that he was a constant man in all fortunes, he exhorted euery one of them whom he met in the way, to be of good Herode comforteth his friends in their flight. courage; and not to abandon themselues to immeasurable sorrow, for that by such meanes they might hinder his retreat, on which their sole and securest conseruation depended: whereupon they for their parts indeuoured themselues to digest their griefes, according to Herodes exhortation. Meane while he hardly refrained from laying violent hands on himselfe, by reason of the chariot wherein his mother roade, which ouerturned and had almost slaine her: yea so much did this casualtie terrifie him (for feare least the enemy in pursuit should surprise him during these Herode seeing his mothers chariot ouerturned is ready to murther himselfe. delaies) as that he drew and prepared his sword to kill himselfe, had not some assistants and followers K stept in to him and staied the stroke, beseeching him instantly not to forsake them & leaue them subiect to the enemies violence: assuring him that it was not the part of a valiant man to respect his owne priuate interest, and neglect his friends perill. By these perswasions he was induced to hold his hands, both by reason of the apprehension of these words, which were spoken▪ vnto him, as also for that he was ouerruled by the multitude of those, who would not permit his hand to execute his will: so that taking vp his mother, and doing her all the seruice that the time permitted, he followed on his way, and with the speediest and neerest meanes he could, he retired toward the Castle of Massada, where in the way, he oftentimes fought against the Parthians that charged and pursued him, and returned alwaies with victorie from them. The Iewes also Herode retiring toward Massada is assailed by the Parthians. were not in peace with him during this his flight; for scarcely had he trauailed sixtie stounds L out of the Citie, but that they assailed him in the high way: but he put them to flight and obtained the victorie, not like a desperate man enforced thereunto thorow necessitie, but like a discreet, well furnished and valiant souldier. So that in the very place where he obtained that victorie against the Iewes (after such time as he was made king) he builded a most sumptuous pallace, and neere vnto the same a citie which he called Herodium. Whilest he remained at Ressa (a burrough of Idumaea) Ioseph his brother came forth to meete him, and to consult with him as touching their whole estate, and to know of him what should become of that great multitude that followed them, considering that they had no souldiers in pay, and the Castle of Massada (whither he pretended to flie) was too little to hold all the people: for which cause he sent away many to the number of nine thousand, willing them to disperse themselues here and there in the M countrey of Idumaea; and for the better dispatch of their iourney, he furnished them with victuals. As for himselfe he tooke with him his most able souldiers and inward friends, and repaired to the Castle of Massada, in which place he left the women and their traine, to the number of eight hundreth or thereabouts: and furnishing the place with corne, water and other prouisions The Parthians spoile the citizens of Ierusalem, and destroy Marissa necessarie, he went vnto Petra the chiefest Citie of Arabia. As soone as it was day the Parthians sacked all that which appertained to the Citizens of Ierusalem; and amongst other things they [Page 373] spoiled the palace; notwithstanding they medled not with Hircanus money, which amounted to The year [...] of the world. 3925. before Christs birth 39. Antigonus restored to the kingdome by the Parthians cu [...]th off Hircanus cares to preuent his reinstalment in the Priesthood. A some three hundreth talents. They left diuers other things behind them also that appertained to Herode, and especially that which had been transported into Idumaea by his mature prouidence. Neither were the Parthians content with the spoile of the Citie, but they forraged all the countrey round about, and raced Marissa a verie rich Citie. Thus Antigonus brought backe into his countrey by the king of the Parthians, receiued Hirtanus and Phasaelus that were prisoners: yet was he vehemently displeased, because the women had escaped, whom according to his promise he intended to haue deliuered with the money: and fearing least Hircanus thorow the fauour of the people should be reestablished in his kingdome (who was then prisoner in the custody of the Parthians) he cut off both his eares, depriuing him by that meanes from enioying the priesthood any more, by reason of that maime, because the law commaundeth that they who are in that dignitie, B should be sound in all their members. But Phasaelus is to be admired for his great courage at this time: for vnderstanding that hee must needly die, he was no waies dismaied with death, but that which he held most miserable and dishonourable was, that he must needs die by the hands of his enemy. Seeing therefore that he could not dispatch himselfe by other meanes, (because he was bound and chai [...]ed) he knockt out his owne braines against a stone, and so ended Phasaelus dash eth out his owne braines. Antigonus putteth poison into Phasaelus wounds in steed of curing him. his life (with as great honour as may be imagined in such a desperate estate) depriuing his enemy of that power which he intended to practise in tyrannizing ouer him at his pleasure. It is said that the wound being very deepe, Antigonus sent priuily surgeons to cure him; and that vnder colour of healing him, they should put poison into the same, wherethrough he might die. But before Phasaelus gaue vp the ghost, he vnderstood by a certaine woman that his brother Herode had escaped from his enemies: for which cause he endured his death with far greater cheerfulnesse C and constancie, seeing that he left behind him such a man, as would reuenge his death, and punish his enemies. But Herode was no waies discomforted with the greatnesse of those aduersities which enuironed him round about, but was the more whetted on to find out new inuentions, and to aduenture dangerous attempts. For he went vnto Malchus king of the Arabians Herode flieth to Malchus king of Arabia to borow mony (to whom before time he had shewed much curtesie) hoping to receiue the like of him in this time of his great necessitie, and to draw some money from him either by loane or gift, according as he had often and verie bountifully pleasured him. For being ignorant of his brothers death, he endeuoured himselfe to raunsome him speedily from his enemies, by paying his raunsome (which amounted to three hundreth talents) and for that cause he led with him the sonne of Phasaelus, D who was onely seuen yeeres olde, to leaue him in pledge amongst the Arabians for the summe that was demaunded. But certaine messengers came vnto him from Malchus, who charged him in the kings behalfe to retire backe againe, for that the Parthians had enioyned him that he should neither receiue nor retaine Herode. And this colourable pretence vsed he, because he Herode is comanded out of Arabia, and flieth into Egypts from thence after some stormes he repaireth to Rome, where he certifieth Antonius of thatwhich had befallen him. would not pay his debts: and hereunto was he perswaded by the aduice of the greatest in authoritie among the Arabians, who pretended thereby to make themselues masters of that treasure that Antipater had committed to their custody. Herode answered them, that he repaired not into their countrey to giue them cause of any trouble, but onely to consult with him about certaine matters of great importance touching his owne estate, and that afterwards he was resolued to depart, and withdraw himselfe into Aegypt as secretly as might be possible. He returned E therefore to a certaine temple, where he had left diuers of his followers; and the next day hee came to Rhinocura, in which place he heard tidings of his brothers death. But afterwards Malchus repented himselfe of his in gratitude, and speedily sent after Herode, but he could not ouertake him: for he had gotten farre onward of his way, and was already arriued in post neere to Pelusium, where being denied his passage to Alexandria in those ships that were there, he addressed himselfe to the magistrates of the place, who highly respected and honoured him, and sent him to the Citie where Cleopatra was; who entertained him kindly: yet notwithstanding could she not perswade him to remaine with her. Whereupon he repaired towards Rome (notwithstanding the winter and those grieuous troubles that at the verie same time afflicted Italie, as it was reported.) Embarking himselfe therefore to saile into Pamphilia, he was tossed with a most F cruell storme; so that with great danger at last he arriued in Rhodes, hauing been inforced in the tempest to cast into the sea a good part of his substance. There met he with Sappinas and Ptolomey two of his indeered friends. He found also that the Citie of Rhodes had suffered much miserie by Cassius warres: and although his meanes were very scant, yet profited he them in what he might, and caused their walles to be repaired, notwithstanding that by so doing, he greatly hindred himselfe. After that he caused a little frigote to be built, and embarked himselfe with [Page 374] his friends to repaire into Italy, and arriued at Brundusium, and from thence went to Rome. G The yeare of the world. 3925. before Christs birth 39. The first to whom he discouered his misfortunes, was Marcus Antonius: to whom he reported all the occurrences in Iudaea, and how his brother Phasaelus was taken by the Parthians and slaine; and how Hircanus was imprisoned with him. The manner also how they had established Antigonus king, vnder promise to giue them one thousand talentes, and fiue hundreth of the fairest women, whom hee intended to choose out of his owne race. Lastly, how he stole away by night, and rescued them; and escaping his enemies hands, had afterwards endured many paines and miseries. Furthermore, that his friends were in great daunger, and left besieged; for which cause hee had sailed by winter, and despised all daungers, onely to seeke for assistance at his hands, on whom depended his hope, and last refuge. H
CHAP. XXVI.
Herode is made king of Iury by the Romane Senate.
ANtonius hearing all those alterations that had befallen Herode, had compassion of his misery (bethinking himselfe of the estate and condition of great men, who are Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 23. al. 25. Antonius loued Herode, and hated Antigonus. Caesar Augustus Herodes friend. likewise subiect to no lesse casualties) and the rather was he induced to doe him good, both in remembrance of the friendship he had with Antipater his father, as also by reason of Herodes promises of certaine summes of money, if so be he were made king by his meanes, as he had beene before time declared Tetrarch. But that which most moued him hereunto, was the hatred which he bare vnto Antigonus, whom he accounted to be a mutinons man, I and an enemy to the Romans fortune. On the other side Caesar was wel inclined to succour him, both in regard of those armies which Antipater had brought into Aegyptin his fathers seruice, as also because of the good hospitality and kindnes that he had shewed him in all things, as in especiall to gratifie Antonius, who was well affected towards Herode. Whereupon the Senate being assembled, Messala and Atratinus brought forth Herode, and after they had praised him, Herode admitted into the Senate, and declared king. and recited the benefits which the Romans had receiued by his father, and the great affection and good will which he bare to the people of Rome; they accused & declared Antigonus for the Romanes enemy, not onely for his ancient crimes, but also for that in contempt of the Romans he had receiued the kingdome from the Parthians. Whilest the Senate was sore displeased at the report of these things, Antonius arose, and declared openly before thē all, that in furtherance of K the Parthian warre, it were not amisse that Herode should be made king: which opinion of his was generally allowed, and finally ratified. The principall demonstration of the loue and affection which Antonius bare vnto Herode, was, that he not onely obtained him the kingdome, beyond all hope: for neuer thought he that the Romans would grant that dignity vnto him, who were wont to reserue that honour to those of the kings bloud; and therefore he intended to haue demaunded it for his wiues brother Alexander, and nephew to Aristobulus by the fathers side, and to Hircanus by the mother (which Alexander Herode afterwards put to death, as it shall be declared Herode intending the kingdome for his wiues brother enioyeth the same himselfe. in place conuenient) but also for that within the terme of seuen daies, he sent him out of Italy with the vnexpected titles of his felicitie.
As soone as the Senate weas risen, Antonius and Caesar issued forth, leading Herode betweene L them, and being accompanied by the Consuls and other magistrates went vp into the capitol to do sacrifice, and to place there this decree the Senate had made as touching this matter. The Herode ascendeth the Capitol with Antonius & Caesar. first day of Herodes raigne Antonius feasted him; and after this sort was he established king in the hundreth eightie and fourth Olympiade, in the yeere wherein C. Domitius Caluinus twice Consul, and Caius Asinius Pollio were Consuls. Meane while Antigonus besieged those that were in the castle of Massada, who were plentifully furnished with all things necessary (except it were water) for which cause Ioseph Herodes brother that was within, and two hundreth of his friends, had Herodes family besieged by Antigonus in Massada. concluded to flie vnto the Arabians: for that they vnderstood that Malchus had repented himselfe of the fault he had committed against Herode. But whilest they stoode vpon these termes, God powred downe a huge raine on a certaine night, that in short time filled their cestemes in M such sort, as that they had no more necessitie to flie; and from that time forward they waxed confident: and for that this abundance of water befel them by Gods prouidence, they made a sallie vpon their enemies, in which they charged Antigonus soldiers after such a maner, somtime in open Ventidius vnder pretext to helpe Ioseph, fisheth to get money of Antigonus. field, sometime by couert assault, that they slue a great number of them. At that time Ventidius a Romane captaine was sent into Syria to driue the Parthians from thence, & after their departure he arriued in Iury, making shew that he would assist Ioseph: but in effect all his pretence was to [Page 375] draw money form Antigonus. Being therefore encamped neer vnto Ierusalem, and hauing drawn The yeare of the world. 3926. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 38. A sufficient money from Antigonus, he retired himselfe with the greater part of his forces: and to the intent his deceitfull dealing might not be discouered, he left Silo with a company of his soldiers: who likewise was honoured by Antigonus, for feare least he should be cause of some newe trouble before such time as the Parthians, whose comming he expected, should yeelde him aide.
CHAP. XXVII.
Herode returneth from Rome by sea, and fighteth against Antigonus.
AFter that Herode was come from Italy by sea to Ptolemais, and that he had assembled no Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2 [...]. al. 16. Herode returning backe out of Italy, leadeth forth his army against Antigonus. Herode assaulteth Ioppe, and taketh it. B small number of soldiers both straungers and his owne countrimen, he marched forward against Antigonus, and passed thorow Galilee. Silo and Ventidius also gaue him assistance in this action, hauing receiued direction by Gellius from Antonius, that they should assist Herode to recouer his countrey. But Ventidius was employed in appeasing the troubles that were raised in the cities by the Parthians: and as touching Silo he kept in Iudaea, hauing beene corrupted by Antigonus. But the further that Herode daily marched into the countrey, the more and more increased his forces; and all Galilee (except a very few) submitted themselues vnto him. Whilest therefore hee marched forward toward Massada, (being vrged thereunto in that he was to relieue his parents that were besieged therein) the citie of Ioppe would not grant him passage: for the citizens thereof were his enemies: so that it behooued him first of all to C ruinate the same, to the end he might leaue no retreat or place of rescous for his enemy on his backe, if so be he made towards Ierusalem. Vpon which occasion Silo laying hold, dislodged his army & made thitherward: whom when the Iewes did pursue, Herode sallied out with a small company, and put them to flight, and saued Silo, notwithstanding he fought very coldly and cowardly. Afterwards being seazed of Ioppe, he hasted onwards to deliuer his friends that were besieged in Massada; but part of the inhabitants submitted themselues vnto him for the friendship Many submit themselues to Herode. they had borne vnto his father; an other sort of them, for the honour that they bare vnto him: the rest admitted his goue [...]ment in acknowledgement of those benefits they had receiued from them both. But the greatest part was thereunto moued by the hope they had conceiued of their new elected king, and the confirmation of his gouernment. Thus by these meanes was his army D mightily increased.
Whilest thus he marched forward, Antigonus seazed those places that were fittest to lay ambushes in, or to fight at aduantages by the way (notwithstanding that by those meanes and stratagems he did but small or no hurt at all to his enemie; so that Herode raised the siege, & discharged his friends out of the castle of Massada: and after he had taken the fort of Ressa, he approched Ressa taken, & Massada deliuered from the siege, after which Herode marcheth towards Ierusalem. Herode proclaimeth about the wals of Ierusalem that he repaired thither for the good of the people, & the commonweale. Antigonus vpbraideth Herode that he is but halfe a Iewe, and of no kingly race. The enemie repulseth Herodes power from the wall. Ierusalem being attended by Siloes army, and by diuers citizens of the citie, who were afraid of his power. And when as he had pitched his campe to the westward of the citie, those that kept the watch and guard on that side, shot their arrowes and cast stones against him: diuers likewise trouped sorth and fought hand to hand against those that were planted there: For which cause first of all Herode caused proclamation to be made round about the walles, signifying vnto them E that he resorted thither for the common profit of the people, and for the conseruation of the citie, without intent of reuenge or memory of any wrongs that his priuate enemies had offered him, promising his most free pardon to all those whosoeuer had hainously offended him: Hereunto Antigonus made this answere (turning his speech to Silo and the Roman soldiers) that contrary to all iustice they gaue the kingdome to Herode, who was a priuate man, and an Idumean (that is to say, a halfe Iewe) whereas it hath beene a custome to bestow the same on them that are of the line of the Priests. For albeit at that present they were displeased with him, for that he was feazed of the kingdome by the meanes of the Parthians, and had resolued with themsel [...] to dispossesse him; yet that there were diuers others of that royal race, who might be ma [...] kings according to the law, who haue no waies misdemeaned themselues towards the Romans; and moreouer F there are Priests, who should not be iustly and vprightly dealt withall, if they should be depriued of that honour which appertaineth vnto them. Whilest they debated the matter after this manner betweene them, and grew to hot and iniurious tants the one against the other, Antigonus commaunded his men to assaile those that were neere vnto the wall: who shooting many arrowes with great courage against them, droue them easily from the tower they kept.
[Page 376] At that time Silon gaue manifest proofe that he had been corrupted by money, for he suborned The yeare of the world, 3927. before Christs Natiuitie, 37. Silon su [...]orneth some of his soldiers to take an occasion to depart from Ierusalē. Herode procured and furnished the army with victuals and [...], [...]ion. G diuers of his souldiers, who cried out that they had want of victuals, and demaunded greater pay for their maintenance, and requested that they might be placed in some conuenient garrisons to winter in, for that the places round about the Citie were desolate; because all necessaries for maintenance of life had bin taken away and wasted by Antigonus souldiers. Thus was the whole army troubled; so that each of them prepared themselues to dislodge. But Herode importuned and cried out vpon the captaines and souldiers that were vnder Silons charge, telling them that it concerned them not to abandon him whom Caesar, Anthony and the Senat of Rome had sent thither: That for his owne part he would giue order that they should haue abundance and foison of whatsoeuer they demaunded; and incontinently departing from them (after he had presented them with this request) he depriued Silon of all colour and pretext of flight: for hee H caused an incredible quantitie of victuals to be brought them; and commanded his friends that inhabited in the confines of Samaria, to bring them corne, wine, oyle, cattell, and all other such prouision from Ierico, to the end that from that time forward the souldiers might want nothing. Antigonus was not ignorant thereof; so that he incontinently sent men thorowout the country, who might intercept and surprise the pu [...]ueiours and victualers. Who following Antigonus Antigonus sendeth out soldiers to surprise Herodes victualers. commandement, assembled a great number of souldiers neere vnto Ierico, and encamping in the mountaines, espied and watched those that brought the victuals. Meane while Herode lay not still, but tooke with him ten companies, fiue of Roman souldiers, and fiue of Iewes, with whom he intermixted some forraine souldiers, with some fewe horsemen, and came to Ierico; where being arriued he seazed the towne, which was abandoned by the inhabitants, of whom I fiue hundred with their wiues and children were retired into the tops of the mountaines, whom he tooke, and afterwards set at libertie: but the Roman souldiers entring into their houses, and finding them full of all sorts of moueables, they spoiled the same. And the king hauing left a garrison in Ierico, returned to his owne place, dismissing the Roman army to go and winter in the countries lately surrendred vnto him; namely, in Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also purchased this fauour at Silons hands by store of bribes, that part of his army was lodged in Lydda, The Romans sent to their garrisons to winter. all which he did to currie fauour with Anthony.
Whilest thus the Romans liued in all abundance and bare no armes; Herode would not be still, but sent his brother Ioseph into Idumaea, with one thousand footmen and foure hundreth horse; and himselfe resorted to Samaria, where his mother and his other parents kept, who before K time were departed out of Massada. After this he went into Galilee to surprise certaine castles which were held by Antigonus garrisons, and being arriued at Sephoris (during a great snow) after that Antigonus garrisons were departed out of the foresaid castles, he found great abundance of all sorts of necessarie munition. And there hauing notice of certaine theeues, who Robbers. inhabited in caues, he sent a troupe of horsmen, with three companies of footmen, against them: whom he commanded to doe iustice on those robbers (now the place where they kept, was not farre from a burrough called Arbela:) and fortie daies after, he himselfe with all his army resorted Herode fighteth with his enemies in Galilee, and ouercommeth them, and bringeth all Galilee vnder his subiection. thither. Now whereas the enemy issued out against him with a hardy resolution, the left wing of his squadron retired and fainted; but he comming on with his maine battell put them to flight, who were already almost masters of the field, and made those of his followers that fled, L to turne their faces; and to pursue their enemies as farre as the floud Iordan: who fled some of them by one way, some by an other; so that he drew all Galilee vnder his subiection, except those that inhabited and held the caues. He distributed money also amongst his souldiers, and gaue each souldier a hundreth and fiftie drachmes, and farre more vnto their chiefetaines, and afterwards sent them to winter in garrisons neere at hand.
About this time Silon and his captaines, who had passed the winter in the said garrisons, came vnto him (for that Antigonus would no more furnish them with victuals:) for he gaue them maintenance for no more time then a moneth, commanding those that dwelt round about them to spoile the countrey, and afterwards to retire themselues into the mountaines, to the end that the Antigonus refuseth to victuall the Roman army. Romans might be destitute of necessarie maintenance, and by that meanes might be consumed M with famine. Herode gaue Phaeroras his youngest brother the charge of that prouision, commanding him to inclose the fort of Alexandrion with a wall, who speedily brought to passe that the souldiers had all sorts of necessaries at commandement: he reedified also the fort of Alexandrion which had been laide desolate. About that time Anthony soiourned in Athens, and Ventidius was in Syria, who hauing sent for Silon to accompany him against the Parthians, did first of Ventidius sendeth for Silon to war against the Parthians. all charge him to assist Herode in that warre: and afterwards to excite the prouinciall confederats [Page 377] to further his warre. But Herode dismissing Silon and his company to follow their destinated wars The yeare of the world. 3927. before Christs birth 37. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 25. Herode leadeth his soldiers against those theeues that held the caues. Herode letteth downe his soldiers from the top of the mountaine in cofers. A with Ventidius, did in his owne person lead out his souldiers against those theeues that liued in dens. Now these cau [...] were s [...]uare in the most highest and inaccessible mountaines, impregnable thorow narrow paths, enuironed with sharpe rockes, wherein the robbers inhabited secretly, with all their families. King Herode caused a certaine number of cofers to be made, fastned to yron chaines, which he caused to be let downe by an engine from the top of the mountaine (because it was neither possible by reason of the steepinesse of the hill to ascend; the same from beneath, neither from aboue to creepe downward against them.) These chests were filled with soldiers, armed with great hookes to draw these theeues vnto them, and to breake their necks headlong from the height to the bottome. But the vse of these cofers was dangerous, for it was necessarie to let them downe an infinite depth into the caues, especially for that the theeues had necessary B munition among thē: notwithstanding when they had gotten downe, none of the theeues durst peepe out of the mouthes of their caues, but [...]enre constrained them to hold themselues quiet. But a certaine souldier hauing girt his sword by his side; and taken hold of the chaine with both his hands whereto the cofer was fastned; [...]de downē as farre as the entrie of the caue, and being displeased that no one issued out, he shot diuers arrowes at those that were within, and wounded them; and after that, with his hooke he drewe those vnto him who resisted him, and tumbled them downe headlong from the steepy rocke: which done, hēe rushed in vpon those that were within the caue, and slew many of them▪ and afterwards returned and rested himselfe in his cofer. Diuers hearing the grones of those that were wounded, were surprised with feare and despaire of their life: but the nights approch was the cause that the matter was not fully atchieued C and many of them (receiuing notice of the kings free pardon by a herauld) submitted themselues. The next day they renued and continued the same manner of fight, and diuers issued out of their cofers to fight vpon the outward entrances of the caues, into which they cast fire, which (for that there was great quantitie of wood in the caues) did quickly burne. Within these caues there was a certaine olde man apprehended, with his wife and seuen sonnes, who being required A certaine old man killeth his wife and seuen of his sons, and at last casteth himselfe headlong from the rocke. by them that he would suster them to go and submit themselues to their enemies, tooke vp the entrie of the caue, and as his sonnes aduaunced themselues to issue out, he slew them, vntill such time as he had inassacred them all, and after them his wife; and finally, when he had cast their dead bodies downe the rockes, he threw himselfe downe headlong after them, preferring death before seruitude. Yet before his death, he reuiled Herode in bitter words, and vpbraided him of D his obscuritie and ignoble race: and although Herode (who saw all that which had happened) stretched out his hand vnto him and promised him pardon; yet would he not respect him; and by this meanes were all these caues entered, and the theeues therein taken.
Now when the king had established Ptolomey captaine ouer the souldiers in that region, he retired himselfe into Samaria, with six hundreth horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with a Herode retireth toward Samaria to fight with Antigonus. resolution to fight with Antigonus, & so to end their quarrel. But Ptolomey had but very slender successe in his gouernment: for they that before time had troubled the countrey of Galilee sallied out vpon him, and ouerthrew him. After which execution they fled into the Marishes and vnaccessible places, where they robbed and spoiled all the countrey. But Herode returning and setting vpon them punished them: for he slew some of them, and the rest were constrained to Herodo punisheth the rebels in Galilee. Ventidius ouercommeth Pacorus and the Parthians in battell. E flie into strong places, where he besieging them and entring their fortresses perforce, slew the men, and destroied their fortifications: and hauing brought this rebellion to an end, he condemned the Cities to pay him the summe of one hundreth talents. Meane while Pacorus was slaine in warre, and the Parthians were discomfited with him; which was the cause that Ventidius sent Machaeras to succor Herode with two legions▪ and 1000. horse, and that by the commandement of Antonius. But Machaeras was drawn by Antigonus (who corrupted him with mony) and notwithstanding Herodes contradiction and disswasion; yet resorted he vnto him, alleadging that he did it Machaeras killeth many Iewes. Herode resoluing to depart to Antonius, and to accuse Machaeras is reconciled by him, and leaueth his brother Ioseph with an armi [...] behind him. to looke into his actions. But Antigonus suspecting his sodaine approch, intertained him not; but caused him to be darted at, and driuen thence; giuing him to vnderstand by his entertainment, what opinion he had of him, and how he was affected towards him: who at that time perceiued F plainly that Herode had giuen him good counsaile; and that himselfe had misdone in misbeleeuing his aduice: for which cause he returned to the Citie Emaus, and slew all those Iewes whom he met withall in the way, whether friends or enemies: so highly displeased was he at that which had hapned. Herode sore mooued hereat, came to Samaria resoluing with himselfe to post vnto Antonius to complaine of these agrieuances; considering that he had no need of such associates, who did him more harme then his enemies; whereas of himselfe he was able to make good [Page 378] his warre against Antigonus. But Machaeras hasted after him, requiring him to stay, and to trauell The yeere of the world, 3927. before Christs Natiuitie, 37. G no further on that iourney; or if he might not be diuerted, he praied him to leaue his brother Ioseph behind him, who might with them make war against Antigonus. By these perswasions and instant intreaties of Machaeras, he was some what appeased: so that he left his brother Ioseph behinde him, with an army; charging him no waies to hazard his fortune, or to fall at ods Herode repaireth to Antonius at the siege of Samosata, & in the way killeth many Barbarians. with Machaeras. As for himselfe he hasted toward Anthony, who at that time besieged Samosata (a Citie scituate neere vnto Euphrates) hauing with him an army of his associates both horsmen, and footmen. When Herode was arriued in Antioch, he found diuers men assembled there, who were desirous to go & seeke out Anthony: but they durst not set forward on the way, for fear least certaine Barbarians should set vpon them, and kill them in their iourney: these did Ierode assure, and offered himselfe to be their guide vpon the way. Now when they came to their second H bait, some two daies iourney off of Samosata, the Barbarians laid an ambush for them, and had barred vp the way with hurdles, and had likewise hidden certaine horsemen thereabouts, who should lie in couert vntill such time as the passengers had recouered the plaine. Now when the formost were past, the ambush consisting of about some fiue hundreth horsemen, sodainly charged Herode who was in the rereward; when as therefore they had broken the former ranks whom they had met, Herode with his troupe that was about him incontinently repulsed them; and after he had encouraged his followers and whetted them on to the fight, he wrought so much, that he made those that fled to turne their faces, and to fight; so that the Barbarians were put to the sword on all sides. The king also pursued them so long, vntill at last he recouered that which had been taken by them, which was a certaine number of sumpter horses and slaues. But being I charged afresh by others, and they in greater number then those who encountred him at first, he likewise (rallying his forces togither) charged and ouercame them, and killing diuers of them, he secured the way to those that followed after, who al of them acknowledged him for their preseruer and guide.
When he drew neere vnto Samosata; Anthony sent out his army in goodly array to meete and honour him, and with all to succour him, in that he had heard that the Barbarians had assailed Herode was honourably entertained by Antonius and his host. him. As soone as he came to Anthonies presence, he entertained him kindly; and after he had heard that which had befallen him in the way, he embraced him in admiration of his vertue, and did him great honour, as to him whom a little before he had raised to royall dignitie. Not long after this, Antiochus surrendred the fort of Samosata to Anthony, and vpon this occasion K the warre was ended. Whereupon Anthony committed the prouince with the army to Sosius, The yeare of the world. 3928. before the birth of Christ. [...]6. Sosius hath the army committed to his charge by Antonius who departeth into Egypt. Ioseph Herods brother is slain by Antigonus. and after he had commanded him to succour Herode, he departed into Aegypt. Sosius therefore sent two legions of souldiers before into Iudaea to succour Herode, and afterwards hee followed with the rest of his army.
In the meane while Ioseph died in Iewry on this occasion that ensueth: For forgetting his brother Herodes commandement, which he gaue him at such time as he repaired to Anthony, hee tooke to him fiue companies of souldiers which Machaeras had left him, and marching towards Ierico to gather in the fruits of the field, he pitched his tents vpon the mountaines: And for that the Roman troupes were but newly leuied, & consisted of those men who were vntrained in the wars, and for the most part were gathered out of the countrey of Coelesyria: the enemies hauing L aduertisement hereof, assailed and surprised him in certaine places of disaduantage, where there was a hot skirmish betweene them, in which Ioseph died, fighting valiantly; and all his army was discomfited: for six companies of them were slaine. After that the dead bodies were at Antigonus command, he cut off Iosephs head, which Phaeroras his brother ransomed for the price of fiftie talents. Which done, the Galileans reuolting from their gouernours, drowned The Galileans reuolt from Herode. Machaeras fortifieth Geth. Herode departeth from Daphne a suburbe of Antioch into Galilee. Herode fighteth with the Galileans, & ouercommeth them, and driueth them into a castle. Herodes partakers in the lake; so that diuers commotions and troubles were raised in Iewry. Machaeras he fortified the Castle of Geth. This misfortune of Iosephs was reported to the king, in a certaine suburbe of Antioch called Daphne, who before the tidings, had already conceiued some suspition and feare, grounded vpon certaine dreames, which gaue him certaine intelligence of his brothers death. Departing therefore from thence with all expedition, hee arriued neere M to the mount Libanus, where he tooke about 800. men with him, and a Roman legion which he had, and from thence came to Ptolemais; from whence he departed with his army by night, and crossed Galilee with them. Wherupon the enemies came forth against him, and were ouercome by him, and shut vp in a fort, from whence they were departed but the day before; where Herode assailed them by breake of day: But being vnable to offer them any preiudice, by reason of the indisposition of the weather, he led his men into the villages neer adioyning. But when Antonius [Page 379] second legion was come, and annexed to his forces; they that were within the forte were The yeare of the world. 3928. before Christs birth 36. A dismaied, and forsooke the same by night. So that Herode marched with all diligence to Iericho, with an intent to reuenge his brothers death; and being encamped neere vnto the same, hee banquetted and entertained the chieftaines of his armie; and after the feast was ended, and he had dismissed his companie, hee withdrewe himselfe into his lodging. In The house wherein Herod solēnized his feast, fell downe when the guests were gone without any mans detriment. Herode wounded by his enemies. Antigonus sendeth Pappus to Samaria. vvhich place it appeared, how much God loued the king: for the roofe of the house where hee had solemnized his feast fell downe, vvithout hurt to any one vvhomsoeuer: for no man was left vvithin it. Whence it came to passe, that each one perswaded himselfe, that Herode vvas beloued by God; considering hee had auoyded so great and vnexpected a perill.
The next day, sixe thousand of his enemies came downe from the toppe of the mountaines B to fight with him, who affrighted the Romanes, and their forelorne hope chased Herodes soldiers with darts, and stones, who was himselfe also hurt in the thigh with an arrow. Antigonus sent a captaine to Samaria, whose name was Pappas, with some soldiers, intending thereby to signifie vnto his enemies, that he had more men of warre then he needed. Pappus drew neere to Machaeras the Romane captaine: and as touching Herode he tooke fiue cities by force, and put some two thousand of them that were in garrison to the sword; and afterwards (hauing set the houses on fire) he went out to encounter Pappus; who was encamped in aborough called Isanas. Diuers that came from Iericho & Iurie, submitted themselues to Herode, who drawing neere the enemie (who marched forward with great hardines) fought with him and ouercame him, and being inflamed with a great desire that he had to reuenge his brothers death, he pursued them that fled C and slue them euen within their borough. The houses were incontinently filled with men of war, and diuers fled & hid themselues vpon the tops therof, who were at last taken; for the roofes Fight in the houses. of the houses were beaten downe, and he saw that all was filled with soldiers, whereby diuers were slaine by stones that were darted at them from aboue, and afterwards cast and kild them by heapes: which was the most grieuous spectacle of all those that had hapned in those warres, to see an infinite number of bodies hidden one vnder another amidst the roumes of the houses. This exploite of Herode did verie much abate the courage of his enemie, who hereafter expected farre more worse fortune at his hands: For a man might haue seene them flie away in heapes; and had not a sodaine and forcible tempest fallen vpon them, the triumphant army of Herode had incontinently entered Ierusalem with assurance of victory, which had made a finall D The yeare of the world, 3929. before Christs natiuitie, 35. end of all that warre. For Antigonus each day bethought him how to fly away, and to forsake the citie. But for that it was alreadie growen darke, Herode commaunded his soldiers to refresh themselues; and for that he himselfe was wearie, he entred into his lodging to bath himselfe: in which place he ouerwent a mightie misfortune, from which he escaped by Gods prouidence. For (whereas he was naked and accompanied with one onely seruant to attend him) at such time as he bathed, there were a certaine number of armed enemies hidden in that lodging, who Herode being alone and naked in his house escaped vnhurt amōgst many armed enemies. were fled thither for the feare they had: and during the time that Herode bathed, the first amongst them issued with his naked sword and got the doore; and after him the second; and the third no lesse armed without offending the king, for the feare that they had of his presence: and content to escape in their owne persons, without the preiudice of other men. The next day he sent Pappus E head to his brother Phaeroras, who was slaine by his owne sword in reuenge of the iniury offered to Ioseph. When the tempest was done, he departed from thence, and approched neere to Herode sendeth Pappus head to his brother Phaeroras. Herode besiegeth Ierusalē. Ierusalem, and encamped neere vnto the Citie. This was about the third yeere since he was created king at Rome, and encamping himselfe in the place which was (as he thought) fittest for battery; he addressed himselfe towards the temple side, resoluing to batter and make breach in that place in like manner as Pompey had done before him. Hauing therefore erected three bulwarks in three places, he builded towers theron by the assistance of many workmen; and by meanes of a great quantitie of wood, which he caused to be cut downe round about the place; and hauing Herode repaireth to Samaria to marrie Alexanders, daughter. pointed such men as were of ripe iudgement to ouersee these works, he left his army well prouided, and resorted to Samaria, to marrie with the daughter of Alexander, who was Aristobulus F sonne, to whom he was betrothed, according as I haue heretofore declared.
CHAP. XXVIII. G The yeare of the world. 3929. before Christs birth 35.
Antigonus is discomfited by Sosius and Herode.
AFter this marriage was solemnized, Sosius repaired thither thorow the countrey of Phaenicia, hauing first of all sent his army thorow the continent, he himselfe also resorted Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 26. al. 27. Sofi [...]s and Herode lead a mightie army against Ierusalem. thither with many aswell footmen as horsemen: thither also repaired the king from Samaria, with no small army, to annexe himselfe with the olde bands: for he had about thirtie thousand men. All these assembled themselues togither neere vnto the walles of Ierusalem, and planted their siege nigh vnto the wall of the citie that extendeth towards the north [...]. The army contained eleuen legions of footmen, with sixe thousand horsemen: besides the succours H that came from Syria. Of this army there were two generals, namely Sosius, who was sent by Antonius to succour Herode: and Herode himself, who made warre for himselfe, with an intent that hauing dispossessed Antigonus (whō he had proclaimed enemie to Rome) he himself might be king in his place, according to the Senates decree. Those Iewes that were within the enclosure of the walles (that is to say, almost all the nation) resisted the Herodians with great courage and affection, vaunting and boasting much of the temple of the Lord, and wishing all good happe and successe to the people, namely, that God would deliuer them from all daungers: and spoyling all prouision without the citie, that was either behoouefull for the vse of man or beast, by their secret thefts and excursions also they made the verie besiegers destitute of reliefe and victuals. Which inconuenience Herode so well preuented, that he forstalled their meanes of theft, and laid ambushes I in place conuenient to cut them off. As for victuals he sent his footmen to fetch his prouision from farre; so that within a verie little space they had aboundance of all that which was necessary Herode preuenteth the dearth in the campe. He erected also with no lesse carefulnes three bulwarks, by the diligent labour of a great number of workemen: for it was sommer time, & neither was the aire incōmodious or negligence of the workemen such, but that they presently furnished and finished them. Afterwards hauing raised their engines vpon them, they battered the wall, with as much violence and diligence as was possible: notwithstanding all this, they did no waies amate those that were within (who for their parts vsed al the cunning that might be possible to defend themselues, and by diuers sallies set fire vpon the enemies engines; and burnt not onely those that were halfe made, but those that were wholy perfected: and when necessitie droue them to handy K strokes, they shewed no lesse valour then the Romans courage; but they were inferiour vnto them in skill and martiall discipline. And when as the first wall was beaten downe, they builded vp a The Iewes without feare resist those that besieged them. new, and contermined against those mines that were made by the enemy; so that they fought vnder ground hand to hand. Thus vsing despaire rather then courage, they sustained the warre to the vttermost; yea notwithstanding they were besieged by a great army, and pressed by famine and want of victuals: for the yeere wherein this siege was continued, was the seuenth, in which the earth was vnmanured, which by vs is called the yeere of rest. But finally twenty chosen soldiers first of all mounted vpon the wall; and after them one of Sosius Centurions: for the first wall was taken in the fortith day after the siege, and the second on the fift [...]th, and some galleries were burned, which were neere vnto the temple: which (as Herod said) were burned by Antigonus, L to bring him into more hatred amongst the Iewes. When the outward part of the temple, and the lower part of the citie were taken, the Iewes fled into the temple, and into the higher The outward part of the temple, and the lower citie taken. towne, for feare they had least the Romans should hinder them from offering their daily and ordinarie sacrifices vnto God: and they sent embassadours to their enemies, to require that it might be lawful for them onely to bring in certaine beasts to offer thē for sacrifices. Which Herode their king granted thē, hoping by this meanes that they would submit thēselues & yeeld vp the places: The Iewes flye to the vpper citie and the temple. But perceiuing that his opinion failed him herein, & that they obstinately resisted him, to continue the soueraintie in Antigonus; he gaue the assault, and tooke the Citie by force: where all things vvere incontinently filled with murthers, in that the Romanes were displeased because they had so long time continued the siege; and the Iewes that were on Herodes side enforced themselues M vtterly to exterminate all those that were of the contrary partie: so that continuall slaughters ranged & raigned euery vvhere, both in porches, & in the houses vvherinto they entred: Neither Ierusalē taken. did the religious reuerence of the temple saue those suppliants that resorted thither for safety, but that vvithout all compassion both olde and young vvere slaughtered: Neither did their murthering hand spare or refraine from women; nay not so much as from young infants. And although the king besought and requested them to forbeare them, yet no man gaue ouer, but all sorts of [Page 381] persons were murthered by them, without respect either of sex or age. Antigonus inconsiderate A The yeare of the world. 3929. before Christs birth 35. Antigonus submitteth himselfe to Sosius of that estate wherein he had beene, or the fortune and desaster that at that present attended him, came downe from the tower and humbled himselfe on his knees before Sosius feet; who hauing no compassion of the change of that estate wherein he saw him, outragiously scorned him, calling him Madame Antigona: yet left he him not without guard after the manner of a woman, but fast bounde for his further assurance. But Herode was busied in deuising how he might moderate his associates and strangers, after he had had the vpper hand ouer his enemies: For the strangers swarmed into the Citie by heapes, and not onely into the Temple, but also into the Sanctuarie. Hee therefore exhorted some, and threatned other some, and restrained the rest by force of armes; and he was more troubled at that present in Herode sore troubled in pacifying the straungers. The spoile of the citie hindred. being a conquerour, then if he had been conquered: for that those things that were not lawfull B to be seene were beheld by prophane men. He preuented likewise the spoile of the Citie, as much as in him lay: beseeching Sosius most instantly, to preserue it to the vtmost, asking him if the Romans would leaue him king of a desart, after they had voided the Citie of men and goods? Alleadging furthermore, that he esteemed the gouernment of the whole world of no valew in regard of the life of one of his Citizens. Sosius answered, that it was reason that the pillage should be giuen to the souldier, who had borne the hazard of the siege: whereunto Herode answered, that he would satisfie euerie man out of his owne treasurie: and by this meanes, he raunsomed the rest of the Citie by fulfilling those his promises: For he gaue many mightie gifts vnto euerie one of the souldiers, and by proportion vnto the captaines; but aboue all hee royally rewarded Sosius; so that euerie one of them departed very rich in siluer. C This calamitie hapned in the Citie of Ierusalem, in the yeere wherein Marcus Agrippa and Canidius Gallus were Consuls, which was in the hundreth, fourescore and fift Olympiade, When Ierusal [...] was taken. in the third moneth on the daies wherein the solemne fast was celebrated; as if this affliction had iumpt togither in one issue and instant with that of Pompeies: for on the same day had the same Citie been taken twentie and seuen yeeres before. Sosius offered a crowne of gold vnto God, and afterwards departed from Ierusalem, leading Antigonus prisoner with him vnto Anthony. But Herode fearing least if Antigonus should be kept by Anthony, and sent to Rome, he should debate his title with him before the Senate by protest that he was descended of the royall line; whereas Herode was but a Plebeian and common person: and that although hee had offended the Romans, and thereby might not deserue to be king; yet at least his children, D who were of the princely line, were not to be denyed their title: Herode I say, fearing these things, wrought so much by force of his money with Anthony, that he caused him to Herode bribeth Antonius with money to make away Antigonus. The end of the Asmonean family, and the extinction of their priest. hood. put Antigonus to death; so that at that time Herode was truely deliuered from all feare. Thus ended the estate of the Asmoneans, after sixe score and sixe yeeres. This family was famous both for their nobilitie, as also by reason of their Sacerdotall dignitie, and for the noble actions and exploites, which their auncestors had atchieued for our nation; but they lost their authoritie thorow their mutuall factions: which soueraigntie was deriued to Herode Antipaters sonne, who was ignoble by birth, and of meane friends; who were subiects and vassals to kings. See heere what we haue receiued from our auncestors, as touching the ende of the race of the Asmoneans. E
THE XV. BOOKE OF G THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Ierusalem being ouercome by Sosius and Herode, Antigonus is beheaded by Anthonies commandement. Herode maketh away the chiefest friends of Antigonus.
- 2 How Hircanus being dismissed by the Parthians returneth to Herode.
- 3 Herode after he had made Aristobulus his wife Mariammes brother high priest, practiseth and worketh his death.
- 4 Cleopatra thirsting after the kingdomes of Iewry and Arabia, laboureth to beg a part of them at Anthonies hands.
- 5 The arriuall of Queene Cleopatra in Iudaea.
- 6 Herode maketh warre against Aretas, at such time as Anthony was ouerthrowne by Caesar in I the Actianwarre.
- 7 Of the earthquake in Iewry.
- 8 Herodes oration to his army.
- 9 Herode intending to repaire vnto Caesar doth of necessitie kill Hircanus.
- 10 How Herode obtained the continuance of his kingdome of Iudaea at Caesars hands.
- 11 Herode maketh away Mariamme thorow false calumniations of her enemies.
- 12 Of the famine that afflicted the land of Iewry.
- 13 The building of Caesarea.
- 14 Herode buildeth a new temple in Ierusalem.
CHAP. I. K
Ierusalem being taken by Sosius and Herode, Antigonus is beheaded by Anthonies command: Herode maketh away all his chiefest friendes.
IN the former booke I haue declared how Sosius and Herode tooke the Citie The yeare of the world. 3930. before Christs Natiuitie. 3 4. Herode preferreth his fauorites, and killeth his enemies. The Pharisees honoured by him. Pollio foreprophecied Herodes tyrannie. of Ierusalem by force, & with it Antigonus prisoner: now wil we also declare that which hath subsequently followed: For after that Herode had obtained the absolute gouernment ouer the whole land of Iudaea, he aduanced all those among the common people, who fauoured his proceedings: as for those who L were opposed against him, there passed not a day wherein some one or other of them suffered not punishment. But amongst the rest Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas his disciple, were highly honoured by him: For during the time of the siege of Ierusalem, they counselled the inhabitants to receiue & entertaine Herod: for which cause he respected them accordingly. This Pollio in times past (when Herode was found guiltie of death) foretolde Hircanus and the rest of the Iudges in way of exprobration, that being absolued by them he should one day inflict punishment on them all. Which prediction God in processe of time approoued by the euent: no sooner therefore became he master of Ierusalem, but he gathered togither all the rich houshold stuffe that was in the pallace; and furthermore hauing spoiled the rich men of their goods, and by this means leuied a great summe of gold and siluer, he sent great M presents to Anthony and his friends. Moreouer he condemned fiue and fortie of Antigonus principall and noblest fauourites to death, setting streight watch about their doores, that none of The slaughter of them that were of Antigonus [...]action. them might be carried out vnder colour of being dead. The dead bodies likewise were troden vnder foote: and all the gold, siluer, or iewels that was to be found amongst them, was carried to the king, and conuerted to his vse, so that there was no end of these miseries. For the couetousnesse of the conquerour (whose greedy and thirsting desire could hardly be quenched) said hold [Page 383] on whatsoeuer was theirs. And for that it was the seuenth yeere, it necessarily came to passe that The yeare of the world. 3930. before Christs birth 34. A the land was left vnmanured: for we are forbidden to sowe in this yeere. Anthony hauing taken Antigonus prisoner, resolued to keepe him in prison vntill the time of his triumph: But after he had receiued tidings that the nation of the Iewes were ready to innouate and rebell, and continued their good affection toward Antigonus, in regard of the hatred they conceiued against Herod; he concluded with himselfe to take his head from him at Antioch: For the Iewes could scarcely containe themselues. Strabo of Cappadocia testifieth no lesse in these words. ‘Anthony hauing Antigonus beheaded. Strabo of Antigonus. brought Antigonus the Iew to Antioch, caused his head to be cut off; and was the first among the Romans that hath caused a king to be beheaded in this manner: supposing that the Iewes might neuer otherwaies be induced to change their opinions, and receiue Herode [...] yet this opinion of his was not answerable to equitie. For notwithstanding whatsoeuer impulsion he might B deuise, yet could they not be induced to call him king: in so high estimate and account held they Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. [...]. their former king. But Anthony supposed that that infamie would obscure his renown, and lessen the generall hate that they bare to Herode.’ See here what Strabo writeth.
As soone as the high priest Hircanus (who was prisoner among the Parthians) heard that Herode: had taken possession of the kingdome, he returned backe vnto him, being deliuered after Hircan [...] heating [...]idings that Herode had obtained the kingdome returneth vnto him. this manner following. Barzapharnes, and Pacorus princes of the Parthians had taken Hircanus, who was first high priest, and afterwards king, and with him Phasaelus Herodes brother, and led them away prisoners with them into their own countrey: Phasaelus not able to endure the dishonour of imprisonment, and preferring an honorable death before a reprochful and ignominious life, murthered himselfe, as I haue heretofore declared. C
CHAP. II.
How Hircanus dismissed by the Parthians, returned vnto Herode.
PHraates king of Parthia, vnderstanding how nobly Hircanus was descended, who was Hircanus highly honoured in Babylon by the Iewes. brought prisoner vnto him, entertained him gratiously: and for this cause drew him out of prison, permitting him to conuerse in Babylon, in which place there were a great number of Iewes, who honoured Hircanus verie much; and no lesse then their high priest and king. The like also did all they of that nation inhabiting as farre as Euphrates, which did not a D little content Hircanus. But after that he was aduertised that Herode was possessed of the kingdome, Hircanus leauing his country, expecteth fauour at Herodes hands. he transferred his hopes another waie, being of his owne nature tenderly affected toward his friends, expecting that one day Herode would requite him for that he had deliuered him from death whereunto he was condemned; and in danger likewise of the penalty and punishment. He began therefore to consult with the Iewes, as touching his iourney; who in way of duetie and loue came to visit him, and who besought him, and importuned him to abide with them, offering him all seruice and honour; assuring him that he should in no lesse manner be respected among them, then their high priest and king; yea in farre higher regard then he might any waies be in his owne countrey, by reason of the maime he had in his bodie thorow Antigonus tyranny: alleadging that kings doe not ordinarily call to their remembrance those pleasures E that they haue receiued in their infant fortunes, because that with their estates they change both their manners and inclinations. But notwithstanding all these or such like allegations, yet could not Hircanus be withdrawne from the desire he had to repaire homeward. Herode also wrote vnto him, that he should require Phraates and the Iewes that inhabited his kingdome, in no sort to enuie his felicitie, in that he should partake with him both in dignitie and royaltie, alleadging that the time was now come wherein he might acknowledge the benefits he had receiued, by being heretofore nourished and preserued by him. With these letters he sent Samaralla likewise on an embassage to Phraates, furnished with great & rich presents, endeuouring by that meanes to Saramalla Herodes embasdour to Phraates. winne him, that he in no sort should hinder his gratulation and good intent towards one that had so highly deserued at his hands; yet were not his protestations answerable to his pretence. F For insomuch as he gouerned not with that vprightnes, which became a iust king; he feared least some alteration might befall him, according to his demerites: for which cause he sought to get Hircanus vnder his power, or at leastwise to dispatch him out of his life, which he afterwards performed. When as therefore Herode had perswaded the Parthian to dismisse Hircanus, and the Iewes to furnish him with money sufficient to beare his expence in his iourney, he receiued him Herode highly honoureth Hircanus. with all honour. In common assemblies he gaue him alwaies the highest place, and in the time [Page 384] of festiuals, he made him alwaies sit downe before him; and the more closely to deceiue him, he The yeare of the world, 3930. before Christs Natiuitie, 34. Herode giueth the high priesthood to Ananel. called him brother, endeuouring himselfe by all means wholy to extinguish in him all colour and G cause of suspicion of treacherie: neitherintermitted he any other stratagems, whereby in his opinion he might any waies further or promote his cause; and yet by these meanes occasioned he no small sedition in his owne familie. For carefully prouiding least any one among the nobilitie should be established high Priest, he sent to Babylon for a certaine man of bace condition called Ananel, and gaue him the Priesthood. For which cause Alexandra grew sodainly displeased, not being able to endure that outrage. This woman was Hircanus daughter, and Alexanders wife, who was king Aristobulus sonne, who had two children by her husband, the one wondrous beautifull, who also was called Aristobulus; the other was Mariamme, who was likewise faire, and maried to Herode. She was sore moued and highly displeased to see her sonne so much indignified, for that during his life another was called to the honour of high Priesthood: for which cause she H wrote vnto Cleopatra by the meanes of a certaine Musition, beseeching her to beg the high Priesthood Alexandra soliciteth Antonius by Cleopatras mediation for the high priesthood for hir sonne. at Antonius hands for hir sonne. But for that Antonius made little reckoning of those suites, a certaine friend of his called Gellius, who was come into Iury about certain of his affaires, and who had seene Aristobulus, fell in loue with him by reason of his beautie: and being abashed likewise at his great and goodly stature, and allured by Mariammes admirable beautie, he openly protested that he accounted Alexandra a happie mother in her children: and deuising to this effect with her, he perswaded her to send the pictures of her two children to Antonius, for that if hee should but behold them, he would refuse him in nothing, wherein he should request his friendship. Alexandra perswaded by these words, sent their pictures vnto Antonius. Gellius also made the matter more wonderfull, telling him that the children seemed rather to be engendred of no I mortall straine, but by some diuine power, labouring as much as in him lay that Antonius might be allured to affection them. Who supposing it to be a matter ill be seeming him to send for Mariamme, who was married to Herode, and desirous likewise to auoid Clopatras suspicions, wrote vnto Herode that vnder some honest pretext he should send Alexandras sonne vnto him (with this addition, if it might not seeme troublesome vnto him.) Which matter when Herode vnderstood, Antonius requireth Aristobulus at Herods hands he thought it no waies incident to his securitie to send Aristobulus, (who was a faire young man, and little more at that time then sixteene yeeres olde, & so nobly borne: considering that Antonius was at that present in such authoritie, that no one in Rome was in greater credit then he; and who besides that, was verie much addicted to his pleasures, which he openly hunted after without feare of punishment in regard of his greatnes and power. He therefore wrote him this answere, K that if the young man should but onely depart out of the countrey, all the land would incontinently The causes why Aristobulus was not sent. be filled with warre and troubles, for that the Iewes pretended alteration in gouernment, and sought to innouate by preferring a new king. When as therefore he had in this sort excused himselfe vnto Antonius; he resolued to entertaine both the younger Aristobulus and his mother Alexandra, with more respect. Moreouer his wife Mariamme did continually importune him to giue the priesthood to her brother, alledging that by that honour he might preuent the occasion of his trauell. For which cause assembling his friends togither in counsell, he grieuously accused Alexandra before them, protesting that she secretly conspired against the kingdome: and that by the mediation of Cleopatra, she laboured to dispossesse him of the soueraigntie, to the intent that Herode inueieth against Alexandra for pretending to vsurpe the kingdome. her sonnes by Antonius meanes might gouerne in his steed. Which practise of hirs was so much L the more vniust, because she depriued her owne daughter of that honour wherein she was inseated, & raised vp troubles likewise in that kingdome which he had conquered with great trauel, and extreme daunger. Yet notwithstanding that he willingly forgat that which was past, and forgaue those wrongs she had vrged against him, and vvas readie notwithstanding to shew all kindnes and courtesie both to her and hers. Furthermore he gaue the high priesthood to young Aristobulus, alledging that heretofore he had established Ananel in that place for no other respect, then for that Aristobulus was vnder yeeres.
After that he had thus seriously and considerately discoursed in the presence of the Ladies, and the consistorie of his friends; Alexandra almost beside her selfe, not only thorow the ioy she had M Alexandra excuseth herselfe, and hauing promise of the priesthood for hir sonne is reconciled to Herode. conceiued by this vnexpected good fortune, but also for the feare she had to be suspected, began to defend her selfe with teares & protestations, saying, that al whatsoeuer she had either practised or done, was to prefer her son vnto the Priesthood whō she saw dishonoured: but as touching the kingdome that she had neuer pretēded, neither would (if so be she should be presented therwith) receiue the same, thinking her selfe for the present sufficiently honoured, both for that she saw Aristobulus in that estate, as for the assurance that all her progeny should receiue, in that he was lifted [Page 385] vp in dignitie aboue the rest. Being therefore ouercome by those merits, she accepted willingly A The yeare of the world, 3930. before Christs birth 34. the honour for her sonne, and shewed her selfe obedient in all things, requesting him that if she had committed any thing rashy and thorow inconsideration of passion, either in respect of her children, or in vnbridled cariage of her tongue, hee would be pleased to pardon her. After these debates and interchangeable discourses on either side, they shooke hands the one with the other, in token of a more fixed and vnfained friendship then was before, burying (as they then pretended) all euill suspition or cause of vnkindnes.
CHAP. III.
Herode preferreth Aristobulus his wife Mariammes brother to the Priesthood, and afterwards pu [...]eth him to death. B
HEreupon Herode tooke away the Priesthood instantly from Ananel, who was not that countriman borne (as we haue heretofore declared) but was borne amongst those Iewes Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 3. Herode taketh the Priesthood from Ananel. that inhabite and were planted beyond Euphrates by the Assirians. For diuers thousand Iewes inhabite the countrey of Babylon, and from thence tooke he his originall also, being otherwise of the race of the Priests, and intirely affected toward Herode for a long time before, with whom he had familiar acquaintance. He had preferred him to this honour at such time, as he was made king; and degraded him likewise to appease the troubles of his family; demeasning himselfe herein contrarie to the law of the countrey. For whereas any one hath once beene C installed in that degree, he is neuer to be displaced. The first that transgressed this ordinance The Priesthood taken from three. was Antiochus Epiphanes, who dispossessed Iosuah, and preferred his brother Onias to his place. The second was Aristobulus, who tooke it away from his brother Hircanus, and vsurped it himselfe. Herode was the third, who gaue the Priesthood to Aristobulus, establishing him in Ananels place before he was dead: and by this meanes supposing that he had found out a remedie to appease the discords of his family, he notwithstanding all this liued not without suspition what euent would follow after this reconciliation: For he feared Alexandra, least demeasning her selfe in such sort as before time she had done, she should seeke occasion hereafter to raise new troubles. Alexandra suspected by Herode, is spied and watched, and her actions obserued. He commaunded her therefore to containe her selfe within the roial pallace, and to doe nothing of her owne authoritie. Besides that, he had appointed certaine intelligencers, who should diligently D obserue that nothing should be done without his knowledge, no not concerning her particular expences and table. All which things exasperated her hate and increased the same against Herode; for being full of feminine pride, she disdained to see her selfe thus wrongfully suspected, desiring rather to suffer any thing, then to be depriued of the liberty of free speech: and vnder colour to be honoured, to liue continually in seruitude and feare. Whereupon she sent certaine of her trustie friends to Cleopatra to complaine, and lament vnto her the importable miseries of her present estate, requiring her, according to her power, to giue readie and speedie reliefe. Whereupon Cleopatra sent her word, that both she and her sonne should resort vnto her into Aegypt, with as great secrecie as might be possible. Vpon which aduice and the allowance Alexandra pretending to flie into Egypt is betraied by her seruant. thereof, she practised this policy. She caused two coffins to be made, such as men were wont to E burie the dead in, in which she hid both her selfe and her sonne, commaunding those seruants of hers that were priuie to her deliberation to carie them out in the night time, and to bend their course directly towards the sea, where there was a barke in readinesse prepared to shape their course, and conuey them into Aegypt. But Esop one of her household seruants declared this enterprise of hers to Sabbion one of Alexandras friends, supposing that he had beene made priuie thereunto: who had no sooner inkling thereof, but (for that before times he was Herodes enemy, by reason he was suspected to haue beene one of those that sought to poison Antipater) he determined by discouery of this secret flight, to conuert Herodes hate into assured friendship: and presently discouered Alexandras secret enterprise to the king. Who dissembling the matter vntill it was vpon the point of execution, surprised her at such time as she thought to flye, and yet notwithstanding F he pardoned her that fault (in that he durst not decree any punishmēt against hir, though he could haue found in his heart to haue vsed seueritie) for that Cleopatra vvould not haue contained her selfe, had she but had such an occasiō offered her to expresse her hatred against Herod. For which cause vnder the colour of a high and magnanimous spirit, he made shewe to pardon her Herode contriueth Aristobulus death. of his meere clemencie: yet inwardly resolued hee to make young Aristobulus away: yet not rashly and vpon the instant, least the act should growe apparant and palpable.
[Page 386] Now the feast of Tabernacles was at hand, which was one of those that was ceremoniously G The yeare of the world. 3932. before Christs birth 33. and solemnly celebrated among vs; for which cause he concealed his intents during the festiuall daies, intending both in himselfe and in the presence and companie of the people, to follow all kinde of pleasure and delight; yet did his enny incite him to hasten the execution of his will. Aristobulus was at that time some seuenteene yeere olde, who at such time as he approched the altar to offer sacrifices, according to the lawe, apparelled in the high priests ornaments to performe the ceremonies, he (who for amiable countenance and goodly stature surpassed the young and tendernesse of his yeeres) expressing in his countenance the dignitie and nobilitie of his race, drew the eies and good affection of all the people vnto him; so that they openly called to remembrance the noble actions of Aristobulus his grandfather. All the people therfore being surmounted by those their affections, and at that present time being all of them troubled with the ioy they H conceiued, they brake out by little and little into happy acclamations, mixed with wishes and praiers: so that the good will the people bare to Aristobulus discouered it selfe openly, and they manifestly (although too hastily in such a kingdome) declared what euils they generally endured: For all which causes Herode concluded to execute that which he had heretofore complotted, and conceited against Aristobulus. As soone therefore as the feast was ouerpassed, he soiourned in Iericho, where Alexandra entertained him. In that place he vsed Aristobulus with all kindnesse, to the end to draw him into some place, where he feared nothing, playing also with him, and counterfaiting to sport, after the fashion of the young men, to gratifie him. Now, for that the place where they disported themselues was by nature too hoat, they quickly wearied, left their sport, and went out togither to take the fresh aire, and recouering a pleasant shade vnder certaine arbors, I and neere certaine fishpooles which were largely spread round about, they beheld certain of their seruants and friends that swomme therein, with whom not long after Aristobulus began to swim, being perswaded thereunto by Herode. Whereupon Herodes confederates (who were deputed to execute the murther) laid hands of him and thrust him vnder the water, pretending to duck him in sport, and neuer gaue him ouer vntill such time as they had stifled him in the water. This hapned Aristobulus is drowned by Herodes direction, Ananell restored to the priesthood. about the euening, and after this manner died Aristobulus, after he had liued in all for the space of eighteene yeeres, and administred the priesthood one whole yeere: and after this Ananel presently recouered his former dignitie.
Now when this accident was reported to the women, all of them were sodainly deuoured in teares, and transported with strange lamentations, which they spent ouer the dead body. All the K Citie also was marueilously amated, neither was there any priuate family that thought not it selfe touched by this inconuenient, but imagined the losse in particular to concerne himselfe, and no other. But aboue all, when Alexandra had notice of this wicked deede, she was more passionate The lamentation for Aristobulus death and perplexed then any other, being so much the more discomforted, for that she knew how all things had hapned. But the feare of a farre greater mischiefe constrained her to represse her passion; in such sort, that diuers times she was ready to bereaue her of her owne life, and dispatch her selfe out of miserie with her owne hands. But she contained her selfe, to the end, that suruiuing (and liuing after her sonne, who was so traiterously and fraudulently slaine, and prolonging her owne life without giuing any suspition or shadow, that she supposed her sonne to be thus cursedly murthered) she might with more opportunitie expect the occasion to reuenge her selfe: For L which cause, she dissembled all things, gouerned her griefe, and made shew that she knew nothing of that which was either intended, or had hapned. As for Herode, he laboured by all means to perswade the strangers, that this death had befallen Aristobulus without his knowledge; and Herodes counterfait sorrow. did not onely prepare that which was requisite for the funerall, but vext himselfe likewise, & made shew of a man truely deuoured in his sorrow: and it may be that in remembrance of Aristobulus beauty and flourishing young yeeres, he was truely touched with compassion, notwithstanding that he imagined that this death of his should be a means of his intire securitie, demeasning himselfe in all things very circumspectly, with intent to purge himselfe of that crime. But especially he shewed his great magnificence in the interring of his body, both in the furnishing and preparation of the herse, as in the perfumes and other things thereunto belonging, in such sort as the M griefe which the Ladies had conceiued, was pacified after this manner of consolation.
CHAP. IIII. A The yeare of the world. 3931. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 33.
Cleopatra thirsting after the kingdomes of Arabia and Iewry, laboureth to beg a part of them at Anthonies hands.
BVt none of all these things could either mooue or mollifie Alexandra, but that daily more and more she increased her sorrow, and in the heart of her teares kindled her wrath Alexandra certifieth Cleopatra of Herodes treasons and her sonnes traiterous murther. and heate with a desire of reuenge: She therefore certified Cleopatra by her priuate letters of Herodes treasons, and her sonnes most miserable and vntimely death. Cleopatra long before that time desirous to assist her, and hauing compassion of her miserie, vndertooke the matter, and ceased not to incite Anthony to reuenge Aristobulus death, telling him that it was an vnpardonable B errour, that Herode being created king in such a state, whereunto he had no right, should be suffered to practise such conspiracies against the true and lawfull kings. Anthony perswaded by these her words (as soone as he came vnto Laodicea) sent for Herode, to the end that making his appearance, he might answere that which might be obiected against him, as touching Aristobulus death: for he disliked the act, notvvithstanding that Herode himselfe had attempted it. But although Herode vvas affraid of this accusation, and did not a little suspect Cleopatraes displeasure (for that she ceased not continually to prouoke Anthony against him) yet obeyed he this commandement, and transported himselfe thither (the rather for that he durst not otherwise do) notwithstanding he left his vncle Ioseph behind him, committing the gouernment both of the kingdome & his priuate estate vnto him, giuing him secret instructions to kil Mariamme, if so be that Herode readie to repaire vnto Antony, commaundeth Ioseph, to whose charge he cō mitted the kingdome, to kill his wife. C Anthony should happen to doe him any mischiefe. For he loued her so extremely by reason of her beautie, that he supposed himselfe iniured, if after his decease she should be beloued by any other; and he openly declared that all that miserie which befell him, proceeded from Anthonies passion, and intire affection, and admiration of her beauty, whereof he had before time heard some report. As soone therefore as he had in this sort disposed his affaires, notwithstanding he had little hope of good hap, yet repaired he to Anthony.
But Ioseph gouerning that kingdome that was committed to his hands, conuersed diuers times vpon this occasion with Mariamme, and communicated oftentimes with her, not onely for publique profit sake, but also to doe her that honour which so great a princesse deserued. At such time therefore as he secretly deuised with her, as touching the friendship and ardent affection D which Herode bare vnto he [...], his speeches were iested at after the manner of Ladies, but especially flouted at by Alexandra. For which cause Ioseph, being ouer-forward to expresse the kings good will towards her, proceeded so farre that he discouered the commandement that was giuen him; thereby to make manifest, that it was not possible for Herode to liue without her, and that if any inconuenient should happen vnto him, he would not in death also be disioined from her. This discourse of Iosephs was not interpreted by the Ladies, as a demonstration of his good will, but rather as a manifestation of Herodes malignitie, who dying, desired also that they should perish, and interpreted that which he had spoken, as the testimonie of his tyrannous and malicious hart. At that time there was a rumour spread in the Citie of Ierusalem by Herodes maligners, that Anthony had in such sort tormented him, that he was dead. Whereupon all those of the kings house A foolish rumour of Herodes death. E were troubled, and in especiall the Ladies; so that Alexandra incited Ioseph to forsake the pallace, and take the Ladies, and to retire himselfe vnder the ensignes of the Roman legion, who at that time were about the citie for the security of the kingdome, vnder the conduct of the Tribune Iulius, to the end first of all, that if any trouble should happen in the kings house, they might be by this meanes in safetie, hauing the Romans to friend; and afterwards, for that they hoped that if Anthony should see Mariamme, she might obtaine all things at his hands whatsoeuer she desired, assuring him that he would restore the kingdome vnto her, and depriue her of nothing that concerned, or was answerable to her royall estate.
But whilest they were distracted with these deliberations, there came letters from Herode, contrarie to some few mens report, and all mens expectation. For as soone as he came vnto Anthony, F he compassed his fauour by his many presents, which he had brought with him to that intent Herode appeaseth Anthony by presents, and certifieth his friends by letters of his health. from Ierusalem, and sodainly debating the matter with him, he appeased him in such sort, as he was no more displeased against him: and from that time forward, Cleopatras speeches were but coldly conceited of in regard of his so ample satisfaction. For Anthony said, that there was no reason that a king should be answerable for that which he had done in his kingdome; for that in so doing, he should no more be king: but that when the honour is once giuen him, he hath the [Page 388] authoritie likewise left him, to vse his regall power. Vrging further, that it concerned Cleopatra G The yeare of the world 3932. before Christs Natiuitie. 32. likewise her selfe, not to search too curiously into the affaires and gouernment of kingdomes. Herode certified all this by his letters, and signified further, what other honours he had receiued at Anthonies hands in assemblies and feasts, to which he inuited him alwaies; notwithstanding that Cleopatra seemed to be displeased therewith, detracting him; and being desirous to get the kingdome of Iewry into her hands, stroue by all meanes possible to put him to death: but that he had found Anthony alwaies an vpright man, and feared not henceforward that any euill should be fall him: and returning presently vpon this, he brought with him a more ample testimonie of Anthonies most assured affection, both in respect of his owne kingdome, as of his particular affaires. And as touching Cleopatra, she pretended not to seeke any further then that which she had, because that Anthony had giuen her Coelesyria in steed of that which she had demaunded, for bearing H thence forwarde to mention Iewry any more, because Anthony wholy reiected those suites.
After these letters came vnto their hands, the trouble and disturbance wherein they were, and their desire to retire vnto the Romans, as if Herode had been dead, was wholy extinguished. Yet was not this their resolution hidden from the king; but that Herode after he had brought Anthony on his way (who at that time set forward in his warres against the Parthians) he returned into Iewry. Vpon his arriuall, his sister Salome, and his mother certified him exactly of Alexandras intent, and the determination of her friends. Salome likewise spake against Ioseph her husband, and slandered him, obiecting against him that he had had Mariammes company. Al which she spake thorow the malice she had long time conceiued against him, for that in a certaine debate Ioseph and Mariamme accused before Herode. I Mariamme had in her rage despitefully hit them in the teeth with their obscure birth. Herode (who was alwaies inflamed with the earnest affection which he bare vnto his wife Mariamme) was sodainly troubled hereat: and although iealousie pressed him forward, yet loue restrained him and kept him from doing any thing rashly, thorow passion or affection: for which cause he called Mariamme aside, and demanded of her in secret, what familiar companie she had kept with Ioseph? She by solemne othes and by all possible allegations in her owne defence appeased the king Mariamme excuseth & purgeth hir selfe before the king, and is reconciled. by little and little, and pacified his choler. For in such sort was he transported with the loue that he bare vnto his wife, that hee beleeued she had sufficiently purged her selfe of those slanders, that had been inforced against her; yeelding her most hartie thankes for her honest affection towards him, and declaring vnto her openly the great esteeme and loue that he bare vnto her. Finally K (as it often falleth out amongst louers) they fell to teares, and embraced each other with great affection: and for that she gaue him no credit, he indeuoured the more to draw her to beliefe. Whereupon Mariamme said vnto him: ‘It is not the act of a louer to haue giuen commandement, that if any thing should befal thee otherwaies then well with Anthony, I should presently be done to death with thee; notwithstanding I haue no waies offended thee.’No sooner were these words out of her mouth, but the king entred into a strange passion, and giuing ouer his embraces he cried out with a loud voice and tore his haire, saying, that he had a most euident proofe that Ioseph had committed adultery with her: for that he would not haue discouered those things which had been spoken to him in secret, except they had greatly trusted the one the other, and in this emotion or rage of iealousie hardly contained he himselfe from killing his wife. But L the force of loue ouercame him so much, that he bridled his rage notwithstanding it were irkesome and grieuous vnto him. Yet gaue he order that Ioseph should be slaine without either audience Herode commandeth that Ioseph should be slaine, and imprisoneth Alexandra. or iustification of his innocencie and as touching Alexandra, who was the cause of al these troubles, he kept her prisoner.
About the same time there grew certaine troubles and alterations in Syria: for that Cleopatra continually sollicited and importuned Anthony, and whetted on his displeasure against all, perswading Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4. Cleopatra verie couetous. Cleopatra murthereth her brother and sister. him to remooue all from their gouernments, and to bestow the same on her selfe. And for that Anthony loued her extremely, she was in great estimation and credit with him: and being in her owne nature inclined to couetousnesse, shee abstained from no kinde of corrupt dealing and wickednesse. For knowing that the kingdome should descend vnto her brother, she M caused him to be poisoned, when he was but fifteene yeeres olde: as for her sister Arsinoe, she caused her to be slaine by Anthonies meanes at such time, as she made her prayers in the temple of Diana in Ephesus. Moreouer in what place soeuer she vnderstood that there was any hope to get money, whether it were in robbing of temples, or in breaking open sepulchers; she would be possessed thereof: neither was there any religious place so sacred, from whence she tooke not away the ornaments. Furthermore there was not any thing so prophane and interdicted, which [Page 389] she laid not hands on to satisfie her vnbridled auarice. Neither was the whole world sufficient The yeare of the world, 3932. before Christs birth 32. A enough to content this magnificent Ladie, who was made slaue to her owne desires; and her disordinate appetite was such, that all the riches in the world were not able to to saciate and fill the same. For this cause she incessantly importuned Antonius to take from others, to be liberall towards her: and therefore intring into Syria with him, she presently bethought her selfe how she might get it into her possession. For she caused Lysanias Ptolomeies sonne to be put to death, obiecting against him that he had priuate intelligence with the Parthians. She begged Iury also at Cleopatra contrieth Lysanias death Antonius hands, and required him besides that to dispossesse the kings of Arabia. He was in such sort possessed by this woman that he seemed not only to be bewitched with her words, but also inchāted by her poisons, to obey her in whatsoeuer she thought meet: yet was he ashamed to cōmit so manifest an iniquity, for feare least being so farre ouerruled by her, he should happen to offend Antonius giueth Cleopatra a portion deducted out of Iury and Arabia. in matters of more consequence. Least therefore either by denying her, he should draw her to discontent; B or by condiscending to her demands, he should seeme to be the wickeddest man aliue, he deducted a seuerall portion of both their dominions, & presented her with the same. He gaue her likewise those cities that are scituate between the floud Eleutherius & Aegypt except Tyre and Sydon, which he knew to be free cities of long continuance: although by earnest sollicitation she sought to be seazed of these also.
CHAP. V.
Cleopatras progresse into Iudaea.
AFter that Cleopatra had obtained all these things, and had accompanied Antonius as farre as Euphrates, who at that time went to make warre in Armenia: she returned backe againe, and by the way visited Apamea and Damasco, and at last tooke her Cleopatra cō meth to Herode who enstateth hir in that the part of Arabia & these reuenewes of lericho that were giuen her An intemperate woman giuen to lust. C progresse into Iury: Where King Herode met with her, and assured that portion which had beene giuen vnto her in Arabia, with all the reuenewes of Iericho vnto her. This countrey bringeth forth that balme, which of all other oyntments is the most precious, and onely groweth in that place, and no other, to the bignes of great Dates. Being arriued in that place, and growen inwardly familiar with Herode, she fought to allure and draw him to her lust, being of her selfe naturally addicted to such pleasures and intemperance; and happily also being somewhat touched with loue, or rather (as it seemeth most likely) she in this sort laid the foundation to intrap him vnder colour to reuenge her selfe of some outrage by that meanes. But in effect she generally manifested, that she was ouercome by her desire and sensuall lust. But Herode was not ouer kindly bent towards Cleopatra, knowing of long time how badly she was enclined towards D al men; and at that time he conceiued the greater hatred against her, because by that intemperance of hers she pretended to destroy him: and although that from the beginning he had reiected her sollicitations; yet determined he to reuenge himselfe on her, if so be by these her subtill vnderminings she should prosecute and continue her subtil pollicies to betray him. He asked counsaile also of his friends, whether hauing her in his possession, he should put her to death. For Herode goeth about to put Cleopatra to death, and is disswaded by his [...]riends. in so doing all those should be deliuered from diuers euils, whom either in time past she had molested, or hereafter s [...]d bring in trouble. Moreouer that it would be profitable for Antonius also, whom without all doubt she would forsake, if any occasion or necessitie should enforce him to make triall of her friendship. But whilest he debated and discoursed vpon this resolution, his E friends restrained and disswaded him, assuring him that it was a great indignitie for him, who was a Prince of high thoughts and hautie resolutions, to cast himselfe into manifest perill, beseeching him to attempt nothing rashly: For that Antonius would not endure the same, notwithstanding Antonius conquereth Armenia. it might be approued that it stood with his profit: nay rather that by this meanes he should increase his desire, for that by force & subtilty he might seeme to haue lost her. Further, that no on colour of excuse should be left him, in that she was the woman of greatest note & nobility of that time; & that what soeuer profit might redound vnto him by her death, should be annexed with Antonius iniurie. Wherby it most euidētly appeared, how great & remediles domages would befall both, to the kingdome & the kings family also; whereas nothing letted him by repulsing her vnlvwfull demand to dispose allthings for the present state with great discretion. By these & such F like reasons and probable coniectures, they deterred and disswaded him from aduenturing vpon his apparant daunger, and attempting so hainous an act: so that contrariwise they induced him to offer Cleopatra many rich presents, and to conduct her onward on her way towards Aegypt.
As soone therefore as Antonius was seazed of Armenia, he sent Artabazes Tigranes sonne, Herode bringeth Cleopatra onward off her way towards Egypt. with all his children, who were great princes, prisoners into Aegypt, and presented them to Cleopatra with all those precious Iewels likewise, which were taken by him or found in the kingdome. [Page 390] But Artaxias his elder sonne (who at that time had saued himselfe by flight) raigned in Armenia, G The ye [...]e of the world. 3933. before Christs birth 31. whom Archelaus and Nero the Emperour droue out of his kingdome, and placed his younger brother Tigranes in his roome, as it shall be declared hereafter. As for the tributes of the countries which Herode was bound to pay vnto Cleopatra, for the lands bestowed on her by Antonius, he without deceit iustly paid them, supposing it to be verie incident to his securitie, to continue himselfe in her good fauour. As for the Arabians, they seeing that Herode had the leuying of such a tribute, paied him for some little time two hundreth talents a yeere; but afterwards Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. they grew slow and negligent in their paiments, and scarcely satisfied the halfe, and that also verie negligently.
CHAP. VI. H
Herode maketh warre with Aretas at the same time that Antonius is ouerthrowne by Augustus Caesar in his Actian warre.
ARetas demeasning himselfe thus vngratefully, and refusing to doe that which in right he ought to performe; Herode made a shew to take armes against him, but deferred his reuenge in regard of the contentions amongst the Romans. For at that time nought else was expected then the Actian warre (which fell in the hundreth, eightie and seuenth Olympiade) in which Augustus Caesar determined to trie his title with Antonius for the Monarchie. In the Herode leuieth an army to assist Antonius against Octauian. Herode is incited by letters to the Arabian warre. meane while Herode, who had alreadie for many yeeres beene master of a peaceable and fruitfull country, from whence he drew rich reuenues & many forces, gathered diuers companies of men, I with the greatest expedition that he might, to succour Antonius. But he by letters signified vnto him, that he had no need of his assistance: notwithstanding he commaunded him to make a road vpon the Arabian, whose perfidious dealing Antonius had not only vnderstood by Herode himselfe, but also by Cleopatras aduertisements. For she verie cunningly conceiued, that it woulde redound vnto her profit, if one of these two should ouerthrow the other. Herode according to these instructions from Antonius, returned backe into his countrey, and retained his armie alwaies readie about him, and incontinently with the same inuaded Arabia, and with his forces both horsemen and footmen came directly to Diospolis, where the Arabians (hauing notice Herodes battels and conquests. of his intended warre against them) came out to meete him. In this place fought they a most cruell battell, wherein at the last the Iewes had the vpper hand. After this a great army of K Arabians assembled themselues at Cana, a certaine place in Coelesyria. Whereof when Herode The yeare of the world, 3934. before Christs birth 30. was foreaduertised, he marched forth against them, accompanied with the greater part of his forces. As soone as he drewe neere to Cana, he determined to incampe in that place, and after he had well fortified and entrenched his forces, to set on the enemie vpon the first oportunity: but whilest he imployed himselfe in the execution hereof, all the armie of the Iewes cried out, requiring him without delay, to lead them forward against the Arabians. And thus highly were they incouraged, both in respect of the confidence they had in the good administration and ordering of their army, as in regard of their forwardnes, who had beene actors in the former warre, and partakers of the victorie; so that they scarce gaue their enemie leasure to settle themselues to their weapons. Whenas therefore Herode perceiued that the heat and forwardnes of the soldier L could hardly be appeased; he thought good to make vse of the readines of his army, and arming himselfe he marched formost, being seconded by his soldiers in battell ray, with a folderlike march. This sodaine approch of his wonderfully abashed the Arabians: For although for a while they made head against them; yet perceiuing their enemies full of heart, and themselues vnable to resist them, diuers of them retreated and betooke themselues to flight; so that all of them had beene vtterly defeated, had not Athenio endomaged Herode, and the Iewes. For he hauing the commaund of that armie which Cleopatra had in that place; and besides that, bearing a priuie grudge towards Herode, disposed his army in a readines, & expecting the euēt of the Cleopatras chieftaine ouerthroweth Herode. battell, resolued with himselfe to containe his forces, if the Arabians ouercame the Iewes; and if so be they had the worst (as indeed it came to passe) to set vpon the Iewes, who should be M spent by that time; and surprising them at vnawares euen in the height of their hope of good happe, to massacre and slaughter them with his fresh supplies. When as therefore the Iewes had spent all their strength against their professed enemies, and expected nothing lesse then the assurance The Arabians returning to the barrell kill those that flie and cake the campe. of the victory, he charged and ouercame them who had retreated into certaine rough and difficult places (whereunto their enemies were better accustomed then themselues) where being grieuously wounded and ill intreated by the Arabians, who returned backe and set vpon them, [Page 391] diuers of them that fled were slaine, and died sundrie kindes of deaths; and of those that escaped, The yeare of the world. 3935. before Christs birth 29. A few of them recouered the campe. Herode losing the hope of this battell, posted on horsebacke as fast as he might, to bring on fresh supplies: but notwithstanding all his expedition and diligence; yet could he not recouer the place in due time, but that the campe of the Iewes was taken and sacked, and the Arabians obtained no smal good hap beyond their expectation, becomming Lords of that victorie which was wholy vnexpected by them, and wherin they slew a great number of their enemies. From that time forward Herode began to make certaine incursions and roades into Arabia, praying the countrey, and doing them much mischiefe: He encamped himselfe likewise vpon the mountaines, forbearing to draw his whole forces into the field; notwithstanding by his diligence and industrie in trauell, his labours were not fruitlesse; but that preuailing in some exploites he sought out all meanes to abolish and put away the ignominie of B his former discomfiture.
CHAP. VII.
Of the earthquake that hapned in Iewry.
AT such time as Caesar and Anthony made triall of their titles in the Actian warre, and in the seuenth yeere of the raigne of king Herode, there hapned such an earthquake in Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 6. An earthquake in Iudaea killeth ten thousand men. the countrey of Iudaea, that neuer the like was seene in any other place: so that diuers beasts were slaine thereby, and many men were ouerwhelmed with the ruines of their houses, and perished to the number of ten thousand. Onely the men of warre receiued no domage, C because they encamped in the open field. The Arabians hearing tidings hereof (which were made farre greater by report, then they were in effect, by such, who in fauour of the Arabians and hate of the Iewes, reported the same) waxed proud: yea so much was their courage increased hereby, as if all the Cities of Iewry had been already ouerthrowne, and the men thereof The Arabians kill the Embassadours of the lewes. extinguished; and as if they had no aduersaries remaining aliue to contradict them. For which cause laying hold of those embassadours of the Iewes, who came vnto them to intreat of peace in their desperate estates, they slew them, and afterwards in the heate of their spleen, set vpon their enemies campe. But the Iewes not daring to expect or preuent their assault, for that their present miseries had deiected their mindes, seemed to neglect their common weale, and in a manner to despaire of their safetie. These thus affected did the king incourage, and called vnto him Herode comforteth the Iewes that were out of heart for their former losses. D their captains, and (as much as in him lay) awaking and reuiuing their drouping spirits, and when he had restored those of better hope, to more successefull good hap; at length he attempted to speake vnto all the army, who in the former ouerthrowes, would yeeld no respect or allowance to perswasion. These did he both comfort and exhort in such manner, as followeth.
CHAP. VIII.
Herodes Oration to his army.
FRiends and fellow souldiers, there is not one of you but knoweth that at this time, there are so many present and impendent misfortunes attending our estates, as are able to E weary and amaze those men, that are of the greatest resolution. But since we must needly Herode comforteth and exhorteth his soldiers. fight, and that all those things that haue befallen vs vnto this present, are of that kind, that by your owne vertue and magnanimitie they may be recouered, I haue resolued to informe, and confirme you in those meanes, whereby you may retaine and continue your accustomed valour and noble courage. First of all therefore I will approue vnto you (as touching our war) that it consisteth on iust grounds, for that we are inforced thereunto thorow the outrage of our enemies, the knowledge The cause of warre against the Arabians. whereof should chiefely make you recouer your courage.
Secondly, I will apparantly approue vnto you, that our estates are not so desperate, but that we haue great and assured hopes to obtaine the victorie. First of all therefore, I will discourse of that which formerly I proposed, and wil make your selues iudges of those things which I will discourse vpon. For you your selues F are priuie to the Arabians vniustice, and how perfidious they are to their friends, and impious and barbarous towards all men; but in especiall they haue alwaies troubled vs, prouoking vs thorow their extreme auarice and malignant enuy; with perpetuall iniuries. And yet to let slip all other our benefits to that nation, who is he that deliuered them from their imminent perill and thraldome, that was hazarded by Cleopatras meanes, but our selues? For the friendship I had with Anthony, and his beneuolence towards me, was the cause that their burthen of miserie [Page 392] was so lightned; for that Anthony forbore to commit any thing that might draw vs to suspition. G The yeere of the world, 3935. before Christs Natiuitie, 29. Besides, after she had wrought him by her sollicitation to cut off certain portions of the two kingdomes to be giuen vnto her, the matter was so handled by me, that by diuers presents particularly bestowed vpon him by my hands, I haue obtained securitie for vs both, and by disbursing two hundreth talents of mine owne, and giuing my word for two hundreth more for others, for the reuenues of that very land which in times past was ours, and these now possesse and enioy. Notwithstanding, reason it were in my opinion, that we that are Iewes should not be tributaries, or giue any portion of our countrey to any man; and if we must needly doe it, it ill becommeth vs to pay it for these, who enioy their liues by our meanes. It should not be reasonable for the Arabians, who after they had confessed with many plausible protestations and thankesgiuings, that they enioy their libertie by our benefit, to haue depriued and thrust vs from our own, and to haue H vniustly dealt with vs; yea euen with vs I say, who were not their enemies, but rather on the contrarie side their chiefest friends in the time of peace. And if fidelitie should be respected euen amongst those that are our most hated enemies, much more necessarily ought it to be obserued by those that are friends. But these men set light therby, who thinke nothing honest, but that which is annexed with Lucre; and thinke no wrong vnexcusable, nor impunitie iniurie that hath b [...]t a shew of profit. Is there any question then, whether we should chastice these vniust men by a iust warre, since both God commandeth no lesse, and enioyneth vs alwaies to hate outrage, and reuenge iniustice, especially in that warre, which is not onely iust, but necessarie? For that which Legates inuiolable. both in the confession of the Graecians and opinion of the Barbarians is most hatefull and haynous, this haue they perpetrated in murthering our Embassadours. For the Greeks say, that embassadours I are sacred and inuiolable, and we our selues haue receiued our most holesome and holiest precepts of the law of God by Angels, that is, from his heraulds and messengers: for this name can both bring God to mans knowledge, & reconcile enemy vnto enemy. What impiety therefore is more vnpardonable then to put those Embassadours to death, who bring tidings of right and iustice? or what prosperitie can they expect either in their warres, or felicitie in their whole liues, after so hainous a crime? Truely I cannot imagine any: But perhaps some man will say, that right and equitie is on our side; but that the greater number of men and means are with them: but this their speech is vnwoorthy of my followers. For with those, with whome iustice is, with those also is God: and where God is, there neither wanteth multitude nor fortitude. K
But let vs wade further, and way our owne forces by themselues. In the first battell we had the With whom soeuer. Iustice is, there is God also. victorie: in the second, vpon the first charge we put them to flight, and found them vnable to make their partie good against vs.
Afterwards, when the victorie was ours, behold Athenio, not by lawfull warre, but subtill treacherie assaulted vs. But shall this be called their fortitude, or rather their fraud and second iniquitie? why therefore should we haue lesse courage, who ought to haue the greater confidence? or why should we feare them, who are alwaies inferiours, if they fight openly, and without fraud? and when they seeme to ouercome, they doe it by vniustice? Moreouer, if any man suppose them to be valiat, this should the rather incite them more and more vnto vertue; for it is no honour for a generous and noble mind to ouercome his inferiour, but to haue meanes and might to conquer his superiour. And if any one be terrified by our domesticke L and homebred miseries, & by our late earthquake, first of all let him think with himselfe, that he erreth in that which deceiueth the Arabians, by supposing the same to be more grieuous and terrible then indeed it was. And afterwards let him thinke that it becommeth them not to draw matter of feare from thence, whence the other tooke occasion of courage. For as touching themselues, they conceiue not any hope thorow any good that is in themselues, but onely in the trust they haue that we are already deiected by our calamities. But when they shall see vs march forth against them, their courage will be weakned, and our confidence by this means shal be awakened, for that we are not at this time to encounter with desperate men: For neither are we ouermuch afflicted; neither (as some thinke) hath this miserie befallen vs thorow Gods displeasure, but these are the casualties of fortune. And if by the will of God these things are come M to passe, it is maruell if by the same will our calamitie cease not; and that our punishment should not satisfie his displeasure. But that this present war is approued by him for iust, he himselfe hath euidently declared. For whereas diuers thorow the whole region haue been oppressed by the earthquake, none of you that bare armes haue incurred any mischiefe; but all of you haue beene preserued, which is a manifest token of the will of God: and if your children and wiues had generally followed the warres as you doe, none of you should haue beene wanting. When as therfore [Page 393] you shall haue bethought your selues of these things, and moreouer in regard that God hath The yeare of the world. 3935. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 19. A at all times an especiall care ouer you: faile not to pursue this iniurious nation with a iust warre, that neither respecteth the lawes of friendshippe, nor keepeth the league of couenant; valiunt in murthering sacred Embassadours; and abiect and villanous, where things are to be attempted by valour.
These perswasions of his did not a little encourage the Iewes to the battell, and made them more forward then before. As for Herode, after he had offered sacrifice, according to the custome, he drewe his army foorth and led them with great confidence against the Arabians, and passing Iordan he encamped neere vnto the enemy, with an intent to surprise a fort scituate betweene them both: making his account that it would further him much, either if vpon the present he should be drawne forth to fight, or if it concerned him to march onward, for that this B place would serue him to encampe in with more securitie. The same resolution also had the Arabians, for which cause they fell to skirmish in that place, wherein the first on both sides that The Arabians are ouercome by Herode. gaue the charge, and afterwards some other followers were slaine: so that those of the Arabians side being ouercome, betooke them to retreat. This successe of theirs bred no little hope in the Iewes, who seeing the enemies army addressed to attempt any thing rather then to fight, waxed the more hardie to assaile the Arabian in his trenches, and beate him from his campe. They being forced by these assaults drew forward to their defence in great disorder, bringing neither courage nor hope of victorie with them: yet notwithstanding they defended themselues, both in regard of their great number, as also in respect of that necessitie whereunto they were inforced by the Iewes. The skirmish on both sides was hot, and diuers on either party were put to the sword, C but in the end the Arabians being put to the worst, turned their backes. The slaughter was so great, that they not onely perished by their enemies swords, but they themselues also murthered one another in the prease, and disorderly flight, in which they were troaden vnder foote, and lay slaughtered in a manner by their owne weapons. So that in that discomfiture there died some fiue thousand: the rest hastily fled on the other side of the rampire: But being ouerpressed with want of victuals, and in especiall with lacke of water, they had not any ground or assurance to escape. After them posted the Iewes, and being vnable to recouer the fortresse with them, they begirt the campe with a siege, and shut vp all the passages that no succour could come vnto them, and tooke from them all opportunitie to escape, although they should affect flight. When as therefore they saw themselues reduced into such extremitie, they sent Embassadours vnto Herode, D first of all to demaund a truce: and afterwards for that they were oppressed with thirst, to craue some remedy for their present necessities. But he neither respected the Embassadours, neither the profered raunsome for the captiues, nor any other whatsoeuer reasonable demaund, desiring earnestly to reuenge himselfe of those iniurious treacheries they had practised against his Embassadours. Being therfore inforced by thirst (which amongst other plagues most grieuously afflicted them) many of them forsooke their trenches, and offered themselues to bonds, and The Arabians enforced by thirst require truce at Herodes hands. to be led away captiues; so that within fiue daies space foure thousand of them yeelded themselues prisoners. On the sixt day, all the rest determined to sally out, and assaile the enemy; rather making choise of assured death, then thus lingeringly and ignominiously to pine away. When as therefore they had all concluded hereupon, they incontinently brake out of their E trenches, but like vnapt souldiers for a skirmish, decaied not onely in body but in minde; reputing their death for an aduantage, to escape thereby their extreme misfortunes. For which cause vpon the first onset, about some seuen thousand of them were slaine, and thus the fiercenesse of this nation being alaied by this ouerthrow, they submitted themselues to Herode, whom to their owne sorrow they had approoued to be a valiant souldier.
CHAP. IX.
Herode constrained to repaire vnto Augustus Caesar, putteth Hircanus to death.
HErode puffed vp with his succesfull good fortune, returned backe into his owne country, Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 7. Herode dismaied at Antonius ouerthrow. F hauing obtained great estimation and reputation by his valour and vertue. But at such time as he supposed his state to be most assured, he grew in danger both to lose his dignitie and life, by reason of that victorie that Caesar obtained against Anthony in the Actian war. For at that time he not onely supposed himselfe to be vtterly ouerthrowne, but both his friends and enemies that were round about him lost their hopes, for that it was vnlikely that he should [Page 394] escape vnpunished, who had beene so inwardly vnited in friendship with Anthonie. Whereby it G The yeare of the world 3935. before Christs Natiuitie. 29. Herode determineth to make away Hircanus. came to passe, that his friends in no sort concealed their despaire, and his enemies vnder their colourable and dissembled griefs, couered their ioy, promising themselues thereafter a better and more pleasing administration of the common weale. Hereupon Herod perceiuing, that except Hircanus, there was not any one of the bloud royall aliue, determined to cut him off, resoluing with himselfe, that if he hapned to escape the danger, that a man who at that time was more worthier the kingdome then himselfe, should not entermeddle amongst his affaires: and if anie misfortune should be fall him in regard of Caesar, he desired to dispossesse Hircanus of the kingdome, in regard of the enuy which he bare him, for that he was the onlie man who deserued to be aduanced to that dignitie. Whilest thus he was tormented and trauelled in his thoughts, he had an occasion offered him by Hircanus owne followers to execute his intention. For Hircanus being H of a mild and gentle nature, during all his life time forbare to entermeddle with state affaires, committing all things to fortune, and contenting himselfe with whatsoeuer condition it pleased her to alot him.
But Alexandra being an ambitious woman, and vnable to conceale with modestie the hope she conceiued of change, sollicited her father that he should not any longer endure the subiection Alexandra solliciteth Hircanus her father to require assistance at Malchus hāds. of Herod, who was the very scourge of their familie, but rather that he should stand vpon his owne guard, and reserue himselfe to his, better hoped fortunes. She furthermore gaue him counsell to write vnto Malchus, who had the gouernment of Arabia, requesting him to graunt him both protection and entertainment. For that if Herod should chance to be cut off by Caesars displeasure, doubtlesse the kingdome would returne vnto him, both in regard of his nobility, as I also of the peoples fauour. These perswasions of hers Hircanus at the first repulsed, but afterwards being ouercome by the importunitie of the woman, who ceased not day and night to sing the same song of future hope, and of Herods treasons, he gaue certaine letters to a friend of his, written to the Arabian, wherein he required him to send him certaine horsmen, who might conduct him to the Asphaltite lake, which lieth distant from the confines of Ierusalem some three hundred furlongs. And therefore especially committed hee these letters to Dositheus trust, both for Three hundreth furlongs containe nine Germaine miles. that he fauoured Hircanus and his daughter, and seemed likely for diuers causes to hate Herod: for he was Iosephs kinsman, who was slaine by Herod, and not long before certaine of his brothers were slaine amongst others at Tire by Anthonies command: yet for none of these occasions continued he faithfull to Hircanus. For he setting more by the present fauour of the king that then K raigned, then the rest, discouered the letter vnto the king: who first of all giuing him thanks, required one office of friendship more at his hands; which was, that folding vp the letter, and sealing it, he should conueigh and deliuer the same to Malchus, and returne his answer, for that it merely concerned him, if he knew his resolution also. Which when Dositheus had diligently perfourmed, the Arabian returned this answer, that he was readie to entertaine both himselfe and his whole family, and all those Iewes likewise which were of his faction, promising to send him a band of souldiours, who should be able to conduct him safely thither, and should be obedient to his command in all things. Now as soone as Herod was seazed of these letters, he called for Hircanus, and demanded of him whether he had any confederacy with Malchus: who denied the same. But Herod protesting and bringing forth his letter in an open assembly, commanded him afterwards L to be put to death. Thus are these matters registred in Herodes commentaries: for by some Hircanus by Herodes commaund is put to death. are they deliuered otherwise, namely, that he was executed, not for this crime which he had committed, but for some treasons against the king. For they write to this effect, that Herod at a certaine banquet (dissembling his suspition) demaunded of Hircanus, whether he had receiued anie letters from Malchus: and that he answered, that he had receiued letters, but such as conteined nothing els but officious salutations. Further, that another asked him, whether he had receiued anie present therewithall: and when he had answered, that he had receiued nothing but foure coursers for his saddle, the king wrested this to a capitall offence of corruption and treason: and commanded him presently to be led to death. Now that he died guiltlesse, they alleage this for a most approued argument, namely, his gentle disposition, who euen in his youthfull yeares neuer gaue M Hircanus dieth guiltlesse. Hircanus life. signe or appearance of rashnesse, or pride, or signification of audaciousnesse, no not euen then when he had the royall gouernment in his hands, but in that freedome of authoritie disposed the most things by Antipaters aduise. But at that time he was more then fourscore yeares old, and knew that Herods estate was secured: and passing Euphrates also, and liuing on the other side of the riuer, he left such as held him in great honour, and returned home into his owne countrie, to the end he might liue vnder Herodes gouernment. Whereby it is lesse likelie, that he would attempt [Page 395] any alteration so farre different from his nature; so that all these things seeme to be fained The yeare of the world. 3935. before Christs birth 29. A by Herode.
Thus ended Hircanus his life, after his variable and aduerse fortune, wherewith during all his life time he was afflicted. For at such time as his mother Alexandra liued, he was created high priest of the Iewes, and obtained that honour for the space of nine yeeres: and after his mothers death, he had scarcely gouerned the kingdome for the space of three moneths, but that he was expulsed by his brother Aristobulus; and afterwards restored by Pompeies assistance, and receiuing all his former honours, he liued in full possession of them for the space of fortie yeeres. After this he was once more distated by Antigonus, and being maimed in his bodie, liued certaine yeeres in captiuitie among the Parthians: from whence not long after he returned home; and though he had many things promised him by Herode; yet after so many alterations of fortune B he obtained nothing at his hands, and that which amongst all the rest is most of all to be lamented, as we haue said, he was vniustly put to death an innocent, and in his olde age. For he was a louer of iustice, and an obseruer of perpetuall modestie: and gouerned his kingdome for the most part by other mens direction, being onely guiltie in himselfe of ignorance and the loue of idlenesse. Truly, Antipater and Herode by this mans goodnesse obtained their so great riches: for which deserts of his, against all lawe, and right, hee was cruelly put to death.
But Herode after Hircanus death (addressed himselfe to performe his iourny towards Caesar) and Herodes disposition of his affaires before he repaired to Caesar. hauing little hope of any good fortune, in regard of his friendship with Antonius, he grew desperately iealous of Alexandra, for feare least she taking oportunitie of the time, should incite the C people to rebell, and fill the kingdome with domesticall sedition: for which cause committing the gouernment of the estate to his brother Pheroras, he left his mother Cypros, his sister, and all his kinred in the castle of Masada, and commaunded his brother, that if any misfortune should befall him, he should retaine the kingdome in his owne hands and maintaine it. As for his wife Mariamme, for that by reason of certaine dislikes betwixt her, his mother and sister, they might not liue togither, he left her with her mother Alexandra in the castle of Alexandrian, and committed them to the custodie of his treasurour Ioseph, and Sohemus the Iturian, and with her the keeping of his castles, both which had alwaies beene his faithfull friends, and to whom in way of honour he committed the custodie of these princely Ladies. But he gaue them also this commandement, that if they should be certified that any sinister mishap had befallen him, they should presently D kill them both, and to the vtmost of their power continue the kingdome in his children, and his brother Pheroras.
CHAP. X.
How Herode obtained the kingdome of Iudaea at Caesars hands.
AFter he had in this sort giuen order for all his affairs, he withdrew himselfe vnto Rhodes, Herode commeth to Caesar and declareth vnto him what pleasures he had done Antony, promising him no lesse dutie and loue, if so be he might be receiued into his fauour. intending there to meete with Caesar. And as soone as he arriued in that citie, he tooke the Diademe from his head and laid it apart; but as for his other princely ornaments, he chaunged them in no sort; and being admitted to Caesars presence, he at that time gaue a more E ample testimony of the greatnes of his magnanimitie and courage: for neither addressed he his speech to intreat his fauour (according to the custome of suppliants) neither presented he any request, as if he had in any sort offended him, but gaue account of al that which he had done, without concealing or mistrusting any thing. For he freely confessed before Caesar, that he had intirely loued Antonius, and that to the vtmost of his power he had done him seruice, to the end that he might obtaine the soueraigntie and monarchie; not by annexing his forces vnto his, in that he was otherwaies imployed in the Arabian warre; but in furnishing him both with wheat and money, and that this was the lest office which it behooued him to performe towards Antonius; for that being once his professed friend, it behooued him not onely to imploy his best endeuours on his so princely benefactor, but also to hazard both his head and happines to deliuer F him from perils. All which (said he) I haue not performed according as I ought to haue done, yet notwithstanding I know that at such time as he was ouercome in the Actian battell, I did not alter my affection with his fortune: neither did I restraine my selfe: for although I befriended not Antonius with my presence and assistance in his Actian warre, yet at leastwise I assisted him with my counsaile, certifying him that he had but one onely meanes left him for his securitie, and preuention of his vtter ruine, which was, to put Cleopatra to death, for that by cutting her off hee [Page 396] might enioy her estate, and might more easily obtaine his peace, and pacifie thy displeasure againstThe yeare of the world, 3935. before Christs Natiuitie, 29.G him. And for that he gaue but slender regard for these mine admonitions by his owne sottishnesse and indiscretion, he hath hurt himselfe and profited you, because, as I said, he did not follow my counsaile. Now therefore (O Caesar) in regard of the hate which you beare vnto Anthony, you condemne my friendship also, I will not denie that which I haue done; neither am I affraid freely and publikely to protest how much I haue loued him: but if without regard of persons, you consider how kindly I am affected towards my benefactors, and how resolute and constant a friend I am, and how mindefull of kindnesse, the effect of that which I haue done, may make me knowne vnto thee. For if the name be onely changed, the friendship notwithstanding may remaine, and deserue a due praise.
By these words (which were manifest testimonies of his resolute and noble courage) he so H inwardly indeered himselfe vnto Caesar, who was a magnificent and worthy monarcke, that Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 8. Caesar confirmeth Herodes authoritie. hee conuerted this his accusation into an occasion to winne and worke him to be his friend: for which cause Caesar in setting the diademe vpon his head, exhorted him that he should no lesse respect his friendship, then he had in former time Anthonies: and withall did him much honour; certifying him moreouer, that Capidius had written vnto him, how much Herode had assisted him in his warres that he had with the monarches of Syria. Herode seeing that he was thus entertained, and that contrarie to his expectation, the kingdome was more surely confirmed vnto him, then before time, both by Caesars bountie, as also by the decree of the Senate, which he had practized to obtaine for his greater assurance, accompanied Caesar as farre as Aegypt, presenting both himselfe and his friends with many rich gifts, beyond the proportion of his estate: endeuouring Herode conducteth Caesar toward Egypt, and presenteth him with many sumptuous gifts. Herode inter taineth both Caesar and his at my verie heroically. I by these means both to win their fauors, and to shew also the greatnes of his courage; requiring moreouer at Caesars hands, that Alexander, who was one of Anthonies deerest friends, might not be sought out to be punished: yet notwithstanding he could not obtaine the same, by reason of an oath that Caesar had past before he sollicited him. That done, he returned backe againe into Iewry, with more greater honour and assurance, then before; whereby he stroke them with wonderfull amazement, who expected his contrarie successe, as if by Gods especiall prouidence he alwaies ouerwent his dangers, to his greater honour. Incontinently therefore, hee prepared himselfe to entertain Caesar, who returned out of Syria to take his iourney into Aegypt, and receiued him at Ptolemais, with all royall honour, and gaue his army presents with all abundance of munition: so that he was accounted for one of Caesars most affectionate friends, and K rode about with him, at such time as he tooke the view of his army: he entertained him also and his friends with one hundreth and fiftie men, adorned with most rich and sumptuous apparell. And for that they were to passe thorow a countrey, wherein there was great scarcitie of water, he furnished them both with water and wine; so that they needed neither of them. He gaue Caesar also eight hundreth talents, and so royally satisfied he all men, that they confessed themselues Herode giueth Caesar eight hundreth talents. to haue had farre greater entertainment, then the reuenues and profits of his kingdome could affoord them. By which meanes he gaue the more ample testimonie of his forward friendship, and free affection to deserue well, and making vse of the opportunitie of the time, he obtained the reputation of a prince of an heroicke and noble spirite; so that hee was helde inferiour vnto no man, for the good entertainment that he gaue to the chiefest Romans in their returne out L of Aegypt.
CHAP. XI.
Herode being incensed by false accusations, putteth his wife Mariamme to death.
BVt as soone as he returned into his kingdome, he found all his houshold troubled, and Mariamme and Alexandra displeased with Herode. both his wife Mariamme and her mother Alexandra grieuously displeased with him. For they supposing (and not without cause) that they were not shut vppe in that Castle for their securities sake, but as it were in a prison; so that in as much as they neither might make vse of M other mens, nor enioy their own goods, they were highly discontented. Mariamme also supposed that her husband did but dissemble his loue, rather for his owne profit and commoditie, then for any intire affection he bare towards her. But nothing more grieued her, but that she had not any hope to liue after him, if so be he should happen to die, especially for the order he had left as concerning her: neither could she euer forget what commandement before that time he had left with Ioseph; so that by all meanes possible, she laboured to winne the affections of those that had [Page 397] the charge of her, and especially Sohemus, knowing verie well that her safetie depended wholy The yeare of the world. 3935. before Christs birth 29. Sohcmus discoueteth the kings secrets. A on his hands. Who in the beginning behaued himselfe verie wisely and faithfully, containing himselfe verie circumspectly within the bounds of his commission; but after these Ladies had with prettie presents and feminine flatteries mollified and wrought him by little and little, at last he blabbed out all that which the king had commanded him; especially, for that he hoped not that he should returne with the same power and authoritie, which before he had: and for that cause he thought thus in himselfe, that without incurring any danger in regard of Herod, he might greatly gratifie the Ladies; who in all likelihood should not be depriued of that dignitie, wherein they were at that time; but would returne him the like kindnes when Mariamme should be Queene, or next vnto the king. Furthermore, he hoped that if Herode also should return with all things answerable to his desires, that he would performe nothing without his wiues consent; B or vpbraid him with the act, if she contradicted: for he knew too well that the king loued her in such sort, as it was impossible to equall or expresse his affections; and for these causes he disclosed the trust that was committed vnto him. But Mariamme was verie sore displeased to heare that there was no end of her miseries, but they were altogither vnited and tied to the dangers of Herode; and she oftentimes wished that he might neuer more returne againe in safetie, supposing that her life with him should be verie intollerable, all which she afterwards dissembled not, but openly confessed that which afflicted her with discontent. For when as Herode beyond all expectation a [...]ined in his countrey, being adorned with mightie fortune, he first of all, as it became him, certified his wife of his good tidings and happy successe, whom onely amongst all other his friends and wiues, he embraced and saluted, for the pleasing conuersation and affection that was Herode but coldly entertained by his wife Mariāme. C in her. But she, whilest he repeated vnto her these fortunate euents of his affaires, rather enterned the same with a displeasant attention, then applauding ioy: and these affections of hers likewise she could not conceale. For at such time as he folded his armes about her necke, she vnfolded her sorrow in her sighes; so simple and vnfained were her affections; and seemed rather to be displeased then appeased by his narrations. Whereupon Herode was sore troubled, perceiuing these things not onely suspected, but also fully manifest: but aboue all things he was distracted, when he considered the incredible and apparant hatred that his wife had conceiued against Herodes sorrowes to see his wiues affections distracted and chaunged. him, which in such sort incensed him that he could not resist the loue that had attainted him; so that he neither could continue in wrath, nor listen long to peace; and being vnresolued in himselfe, he now was attempted by this; straight distracted by a contrarie affection: so much was his D mind trauailed between loue & hatred, that whē as oftentimes he desired to punish the womans pride, his heart by loues mediation failed him in the enterprise. For nothing did more torment him then this feare, least executing his displeasure against her, he should by this meanes more grieuously wound himselfe, thorow the desire he bare vnto his deceased delight. Whilest thus he was sweltered and deuoured in his passions, and conceiued sinister opinions against Mariamme his wife; Salome his sister and his mother hauing an inckling of his discontents, thought that they had gotten a fit opportunitie to expresse and execute their hatted towards Mariamme: for Hrodes si [...]t [...] and his mother incense the king by slaunderous reports against Mariamme. which cause they conferred with Herode; and whetted his spleene and displeasure with varietie of slanders, sufficient at one assault to engender hatred, and kindle his iealousie against her. To these reproches of theirs, he lent no vnwilling eares; yet had he not the heart to attempt any thing against E his wife, or to giue free credit to their report, notwithstanding his displeasure increased, and was inflamed more and more against her, for that neither she could colour her cares and discontents, nor he containe himselfe from exchanging his loue into hatred: and perhaps at that Antony and Cleopatra slain Caesar Lord of Egypt. Sohemus honoured by Horod with dignities. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 9. Caesar enlargeth Herodes dominions. time he had published some fatall doome against her, had not a happy messenger brought him word, that Anthony and Cleopatra being dead, Caesar was become Lord of Aegypt: for which cause hasting forward to meete and entertaine him, he left his family in that present estate. Vpon his departure he recommended Mariamme to Sohemus, giuing him great thanks for the care he had had of her, and granted him in way of gratuitie a part of Iewry to gouerne.
When Herode was arriued in Aegypt, and had friendly and familiarly conferred with Caesar, he was highly honoured by him: for Caesar gaue him those foure hundreth frenchmen that were of F Cleopatras guard, and restored that part of his countrey vnto him againe, which was taken away and spoiled by her. He annexed also vnto his kingdome Gadara, Hippon, and Samaria, and on the sea coasts the Cities of Gaza, Anthedon, Ioppe, with the tower of Straton: which when he had obtained, he grew more mightie then before: And after he had accompanied Caesar as far as Antioch, he returned into his owne countrey. Vpon his arriuall, he found that fortune which was fauourable vnto him abroad, too froward at home, especially in regard of his wife, in whose [Page 398] affection before time he seemed to be most happy. For he was as inwardly touched with the lawfull The yeare of the world. 3935. before Christs birth 29. Mariamme a froward womā. G loue of Mariamme, as any other of whom the Histories make report: and as touching her, she was both chast and faithfull vnto him; yet had she a certaine womanly imperfection and naturall frowardnesse, which was the cause that shee presumed too much vpon the intire affection wherewith her husband was intangled; so that without regard of his person, who had power and authoritie ouer others, she entertained him oftentimes very outragiously: All which he endured patiently, without any shew of discontent. But Mariamme vpbraided and publikely reproched both the kings mother and sister, telling them that they were but abiectly and basely borne. Whereupon there grew a great enmitie and vnrecouerable hatred betweene the Ladies; and from thence also there arose an occasion of greater accusations and calumniations then before. These suspitions were nourished amongst them, for the space of one whole yeere after Herodes H returne from Caesar; and finally this long contriued, and fore-imagined hatred at last brake out violently vpon this occasion that ensueth. When as about midday the king had withdrawne himselfe into his chamber to take his rest, he called Mariamme vnto him to sport with her, being incited thereunto by the great affection that he bare vnto her. Vpon this his commaund she came in vnto him; yet would she not lie with him, nor entertaine his courtings with friendly acceptance, but vpbraided him bitterly with her fathers and brothers death. The king tooke these reprochfull words in verie euil part, & was almost ready to strike her, but his sister hearing a greater stir and noise within then was vsuall; sent in the butler, who long before that time was suborned by her, whom she commanded to tell the king, that Mariamme had prepared a drinke for him to incite and quicken him vnto loue, willing him that if the king should be mooued thereat, and I should demaund what he meant, he should certifie him, that Mariamme hauing prepared a poison for his grace, had dealt with him to deliuer it to his maiestie. Charging him moreouer, that if the king in hearing him speake of this portion, should seeme to be mooued therewith, that then he should proceede no further in his discourse. He therefore (being in this manner before hand instructed what he ought to doe) at that very instant was sent in to discouer his treacherie vnto the king; for which cause with a sober and staied countenance be entred in vnto him, being seriously and well prepared to discourse, and told him that Mariamme had bribed him to present his Maiestie with an amorous cup of drinke. Now when he perceiued that the king was troubled with these words, he prosecuted his discourse, alleaging that the potion was a certaine medicine which Mariamme had giuen him, the vertue whereof he knew not, which he had receiued K according as he had told him, knowing that it concerned both his owne securitie, and the kings safetie.
Herode, who before this was highly displeased, hearing these words, was so much the more The yeare of the world, 3936. before Christs birth 28 incensed: for which cause he presently commanded Mariammes most faithfull seruant to be examined by torments, as concerning the poison, supposing that it was impossible for her to vndertake any thing whatsoeuer, without his priuitie. He being tired and tormented after this cruell manner, confessed nothing of that for which he was tortured; but declared vnto the king that the hatred which his wife had conceiued against him, proceeded from certaine words that Sohemus had told her. Scarcely had he finished these words, but that the king cried out with a loud voice, saying, that Sohemus, who before time had beene most faithfull both to him and his kingdome, L would not haue declared these his priuie commands, except there had been some more inward familiaritie and secrecie betwixt him and Mariamme: for which cause he presently commanded his ministers to lay hands on Sohemus, and to put him to death. As for his wife, he drew her to her triall, and to this effect he assembled his most familiar friends, before whom he began to accuse Sohemus suspected by Herode, in Mariammes behalfe is put to death. Mariamme is accused by Herode, and condemned, and imprisoned. Mariamme by Salomes instigations is led to execution. her with great spight and spleene, as touching these potions and poisons aforesaid; wherin he vsed intemperate and vnseemly speeches, and such as for their bitternesse did ill become him in cause of iustice; so that in the end the assistants, seeing the butte and bent of his desire, pronounced sentence of death against her: which being past, both he, and all other the assistants were of this opinion, that she should not so speedily be executed, but that she should be kept close prisoner in some sure place of the pallace. But by Salomes sollicitations Herode was incited M to hasten her death, for that she alleaged that the king ought to feare, least some sedition should be raised amongst the people, if he should keepe her aliue in prison. And by this meanes Mariamme was led vnto her death.
Alexandra her mother considering the estate of the time, and fearing no lesse mischiefe from Herodes hands, then her daughter was assured of; she vndecently changed her minde, and abiectedly laid aside her former courage, and magnanimitie. For intending to make it knowne, that [Page 399] she was neither partie nor priuie to those crimes, wherewith Mariamme was charged, she went The yeare of the world. 3936. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 28. Alexandra vndecently striueth to acquit her selfe of Mariammes treason. A out to meete her daughter, and entertained her iniuriously, protesting publikely that she was a wicked woman, & vngrateful towards her husbād; and that she wel deserued the punishment that was adiudged her, for that she durst be so bold to attempt so hainous a fact, neglecting to requite her husbands intire loue, with her vnfained loyaltie. Whilest thus dishonestly she counterfaited her displeasure, and was readie to pull Mariamme by the haire, the assistants, according to her desert, condemned her generally for her shamefull hypocrisie: but she that was led to be punished, conuicted her by her mild behauiour. For first of all, she gaue her no answere; neither was any waies altered by her reproches; neither would so much as cast her eie vpon her; making it appeare, that she discreetly concealed and couered her mothers imperfections, & was agrieued that she had so openly shewed so great indignitie: expressing for her owne part a constant behaiour; B and going to her death without chaunge of colour, so that those that beheld her, perceiued in her a kind of manifest courage and nobilitie, euen in her vtmost extremitie. Thus died Mariamme, hauing beene a woman that excelled both in continence and courage: notwithstanding that she defaulted somewhat in affabilitie and impatience of nature: for the rest of her parts, she was of an admirable and pleasing beautie, and of such a cariage in those companies wherein she was intertained, that it was impossible to expresse the same, in that she surpassed all those of her time; which was the principall cause that she liued not graciously and contentedly with the king. For being entertained by him, who intirely loued her, and from whom she receiued nothing that might discontent her, she presumed vpon a great and intemperate libertie in her discourse. She disgested also the losse of her friends verie hardly, according as in open termes she made it known C vnto the king: whereby also it came to passe, that both Herodes mother, and sister, and himselfe likewise grew at ods with her, and in especiall her husband, from whom onely she expected no hard measure.
After her death the king began more powerfully to be inflamed in his affections, who before times, as we haue declared, was alreadie miserably distracted. For neither did he loue after the Herods miserable estate, & moane after the death of his wife. common manner of maried folke, but whereas almost euen vnto madnes he nourished this his desire, he could not be induced by the too vnbridled manners of his wife to alay the heat of his affection, but that daily more and more by doting on her, he increased the same. And all that time especially he supposed that God was displeased with him, for the death of Mariamme his wife. Oftentimes did he inuocate her name, and more often vndecently lamented he her. D And notwithstanding he deuised all kind of delights and sports that might be imagined, by preparing banquets, and inuiting guests with princely hospitalitie, to passe away the time; yet all those profited him nothing. For which cause he gaue ouer the charge and administration of his kingdome. And in such sort was he ouerwhelmed with griefe, that oftentimes he commaunded his ministers to call his wife Mariamme, as if as yet she had beene aliue. Whilest thus he was affected, A plague inuadeth Ierusalē. there befell a pestilence within the citie, that consumed a great sort of the people, and the better part of the nobilitie, and each man interpreted that this punishment was inflicted by God vpon men, for the vninst death of the Queene. Thus the kings discontents being by these meanes increased, he at last hid himselfe in a solitarie wildernesse, vnder pretext of hunting; where afflicting himselfe incessantly, at last he fell into a most grieuous sicknes. This disease of his was an E inflammation or paine in the necke: he seemed also in some sort to raue and waxe mad; neither Herode falleth grieuously sicke. could any remedies relieue him of his agony; but when as the sicknes seemed rather to increase, all men at last grewe almost desperate of his recouery. For which cause his phisition, partly in respect of the contumacy of his disease, partly, because in so great daunger there was not any free election of diet, they gaue him leaue to taste whatsoeuer best pleased his appetite, committing the vncertaine euent of his health to the hands of fortune.
Whilest thus he soiourned in Samaria, which now is called Sebaste, Alexandra inhabiting at that time in Ierusalem, hauing notice of this his estate, sought to reduce all the strong Alexandra in Herodes absence seeketh to get the possession of the castles. fortresses that were within the citie, vnder her subiection: the one of which abutted vpon the temple; the other was scituate within the citie: for they that are Lords of these, keepe all F the rest of the nation vnder their awe; because that without these, neither the vsuall and daily sacrifices may be performed, neither may the Iewes liue without such sacrifices and oblations, who had rather loose their liues then contemne their religion. She therefore laboured those that had the gouernment thereof, to surrender them vp to her and Herods children begotten of her daughter Mariamme, for feare least he being dead, they should be seazed by others: and if it should fortune him to recouer his health, in the meane while they might be kept and held by no man more [Page 400] securely, then such as were his domesticall friends. This suite and sollicitation of hers was but G The yeare of the world 3936. before Christs Natiuitie. 28. Herodes councellors certifie him of Alexandras intent. Alexandra put to death. Costabarus whom Herode had matched with his sister Salome, vsurpeth in Idumaea. coldly conceited of, and the captaines who at other times shewed themselues alwaies faithfull, at that time were the rather farre more constant in their dutie, both for that they hated Alexandra, as also for that they thought it a great offence to dispaire of the health of their prince. For these were the kings olde friends, and one of them was Herodes owne nephew, whose name was Achiabus. For which cause they sent present messengers vnto him, to certifie him of Alexandras intent: who hauing heard these newes, presently commanded her to be slaine: and at length ouercōming his sicknes, he grew so badly affected both in bodie and mind, that hee waxed hatefull vnto all men; so that all those who offended him for how little cause soeuer, were readily sought for to be punished. In this his intemperance he imbrued his hands in the bloud of diuers of his inward friends, as Costabarus, Lysimachus, Antipater surnamed Gadias, and Dositheus, for this occasion H that ensueth. Costabarus was an Idumean, and one of the greatest account amongst his countrimen, who was descended from the Priests of Cozas, whom the Idumaeans esteeme for a God. Now after that Hircanus had drawen the policy of the Idumaeans to the reformed customes of the Iewes, Herode was made king of the Iewes, and appointed Costabarus to be gouernour in Idumaea and Gaza, giuing him Salome his sister to wife, after he had put Ioseph to death, to whom she had bin maried before time, as we haue heretofore declared. Costabarus seeing himselfe in this estate beyond his expectation, grew more elate and proud then his good fortune required, and in a little time forgot himselfe so farre, that he thought himselfe dishonoured, if he should performe that which Herod commaunded him, and scorned that the Idumaeans should be vnder the Iewes subiection, notwithstanding they had receiued their manner of gouernment from them. He therefore I sent messengers vnto Cleopatra, giuing her to vnderstand, that Idumaea had alwaies beene vnder her ancestors subiection; and for that cause she ought vpon iust cause to demaund and beg that countrie at Antonius hands, and that in respect of himselfe he was readie to become her seruant. All which he practised, not to gratifie Cleopatra in any sort whatsoeuer, but to the intent, that if Herodes fortunes should be any waies weakned, he might more easily by this meanes both inlarge and obtaine the kingdome of Idumaea. And with these foolish hopes was he transported, in regard of his birth and riches, which he had heaped togither, by such dishonest meanes, as he continually practized, as he that intended no small matters. But notwithstanding Cleopatras often and earnest petition to obtaine this soueraigntie; yet could she not obtaine it at Antonius hands. When Herode had notice of these couert and cunning practises, he was readie to kill Costabarus. K But vpon the earnest supplications of his sister and hir mother, he dismissed and pardoned Costabarus preserued by his wiues intercession. him; yet held him alwaies in suspition, by reason of this his practise. Not long after it hapned, that Salome fell at debate with Costabarus, for which cause she sent a libell of diuorse to her husband, notwithstanding it were against the lawes and ordinarie customes of the Iewes. For according to our ordinances, it is onely lawfull for the husband to do the same; and as touching the wife, notwithstanding she were separated, yet is it not lawfull for her to marrie againe, except hir husband first giue her licence. But Salome without respect of the lawes of the countrey, grounding her selfe too much vpon her owne authoritie, forsooke her husband, saying, that she separated her selfe from her husband, by reason of the great friendship which she bare vnto her brother, Costabarus, Lysimachus, Antipater and Dositheus accused before Herode. Babas sonnes preserued by Costabarus. for that she had receiued some notice that Costabarus practised some innouation with Antipater, L Lysimachus and Dositheus. And this accusation of hers confirmed she by Babas children, whom, he had alreadie kept with him in all securitie for the space of twelue yeeres. All which was true, and at that time beyond all mens expectation wonderfully troubled Herode, as soone as he heard it. For as touching Babas sonnes, he had heretofore resolued to cut them off, for that they had been alwaies badly affected towards him and all his enterprises; but all that time he had let them passe, because by continuance they were growen out of his remembrance. Now the cause of this enmitie and hatred which he bare towards them, was gathered from this ground. At such time as Antigonus enioyed the soueraignty, and Herode besieged the citie of Ierusalem with an army: now those incommodities & necessities that ordinarily happen vnto those that are besieged, were the cause that diuers acknowledged Herode, and fixed their hopes vpon him. But Babas sonnes M being in authoritie, and besides that, attended by a great number of men, perseuered in their faithfull obseruation of Antigonus, and blamed Herode continually, encouraging the inhabitants to continue the kingdome in those to whom it appertained by discent: and they themselues followed that course, which in their opinion was most profitably for the commonweale. But after that the citie was surprised by Herode, and he grew master of the estate, Costabarus, who was appointed to keepe the citie gates, and to lie in wait that none of those who were accused to haue [Page 401] forsaken the kings side, should escape, knowing that the sonnes of Babas were greatly esteemed The yeare of the world. 3936. before Christs birth 28. A and honoured among the people, and foreseeing that their safetie might be no small furtherance to himselfe, if at any time there might befortune any alteration; he discharged, and hid them within his owne possessions: and notwithstanding that at that time he had protested to Herode by an oath, that he knew not what was become of them; yet, though suspected of periurie, he concealed them. And afterwards when the king had by proclamation promised a reward to him that should discouer them, and sought for them by all meanes, neither then also would he confesse the fact. For being affraid least he should be punished for his first deniall, he continued thorow concealement, being not onely now driuen thereunto by friendship, but also by necessitie.
Now when the king had notice hereof by his sisters report, he sent certaine messengers to Babas sonnes and others are accused before Herode and slaine. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 10. Herode introduceth diuers forraine customes. The yeare of the world, 3939. before Christs birth 25. The theater, & the wrastling places. the place where they were hidden, and slew them, and all those that were partakers of the same B crime: so that no one of Hircanus kindred was now left aliue, but all of them being slaine, who excelled in nobilitie and dignitie, he did what himselfe listed without any contradiction or controulement: for which cause he by little and little forsooke the ceremonies and ordinances of his countrey, and corrupted the decrees and institutions of their ancestors, which he ought to haue kept inuiolable, by his new and strange inuentions. In whose time there was a very great change and alteration of the auncient and good manner of liuing; for all fell from bad to worse, and the politike order, whereby the people ought to be gouerned and kept within compasse of their duetie, went to decay. For first of all, he ordained certaine wrastlings from siue yeeres to fiue yeeres, in honour of Caesar; and builded a Theater for that purpose within Ierusalem. He erected also a most huge Amphitheater within the plaine, which were two piles worthy the regard and beholding, C by reason of the sumptuousnesse therof; but wholy estranged from the fashions of the Iews. For neither the vse, nor the presentation of these spectacles hath euer been practised or taught by our auncestors: yet was it his pleasure to enoble this assembly, to the end it might be continued from fiue to fiue yeeres, and this proclaimed he publikely in the countries round about him, and to this spectacle assembled he all the nations. The wrastlers also, and all that which concerned their exercise, were sought out from all corners of the world, vnder the hope to obtaine the proposed palme and victorie; and all the most excellent in those exercises that were to be found, were inuited to that assembly. For he proposed most huge rewards, not onely to those that exercised wrastling, but also vnto those who are called Musitians, and to all sorts of plaiers on instruments; labouring to his vtmost power, that all the most famous in those professions should be D assistant in those pastimes. He appointed also a reward of great valew for such as ranne vpon chariots of three, foure or of one horse; and all that which was both sumptuous and magnificent to behold, for euery one was most carefully prouided, in that he stroue to haue the honour of a most magnificent preparation for his games. The Theater was hung all about with Caesars titles, and the trophies of those nations, which were ouercome by him, altogither set out and shining with gold and siluer. As for the instruments thereof, there wanted neither furniture, costly vestments, or pretious stones. Thither also were drawne certaine sauage beastes, as Lyons and other wilde beasts, which were worthy to be placed in this famous shew, being admirable both for their force and ratenesse of nature, who fought the one with the other, and against such men likewise who were condemned to die: whereby the strangers conceiued, togither with the E admiration of his expence, an incomparable and vnaccustomed pleasure. But his countrimen Herode obtained no small honour by these expēces. interpreted this thing for a manifest corruption of those disciplines and manners which before time they had entertained, and honoured amongst them. For it was an act most manifestly impious, to hazard men against wilde beasts, to delight the eies of other men: It was also a matter as impious, to change & prophane the ordinances of the country, for forraine exercises: But the most hated of all these, were the Trophees: For in that they were certaine Images attired in armour, the vse and veneration whereof were forbidden by our lawes, this displeased and grieued them more then any thing whatsoeuer: neither was Herode ignorant of those troubles, which they procured. But he thought it to be a matter of danger to attempt the same for the present by force; and for that cause he familiarly debated the same with some few of them, and discoursed F vnto them his occasions, to the ende to ridde them of their superstition, although herein he profited nothing. For all of them with one consent, cried out against the indignitie which they sawe him commit: telling him, that although all other things were to be tollerated; yet the Trophees, which were images of men, were vnsupportable, because they were vnusuall in their The Iewes suppose that the Trophees coue red with armes were Images. countrey. Herode perceiuing that they were discontented, and that they would not easily bee wrought vpon, except they had some contentment, he called the most worthiest men amongst [Page 402] them, and led them into the Theater, demaunding of them what they thought these Trophees G The yeare of the world. 3939. before Christs birth 25. were: and when as they cried out that they were images of men: he incontinently caused all the ornaments to be taken off from them, letting them see that they were nought els but naked stocks of wood; so that sodainly their displeasure was turned into a laughter, and their doubts were pleasantly discussed. Thus appeased he the people, and moderated the furie of their mislikes: so that diuers of them changed their opinions, and were no more displeased. Notwithstanding there were some of these that persisted in the indignitie they conceiued in those vnaccustomed exercises, supposing that the corruption of their auncient discipline was an inducement to their grieuous calamities; and they imagined that it rather concerned them to vndertake all dangers, then to endure any alteration in their policie, by permitting that Herode should introduce new and extraordinarie fashions, who only in word was their king, but in effect an enemy of their H whole nation. For this cause there were ten men amongst them, who bound themselues by oath to hazard all extremities, and to this intent they hid certaine short swords vnder their garments: Ten men conspire against Herode. amongst these there was one that was blinde, who vrged and egged on by the strangenesse of those things which he had heard, not for that he was of abilitie to execute any thing with his hand, but to testifie that he was ready to suffer with the rest, if any misfortune should befall them, by whose example the rest of them were not a little confirmed. These hauing mutually vndertaken this their resolution, repaired to the Theater vnder hope that Herode should not escape them, for that they intended to assaile him vnawares, at leastwise if they failed of him, their hope was to fall foule on someof his fauourites and followers, accounting this to be some solace in their expected death, if in regard of their violated religion they might bring the king in hatred with the I common people. And these intending to offer themselues as chiefetaines and leaders vnto the rest, resolued to execute these things. But one of those intelligencers that Herode had sent abroad to prie and search into such like actions, hauing discouered all this their conspiracie, signified the same vnto the king, at such time as he was ready to enter into the Theater. He knowing Herode hath intelligence of the conspiracy. full well what hatred was continually hatched against him, betooke himselfe to his pallace, and sent for the conspirators by their names: who being apprehended in the fact, and knowing that there was no way for them to escape, resolued to endure their present misfortunes with a valiant courage: for being no waies dismaid, with a constant countenance they drew out their weapons, protesting that their conspiracie was honest and holy, not attempted by them for priuate affection, or their owne profit sake, but in the behalfe of their publike discipline, which no good man K would either see or suffer to be violated, no though it cost him his life.
Now when with great confidence they had alleadged these things for their iustification, they were led away by the kings ministers to be slaughtered by diuers sorts of torments. Not long after The ten men are executed, and the intelligencer is cut in peeces. this, that intelligencer who had betraied them, growing hatefull in all mens eies, was slaine by certaine men, and chopt in pieces with their swords, and afterwards cast vnto the dogs in sight and presence of many men. Yet did no man discouer this act, vntill after long and wearisome inquisitions made by Herode, it was wrought out of certaine poore women (who were priuy to the fact) with diuers torments. Then were all the actors of that murther punished, with their whole families: and notwithstanding all this, the common people was in no sort dismaid, but were ready to defend their lawes, except they were restrained by some greater power. Which L when the king perceiued, he resisted their indeuours with all diligence, least happily thorow these alterations in affaires, the people should be drawne to an open rebellion. Whereas therefore he Herode fortifieth two castles within Ierusale Antonia, Samaria or Sebaste. had two strong castles within the Citie, one wherein his pallace was; an other called Antonia, that adioyned neere vnto the temple, fortified by him; he thought good to strengthen a third called Samaria, the name whereof he changed, and called it Sebaste (which was distant from Ierusalem some daies iourney) to containe those of the common sort that were abroad vnder his obedience, and verie fit to bridle any vprores that might be raised in the Citie and fields. And for the whole nation he builded a fort, which in times past was called Straton, and afterwards he named Stratons tower or Casarea. Gabala. it Caesarea. He builded also a fort in Galilee, which was called Gabala, in a large plaine where by course he kept his horsemen. Besides these, he builded the fort of Esthmonites in the M countrey of Peraea on the other side Iordan.
Now when he had fitly disposed all these Castles thorow his whole countrey, for the securitie and safetie of his kingdome, the matter of rebellion was taken from the common people, who vpon euerie light cause are subiect to commotions, in that he had prepared a remedie against all Herode planteth garrisons in the fortresses to withstād conspiracies. priuie conspiracies, by planting such forces alwaies neere at hand, who might preuent and pacifie all alterations vpon their originall. After this betaking himselfe to encompasse Samaria with a [Page 403] wall, hee brought to passe that diuers of those, who had borne armes with him against his enemies A The yeare of the world. 3942. before Christs birth 22. and diuers of the people likewise that dwelt round about, came to inhabite it both in regard of the temple, which he intended to build in that place, as also for that he fortified the same for his owne securitie (although that before time it was not in the number of famous Cities.) He therefore changed the name thereof, and called it Sebaste, and distributed the lands that confined the citie, among the inhabitants of the same (which was by nature a fruitful and goodly countrey) to the intent that within a little space they might enrich themselues. He enuironed the citie also with a strong wall, being assisted by the naturall strength and steepinesse of the place: and besides the whole circuit, he included so much ground, that it is no waies inferiour to any of the famous Cities; for it contained the circuit of twentie furlongs or stadia. And in the midst thereof there was a sacred place, containing a furlong and a halfe, wonderfully adorned; in which B there was a temple builded, famous both for beauty and bignesse. And as for the other parts of the Citie, he decked them with all sorts of ornaments. And seeing how neerly it concerned him to prouide for the securitie of his person in this walled Citie, he erected a fortresse for himselfe. And as touching the beautie thereof, his intent was that it should remaine for a monument to posteritie, of his magnificence and liberalitie.
CHAP. XII.
A famine inuaded the land of Iudaea.
THat verie yeere, which was the thirteenth yeere of Herodes raigne, very great calamities hapned in that countrey (either thorow Gods displeasure, or for that the reuolution of C time would haue it so.) For first of all there were such continuall droughts, that by reason Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. al. 10. A daily drought and sterilitie in Iudaea. The want of victuals breedeth the plague. thereof the earth grew barren and produced not those fruits, which of it selfe it was accustomed to beare. And after this the ordinarie course of mens diets being altered by reason of the want of corn, the want of sustenance was accompanied with a bodily sicknes (for that by custome these two plagues doe ordinarily entertaine one an other:) For this made the plague and sicknes more vehemēt, for that the sick in this great penury could neither haue care of themselues as was expedient, nor get conuenient nourishment for preseruation of life: And many died daily; & those also that remained aliue were in despaire, because they could not relieue their want & necessities, what diligence soeuer they vsed. For which cause, after the olde fruits of that yeere were wholy consumed, and all the rest of their store was vtterly spent, there appeared not any meanes whereupon D they might hope, namely for that the miserie increased more then was expected; yea and extended it selfe beyond that yeere: so that they had nothing remaining by them, and the seedes they sowed at that time mouldred away, and the earth for all their labours affoorded them no interest. The necessitie therefore being thus great, constrained men to search out many new inuentions to maintaine their life: and the king likewise was in no lesse perplexitie, in that he was depriued of those ordinarie reuenues which he receiued by the fruits of the earth, and the rather for that hee had spent his money in repairing his Cities, according as before this we haue declared: and in such sort were all things wasted by diuers calamities, that a man could conceiue no hope of remedie. Besides this, the people grew in hatred of their king, for that it is their custome ordinarily to accuse their gouernours, as if they were the authors of all their euils. Yet did the king bethinke E himselfe how he might remedy these inconueniences, but hardly could he find the means, for that their neighbours had no meanes to sell them victuals, because they were no lesse afflicted Herode maketh money of all his rich ornaments and household stuffe of gold and siluer, and buieth corne. then themselues: and although he might haue recouered some little meanes for a great summe of money, yet wanted he it also to defray the charges: notwithstanding in that he knew, that it behooued him to imploy his vttermost indeuours in yeelding a generall remedie to such and so violent an oppression, he molted downe all those moueables he had either of gold or siluer within his pallace, and spared nothing either for the matter, the excellencie, or the fashion; no not so much as the vessels wherein he was ordinarily serued. This money sent he into Aegypt, where at that time vnder Caesar, Petronius held the gouernment. This man being Herodes friend, in that he desired the safetie of his subiects, at such time as diuers of them retired themselues vnto him, by F reason of that their necessitie, he permitted them to buy vp corne; and assisted them in all things, both in their bargaines, and in their cariages; so that the greater or the whole summe of their succours was attributed to him. But after their returne, Herode wrought so much, that the care that was taken by him did not onely change the affections of those, which before time were his enemies, Herode distributeth the corn he had bought among the people. but beside all this, he purchased great praise and commendation for his liberalitie and singular prouidence. For first of all he distributed a certaine quantitie of corne to all those, who [Page 404] were not able of themselues to supply their owne wants, vsing herein both great care and diligence. The yeare of the world, 3942. before Christs Natiuitie, 2 [...]. G After this, for that there were a great number of such, who in regard of their age, or some other infirmitie, were vnable to prepare their victuals, he tooke order for their reliefe, and appointed them certaine bakers, who should furnish them with bread, both sufficient and meet for their sustenance. He gaue order also, that they should not passe the winter disfurnished of cloathing, but prouided for such as were naked sufficient raiment, cōsidering that the sheep were partly dead, & partly deuoured, & that there was no wool to let men awork, or other stuffe to make garments of.
Now after he had furnished his subiects with these things, he thought good also to shew kindnes to the neighbouring cities, and stored the Syrians with seed corne to sow their lands (which yeelded him no little profit) for the earth incontinently gaue him a large and plentifull tribute for that she had receiued; so that all of them had aboundance of victuals: and as soone as the H haruest was readie, he sent fiftie thousand men into that countrey, which hee had releeued: and by this meanes hee with all diligence restored his afflicted kingdome: and comforted his neighbours, who were oppressed with the like calamitie. For there was not any man in necessitie, that according to his qualitie was not assisted and succoured. The villages likewise and the cities, and those of the common sort who entertained great households, and were in want, hauing their recourse vnto him, receiued that which they had need of (so that to reckon vp all the come which he gaue vnto those, who were not his subiects, it appeareth that he imploied ten thousand Cores of wheat: now the Core containeth ten Athenian bushels: and within the compasse of his Realme he imploied eightie thousand: which care of his, and discreetly imploied fauour wrought so much in the hearts of the Iewes, and was so highly renowmed amongst I other nations, that the ancient hatred which they had conceiued against him, for that he had altered certaine customes of their kingdome, was wholy forgotten, and he was supposed by them to haue made a sufficient recompence, by the diligence he had shewed in assisting them in their necessities; and no lesse either grace or glory obtained he among strangers: so that by these miseries the kings honour was not a little magnified, and whatsoeuer damage he receiued at home, so The Iewes fauour Herode for his bounty. much honour and reputation atchieued he abroad. For whereas in straungers necessities he had shewed himselfe so full of magnanimity, each man did not respect what he had beene before, but such as they had lately found him to be.
About the same time also he sent Caesar certaine supplies, namely fiue hundreth chosen men of his guard, whom Elius Gallus led into the warres in Arabia, and had often vse of them in his most K Herode sendeth Caesar fiue hundreth of his guard. The pallace built in Ierusalem. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 12. daungerous attempts. When as therefore his kingdome was restored to his former felicitie, he builded a royall pallace in the higher part of the citie, furnished with many large buildings, and decked with gold and marble seats; so as they might receiue a great number of men: he named also each roome of the house according to their seuerall names, and called one the lodging of Caesar, and another of Agrippa. After this, being entangled with loue, he maried a wife, least he should be distracted by vaine desires, and the cause of this his new mariage was this. There was among those that dwelt in Ierusalem, a certaine citizen called Simon, the sonne of Boethas the Alexandrine, who was a Priest, & one of the chiefest in nobility among thē: this man had a daughter, the fairest and comeliest creature of that age, whose beautie renowmed by the common voice, it came to passe, that with her fame Herod at one time entertained a good affection towards L her, and afterwards obtaining the sight of her, he grew in loue with her; yet would not vse his authority, least he should seeme to behaue himselfe tyrannically, but chose rather to accept her for his bethrothed wife. Whereas therefore Simon seemed vnworthy his affinitie, and yet too worthy to be blasted by contempt, he made election of a conuenient meanes to obtaine the fulnes of his desire, which was to raise both Simon and his to higher dignities. For which cause he presently deposed the high Priest Iesus the sonne of Phabetes, and established Simon in his place; and that Herode remoueth Iesus from his Priest hood, and placeth Simon in his roome, and marieth his daughter. done, he contracted affinitie with him. After the mariage was consummate, he builded a new castle in that place wherein he had ouercome the Iewes, vpon the time and incontinently after the ouerthrow of Antigonus, and when he had taken vpon him the gouernment. This place is distant from Ierusalem some sixtie furlongs or stades, strong by nature, and fit for defence and M good fortification. For neere vnto the same there is a certaine steepe hill made by art, after the manner of a round dugge, enuironed with round towers, with a steepie ascent of two hundreth steps cut out of hewed stone. Within the same there are diuers pallaces, builded with great and sumptuous workmanship, made both for defence and delight. At the foote of this hill there are two houses worthie the sight, for diuers their singularities, & namely, by reason of those conduits of water, which although they spring or in that place, yet notwithstanding are they brought [Page 405] from farre with great cost and expence. The plaine that adioyneth vpon it, is all full of buildings The yeare of the world. 3942. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 22. A after the manner of a citie, and the top of the castle commaundeth all the plaine. As soone as therefore he had disposed all his affaires, according to his hearts desire, he possessed his kingdome in great quietnes, for that he made his subiects obediēt vnto him both by feare, in shewing himselfe inexorable when it concerned him to punish; and by liberality, whereby he prouided for their publike necessities: he therefore tooke an especiall care of himselfe, as if the life and safetie of his person had beene the securitie of his people. He behaued himselfe officiously and fauourably towards all forraine cities: he entertained the princes by presents, which according to his occasions he sent vnto them, to insinuate himselfe into their fauours, being in his owne nature magnificent and fit to gouerne: so that all his fortunes increased, and all things fell out happily according to his hearts desire. True it is, that the care which he imployed in honouring Caesar, B and other mightie magistrates of Rome, caused him to outstrip his customes, and to falsifie diuers ordinances of his countrey, in building cities, and erecting temples in honour of them, although he builded them not in the land of Iury: for the Iewes would not haue endured it, because we are forbidden to honour Images and figures, formed according to the likenes of a man, as the Greekes are accustomed to do; but he did this in the countrey and forraine cities, and excused himselfe to the Iewes, saying, that he did it not of his owne head, but performed that according to the charge and commaundement which he had from others, who were greater then himselfe: and in the meane while gratified Caesar and the Romanes in that he respected their honour more then he did the ordinances of his countrey; although in all things he had a respect to Herod bestowed great diligence and no lesse costs in his buildings. his particular aduantage, and determined with himselfe to leaue behind him after his death large C and ample testimonies of his power and greatnes, which was the cause that he builded cities with great charge and expence.
CHAP. XIII.
The building of the Citie of Caesarea.
WHen as therefore he had found out a fit and conuenient place vpon the sea coast, to build a citie on, which of long time had beene called the tower of Straton, he both magnificently The tower of Straton otherwise called Caesarea, builded by Herode. Piraeus the port of Athens. designed and set downe the modell and forme thereof, and made many sumptuous buildings both of royall pallaces, and of other priuate lodgings, not builded after a sleight D manner, or of weake and fading matter, but of marble stone. But the greatest and busiest worke of all was the hauen which he made exempt and free from stormes and tempests, that in greatnes resembled that of Piraeus, and was so spacious that it was able to receiue many great ships into the road, and had diuers roumes and warehouses to lay vp the merchandize therein. And the more admirable was this pile, because the stuffe that was fit to finish this so great work, was not gathered or gotten in that place, but must needly be brought from another place, vpon great charge and expence. This citie is seated in Phoenicia vpon the coast, in the way to Aegypt, betweene Ioppe and Dora, certaine villages scituate vpon the sea coasts, vnfit either for landing or harbour, Dora and Ioppa ill harbours by reason of the Affricke wind, that driuing the sand of the sea vpon the shore giueth not any quiet road vnto the ships, but that the marchants are enforced for a long time to ride at ancor. E To correct this incommoditie of the place, he made the circuit round about the port so spacious, The port of Caesarea. that it was able to receiue a great fleet, and he cast downe to the bottome thereof, which was about some twentie fathoms deepe, certaine huge stones, that for the most part were fifty foot long, eight foot broad, and nine foot high, some more and some lesse. The pile that was erected vpon this to affront the sea, was a pane of two hundreth foot, the halfe whereof was opposed against the waues to breake the fury of the streame, and for this cause was called in the Greeke tongue Procymation, that is to say, Before floud: The other halfe serued as a foundation to beare vp a wall of stone fortified with diuers towers, the chiefest whereof was a faire pile or building, which was called Drusus, in memorie of Drusus, Caesars sonne in law, who died very young: it had also diuers retreats or hostries in the same, into which the mariners were receiued and lodged. The F descent being hard by, encompassed all the portlike a round platforme, that serued for a pleasant walking place for whom soeuer listed. The entrance and mouth of the hauen was toward the north, which is a wind that of all other most purifieth and cleanseth. The supporter and strength of all the circuit on the left hand vpon the entrance to the port, was an ample and huge tower to fasten it the more strongly; and on the right hand, were two huge pillars of stone, more higher then the tower that stood opposite against them, erected and fastned togither. All round about [Page 406] the hauen there were certaine buildings, abutting one vpon another of pollished marble, and G The yeare of the world 3942. before Christs Natiuitie. 2 [...]. in the midst there was a little hillocke, on which there was a certaine monument placed in honor of Caesar, which presented it selfe to their sight who sayled to the port, in which there were the figares of the Citie of Rome and of Caesar. This citie also was called Caesarea, as much to be wondred at for the matter whereof it was built, as for the arte whereby it was erected: and no lesse cunning was there shewed in the vaults and conduits vnder ground, then in those buildings that were aboue them; some of them were conuaied toward the port, and discharged themselues into the sea by certaine compassed spaces: but there was one that went athwarts, that comprehended all the rest, to the end that there by the raine-water, and the clensings of the Citie might be conuaied into the sea, and that when the sea should flow it might wash and cleanse all the citie.
He erected also a Theater of stone, and behinde the same to the Southward an Amphitheater, H that was able to receiue a great number of men; and so pleasantly and fitly scituated, that stom the same a man might discouer the sea. This Citie was finished at the end of twelue yeers; The theater & Amphitheater. Herode sendeth his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome vnto Caesar. Caesar giueth Herode the dominions of the Trachonites of Batanea and Auranita. Zenodorus liueth by spoile. during which time, the king was neither wearied by intending the worke, nor negligent in furnishing the necessarie charges. After this, perceiuing that the Citie of Sebaste was already inhabited also, hee resolued to send his two sonnes Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to present them vnto the Emperour Caesar; who no sooner resorted thither but they were lodged in Pollios house, who amongst all the rest was an intire friend of Herodes. They might haue lien also at Caesars house, who entertained them with as great familiaritie and kindnesse, as might be possible: and gaue Herode licence in like manner to confirme the kingdome in one of his children, which soeuer best liked him, annexing to his gouernment, the countries of Trachona, Batanea, I and Auranita for the occasion which ensueth. A certaine man called Zenodorus had hired Lysanias demains or Lordship, and not contenting himselfe with those reuenues which he gathered, but desirous to gather more, he liued vpon spoiles and robberies in Trachona, which is a countrey, the inhabitants whereof commonly liue by pillage and spoile, which they purchase from the citizens and merchants of Damasco. And so farre was Zenodorus from prohibiting these robberies, that he himselfe also was partaker of the bootie; so that the nations that neighboured round about, seeing themselues thus abused, sought for remedie at Varus hands, who was their gouernour, requiring him to certifie Caesar of Zenodorus wrongs and outrages. Which when he vnderstood, he commanded that such lawlesse rioters should be punished, and that the countrey should be added vnto the iurisdiction of Herode, to the intent, that by his vigilancie the inhabitants K of Trachona should no more molest their neighbours. For it was hard to restraine them, considering that they were accustomed and traded in such thest, and could not liue otherwaies. For they neither had townes nor lands, neither heritages nor any possessions, but onely certaine retraits and caues vnder ground, and liued pell mell like beasts: and hauing made abundant prouision of water and victuals, they might easily endure warre a long time and maintaine themselues in their caues, when their enemies assailed them without. The doores of these dens were so narrow, that they could be entred but by one at once; but within it was incredible spacious and large: the vpper part thereof was not steepie, but plaine, and in forme of a smoothe earth: for the whole place naturally consisteth of a sharpe and ragged rocke, with a hard and difficult passage thereon, vnlesse a man be guided thorow the pathes. For the way was not direct L and straite, but full of windles and many turnings. At such time as they wanted opportunitie to spoile their neighbours, they robbed oue another; and omitted no kind of wickednesse. Herode hauing receiued the gift of this countrey at Caesars hands, resorted thither vnder the conduct of Herode punisheth the robbets. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 13. Agrippa is sent into Asia. Agrippa sendeth the Gadareans bound vnto Hetode who came to accuse him. Zenodorus signiory sold to the Auranites, and bestowed on Herode by Caesar is the cause of the warres. certaine guides that knew the waies, and hauing brought their power and prolling to an end, he left the neighbouring nations in assured peace. But Zenodorus being partly whetted on with enuie, partly incited by the griefe which he conceiued thorow the losle of his possessions, resorted to Rome to accuse Herode; yet could effect nothing of that which he intended.
When Agrippa was sent into Asia by Caesar to gouerne the prouinces beyond the seas, Herode because hee was his verie friend and familiar, went to salute him at Mitelene where he wintered, for that he was one of his inward friends, and asterwards returned into Iewry. But M certame Gadareans came vnto Agrippa with an intent to accuse Herode: but he sent them bound vnto the king, and vouchsafed them no audience. On the other side, the Auranites, who of long time hated Herodes gouernment, stirred vp commotions, and laboured to draw the countrey into rebellion, and that vpon a iust ground, as it seemed, at that time: for Zenodorus despairing of his affaires, went and sold them a certaine part of the Lordship in Auranita (which was comprehended within Caesars donation to Herode) for the sum of fiftie talents of yeerely reuenue, wherewith [Page 407] they grew discontented, for that they were vniustly depriued of their estates: and hereupon The yeare of the world. 3942. before Christs birth 22. A they made often incursions, indeuouring themselues sometime to recouer the same by force; and otherwhile contending for the right of their possession by course of iustice. They drew also vnto them certaine needy souldiers, who, according to the custome of wretched men, expected their better fortunes by change and innouation: which though Herode knew, and could haue prouidently preuented them, yet exhorted he them to maintaine their titles rather by good meanes then open violence, being loth to giue any occasion of new trouble or disquiet. At length in the seuenteenth yeere of his raigne, Caesar came into Syria: vpon whose arriuall diuers of the Gadareans Caesar commeth into Syria before him the Gadareans accule Herode, and afterwards murther themselues. began to exclaime against Herode, accusing him of his seueritie and tyrannie: which accusation they the rather attempted, because they were chiefely incited thereunto by the instigations and false suggestions of Zenodorus, who bound himselfe by an oath, that he would neuer giue ouer B vntill that deliuering them from Herodes tyrannie, they were reduced vnder Caesars protection. The Gadareans perswaded by these his protestations, began to continue their exclamations, and that some what the more audaciously, for that they perceiued that they liued as yet vnpunished whom Agrippa had deliuered into Herodes hands (for Herode had set them at libertie without any punishment, not with standing that in regard of his owne subiects he was inexorable, as euer man was) and most patient in induring those iniuries that were offered him by strangers, The yeare of the world, 3946. before Christs natiuitie, 18. whom he alwaies dismissed without reuenge. When as therefore they accused him of violence and rapine, and for violating and racing downe their temples, Herode being nothing dismaied thereat, presented himselfe before the Emperour to iustifie his actions. But Caesar entertained him verie kindly, and diminished nothing of the good affection which he bare vnto him, notwithstanding C all the vprores and insolent tumults of the people. Thus was the first day spent in audience of their complaints, & in those daies that followed there were no further obiections to be heard of: For the Gadareans perceiuing both Caesars disposition and the inclination of his counsaile, and fearing (as it was most likely) to be deliuered into Herodes hands, the next night after some of them slew themselues; other some for feare of torments brake their owne necks; and some of them also drowned themselues in the riuer. And thus whereas they seemed to foreiudge themselues, Caesar presently absolued Herode.
And this felicitie of his was seconded with an other of no small consequence. For Zenodorus Vlatha, Paneaas, and other regions are giuen to Herod. Herode highly esteemed by Caesar and Agrippa. Caesar maketh Pheroras a Tetrarth. hauing his bowels broken through an extreame flux of bloud, finished his life at Antioch in Syria. Whereupon Caesar gaue Herode his countrey, which was a large and ample signiorie, and D was scituated betweene Trachonita and Galilee, containing Vlatha, Paneas, and the countries there abouts. He made him one of the gouernours of Syria also, commanding them to execute nothing without his aduise. At this time attained he to the height of all worldly felicitie: For whereas within the huge and ample Roman Emperie, all things were disposed by Caesar and Agrippa, Caesar honoured no man more then Herode next to Agrippa; and Agrippa respected him aboue all men next to Caesar. Whereupon he grew to be so confident, that he begged a Tetrarthy at Caesars hands for his brother Pheroras, on whom he bestowed one hundreth talents of reuenue out of his owne kingdome, to the intent that if he should happen to die, Pheroras estate might be assured and left no waies subiect vnto his children. As soone as therefore he had conducted Caesar as farre as the sea, vpon his returne he builded a goodly temple of white marble in E honour of his name, in the countrey which belonged to Zenodorus, neere to a place which is called Panion, which is a goodly caue in the heart of a mountaine, and a place of great pleasure, vnder Herede buildeth a temple neere vnto Panion. Herode remitteth the third part of his tribute. which there is a wide poole of immeasurable depth, which is full of standing water, and the vpper part of the mountaine is very hie. From vnder this caue spring the fountaine heads of the floud Iordan. This place of it selfe so famous and delightfull, was chosen out by Herod and adorned also with a temple which he built in honour of Caesar. At that time also he released the third part of those tributes, which his subiects paid vnto him, to the end (as he said) that he might relieue his subiects after the penurie they had endured. But the truth of his intention was, that he did it to that end to winne their fauours, who were sinisterly affected towards him. For they had conceiued an hatred against him, because all pietie was in a manner abolished, and the F ordinances of the country in a sort disanulled by the means of those temples which he had built, and each man priuily muttered with bitternesse against him; so that welny they were addressed to mutiny. But Herode with great discretion preuented the same, and cut off all occasions of insurrection, commanding euerie one to intend his labour; forbidding them to make any assemblies in the Citie, or to talke one with an other vnder colour of walking abroad for pleasure or feasts sake. Moreouer, he had sent out certaine intelligencers to discouer all that which was done, appointing [Page 408] grieuous punishments for those that misliked, or maligned his gouernment. For diuers G The yeere of the world, 3946. before Christs Natiuitis, 18. of them were led vnto the Castle of Hircania, some openly, some priuately; where they were no sooner imprisoned, but they were put to death; and both in the citie & in the country there were certain men appointed to take note of al such that vsed any assemblies vpon any occasion whatsoeuer. And so inwardly was he tormented with their dislikes, that as it is reported of him, he tooke vpon him the habite of a priuate man, and thrust himselfe in the night time into the company of thepeople, to vnderstand and gather what they thought of his gouernment; and those whom he found to be vntractable and obstinate, and would not be conformed to his will, he dispatched them by one meanes or other, binding the rest of the people by an oath to serue him faithfully, Herode bindeth the people by an oth. and constrained them to keepe the oath they had sworne, and to acknowledge his soueraintie: whereunto diuers thorow the feare they conceiued, easily condiscended. But they, who had a H more greater courage, and were discontented to see themselues constrained, he cut them short by all the meanes that he might. He required also an oath of diuers of those sectaries, who followed the Pharisees Pollio and Sameas: and notwithstanding they denied to take the oath, yet did he not punish them as he did the other for their refusall, in respect and reuerence of Pollio their Herode excuseth the Pharisees frō swearing for Polias and Same as sakes. The Esseans not much vnlike the Pithagorists. master. From this rigour also were they exempt, who amongst vs are called Esseans, which is a sort of men that liue after that manner, that Pithagoras did among the Graecians; of whom I haue more expressely discoursed in an other place.
At this present I thinke it not a matter to be ouerslipt, neither estranged from the aime of my historie, to report for what cause the king had so religious an opinion of those men. There was a certaine Essean called Manahem, who in his sect was accounted an vpright and iust man, and I one that had obtained from God the knowledge of things to come. He seeing Herode one day at such time as he was verie young, and went to schoole, saluted him and called him king of the Iewes. Herode supposing that Manahem knew him not, or that he mocked him, reprooued him sharpely for this his speech, saying, that he acknowledged himselfe to be one of the common sort. Manahem smiling, hit him gently with his hand vpon the backe, and said vnto him, Thou shalt be king, and shalt haue a happy raigne. For such is Gods pleasure, and at that time remember Manahē foretelleth He todes gouernment. thy selfe of the words that Manahem spake vnto thee, which shall serue for a testimonie to put thee in minde of thy mutable estate. ‘For it becommeth thee nothing more, then by iustice, pietie, [...]nd equitie to winne the hearts of thy subiects: yet know I by reuelation from God, that thou wilt not follow these instructions; for thou shalt forget and neglect both diuine and humane. K lawes: though in other respects thou shalt be most fortunate and purchase eternall glorie. Yet shalt thou not escape Gods hands: for he shall chastise thee in the latter time of thy life, with a grieuous punishment.’At that time Herode gaue small regard to those his words, in that he had Herode questioneth with Manahem about the continuance or his kingdome, and loueth the Esseans for his sake. no hope that any such thing should happen: but not long after; as soone as he had obtained the kingdome to the fulnesse of his felicitie, he in the greatnesse of his power sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should raigne. But he returned him a doubtfull answere. Which when Herode perceiued, he asked him anew, if he should raigne ten yeeres. Whereunto Manahem answered, and twentie, and thirtie, without setting him downe any prefixed terme. Herode contenting himselfe herewith embraced Manahem and gaue him licence to depart, and continued his affections towards the Esseans for his sake. I haue thought good to register these things, L notwithstanding they may seeme vncredible, to declare that diuers of our nation haue had communication with God, by reason of their holinesse.
CHAP. XIIII.
Herode buildeth a new Temple in Ierusalem, after he had pulled downe the olde.
IN the eighteenth yeere of his raigne, Herode, after he had finished these many and admirable Hedio & Ruffinus chap. 14. al. 11. Herode intendeth to reedifie Gods temple. actions, conceited in his minde no meane, but a mightie proiect, which was to reedifie Gods Temple of greater bignesse and answerable height, hoping that this worke, M which was the most admirable of all those he had vndertaken (as indeed it was) in being finished, would eternize his memorie. But fearing least the people in regard of the greatnesse of the enterprise, would be hardly drawne thereunto, he determined to sound their intents by his discourse, and for that cause assembling them togither, he spake after this manner: Herode certifieth the people that he wil reedifie the temple.
‘Men and brethren, I hold it to be a matter both vain & superfluous, to recount vnto you what things I haue performed, during the time of my gouernment. For they haue been of that nature, [Page 409] that they haue returned me but little honour; and your selfe great profit and securitie. For you The yeare of the world. 3947. before Christs birth 17. A your selues know that in those aduersities that haue befallen you, I haue beene no waies negligent in that which concerned your profit; and in those buildings I haue erected by Gods assistance, I haue not so much regarded my selfe as that which concerneth you all: and my hope is by the will of God that I haue brought the estate of the Iewes to that degree of felicitie, that they neuer had or expected before this time. As for that which I haue particularly exploited in the heart of the country, & in the cities which I haue augmented as wel with ornament and beautie, as with a number of inhabitants; since you your selues know, I thinke it a ridiculous matter to reduce them to your memorie. But I must at this time assure you that the desseigne which I will presently enterprise, is far more holy and more excellent, then may be performed by vs. For our predecessors after they were returned from the captiuity of Babylon, builded a tēple in honour of our B great and mightie God, which in height wanted sixtie cubits of that which Salomon first built: yet ought we not to obiect as a blame, or ascribe this action to any impietie in our ancestors. For the temple was not at their disposition, but the measure of the building was set them downe by Cyrus and Darius the sonne of Hystaspes, to whom and their successors they haue first of all beene slaues, as after their time they haue beene vnder the subiection of the Macedonians: so that they had not the meanes and opportunity, to raise this religious monument, according to his first patterne, to that requisite and conuenient height. But since at this present by Gods permission, I haue obtained the kingdome; and that for a long time hitherto we haue enioied a happie peace; and that neither money nor great reuenues are wanting; and that which is our greatest good, we are made happie by the fauour of the Romanes, who in a sort are the Lords of the whole world, and in effect C are our entire friends: I will enforce my selfe to repaire that defect, which hapned in times past thorow the miseries, and weake meanes of our noble predecessors, resoluing with my selfe to perfect that which is requisite for the seruice of God, in acknowledgement of the benefits which I haue receiued from him, by whose mercy and meanes I haue obtained my kingdome.’
This sodaine and vnexpected speech of Herodes, filled all mens eares with wonder, and hearts with expectation in that he seemed to promise such a thing, as was beyond their hope, and as they thought farre greater then his power: and that which most distracted them was, for that they had conceiued a feare, least after he had pulled downe the olde, he should not be of abilitie to erect a new. For which cause his counsaile seemed to be daungerous, and attempt ouer difficult. But The Iewes fearing least Herode should pul downe the olde temple before he had prepared matter for the new he promiseth the contrarie. Conuenient stuffe is gathered for the building of the temple. How the temple was builded by Herod. D the king perceiuing with what doubts they were detained, encouraged them, promising in no sort to deface the olde temple, before all that was prepared and polished which was requisite for the building of the new. And in this he kept his word. For he appointed a thousand chariots to draw stones vnto the place, and chose out amongst the rest ten thousand cunning and expert workmen. He apparrailed also at his owne charge one thousand Priests in their accustomed vestments, whereof some gaue the masons instructions how they should worke, and the rest assisted the carpenters. This done, after he had fitly and readily performed and prepared all things requisite, he caused them to fall to their building. As soone as therefore the former foundations were taken away, and other meere newe were planted in their place, the temple was erected vpon them, in length one hundreth cubits, and twentie cubits in height aboue those hundreth cubits E which the former contained, which twentie cubits were in some sort scantled after that by succession of time the foundations began to be setled; and during Neroes raigne our countrimen had thought to haue raised it to the first height. The building was of white and strong marble stones, which were each of them twentie and fiue cubits long, eight cubits high, and about some twelue cubits broad. All the structure of the fame was made after the manner of a princely pallace on all sides, and the middle part thereof was higher then the rest: so that it might easily be discouered by the inhabitants of the countrey many furlongs off; and especially it was most apparant and subiect to their sight, who dwelt opposite against it, or repaired vnto the citie. The doores thereof and their tramsomes were correspondent to the rest of the magnificence of the temple, garnished with diuers rapestries, & azured flowers, which inuested & adorned the pillars: F vnder whose chapters a golden vine spred it selfe on each side, replenished with many goodly clusters of grapes hanging downe; which was an admirable worke to behold, both in respect of the greatnes, as also for the workmanship and matter whereof it was made. He encompassed all the temple with most goodly galleries, and porches correspondent to the magnificence of the same, and surpassing those in times past for the cost; so that neuer any man before him so magnificently adorned the temple. Two of which were vnder-propped with verie strong wals, whose [Page 410] workemanship was so exquisite as it is incredible to be reported amongst men. There was a G The yeare of the world 3947. before Christs Natiuitie. 17. stony rising or hillocke, and verie straight and high, the top whereof towards the eastermost part of the citie was somewhat smooth and vpright. The first that incompassed it with a wall was Salomon our king, who by Gods fauour and the mediation and labour of diuers workmen, did first of all build the higher part: Herode also inuested the lower part thereof with an other wall; vnder which to the southward there lieth a most deepe valley. This wall was made of huge stones, close fastned the one vnto the other with lead, shutting all within his enclosure, & extending it selfe very deepe; so that the greatnes and height of this foure square building was an incredible thing to be imagined. The greatnes of the stones appeared in the front, but on the inside they were fastned togiether with claspes of yron, which fortified and strengthned the building for euer against all iniuries of times. This worke hauing beene thus continued to the top, and the void space betweene H the wal and the rising hillocke filling vp the floore aboue, was made plaine and equal. The whole circuit of the tower contained about foure stades or furlongs, a stade or furlong in length to euerie pane from angle to angle. On the inside and neere vnto the top there was an other wall of stone, extended along the easterne side; hauing a double porch of equall greatnes with that of the wall, and placed in the midst of the temple, and openeth right vpon the gates thereof, which the kings before time had adorned. Round about the temple were planted those spoiles which were taken from the Barbarians, which king Herode had placed there with all those spoiles, which he had taken frō the Arabians. In a corner on the north side there stood a verie strong and defenced fortresse, builded by the Asmonians, who were Herods predecessors, and had beene both kings and high priests, and had imposed a name on that tower which was Baris, in which they I The place where the high priests stole was kept. Vnder whose custodie the stole was. kept the priestly vesture, where with the high priest was wont to be adorned at that time onely when he was to offer sacrifice. King Herode kept the same in that place, and there remained it after his death vntill the time of Tiberius Caesar: vnder whom Vitellius gouernour of Syria came vnto Ierusalem; where he was entertained by all the people with as great magnificence as was possible: and being desirous to acknowledge the fauours that he had receiued at their hands, being requested by them that they might haue the keeping of the high priests ornaments, he wrote vnto Tiberius Caesar to grant them that fauour, & til the death of king Agrippa the Iewes had the same in their possessiō. But after that Agrippa was dead, Cassius Longinus that gouerned Syria, & Cuspius Fadus lieutenant of Iudaea, commaunded the Iewes to return the same into the fortresse Antonia, saying that the Romans ought to be Lord therof, as they had beene in times past. For which cause K the Iews sent embassadors vnto Claudius Caesar, to request his fauour therin, who arriuing at Rome found the young king Agrippa there, who besought the Emperour that it might be lawfull for him to haue the keeping of the habit: who commaunded Vitellius the gouernour of Syria, to deliuer it vnto his hands. Before time it was kept vnder the seale of the high priest, and the custodie of the tresurers, & on the eeue of a certaine solemne feast the tresurers went vp to the captain, who kept the forttesse for the Romans, and after they had opened their seale they tooke the habit: and after the feast was past, they returned it backe againe vnto the same place, and shut it vp vnder the same seale in the presence of the captaine. All which we haue thought good to lay open to make the diuersitie knowne that was vsed in that care.
After that Herode had in this sort builded this strong tower for the securitie and guard of the L temple, he called it Antonia, for the loue of Antonius his friend, and one of the chiefest men in Rome. In the westeme part of this porch, there were foure gates, whereof the one opened The tower of Antonia. vpon the kings pallace, to which there was a direct way thorow the midst of the valley: the two others led vnto the suburbes: and the fourth opened vpon the rest of the citie, and gaue open passage vnto the same, by the meanes of a number of staires, by which men might descend to the foot of the valley; and from thence there was an ascent by other staires to ascend vpwards. For the citie was scituate neere vnto the temple, after the manner of a theater; and was bended to the southward by a deepe valley. As touching the fourth side turned toward the south, it had likewise certaine gates in the midst thereof; and vpon the same there was a triple gallery verie royall and princely, the length whereof extended from the orientall valley as farre as the westerne. M For it was impossible to extend it any further. This worke was one of the most famous peeces that was euer seene vnder the sunne: For the depth of the valley was so great, that it was impossible for a man to see the bottome, if he looked downward from the higher part: and notwithstanding The porch builded aloft aboue the valley. on the same he erected this porch of so great a height, that but to looke from the toppe thereof, and to consider the depth as well of the valley as the height of the porch, it would make a man giddie, and his eye could not peirce vnto the immesurable bottom of the same. It had in [Page 411] length foure rankes of pillars opposed the one right ouer against the other (for the fourth pane The yeare of the world. 3955. before Christs birth 9. A of the wall was fortified with a wall of hewen stone) the thicknesse of the pillars was such, that it was as much as three men could fadome holding one an other by the hand, and the length was of twentie and seuen foote, with a double base at the bottome. The whole number of them was one hundreth, sixtie and two, and they had Chapters engrauen and damaskt with Corinthian worke. All this building was so huge, that it mooued admiration in those that beheld the same. Betwixt these foure rankes there were three porches, whereof two were on either side, containing in breadth each of them thirtie foote, and in length a stade or furlong: and more then fiftiē foote in height. That in the midst was in breadth once and a halfe as much as these two; and in height twise as much. For it surpassed the rest by farre. The floore was made of goodly plankes, engrauen with diuers figures; and the roofe thereof was farre higher then any of the rest, in which certaine B huge beames were morteised, on which there were certaine pillars builded, vnited and annexed so fitly togither, that it is a matter incredible to those that haue not seene the same, and admirable to him that beholdeth it. Such was the fashion of the circuit of the first porch. In the midst, and not farre off from the other, stood the second; whereunto there was an ascent made The inward court into which, and no further, the Iewes might enter. with few steppes. It was inclosed with a separation of stone, with an inscription, forbidding any stranger to enter the same vpon paine of death. This inward porch both to the southward and the northward had three gates, in ranke equidistant the one from the other; and toward the eastward had one great gate, by which those men entred who were cleansed with their wiues. For beyond that place it was not lawfull for the women to haue accesse. But the third inward space was onely accessible by the Priestes. In it was the Temple, and before the same the altar; on C which they were woont to offer burnt sacrifices vnto God. But Herode durst not enter the interior sanctuarie, from whence prophane men were excluded by the lawe: but by the mediation of the priests he intended the structure and building of the inward porch, and finishing in eight yeeres space the rest of the edifice, at length also he finished the Temple it selfe, by the indeuours of the same priests, within the terme of one yeere and six moneths. By which meanes the people were replenished with the fulnesse of ioye, and euerie one gaue thankes vnto God for that the whole worke was finished so speedily, and wished all happinesse to the king for his cost and diligence in the execution and finishing thereof: and they celebrated a great feast in honour of the restauration of the Temple. Then did the king offer vp three hundreth oxen vnto God, and The dedicatiō of the temple. the rest of them each one according to his abilitie offered so many sacrifices, as that scarcely D they may be comprehended in number, for that their multitude exceedeth their estimate.
About the verie time of the celebration of this feast in honour of the reedification of the Temple, the kings day of coronation fell out, which he was woont to solemnize euerie yeere with great ioye: and for this twofolde occasion the solemnitie and ioy was farre more sumptuous A conduit vnder ground from the castle Antonia. and compleate. The king also caused a conduit of water to be made, and conuaied by pipes vnder ground, drawing it from the Castle Antonia vnto the Orientall gate of the temple, neere to which he builded an other Tower also, to the end, that by the conduits hee might ascend priuily vnto the Temple, if happely the people should practise any insurrections against his roialtie. It is reported, that during the building of this temple, it neuer rained by day time, During the building of thē temple it neuer rained by day. but onely by night, to the intent the worke might not be interrupted: and our predecessors haue E testified no lesse vnto vs. Neither is this thing vncredible if we attentiuely consider those other effects of Gods prouidence. Hitherto concerning the reedification of the Temple.
THE XVI. BOOKE OF G THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES
- 1 How Alexander and Aristobulus returning vnto Herode their father, were calumniated by Salomes and Pheroras meanes.
- 2 How Herode gaue Alexander and Aristobulus wiues.
- 3 How Herode sailed vnto Agrippa.
- 4 The Iewes of Ionia accused the men of that countrey before Agrippa for indeuouring to take away their priuiledges, granted vnto them by the Romans.
- 5 How Herode returned into Iudaea.
- 6 Of the discord in Herodes house betweene him and his sonnes.
- 7 How Antipater being at Rome, Herode brought Alexander and his brother, and accused them I before Caesar.
- 8 Of the defence of Alexander, and how he was reconciled vnto his father.
- 9 How Herode did celebrate euery fiue yeeres certaine sportes, for hauing finished Caesarea.
- 10 The Embassage of the Cyrenian and Asian Iewes vnto Caesar.
- 11 How Herode needing money, entred into Dauids Sepulchre.
- 12 How Archelaus king of Cappadocia did reconcile Alexander vnto his father.
- 13 How the Trachonites reuolted.
- 14 Of Herodes expedition into Arabia.
- 15 How Syllaeus accused Herode vnto Caesar.
- 16 Of Euryclis his calumniations against Herodes sonnes.
- 17 How Herodes sonnes were condemned in a councell at Berytus. K
CHAP. I.
How Alexander and Aristobulus being returned vnto their father, were assailed and calumniated by Salome and Pheroras.
AMongst the rest of the affaires of the common wealth, the king thought it behooued The yeare of the world 3955. before Christs Natiuiti [...]. 9. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 1. Herode made a new law that wall breakers should be sold into bondage out of the kingdome. The punishmēt of theft according to the law of Moses. Exod. 1. 22. Deut. 12. 15. him to redresse and hinder priuate iniuries, both in the Citie and country: for the which purpose he made a new law vnlike to the former, that it should be lawfull for such as were wall-breakers, to be sold for slaues out of L the limits of his kingdome: which law did not seeme so much to intend the punishment of malefactors, as the dissolution of his own countrey customs. For to serue forraine nations, who liued not after the manner of the Iewes, and to doe whatsoeuer they commanded them, was more preiudiciall vnto religion then vnto the parties conuicted of that fact. Wherefore it was sufficiently already in the olde auncient lawes prouided for the punishment of such people, to wit, that a theefe should restore four times as much as he stole; which if he was not able to doe, that then he was to be solde, not vnto strangers, nor into perpetuall bondage, but onely for seuen yeeres; at which time he should againe be set free. So that the common people did interpret this new lawe to set downe an vniust punishment, and rather to sauour of tyrannie, then of princely dignitie, and to be enacted not without M contempte of their auncient lawes: so that for this cause all men spoke verie ill of the king.
At the same time Herode sayled into Italy to salute Caesar, and to see his children liuing at Rome. Where Caesar receiuing him verie curteously, permitted him to take his sons home with Herode sailed into Italy, and brought home his sons from Rome. him, as being now sufficiently instructed in the liberall artes. Who returning into their country were ioyfully receiued of all their countrimen, both for that they were of comely stature, and [Page 413] of curteous conditions; and in their very behauiour did shew that they came of kingly linage. The years of the world. 3955. before Christs birth 9. Salome and others falsely accused Herodes sonnes and made their father hate them. A Which things mooued Salome and the rest, by whose false accusations their mother Mariamme was oppressed, to enuy them; fearing their puissance, and verily perswading themselues that they would be reuengers of their mothers iniuries. So taking hereby occasion, they began also falsly to accuse them, as misliking their father, who had caused their mother to be slaine; and as though they had an auersion from him, whose hands was imbrued in their mothers bloud. For they well perceiued that by such calumniations they might draw them into hatred, and auert their fathers good will from them. Yet did they not carrie these their inuentions to the kings eares, but contented themselues to brute them abroad amongst the common people, which so in the end comming to his hearing, would cause in him such enmitie and hatred against his sonnes, as that it would ouercome in him all naturall affection. B
CHAP. II.
How Herode gaue wiues vnto Alexander and Aristobulus.
BVt the king as yet mistrusting nothing, moued with a fatherly care ouer them, had them Herode maried his sonne Arist [...] to Bernice Salomes daughter, and Alexander to [...] phyta the daughter of the kinge of Cappadocia. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2. Herode caried Ma [...] Agrippa all about his kingdome. Agrippa offered a hundreth beasts at Ierusalem. in such estimation as reason did require, and for that they were now come vnto mans estate, he married them both: and vnto Aristobulus he gaue Bernice the daughter of Salome; and vnto Alexander Graphyra the daughter of Archelaus king of Cappadocia. Which done, vnderstanding that Marcus Agrippa was returned out of Italy into Asia, he went vnto him thither, and inuited him into his kingdome, requesting him to accept of his friends entertainment. C Which Agrippa yeelding vnto, Herode omitted nothing that might delight him: for he receiued him in his Cities newly built, shewing him the faire houses and goodly edifices, entertaining him and the rest of his friends and followers with all sorts of delights, pompe & magnificence, as well at Sebaste, as at the hauen of Caesarea, and in the Castles he built, to wit, Alexandrium, Herodium, and Hircania. He also brought him to Ietusalem, where all the people met him, apparelled in such goodly and braue attire, as they were accustomed to adorne themselues withall when as they celebrated their festiuals, and with many ioyfull acclamations receiued and saluted him. Agrippa offered a hundreth head of fat oxen to God, and feasted all the people; and although he would willingly haue made a longer abode there, yet winter drawing nigh, fearing tempestuous weather, he was forced to saile away with all speed into Ionia, both he and his D friends being honoured with very great presents.
CHAP. III.
How Herode sayled vnto Agrippa.
HErode hauing past the winter at home, and hearing that Agrippa was now with an army Herode sailed vnto Agrippa to Chius, and gaue a great summe of money to reedifi [...] the porch. minded to go to Bosphorus, the spring time being now at hand, he sayled vnto him againe, and taking his course by Rhodes and Cous, he came toward Lesbus, thinking there to finde Agrippa: but by a contrarie winde he was driuen from thence, and forced a while to stay at Chius, where many priuatly comming to salute him, he rewarded them with princely rewards: E and perceiuing that the Citie gate, destroied in the warres against Mithridates, was not yet repaired, but lay still ruinated for want of money to repaire it, he gaue them so much money as largely Herode found Agrippa at Synope a citie of Pontus, and was by him honourably entertained. sufficed to restore it to the former beauty and bignesse; exhorting them with all expedition to reedifie and adorne the Citie as it was in times past. At last the winde changing, he sailed first to Mitylene, and then to Byzantium; and there vnderstanding that Agrippa had already past the rockes of Cyanes, he followed him with all speed, and ouertooke him at Synope a Citie of Pontus: who contratie to Agrippas expectation arriued there with his nauy: Herodes comming was verie gratefull vnto Agrippa, and with especiall affection they embraced one an other. It was an Herode still present with Agrippa in sports and serious affaires. Agrippa went by land to Ephesus. euident sign of frienship, that the king omitting his own priuate busines, would now come vnto him in so conuenient a time. Wherfore Herode still abode with him in the army, alwaies present F either to assist him with counsell, or to beare part of the labour with him. He was also present with him at such times as he meant to be merrie, being his onely counsellor in difficult matters, for the beneuolence he bare vnto him, and also in all his mirth, as being one whom he honoured. Agrippa hauing dispatcht the businesse in Pontus for which he came, it pleased him not to returne by sea, but to go by Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and the greater Phrygia, and so they came by land to Ephesus: and there taking shippe they came to Samos. And in all that whole iourney, almost in euerie citie he gratified Herode, at his entreatie relieuing many of their necessities. And G The yeare of the world. 3956. before Christs birth 8. Herod helped many in the way with money. Herod was a mediator for many to Agrippa. The citizens of Ilia are reconciled to Agrippa, and they of Chius obtaine a priuiledge. Herode did in the way helpe many with money that wanted, and spent much vpon his guests: and moreouer if any one had any suit vnto Agrippa, Herode was the onely man that might obtaine his suit for him. And although Agrippa also was both nobly minded and easily entreated to grant all such things as were not preiudiciall to any man; yet was it a matter of no small moment and importance in king Herode, to incite him to vse beneficence being euen of his owne accord forward enough to put the same in practise. For first of all he reconciled Agrippa being angrie against the Iliensians, and himselfe paid the money that the people of Chius were indebted vnto Caesars receiuers, obtaining for them an immunitie: and he also assisted and pleasured others in what soeuer they needed.
CHAP. IIII. H
How the Iewes of Ionia accused those countrimen for offering to take from them their priuiledges, granted vnto them by the Romanes.
WHen they came into Ionia, a great multitude of Iewes inhabiting that country being gathered togither, expected him to speake vnto him; and finding opportunitie, they The Iewes of Ionia complaine vnto Agrippa of the iniuries offered them by those countrimen. Nicholaus did make a speech vnto Agrippa in the behalfe of the Iewes. complained vnto him of the wrongs that those countrimen offered them, not permitting them to liue according vnto ther lawes; and that vpon festiuall daies they pulled and haled them before their tribunall: and that they would not permit them to send sacred money vnto Ierusalem, I and that they compelled them to doe publike busines, and to spend the holy money in those affaires, contrarie vnto the priuiledges granted vnto them by the Romanes. Herode laboured to haue the Iewes complaints heard by Agrippa, and willed one of his friends and followers called Nicholaus, to plead the Iewes cause: who made a speech vnto Agrippa, sitting with the rest of the Romane nobilitie, and other kings and princes, in their behalfe after this manner: ‘Most worthie Agrippa, true it is that all men that suffer iniurie are constrained to fly for redresse to the higher powers, and we ouer and aboue hope to obtaine our suit. For we aske nothing but that which your beneficence hath alreadie granted, and that which they endeuour to take from vs that are, as we also are, your subiects. And although that your benefit bestowed vpon vs was great, yet are we worthie still to enioy it, onely for that you your selfe iudged vs worthy K thereof. And suppose it was a small matter, it is a discredite for you not to grant so small a trifle. Wherefore it is euident, that the iniurie done vnto vs, doth also redound vnto you, whose decrees those that haue iniuried vs, feare not to contemne, and to disanull your beneficence towards vs. For if any one should aske any of them whether they had rather lose their liues, then be depriued of their countrey lawes, rites, sacrifices, and festiuities, wherewith they honour their Gods; I know well they would rather endure any calamitie, then to be forced to forsake their country customes. For many wars arise onely for defence of religion, & the greatest reward & content that we reape by this happie peace, which through your meanes we enioy, is this: that we are euery one permitted to liue according to the custome of his countrey, and to continue in pietie. Wherefore they endeuour to take from others that, which by no meanes they would permit to be taken from L themselues; as who should say, it was not as great an offence to hinder other mens piety and deuotion, as neglect their owne. Let vs consider whether there be any citie or nation, that doth not account their felicitie to be scituate in your dominion, and the power of the Romanes? or is there any that desireth your honour & power to decay and be of no force? Truly none that is wise: for there is none, whom either publikely or priuately it concerneth not: but these people endeuouring to take from vs your liberality, do also as it were depriue themselues of al benefits which they haue receiued at your hands, which are infinite. For what a benefit is it, that wheras other nations liuing vnder the dominiō of rigorous kings constituted ouerthē; these do only obey the Romans, and liue in happy peace and tranquilitie? But as for our affaires, were no man troublesome vnto vs, yet are they not such as deserue to be enuied. For enioying the common felicitie, which others M your subiects do, we desire nothing of high estimate & worth, but onely request that we may liue according to the religion of our countrey, which of it selfe is not to be enuied at, but may be profitable for them that permit it. For God doth alwaies loue them, who honour him, and them who do not hinder his honour. What is there in our religion offensiue to any man? nay what is there that is not according to all pietie and iustice: whereby all things continue and are preserued? For neither do we conceale what life we follow, nor the labours and exercise we vse, but resting the [Page 415] seuenth day from al labours, we spend that day in learning our religion, and the lawes & customes A The yeare of the world. 3956. before Christs birth 8. thereof, esteeming this custome not to be of small force to correct and amend our manners. These our customes hauing in them nothing that any that searcheth them, can iustly reprehend, they are now also, though many are perswaded the contrarie, consecrated and confirmed by their antiquitie: So that we must needs make a conscience of it to forsake our lawes, that haue endured so many ages. These are the iniuries that these people by violence offer vs; they sacrilegiously take from vs the money dedicated to God: they impose tributes vpon vs, who are free: they vpon festiuall daies force vs to their tribunals, to law and other prophane busines, without any necessitie, but onely in contumely and disgrace of our religion, which they know well in the meane while that they persecute with vniust and vnlawfull hatred. For your Empire equally prouiding for the good of all your subiects, doth not onely nourish the mutuall concord of them all, B but also resisteth hatred and malice. These are the iniuries most worthy Agrippa, whereof we seeke redresse at thy hands, requesting thee that hereafter we may liue according to our religion as before times, and that our aduersaries may haue no more authority ouer vs then we ouer them: which is not onely iustice and equitie, but alreadie also granted by your clemencie. And there are yet extant to be seene in the capitoll many decrees and ordinances of the Senate concerning this matter, engrauen in brasse, which are read vnto this day: doubtlesse for our truth and fidelitie so oftentimes tried: or at least, though we not deseruing it, yet holy and inuiolate. For you do not only not withdraw from vs & all other nations your former benefits granted vnto vs, but you do rather euery day beside all hope and expectation increase them: all which, time will not suffer me to recount. And that we may not seeme vanely to boast of our duties and officiousnes C towards you, and also omitting other things that are past; our king now sitting with you can sufficiently testifie it so to be. For what kind of loue & good wil hath he omitted to shew vnto your nation? where was he not prooued trusty? what hath he not deuised to honour you? where stood you in need, when he was not the first man to helpe you? Why therefore should not we receiue some fauour for his deserts? I will not omit to put you in mind of the fortitude of his father Antipater, who came with two thousand soldiers to assist Caesar in the Agyptian warres, wherein he so valiantly behaued himselfe, that neither by sea nor land any one in those warres deserued more commendations then himselfe. I will not at this time recount how much good he did Caesar in those warres, and what and how great rewards hee therefore receiued: but rather I should first of all put you in remembrance of the letters that the Emperour writ vnto D the Senate concerning this matter, wherewith he obtained for Antipater the honours and priuiledges of the citie. For this onely argument had beene sufficient to haue declared that we did not obtaine such fauour without desert, & request thee now to confirme the same, of whom we might iustly hope for new benefits, seeing such friendship and familiaritie betweene thee and our king. For we haue vnderstood by our nation that dwell in Iudaea, how many offerings thou didst there sacrifice vnto our God, & with what vowes thou honouredst him: how thou feastedst the people, and wast delighted in that mutuall hospitalitie. All which are as it were an argument of the friendship confirmed betweene so great a Romane prince, and the nation of the Iewes, euen in Herodes house. By all these, we humblie request in the presence of the king nothing but this onely, that thou wouldest not permit vs deceitfully to be defrauded of that, which you E your selues haue alreadie granted vnto the nation of the Iewes.’
Now no one of the Greeks offered to oppose himselfe against that which Nicholaus did speake: for this was no contention to a Iudge concerning their right, but onely a deprecation and supplication to auoid iniurie. Neither did they denie it, onely thus they excused themselues, that the Iewes dwelling amongst them were troublesome vnto them. But the Iewes shewed themselues to be free citizens, and to liue according to their religion and lawes of their countrey without any Agrippa confirmeth the Iewes priuiledges. mans molestation or iniurie. Wherefore Agrippa vnderstanding that they were wronged, aunswered thus; that he would not onely gratifie them for his friend Herods sake, but also for that they seemed to him to demand a reasonable matter. Wherfore though they had demanded a greater thing of him, he would haue granted them whatsoeuer he might, without preiudicying the people F of Rome. And now seeing they onely demaund of him that which alreadie the Romanes had granted vnto them, he would ratifie and confirme vnto them the benefit which they had alreadie receiued at the Romanes hands, and prouide that henceforth no man should molest them Agrippa departed from Lesbus. for liuing according to the institutions and ordinances of their countrey. Hauing thus spoken, he dismissed the assembly. Then Herode arising, thanked him in all their names. And then after mutuall embracing one another, they departed, taking their leaues, from Lesbus.
CHAP. V. The yeare of the world, 3956. before Christs Natiuitie, 8. G
How Herode returned into Iudaea.
THe king hauing a prosperous winde, within a fewe daies after atriued at Caesarea; and from thence he went to Ierusalem; and calling togither all the people, as well the Citizens Herode returned to Ierusalē and made a speech vnto the people, and let them vnderstand the cause of his iniury, and remitted the fourth part of his tribute. as also the countrey people then present, there he tolde them the cause of his iourney, and how he had obtained immunities for the Iewes liuing in Asia, that they might conuerse there among the Gentiles without any molestation. Then he recounted vnto them, what felicitie they had receiued and enioyed by his raigne, seeing that his greatest care was so to prouide for his subiects, that they might want nothing. And to gratifie them the more, he told them, that H he would freely remit the fourth part of the taxes and tribute they were to pay for the yeere past. The people greatly comforted as well with the kings speech vnto them, as with his liberalitie, departed ioyfully, wishing the king all happinesse.
CHAP. VI.
Of the discord in Herodes house, betweene him and his sonnes.
IN the meane time, the discord of his house was daily increased; for Salome greatly maligned Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 3. al. 7. Salome perlecuteth Mariammes children with naturall hatred. the two young men, as hauing a hereditarie hatred rooted in her heart; and presumed by reason of her good successe in her exploit practised against their mother, to I labour all waies possible not to leaue any aliue, that might reuenge her death; who died, not deseruing it. And she wanted no occasion, for that it seemed the young men were not verie wel affected toward their father, partly for the memorie of their mothers death, & partly also for that they desired the kingdome. So that they vpbraiding Salome and Pheroras did renew their olde hatred against them, who daily practised, by all meanes they could, to ouerthrow them: the young men also hated them, but not with like hatred that they were hated of them. For they for their ingenuous manners and noble race dissembled not their anger, but with lauish tongues declared Alexander and Aristobulus being by Salome and Pheroras drawen into bad words are by them accused to their father Herode. their mindes. But Salome and Pheroras contrariwise enuiously and craftily prepared themselues a way by calumniations, alwaies prouoking the magnanimous spirits of these young men, whose fiercenesse might soone bring them into suspition with their father, to the intent that hee K might gather hereby, that they wanted not will to reuenge their mothers death, yea euen with their owne hands, forasmuch as they were not ashamed to be the children of such a mother, and would contend that she was vniustly put to death. And now all the whole Citie talked of them, euerie one pitying the young mens simplicitie: Salome not ceasing to gather by their owne speeches probable arguments of suspition, that they did not only take their mothers death impatiently, but also raging like young men, did both bewaile her death and their owne case, who were compelled to liue with the murtherers of their infortunat mother, & as it were contaminat themselues Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4. al. 8. Pheroras and Salome accuse Alexander and Aristobulus before Herode with liuing amongst them. And the absence of the king greatly increased this their dissension; who being returned, and hauing made a speech vnto the people, he presently was admonished both by Pheroras and Salome his sister, that he was in great danger, by reason of the L two young men, who did openly boast that they would be reuenged of them that killed their mother: feining moreouer, that they were incouraged, for that they hoped that Archelaus king of Cappadocia would helpe them, to accuse their father vnto Caesar. Herod hearing this, was greatly troubled; and so much the more, for that he heard the same also reported vnto him by others: And hereby he was put in memorie of that which was past, how that for the dissension of his house he could not long enioy his friends and dearest wife. And as it were foreseeing by that that Herode was fortunate abroad, and vnfortunate at home. was past what would ensue, and fearing some greater calamitie would befall him, he was altogither amazed. And truely as abroad he was most fortunate aboue all hope; so at home he was most vnhappy and infortunate beyond mens opinion: So that one may well doubt whether his fortunate successe abroad did counteruaile his misfortunes at home; or whether it had beene M more expedient for him to haue had neither the one nor the other, but to haue had onely a common and ordinarie fauour at fortunes hands. Deliberating thus with himselfe, he thought it Herod aduanceth Antipater to bridie the arrogancy of his sonnes. good to call vnto the court another sonne of his, whom he begat when he was a priuate man, and to grace him with honours, and to oppose him against the other two brethren, to the end, to bring downe and represse their fierce and hautie mindes: (this sonne of his was called Antipater) not minded (which after ouercome by affection he did) to make him sole heire of all, but thinking [Page 417] hereby to bridle Mariammes children, and to diminish their arrogancie by setting them see A The yeare of the world. 3956. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 8 that it was not needfull to keepe the inheritance of so flourishing a kingdome onely for them: wherefore he introduced Antipater one opposed against them, that thereby the young men laying their pride aside, might shew themselues more tractable to their father: and so now hee thought he had by this meanes prouided for the safetie of these young men. But it fell out farre otherwise, then he expected, for the young men esteemed this fact as an iniurie done vnto them: And Antipater was of that nature, that hauing gotten promotion contrarie to his expectation, Antipater enciteth his father aganist his brothers. he did endeuour all waies possible to be in greater account with his father then the two young men, who was now through false accusations alienated from him, and euerie day (as he also desired) ready to beleeue any thing that might incense him against them.
Wherefore this was all his labour, yet had he an especiall care not to be thought an accuser of his brethren, but he vsed others of his accomplices, whom the king nothing suspected, who B for the trust the king put in them, might also haue better credit giuen vnto their words. For now this man had many followers and fauourers, as it were gaping after preferment by his meanes, who with a kinde of counterfeit goodwill made a shewe of loue and goodwill towards Herode: And being many in number and trusty one to an other, the young men were euerie day entrapped more and more: for many times they shed teares for very griefe of the contumelies and iniuries that they suffered; and many times they mentioned their mother, and complained vnto those whom they thought to be their friends, of their father, as one that dealt not well with them: all which Antipaters partakers malitiously noting, and adding therunto something of their own inuention, they did presently tell it vnto Herode; and so did nourish the dissension of his house. For the king being mooued hereat, and purposing to humble Mariammes children, did daily encrease C and augment Antipaters honours, and at his entreaties at last brought his mother into the Herod brought Antipaters mother into his pallace. Herode deliuereth Antipater to Agrippa, to be caried to Rome. court, and many times secretly writing vnto Caesar in fauour of Antipater, he especially commended him in particular vnto him: and being to sayle to salute Agrippa, who now was to depart out of Asia, hauing gouerned that prouince ten yeeres, he onely tooke with him Antipater of all his sonnes, whom also he committed vnto Agrippa with many gifts, to go with him to Rome, and to be brought into fauour with Caesar; so that now all things seemed to be done, as it were by this mans becke, and the young men to be already disinherited.
CHAP. VII.
How Antipater liuing at Rome, Herode brought Alexander and his brother thither, D and accused them before Caesar.
THis iourney did greatly aduantage Antipater, and increase his honour, and preeminence aboue his brethren: for he became famous at Rome being by his fathers letters commended Antipater was honoured at Rome. Antipater whē he was present incited his father against his brethren by hes, and being absent he did the same by letters. Herude failed to Rome, and followed Caesar to Aquileia, Herode accused his sons before Caesar. vnto all his friends there: yet this was a great griefe vnto him, that he could not daily calumniate his brethren; for he feared least his fathers minde should change, and so hee should affect Mariammes children most. This was his daily cogitation, but though he were absent, yet he ceased not by letters to incite his father against them, as hauing care of his safetie, but in deede for that he thereby through his bad practises hoped to obtaine the kingdome: so that E he so encreased Herodes wrath against them, that he now was become a deadly enemy vnto the young men. But indeuouring to resist this affection, and fearing rashly in his anger to commit any thing to preiudice them, he determined to saile againe to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, least he being lead away thorow indignation and displeasure conceiued against the young men, should seeme to cast off all loue & fatherly affection towards them. And repairing to Rome and not finding Caesar there, he followed him vnto Aquileia, and comming to speech of him, and requesting him to take notice of his misfortunes, he presented his two sonnes, and accused them before Caesar of insolencie, and for hauing attempted to poyson him, complaining their hatred to be gone so farre, that now by any wicked and execrable way whatsoeuer they sought their fathers kingdome: notwithstanding that Caesar had giuen him full power and liberty F to leaue the kingdome to him, whom he found most dutifull and obedient vnto him. And that they, though thereby they might not gaine the kingdome, yet they could be contented with their fathers death, and that they sought it with danger of their owne liues, and that this horrible and detestable hatred was now rooted in their hearts. And that he hauing long endured this calamitie, was now forced to open it vnto Caesar, and trouble his eares with these complaints. And spake after this manner: ‘Haue I deserued this at their hands? what wrong haue I done them? or[Page 418] how can they thinke it reason, that I who haue exposed my selfe to so many dangers, and vndergone G The yeare of the world. 3956. before Christs birth 8. so difficult labours for a long time to obtaine the kingdome, should not peaceably enioy the same, and suffer me to be Lord of my owne dominion, and permit me the libertie to leaue it vnto him who shall deserue such honour in the best performance of a son-like duety?’ So that the beholders hereof seeing pietie so rewarded, might hereby be the more incited thereunto, especially seeing that without violating the lawe of nature, it is not lawfull to thinke any such thought: for no man can affect his fathers kingdome, but he doth also desire his fathers death, seeing that it is not permitted men to succeede those in the kingdome who are yet aliue. He alleaged moreouer, that for his part he had had a care that they should want nothing conuenient for a kinde father to prouide for princely children, neither ornaments, nor followers, nor delights: that also he had prouided for them wiues of noble race, and had married one of them vnto H his sisters daughter; and the other vnto Archelaus his daughter king of Cappadocia: and which was the greatest matter of all, he had not vsed the authoritie of a father against them after these their enterprises, but brought them vnto Caesar their common benefactor; and that forsaking his owne right of a father, who had been iniured, or of a king, against whom treason had bin wrought, he now was content to debate his matter with them before such a iudge, as well knew how to decide the thing in question according to right & equitie: yet requested he him that that offence of theirs might not be left vnpunished, nor he forced to lead the rest of his life still in perpetuall feare: seeing that it was expedient that they should neuer see light againe after such hainous offences, and to escape vnpunished after the violating of all lawes of God and nature. Herode hauing with a vehement voice obiected these accusations against his sonnes before Caesar; I the young men not able to absteine from teares whilest he was yet speaking, and hauing ended his speech they were wholy resolued into teares, not for that they were guiltie of those impieties laid vnto their charge, but for that they were accused by their father, against whom it was not decent to speake freely for themselues, nor expedient to refuse to defend their owne cause. Where they remained doubtfull what to doe, moouing the auditors to pitie them by their teares and lamentations, and carefull withall least it should be thought that their guiltie conscience did so Alias, chap. 9. Alexander and Aristo bulus moue all that were present euen their father and accuser to teares and cōpassion. trouble them, that they were not able to speake in their owne defence, seeing that in deede it was their want of skill and tender yeeres, by reason whereof they were so amazed. Which also Caesar well perceiued, and all that were present were so mooued to compassion, that neither their father who was their accuser could long refraine from being mooued hereat to compassion. K
CHAP. VIII.
Of Alexanders defence, and how the two brethren were reconciled vnto their father Herod.
THen the young men perceiuing both their father and Caesar to relent, and the rest that Alexander speaketh in his owne and his brothers defence. were present partly to pitie them, partly to shed teares of compassion: the one of them named Alexander, who was the elder, framing his speech vnto his father, began thus to purge himselfe of the crimes obiected against them. My father, how well & friendly minded thou art towards vs, this present iudgement declareth: for hadst thou determined any L heauy sentence against vs, thou wouldest not haue brought vs before him, who is the preseruer of vs all: for thou mightest being a king, or for the authoritie ouer vs as a father, haue punished vs for our offence according to thy power; but in that thou hast brought vs to Rome, and made Caesar our iudge, it is an argument that thou seekest to saue vs: for no man bringeth any one to the temple whom he purposeth to destroy, which greatly aggrauateth our cause, who do censure our selues vnworthy to liue, rather then to incurre an opinion of impietie committed against thee such a father. How farre more expedient is it to die guiltlesse, then to liue suspected of such offences. Wherfore, if truth be our patrone, we shall be happy either by thy owne iudgment, or for that we haue escaped danger: but if calumniations doe preuaile against vs, it is superfluous and to no purpose that we liue. For what good would it doe vs, if we liue in continuall suspition? M It is a probable accusation to accuse our yeeres, as hauing affected the kingdome; and our vnfortunate mothers calamitie maketh it seeme more probable. But consider I beseech thee, if the same crime may not be as well framed against any one whomsoeuer, as against vs. For any king hauing children by a wife that is now dead, may if it please him suspect them, as practising treason against him their father. But suspition is not sufficient to prooue a man impious and guiltie: wherfore bring any one forth that can tell any argument of this crime by vs to haue been [Page 419] attempted, which may adde credit to this calumniation; Can any man shew that poyson was prepared A The yeare of the world. 3956. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 8 by vs for you; or that we conspired with any; or that we corrupted any seruants with mony and gifts; or that we writ any letters against thee? yet may calumniation faine euery one of these vpon no occasiō. ‘It is a grieuous matter for discord to be in a princes court; and the hope of dominion, which your maiestie affirmed to be the reward of pietie; doth often impell mens minds vnto hainous offences. But although it be most certaine that we cannot be conuicted of any crime; yet how can we cleare our selues from accusations forged against vs before them that will not heare vs? But did we speake some insolent words; yet were they not against thee, O my father (for that had beene impietie) but against them who tell all they heare. We bewailed our mothers misfortune. It is true: but not because she is dead, but because after her death she is euill spoken of by those, who ought not to doe it. We affect the kingdome of our father B he being yet aliue. Wherein? Is not that purpose of ours vaine and friuolous, we hauing alreadie beene graced with kingly honours? And suppose we were not; yet might we hope for them. But could we expect them by killing of thee, whom both earth and seas would disdaine after so execrable an offence? Or could we haue expected that the loyaltie of thy subiects, and the lawes of our nation would haue permitted vs, hauing gotten the kingdome by murthering our father, to haue enioyed the same, and entred into the holy temple, which thou didst repaire? Or suppose we despised them all; yet could any one that murthered thee escape, Caesar being liuing? Thy children by thee begotten are not so impious nor foolish, though more infortunate then thy estate requireth. And seeing thou hast nothing to accuse vs of, or nothing to prooue any accusation laid vnto our charge, how canst thou be perswaded that we are guiltie of such inhumane actes? C Is it because our mother was put to death? But her death ought rather to haue made vs more warie, then insolent and rash. We could speake more in our owne defence, then this; but what need is it to excuse that which was neuer done? Wherefore we beseech Caesar (who is Lord of all, and now our Iudge) onely this, that if thou canst, O my father, put away out of thy minde all suspition of vs, to suffer vs to liue hereafter, how vnhappie and vnfortunate soeuer: for what is more miserable than to be rashly accused without cause? But if thou canst not, we liuing, liue without feare of vs, let vs die condemned by our owne censure. For our liues are not so deere vnto vs, that we desire to keepe them to his molestation that bestowed them vpon vs.’
Caesar with these words, though before not greatly crediting such accusations and slaunders laid against them, was now more mooued to beleeue that they were guiltlesse; and the rather, All men do pittie the yong men. Caesar pronounceth the yong mē herein to haue oftended, that they gaue occasion of suspition, and he exhorreth the father to be reconciled to his children. D for that fixing his eies vpon Herode, he perceiued him also to be much mooued, and all that were present were sorrowful for the young men; so that all courtiers present thought hardly of the king for the absurd & friuolous accusation framed against thē: and the flower of their age, wherin they were now indaungered, moued all mens minds what they could to assist them: And much more were they incited after that Alexander had ingeniously refuted his fathers accusations, the accused remaining stil in the same habit and place, and for griefe fixing their eies vpon the ground. At last some hope appeared, so that the king himselfe seemed to need some excuse, for hauing so rashly accused his sonnes without any certaine proofe of his accusations. At last Caesar hauing a while deliberated with himselfe, pronounced that the young men were innocent, and guiltlesse of the crimes laid vnto their charge: yet herein they were culpable, in that they had so behaued E themselues, that they gaue their father occasion herein to suspect them. And as for Herode he requested him to lay aside all suspition, and to be reconciled vnto his children. For it was vniustly Herode is reconciled to his children. done of him to beleeue such forged accusations against those whom he had begotten, and that one might recompence another in time to come for their former offences, and renew the good will betweene them in times past, if to abolish all suspicions either did hereafter shew himselfe more friendly to other then before. Caesar hauing thus admonished the young men, they preparing themselues to intreat their fathers wonted fauour; he not expecting so long, came and embraced each of them one after another, they weeping exceedingly; and all those that were present both seruants and others did the like. Antipater friendly dot [...] congratulate his brethrē returned into his fathers fauour. Herode dit [...] giue Caesar [...]00. tale [...].
Then giuing humble thanks vnto Casar, they departed togither; and Antipater with them F counterfaiting himselfe to congratulate their good hap, for that they were now reconciled vnto his father. Within a few daies after Herode gaue Caesar three hundreth talents, who was now bestowing his gifts and presents at Rome, and exercising his liberalitie vpon the people. And Casar againe bestowed vpon him halfe of the reuenewes out of the mines of the mettall in Cyprus; and the other halfe vnto the ouerseer thereof, and gracing him otherwaies also, he gaue him leaue to chuse which of his sonnes he pleased for to succeed him in his kingdome; or if he had rather [Page 420] to distribute it amongst them all which Herode presently would haue done, but Caesar would not G The yeare of the world, 3956. before Christs Natiuitie, 8. Caesar gaue Herode halfe his reuennes out of the mines of Cyprus. The rebels are conquered permit him, affirming that during his life he should keepe it all whole and vndeuided, and his sonnes should be subject vnto him.
After this Herode returned againe into Iudaea, in whose absence the Trachonites that were no small part of his kingdome, were reuolted: yet by the industrie of the captaines he left to ouersee all in his absence, they were conquered againe, and forced to doe as they were commaunded. As Herode and his sonnes were sailing towards home, arriuing at Eleusa a citie of Cilicia which is now called Sebaste, he found Archelaus there, who was king of Cappadocia. Archelaus did courteously entertaine Herode, and was verie ioyfull that his sonnes and he were made friends, and that Alexander his sonne in law had so well cleered himself and his brother of the crimes laid vnto their charge. And so each one bestowing vpon the other princely gifts, they departed, taking H their leaues one of the other. After this Herode being new returned into Iudaea, and calling the people togither into the temple, told them all that had past in his absence from them, and the courtesie of Caesar: and tolde them also of other affaires that he thought meet for them to know, and turning the latter end of his speech vnto his sonnes, and exhorting the courtiers and common people to concord, he told them that his sonnes should raigne after him, and first of all Antipater: and after him his sonnes that he had by Mariamme, Alexander and Aristobulus; in the meane time euerie one of them should honour him as King and Lord, notwithstanding his olde age, which for long experience was the fitter to gouerne, seeing there was nothing in him wanting to keepe both his subiects and children in their obedience; and that the soldiers also if they onely respected him, should liue in all happines and felicitie without molestation. Hauing I thus spoken, he dismissed the people; some thinking he had spoken according to equitie; others thinking cleane contrarie: For hauing now as it were caused an emulation amongst his children, there was as it were alreadie a shew of some mutation.
CHAP. IX.
How Herode hauing finished Caesarea, for ioy thereof did celebrate euerie fifth yeere certaine sports.
ABout this time Caesarea was finished, the tenth yeere after it was begunne to be built, the eight and twentith yeere of Herodes raigne, in the hundreth, foure score and twelue Olympiade. The yeare of the world, 3957. before Christs natiuitie, 7. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. al. 10. Caesrea is finished. O [...]nale [...]men. In the dedication hereof there was great pompe and sumotuous preparations: K for all musitians were brought hither to striue one with another, who was most excellent in their art; and champions that wrastled being naked and annointed with oyle: there was also a great many that fought with swords, & a great number of sauage beasts; and all things else that at such times were vsed, and in account either at Rome or in other countries. These sports were also consecrated vnto Caesar, and were to be renewed euery fifth yeere. All this prouision the king at his owne cost and charges prouided to be brought from any place whatsoeuer, to shew the greatnes of his magnificence. Iulia Caesars wife also bestowed much of hir, owne to the furnishing hereof, and sent many precious things out of Italy; so that the worth of them all amounted vnto fiue hundreth talents. And a great company being gathered togither to beholde these sports, he receiued all Embassadours sent vnto him from other nations, to thanke him for L the benefits he had bestowed on them; and he lodged, feasted, and sported them: and being all day long amongst the people to see those sports, at night he receiued them with banquets, and shewing them his magnificence; and gaining great praise and commendations for a worthie king. For he in all things so prouided, that the last was more pleasing and gratefull then the first, and caused him to be more admired. And it is reported that Caesar himselfe and Agrippa often did say, that Herodes magnanimitie was greater then his present reuenewes could beare, and that Caesar and Agrippa commend Herods magnanimity. A [...]ipartis is built. he well deserued an empire, as big as all Syria and Egypt. These sports being ended, he builded another towne in a field called Capharsaba, chusing for it a watery soyle fit for plants: the citie was compassed with a riuer; and he also planted round about it a wood full of most goodly trees. This towne he called Antipatris, after his fathers name Antipater. After which he also builded M a castell aboue Iericho, called after his mothers name Cypron, which was verie strongly defenced, Cypron is built. and adorned within with rare and sumptuous edifices. And not forgetting his brother, he dedicated vnto him most goodly buildings: for first he built a tower as bigge as Pharo in the citie, The tower and towne of Phasaelus is built. in remembrance of his dead brother, and called it by his name Phasaelus, which also was the strongest hold and defence in all the citie. After this, he builded a towne neere vnto the valley of Iericho, as one goeth toward the north, whereby the fields that before almost lay desert were now [Page 421] tilled and inhabited by the townesmen; so that of them it was named Phasaelus field. It were hard The yeare of the world. 3957. before Christs birth 7. Herode built the temple of Pythius. A to recount all his liberalitie in particular shewed both vnto the Cities of Syria and Grecia, and all other places wheresoeuer he came: for he helped many either by building publike places; or if there were any new workes begun, and not finished for want of money, by giuing them money to finish them: the chiefest amongst all which were, that he builded at his owne cost and charge the temple of Apollo at Rhodes; and gaue them many talents of siluer to build their ships. He also builded the greatest part of the publike houses and places in the Citie by Actium, which Caesar built for the Nicopolitanes there inhabiting, and that with his owne proper costs and charges: He also for the Antiochians inhabiting the greatest Citie of Syria, builded porches on each side of the greater streete, that goeth quite thorow the middest of the Citie, and doth as it were part it into two: and that street it selfe that lay open, he paued with polished stone: which B worke was as great a commoditie to the inhabitants, as a beautie vnto their Citie. He also helped to maintaine the sports at Olympus with yeerely reuenues, that now for want of maintenance began to decay: so that by his meanes there were more solemne sacrifices, and all things more sumptuous to please them that came to behold them: for which his liberalitie he was declared a The sports of Olympus. perpetuall master and maintainer of those sports. It is admirable to see in one man such diuersitie of mindes: for on the one side if we respect his liberalitie and beneficence towards all men, we must needs say, he was of a most free and bountifull nature; contrariwise, if we consider the iniuries and crueltie he shewed against his subjects and dearest friends, we must confesse him to Why Herode was liberall to strangers, and cruell to his owne nation. haue been a hard man, and intractable, and who passed all bounds of modestie; so that we would thinke him to haue beene of two contrarie dispositions. But I am otherwise perswaded, and C thinke that both these did proceed from one matter: for because he thirsted after glorie and honour, and wholy applied himselfe thereunto; he became liberall wheresoeuer he was in hope either to reape present thankes for his labour, or a future remembrance. Wherefore spending aboue his reuenues for this matter, he was forced to be chargeable vnto his subiects: for it was necessatie that he that so lauishly bestowed such huge summes of money vpon others, should some where get it, though with euill meanes. Lastly, seeing himselfe for such like iniuries hated of his subiects, he thought it a hard matter to get their good wils; which he could doe no way else, but by remitting the tribute they paid him. Wherefore he abused the hatred of his people for his owne commoditie: for if any one of them did not tolerate that slauerie wherein they liued, or did endeuour to shake off the yoke of his dominion, against such he vsed a meruailous crueltie; D and outraged them no lesse, then as if they had been his enemies, neither respecting friendship nor kindred; for that he desired alone to be honoured of all men. And how greedy of honour he was, we may guesse by the honours he did vnto Caesar, Agrippa, and others of their friends: for he desired to be an example vnto his subiects, that as he himselfe honoured men better then himselfe; so they should all honour him likewise: thereby declaring what thing he did naturally most desire. But the Iewes religion doth not permit them license to honour potentates, who of necessitie ought to haue greater care and respect of right and equitie, then of such officiousnesse toward superiours: for it was disprofite enough vnto the Iewes that they could not with statuaes Herod greedie of honour. and temples obtaine the kings fauour, and with such like flatteries satisfie the fonde appetites of a vaineglorious man. And this seemeth to me to be the reason that Herode was vniust, and hard E towards his friends, and to those whom he made partakers of his counsels and enterprises: and franke and bountifull towards strangers.
CHAP. X.
Of the Embassage of the Cyrenian and Asian Iewes vnto Caesar.
THe Asian and Cyrenian Iewes were greatly afflicted by the Citizens of those countries, who hauing had the same priuiledges granted vnto them by the auncient kings that the Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 10. The Iewes of Asia and Cyrenc being afflicted by the inhabitāts there send an embassage to Caesar, and do obtain of him immunitie, Citizens had, were now greatly iniured by the Greeks: as though they carried money F out of the countrey, and were preiudiciall vnto the rest of the inhabitants. And the Greeks making no end of these their iniuries, they were constrained by Embassadors to complaine of them vnto Caesar, who wrote vnto euery prouince, that it was his pleasure that the Iewes should enioy like priuiledges with the other inhabitants of the countrey. The copy of which writing we haue here set downe, that it may the better appeare, how the Roman Emperors of ancient times were affected vnto our nation.
[Page 422] Caesar Augustus Pont. Max. Trib. potestatis, thus decreeth. For as much as the nation of the G The yeare of the world 3957. before Christs Natiuitie. 7. Iewes hath alwaies been trusty vnto the Romans, not only at this day, but also in all former ages, and especially in the time of our father Caesar the Emperour, vnder Hircanus their high priest: I haue ordained, that according to the common sentence of the Senate, they shal liue after their countrey lawes, vnder which they liued in the time of Hircanus the high priest of God: and that their temple shall retaine the right of a sanctuarie, and that it shall be lawfull for them to send votiue money vnto Ierusalem by certaine persons: and that they shall not be compelled to appeare before any iudge vpon their Sabaoth daies, or the day before their Sabaoths, after nine of the clocke vpon the preparation day. And if any one be knowne to steale the holy bookes, or holy money laid vp in their places appointed for religion, he shall be guiltie of sacrilege: and his goods shall be confiscate vnto the treasurie of the people of Rome. I also decree for the good H will I beare vnto all men, that their memoriall or request offered vnto me by C. Marcius Censorinus, shall togither with this my edict be published in that famous place, which all Asia hath dedicated vnto my name, to wit, Argyra. And if any shall be so hardy as to doe contrarie to our decree, he shall be punished extraordinarily. This was engrauen in a pillar in Caesars temple. Caesar wisheth health vnto Norbanus Flaccus: let it be lawfull for all Iewes wheresoeuer liuing, to carrie their sacred money vnto Ierusalem, according to their auncient custome, and that no man should forbid them so to doe: and this did Caesar write in fauour of the Iewes.
Agrippa also wrote in the Iewes behalfe, as followeth: Agrippa wisheth health vnto the magistrates, Senate, and people of Ephesus. I will that the Iewes liuing in Asia keepe their sacred Agrippa writ vnto the rulers of Ephesus in the Iewes behalfe, and to Syllanus and the magistrats of Cyrena. money, which according to the custome of their countrey, they are wont to send vnto Ierusalem: I and if any one shall steale their holy money, that the same person if he flie vnto a sanctuary, shall be violently taken away from thence, as a sacrilegious person, and deliuered vnto the Iewes to be punished. He also wrote vnto Syllanus the magistrate, that the Iewes might not be constrained vpon their Sabaoths to appeare before a Iudge. M. Agrippa wisheth health to the Cyrenian magistrates, and Senate. The Iewes inhabiting amongst you, for whom Augustus hath already written vnto Flauius the president of Libya, and vnto other magistrates of that prouince, are not to be hindered from sending their holy money to Ierusalem; as their custome is: and they haue now complained vnto me, that they are molested by the false accusations of some bad people, and forbidden to doe it vnder pretence of a certaine tribute, which notwithstanding they are not to pay. Wherefore I commaund that they may be permitted to liue after their custome, K and free from all such matters: and if in any of your Cities any sacred money of theirs be intercepted, that by certaine persons which you knowing to be fit for that purpose make choise of them, to send it againe vnto the Iewes. Item, C. Norbanus Flaccus proconsul, Health vnto the magistrates of Sardinia: Caesar hath written vnto me, commaunding that no man hinder the Caius Norbanus Flaccus writeth in the Iewes behalfe. Iulius Antonius procōfull. Iewes, according to their custome, to send sacred money vnto Ierusalem: wherefore I also write vnto you of the same, that you may not be ignorant both of my will and Caesars also. Moreouer, Iulius Antonius proconsul did also write vnto this effect, Health vnto the magistrates, Senate and people of Ephesus. The Iewes of Asia in the Ideas of Februarie, I sitting in iudiciall seat at Ephesus, signified vnto me, that Caesar Augustus and Agrippa haue permitted them to vse their countrey customes; and euerie one, according as he thinketh good, to contribute his first fruites for L religion sake, to be caried without let or hinderance vnto the temple of the most mightie God: and they desired me to ratifie by my consent, that which they had already granted them by the abouenamed Emperours. Wherfore I would haue you to know, that I also, according vnto Caesars and Agrippas decrees and ordinances, doe permit and grant them also to doe all things they please, according vnto their countrey customes, forbidding any man to hinder them therein.
I haue thought good to annex these decrees, for that I know that these my writings will come vnto the Grecians hands, that I may shew them that in former ages we were so esteemed of the publike magistrates that were not permitted to hinder vs from vsing our countrey rites and ceremonies; and that by their consent we worshipped God in our own religion: which I do inculcate M the oftner, that I may moue strange and forraine nations, and take away their hatred conceiued against vs, which is without all reasonable cause. For no nation doth alwaies vse the same customes, but almost whole townes amongst them doe sometimes alter and differ from the rest; yet is iustice equally to be distributed vnto all men: which is most profitable, as well to the Greekes as to other barbarous nations, which is greatly obserued in our lawes, which if we follow and violate not, are able to make all nations loue vs. Wherefore we request all men not to [Page 423] despise vs for that we differ from them in religion, but fauour vs in that we follow vertue. For The yeare of the world. 3957. before Christs birth 7. A this is common to all nations, and without this mans life cannot stand. But I will now returne vnto my Historie.
CHAP. XI.
How Herode hauing neede of money, opened Dauids Sepulchre.
HErode spending lauishly much and many summes of money, both at home and abroad, Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 7. al. 7. 12. The desire of gold. hearing that Hircanus, who raigned before him, opened Dauids Sepulchre, and tooke out of it three thousand talents of siluer, and that there was left yet farre more, able to defray any great charges whatsoeuer, he long time purposed to doe the like. And at this time in B the night season accompanied only with his most trustie friends, being verie warie that none of the people should know of it, he entred into the Sepulchre: but he found no money there, as Hircanus did; but he tooke from thence a great company of precious attires and ornaments of gold; whereby he was entised to make a more diligent search: and he sent two of his company for the nonce into the inner part of the Sepulchre, where the bodies of Salomon and Dauid were intombed, who were there lost, and as it is reported, fire came out of those secret places and consumed Herode lost two of his men in Dauids sepulchre. Nicholaus the histotiographer reproued them. Whereat Herode being terrified, departed out of it; and mooued with religion to make satisfaction, he builded a most sumptuous monument of white marble, at the entrances into the Sepulchre: of which building Nicholaus also a writer of that time, maketh mention; but he speaketh not how they went into the Sepulchre of Dauid, thinking that therein he should not keepe C decorum, if he should make mention thereof. Wherein he followed his accustomed order, for his writings were to come to the eares of the king yet liuing, wherein he did onely curry fauour, mentioning onely that that might redound vnto the kings credit: so that many of his open and wicked prankes, he doth either colour vnder some other pretence, or else alwaies possible he endeuoured to hide them. For he doth as it were tell a tale of Herodes crueltie against Mariamme, and his sonnes; as though he did thereby deserue credit and praise, accusing her of adulterie, and them as traitors vnto their father: and this he doth cleane thorow his workes, too much extolling the kings good deedes, and too diligently excusing his bad deedes and iniquities. But as I haue said, we must pardon him, who did not so much write to leaue a memorie of things done vnto after ages, as to gratifie and please his king. But I, who come of the linage of the Asamonian D Ioseph came of the priestly line of the Asamoncens. A discord in Herods house kings, and execute the office of a Priest, account it a shame to lie: and doe intend truely to recount the historie of all things that were acted and done, yet with a reuerence of the posteritie of that king, who doe also now beare sway and rule▪ yet with their pardon and leaue, hauing a greater care to the veritie of our historie, then to them.
After the Sepulchre was thus violated, Herods house began to decay, whether reuenge lighting vpon that part which was alreadie scarse sound, or whether by meere chance such calamitie at that time befell him, as might iustly be thought the reward of impietie. For there was a discord in the court not vnlike vnto ciuill warres, euerie one striuing against other with hatred and forged accusations, but especially Antipaters politicke practise against his brethren was to be noted, who entangling them by other mens forged accusations, himselfe oftentimes seemed to take Antipaters crafty plotting against his brethren. E vpon him their defence, that making a shew of good will vnto them he might secretly oppresse them the sooner; and he did so craftily circumuent his father, that his father deemed him to bee his onely conseruer. Wherefore the king commended Ptolomeus his procurator vnto Antipater his sonne, and did communicate all his secrets vnto his mother, so that all things were done according as they pleased, and they made him displeased [...]gainst those whom they knew the kings displeasure might redoud vnto their profit.
But Mariammes children did euerie day stomacke the matter more and more, disdaining to giue place vnto their inferiour: and for their nobiltie not enduring to be remoued from their places and not to keepe their dignitie also: their wiues did the like, and Alexanders wife Glaphyra, The women ax discord and variance. who was the daughter of Archelaus king of Cappadocia, did greatly enuy and disdaine Salome; F and she also her againe, both for the loue that she bare vnto her husband, and for that she disdained (as women are wont) that her daughter married vnto Aristobulus should be in equall honour with her. Pheroras also the kings brother had a hand in this other contention about a priuate cause of suspition and hatred. For he fell so farre in loue with one of his maides, that he Pheroras refused the kings daughter offered him t [...] wife. refused the kings daughter offered vnto him, rather making choise of his maide. Herode tooke this in verie euill part, seeing his brother (who had receiued so many benefits at his hands, and [Page 424] was almost his fellow in his kingdome by his meanes) not to shew the like brotherly affection to G The yeere of the world, 3957. before Christs Natiuitie, 7. him againe as he then ought, and himselfe to be an vnhappie brother. And seeing he could not disswade him from that madnesse, he maried his daughter vnto Phasaelus his sonne, and afterward thinking that now his brothers mind towards his maide was satisfied, he complaining of his iniurious dealing in repulsing his daughter offered vnto him to wife, he now offered him another of his daughters named Cypros. Then Ptolomeus aduised Pheroras not still to contemne his brothers offer, and persist in such folly; telling him it was his meere folly therefore to incurre the kings displeasure and hatred, and losse of tranquilitie. Pheroras vnderstanding this counsell profitable for him, hauing beene once before iniuriously accused, and obtained pardon at the kings hands, sent away his maid, by whom he now had a son, and promised the king to mary this his other daughter; & appointed the thirtith day after to celebrate his mariage; making a solemne H oth vnto the king, neuer after that time to vse the company of that womā whom he had put away. The time appointed being expired, he fell so farre in loue with the former woman, that he would not stand to his promise, but againe companied with his maid.
Then Herode, not able any longer to conteine himselfe, vsed many speeches, whereby he euidētly shewed his mind to be alienated from his brother. And there were many, who taking hereat opportunitie, did by forged calumniations encrease his alienation: so that now there was no day nor hower past, wherein he did not still heare some new alterations and stirs amongst his deerest friends; whom nature willed to combine themselues to maintaine concord and amitie. For Salome being now offended at Mariammes children, did not permit her daughter maried vnto Aristobulus, Salome entised [...] daughter to bewray her husbands se [...]ts, one of the young men, to enioy mutuall loue and comfort of her husband, enticing her I to bewraie her husbands secret talke: and if she heard any small occasions of offence (as often it falleth out) she should the more aggrauate them with suspicions, whereby she also learned all their secrets, and made the young woman hate her husband. And she to please her mother, recounted how that often when her husband and Alexander were alone, that then they were wont to talke of Mariamme their mother, and vse reprochfull words against their father; and threatning, that if they euer did obtaine the kingdome, they would make the sonnes of the king, whom he had by other wiues, notaries and towne-clerkes: and so they might reape profit of their learning which they now studied for: and whensoeuer they saw any of the kings wiues weare any of Mariammes apparell, that then they vowed in steed of that attire, to cloath them with sackcloth, and shut them vp where they should neuer see the Sunne. Salome presently told all this to the king: K who though he were much grieued hereat, yet he chose rather to seeke to amend it, then to punish thē: for he was greatly incited against them by suspition, & euery day waxing worse & worse, at last he beleeued all the reports of anie whomsoeuer. But hee then contented only sharpely to chide his sonnes, and pacified with their excuses and answers, he for that time was quiet.
But presently the mischiefe was againse set on foote, for Pheroras the kings brother, meeting Alexander, who (as we haue said) was Glaphyra her husband, who was daughter to Archelaus: he Herode greatly moued against Pheroras for a [...]firming that he was a in loue with Glaphyra. told him that he heard by Salome; that Herod was far in loue with Glaphyra: so that he could not shake off this affection. The young man hearing this, became iealous, and was in a great rage: and now what honour soeuer or gifts Herod for the loue of his sonne gaue her, Alexander did interpret it in the worst sense, being now made iealous by that which he had heard of Pheroras, & L not able to put vp such iniuries, as he thought, he went vnto his father, and with teares recounted vnto him what Pheroras had told him. But Herod was hereat the more enflamed, not enduring himselfe falsly to be accused of so shamefull a fact, inueighin against the great malice of his friends, who for his great good tur [...]s he did them, so rewarded him. And presently sending for Pheroras, very sharpely he began to [...] hide him, saying:‘O most impious that liueth amongst men! art thou become so vngratefull, either to speake or thinke such a matter of vs? Thinkest thou that I do not perceiue thy drift, that thou speakest not these words vnto thy sonne to discredite me, but also to the intent by this meanes thou mightest worke some treason against me, & cause me to be poisoned? For who but a good sonne, as this is, would suffer his father, suspected for such a matter, to liue, and not be reuenged of him for such offence? Whether doest thou thinke M that thou didst put these speeches into his mind, or by them a sword into his hand to kill his father withall? or what was thy intent, seeing thou hatest both him and his brother, and only counter faiting good will towards me to belie me, and to report that of me, that without impietie could not be thought? get thee hence, thou wretched impe, seeing thou hast thus abused thy brother, who hath well deserued at thy hands; and do as thou wilt all thy life time, my selfe will endeuour to be better vnto my children; then I haue been; and neither will I punish them as they deserue, [Page 425] but I wil honour them aboue their merits.’ The king hauing discharged his choler against his brother A The yeare of the world. 3957. before Christs bir [...] 7. Salome excuseth her selfe. Pheroras; and he being taken in a manifest fault, answered, that that report was first deuised by Salome, of whom he heard it, which she (being then present) hearing, began to exclaime, saying, it was not her deuise, and that they all laboured to make the king hate her, and to put her to death, being one who did especially wish him well; and what in her lay, seeking his safetie: and that now he was in daunger of more treason then euer before: for (said she) I was the onely cause that you did put away the woman, whom you so doated after, perswading you to marrie the kings daughter: and this is the cause that you hate me. With these speeches tearing her haire, and striking her breast, she made a shew of innocency: but this her gesture was a colour to hide her bad entent. So Pheroras was left in great pexplexitie, not knowing what to say or do; and finding no pretence to excuse his fact: for on the one side he confessed, that he told it vnto Alexander; B and on the other that he could not make Herode beleeue, that he heard it of Salome. This contention endured a good while, at last the king being wearied sent away his brother, and his sister, and greatly commending his sonnes moderate mind, and that he had giuen him intelligence of those speeches verie late in the night, he went to supper.
After this contention, Salome was hardly thought of, because she was iudged to be the authour of this ill report, and the kings wiues wished euill vnto her, because they knew her to be of strange The effect of calumniation. qualities and hard to please, and so variable, that according to the time, one while she would professe friendship, and presently after hatred. Wherefore they still had some thing to enforme Herode of against her, taking occasion hapning by chaunce, which was this. There was a king of the Arabians, named Obodas, a slouthfull man, and one giuen to idlenes: and there was one Syllaeus Syllaeus the Arabian desiring Salome to wife was denied. C that did gouerne all his affairs; this man was a craftie fellow, & in the prime of his youth, and very beautifull. This Syllaeus comming vnto Herode about some busines, and viewing Salome, who then sate at supper with him, began to set his mind vpon her, and finding she was a widow, he entred into talke with her, and she finding her brother now not so friendly vnto her as before he had beene, and also entangled with the beautie of this young man, did not greatly denie to marie him, & many feasts being made at that time, they shewed euident signes of their mutuall consent, and loue one vnto another. The kings wiues told the king of this in scoffing sort: Herode herewith not contented, demanded of Pheroras how the matter stood, & willed him at supper time to note if he could espie any tokens of familiaritie betwixt them: And Pheroras told him that by signes & mutuall viewing one another, they sufficiently shewed their intents. After this the Arabian D being suspected, departed into his owne countrey. But two or three moneths after he came againe into Iudaea, only for this purpose, & talked with Herod concerning this matter, requesting him to let Salome be his wife: affirming that that affinity would be profitable vnto him for the traficke between his people & the Arabians, whose prince he was to be, & did alreadie enioy a great part of the dominion. Herod told al this vnto his sister, & asked her if she would marie him: & she answered, she would. Then they requested that Syllaus should become a Iew in religion, or else it was not lawful for him to mary her. He would not condescend hereunto, affirming that he should be stoned to death by his people, if he did it; and so he departed without obtaining his purpose. From that time forth, Pheroras, and especially the kings wiues accused Salome of intemperancy, affirming that she had had the companie of the Arabian. Now Herode determined to marry his E daughter vnto Salomes sonne, whom Pheroras refused for the loue of his maide, which sonne of Salomes was her eldest that she had by Costabarus; and that to shew his good will toward Salome his sister. But he was disswaded by Pheroras, who told him that the young man would neuer loue such a father in law, because of his fathers death, perswading him rather to marie her to his eldest sonne, who was to succeed him in his Tetrarchie: which he easily perswaded the king vnto, and so obtained pardon for his former offence. Wherefore the spousals being changed, the maide was Herod maried his daughter to Pheroras son. maried vnto the youg man, who had an hundred talents in dowrie with her, more then otherwise should haue beene giuen with her.
But all this while the dissension of Herodes house did not cease, but rather encreased, he hauing a shamefull beginning, and comming to a sorrowfull end. Herod had three Eunuches, whom he The sons hatred towards their father is bewraied. F greatly esteemed for their beauty: one of them was his butler; the other his cooke; and the third his chamberlaine; whom also he was wont to employ in serious affaires of his kingdome. Some one or other enformed the king, that these three Eunuches were corrupted by his sonne Alexander with great summes of money, and being vpon tortures examined if they had accompanied with him, they confessed all: yet they affirmed that they knew no practise of his attempted against his father. But their torments being encreased by Antipaters fauorites, they were forced to [Page 426] confesse that Alexander secretly hated his father, and he exhorted them to forsake Herode, who G The yeare of the world 3957. before Christs Natiuitie. 7. was now good for nothing; who dissembled his age by painting his face to make himselfe seeme younger then he was, and colouring his head and beard blacke, which were alreadie growne verie white through age: but rather fer their mindes vpon him who would in despite of his father enioy his kingdome due vnto him, and that then he would aduance them to the highest honors of the kingdome: for he had not onely title vnto it by his birth, but also was now prepared likewise to inuade it; and that he had many of the captaines of the souldiers, and many of the kings friends on his side, who were prepared to doe or endure any thing for his sake.
Herode hearing this, feare and anger did inuade him, by reason that his sonnes words seemed both contumelious and threatning, and being for both these causes in a rage, he feared some greater matter to be put in practise against him, which he could not sodainly, and hauing so little H warning, auoide; and not daring to make open enquirie, he set secret spies a worke to tell him how all matters stood, himselfe now mistrusting all men, and accounting it his securitie to mistrust all, euen them that deserued it not: and not moderating his suspicious minde, now whosoeuer was the nearest vnto him, was the more suspected, as of most power to iniure him. As for others that were but onely named by his spies, he presently esteemed it his safetie to put them Herode crediteth all tales, and so putteth many to death vniustly. to death. Then they of his household euerie one being carefull to saue himselfe, were one turned against another, euerie one deeming it his owne safetie to preuent others, by accusing them vnto Herode: which done, presently they incited other mens enuie against them, and euerie one of them to desire such measure as they had measured vnto others: and thus they also reuenged their priuate quarrels; and presently after, they themselues were taken, and did by other mens I meanes suffer the like, being intrapped in the same trappe they set for their enemies. For the king did quickly repent himselfe, because he had put verie many to death, who were not conuicted; yet for all that, he was not hereby admonished to beware of the like hereafter: but on his repentance for their death raged so farre, as to cause him to inflict the same punishment vpon their accusers, which he had done vpon them. So great trouble and feare then fell vpon all the whole court. He then commaunded many of his dearest friends, and them especially Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. Herode denieth to be familiar with Andromachus and Gemellus. whose fidelitie he had before times experienced, not to come in his sight; nor within his court gates. For he did now shake off the friendship between Andromachus and Gemellus and himselfe, who were his auncient friends, and oftentimes had gone Embassadors for him, and alwaies been of his counsell, and had been tutors vnto his children, in whom he had alwaies reposed more K trust then in any others: the one of them, for that his sonne Demetrius was familiar with Alexander; and Gemellus, for that he knew him to wish well vnto Alexander: for he was one of them Antipater the cause of all mischiefe. who had brought him vp, and had aboad with him at his being at Rome. And no doubt but he had censured them with some more heauie sentence, had it not been that they were so eminent persons. Wherfore at that time he was contented to haue banished them, and depriued them of all their authoritie, to the end, that hauing now disgraced these good men, he might the more freely play the tyrant. Antipater was the cause of all this mischiefe, who from the first time that Many were tortured and examined for Alexanders cause. he perceiued his father to be fearefull and suspicious, still after that ioined with him as a counsellor, and as it were increased his rage and crueltie; and then he gallantly plaied his part, endeuouring, that whosoeuer would resist him should be made away. Wherfore Andromachus & the L rest of his friends being now banished the court; the king presently tortured all that he imagined any way to fauor Alexander, to see if they were guilty; or if they knew of any treason to be practised against him: but they knowing nothing to informe him of, died amidst their torments. Where he so much more tortured others, for that contrarie to his opinion, he found not so much as an euill thought against him; Antipater craftily interpreting it, that they had rather in torments conceale the truth, then to shew themselues not trustie to their masters and friends: wherefore many being taken he caused them to be tortured to get some thing out of some of them. At last one amongst the rest, not able to endure those torments imposed vpon him, said; that he had often heard Alexander say: so often as any one commended his goodly stature, or skilfull shooting & the rest of his vertues, that these qualities nature bestowed vpon him rather then other benefits; M for his father for enuy hereat was offended: so that when he talked with him, he did vpon purpose draw his body togither, least his father should perceiue the talnes of his stature; and that when he went a hunting with him, he vpon purpose did misse the mark he could haue hit, because he knew his father could not endure that he should be cōmended. And whilest these his words were considered, & pondred, and his torments intermitted, he again accused Alexander to haue conspired with his brother Aristobulus to kill his father when he was hunting, & then to flie with speed vnto [Page 427] Rome, and begge the kingdome of Caesar. There were also found some of this young mans letters A The yeare of the world. 3957. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 7. written vnto his brother, complaining of the iniurious dealing of his father, who had giuen certaine grounds vnto Antipater, the yeerely reuenues whereof amounted vnto two hundreth talents. Then Herode thinking himselfe to haue probabilitie enough, his former suspition was now confirmed; and so he tooke Alexander and cast him in prison: and againe he began to rage; notwithstanding that himselfe did scarcely beleeue the informations against him: neither could he himselfe deuise any cause wherefore they should seeke to worke treason against him. And those complaints seemed childish: neither was it probable that hauing openly killed his father, Alexander being in prison his friēds were tortured. One accused Alexander to haue sent letters to Rome against his father. Alexander confesseth the treason, and who had a hand in it. he would afterwards haue gone to Rome. Wherfore endeuouring to finde some stronger argument of his sonnes impietie, and because he would not be thought rashly to haue committed his sonne to prison, he caused the most noble and eminent of all Alexanders welwillers to be B tortured, and they confessing no such matter as he expected, he put them to death.
Whilest thus all the court did resound with feare, torments, and contentions; a certaine man accused Alexander to haue sent letters to his friends at Rome, to entreate them to cause him to be sent for by Caesar thither, that he might accuse his father of certaine conspiracies against Caesar, and how he more esteemed the friendship of Mithridates king of the Parthians, then the friendship of the Romans: affirming also, that he had poison ready prepared at Ascalon. Herod hearing this, was comforted by the parasites about him, as hauing not done any thing rashly; and so he gaue now full credite vnto all: yet the poison was diligently sought for, but could not be found. Alexander being now oppressed with this calamitie, he yet tooke courage, and because he would more incite his fathers displeasure against him, he did not deny it: perhaps meaning to make his C father ashamed of himselfe, for giuing credite so easily vnto forged tales; or at least if he could not effect that, entangle all the court and him too in calamitie and miserie. Which that he might the better doe, he writ foure little bookes, and sent them vnto his father, telling him that it was needlesse to vse any more torments, for indeed treason was intended against him, and that Pheroras and his most trustie friends were herein conspirators: And that in the night time Salome came secretly vnto him, and as it were forced him to lie with her; and that all of them aymed at this mark, to haue him made away, that so they might enioy their wished liberty. He also accused Ptolomeus and Sapinnius of this conspiracie, who were more faithful vnto the king, then all others: so that now these men, who before were most friendly one to an other, began like madde men to rage one against another: and punishment so hastily pursued euerie one, that they had not leisure D giuen them to speake in their owne defence: neither was their punishment deferred till their cause was tried, and the truth knowne, that some were bound and impr [...]oned, othersome presently put to death; other laughed in their sleeues to see that day, yet discontented for that any delay was vsed for their punishment: so that the kings court was now greatly defaced with sorrow, Herode was so troubled with the contention in his house that he was wearie of his life. and heauinesse, wherewith the wonted felicitie thereof was destroyed. Herode himselfe amidst these calamities, could not but be wearie of his life, who not daring trust himselfe in any bodies hand, he was tormented with a daily and hourely feare of some vntimely death, that would befall him: and many times perswaded himselfe, that he did see his sonnes before him with a drawne sword, ready to kill him; and this was his cogitation night and day, so that herewith he almost ranne madde. E
CHAP. XII.
How Archelaus king of Cappadocia reconciled Alexander vnto his father.
WHilest Herode was thus troubled in his minde, Archelaus king of Cappadocia carefull Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 9. al. 13. Archelaus the king of Cappadocia seineth displeasure against Alexander his son in law, and so reconciled. Herods vnto him. for his daughter, and the young man his sonne in law, and pitying his friend Herode entangled in such calamities; he thought it his duetie to make a iourney vnto him. And finding him so affected as it was reported vnto him before his comming, he thought it an vnfit way to argue him of too much credulitie and rashnesse; perceiuing that thereby he would F bee rather exasperated, so much the more labouring to excuse himselfe. Wherefore Archelaus deuised an other way to appease these troubles. Wherefore he counterfaited indignation against the young man, approouing all the kings actions for good; affirming that he would breake the band of wedlocke betweene his daughter and Alexander, and that if she knew of the conspiracie, and did not informe the king thereof, himselfe would punish her. Then Herode contrarie to his expectation, seeing Archelaus so angry for the offence committed against [Page 428] him, began to remit his anger; and now with iust consideration waighing what he had done by G The yeare of the world. 3957. before Christs birth 7. little and little, he began to haue a fatherly affection, and to be hereby mooued to compassion; yet so oft as any one sought to excuse the young man, he grew to be verie angrie thereat. But when Archelaus also began to accuse him, then Herods hart relented, and he with teares besought Archelaus not to yeeld too much to anger, nor for the young mans offence breake off the marriage. Then Archelaus perceiuing him to relent, began to turne the matter against Herods friends, Archelaus lai▪ cth the fault of Alexanders offence vpon others, and especially vpon [...]roas. as the causers of all this mischiefe, who had corrupted the young man, who of himselfe was voide of malice; and especially he aggrauated the matter against Pheroras the kings brother. Pheroras hauing now incurred the kings displeasure, perceiued that none could so soone reconcile him vnto the king, as Archelaus; wherefore cloathed in blacke, and making other signes as though he despaired of his life, he went vnto him; who did not denie to helpe him what he could: H yet he tolde him that it was no easie matter for him to pacifie the king so highly offended, perswading him rather himselfe to go vnto the king his brother, and craue pardon of him, confessing Pheroras confessed himselfe to be author of all mischiefe, and obtaineth pardon of his brother. himselfe to haue beene cause of all this mischiefe; by which confession of his the kings wrath would be greatly appeased, and so he also should haue better occasion to entreat for him. Pheroras followed his counsell, which fell out happily for them both: for the young man contrarie to any ones expectation, was freed from all his troubles; and Archelaus made Pheroras and Herode friends; and he himselfe hauing now gotten great friendship of the king in those his aduerse and troublous times of his, he returned ioyfull into Cappadocia, being rewarded with rich gifts, and being accounted of as Herodes chiefest friend. They also agreed amongst themselues, that Herode should go to Rome, because he had already written vnto Caesar, concerning this matter, I Herode accompanied Archelaus vnto Antioch. and they both went togither vnto Antiochia, and there Herode reconciled Titus the president of Syria vnto Archelaus, and so he returned into Iudaea.
CHAP. XIII.
How the Trachonites reuolted.
WHilest Herode going to Rome was absent from his kingdome, the Arabian wars began, hereby taking an occasion. The inhabitants of Trachon, whose countrey Caesar taking The yeare of the world, 3958. before Christs natiuitie, 6. The cause of the Arabian warre. Caesar gaue Trachonitis to Herode Alias, chap. 14. from Zenodorus gaue it vnto Herode, being forbidden and hindered from stealing, were now forced to frame themselues to liue like husbandmen in more ciuilitie, then before: but this kinde of life pleased them not; neither did their countrey yeeld fruits worth their labours, yet at K first Herode compelling them thereunto they abstained from iniuring the inhabitants bordering vpon them, which did greatly redound vnto Herodes credite, by whose diligence they were brought vnto it. But when Herode was sayled into Italy to accuse Alexander, and to commend Antipater vnto Caesar; the Trachonites hearing a bruite of his death, reuolted and turned to their accustomed robberies: Yet were they at that time againe subdued in the kings absence by the captaines that he left at home, and forty of the chiefest of the theeues amongst them being taken, the rest terrified by their example left their owne countrey, and fled into Arabia, where Syllaeus Herodes captaines subdue the rebels in Arabia. receiued them in reuenge that he could not obtaine Salome for his wife; and receiuing of him a strong hold to dwell in, they did not onely make incursions, and rob and spoyle the borders of Iudaea, but also of Coelesyria, and droue away the praies they got into the place allotted them, Syllaeus L protecting them and their villanies. Herode returning from Rome, found that his people were greatly endomaged by these theeues, and seeing he could not subdue them by reason the Arabians did protect them, not enduring that iniurie and entering into Trachon, he killed all The theeues taken and punished. their families; whereby they were so much the more enraged against his countrey; for they had a law amongst them, whereby they were commanded to reuenge the death of their families, and so contemning all dangers they came and wasted all Herodes countrey, with continuall incursions. Then the king complained hereof vnto Saturninus and Volumnius then presidents sent thither by Caesar, requesting that he might haue the theeues to punish them. They hearing this Alias, chap. 15 newes, with as much speede as they might, gathered their forces togither, and making themselues stronger then they were before, with sodaine incursions wasted all where they came, destroying M both the fields and villages, and killing all they could finde; so that now this resembled Herode demaunded the theeues to be deliuered vnto him, and the money he had lent to be repared. a warre, rather then a robberie: for now they were a thousand in number. Wherefore Herode required these theeues and robbers to be deliuered vnto him, and required the debt that Obodas ought him, for Herode had lent Obodas threescore talents, and sent them vnto him by Syllaeus, and now the time was expired where in the money was to be repaied. But Syllaeus, who had taken all the rule from Obodas, and himselfe now gouerned all, denied that those theeues were in [Page 429] Arabia, and deferred the payment of the money: so that now this matter was debated on before The yeare of the world. 3958. before Christs birth 6. Saturninus & Volumnius the rulers of Syria, do reconcile Herod & the Arabiās. A Saturninus and Volumnius then Presidents of Syria. At last it was by them determined, that within thirtie daies, the money dewe to Herode should be repaied, and the runnawaies of both countries deliuered each to other. But there was no one Arabian that either had fled vnto Herode for any offence committed nor for any other cause: but the Arabians were conuicted to receiue the theeues that fled from Herode.
CHAP. XIIII.
How Herode went into Arabia with an army.
WHen the day was come that was appointed, Syllaeus not minded to stand vnto the agreement B made, went in the meane time to Rome: But Herode exacted his money, and the Herode by the permission of Saturninus & Volumnius entred into Arabia with an army. & destroied the castle callep Repra. Nacebus with 25. Arabians slaine. Herode caried 3000. Idumaeans into Trachon. theeues to be restored vnto him, Saturnius and Volumnius permitting him with force of armes to persecute those obstinate people: so he leuying an army, went into Arabia, in three daies space going as farre as ordinarily men were wont to march in seuen, and comming vnto the castle wherein the theeues kept, at the first onset he tooke it, & destroyed it, being called Repta, & did no other harme vnto the inhabitants. And a captain of the Arabians named Nacebus came to succor the theeues, and so fought with Herodes army, in which battaile a few of Herodes men were slaine, but of the Arabians were slain fiue & twentie; with their general; and the rest were put to flight. Being thus reuenged vpon the theeues, he led three thousand Idumaeans into Trachon to keepe the inhabitants from robbing, and sent letters vnto the Roman gouernours, who aboad in Phaenicia, C that he had only vsed the authoritie which they gaue him against the rebellious Arabians that resisted him, and nothing else: which afterwrad also, they making enquirie, they found true.
CHAP. XV.
How Syllaeus accused Herode vnto Caesar.
BVt then were messengers hastily sent vnto Syllaeus at Rome, and enformed him otherwise aggrauating euerie thing according vnto their fashion. Syllaeus being then before insinuated Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 10. al. 16. Syllaeus accused Herode vnto Caesar. into Caesars acquaintance, by chance was then also about the pallace; and hearing these newes, he presently chaunged his apparrell, and clothing himselfe in blacke, he went in this D manner vnto Caesar, informing him how Arabia was afflicted with warres, & that the whole kingdome was wasted by Herode, who had entred into the countrey with an army, and with teares complained that two thousand and fiue hundreth of the Arabian nobilitie were slaine, and amongst them his friend and kinsman Nacebus, and great riches were taken away, which were laid vp at Repta, and that all this was done in contempt of Obodes who had no army readie, nor a fit captaine for his forces, he being not there. Syllaeus hauing thus spoken, adding moreouer that he would not haue come to Rome, but that he was perswaded that Caesar would haue had a care of the common peace, and tranquilitie of his subiects, and that had he beene at home Herode to his cost, should haue violated that peace. Caesar hereat was greatly mooued, and enquired of some of Herodes friends, who were then present; and of certaine men that were larely come out E of Syria also, whether Herode had led an army out of the limits of his owne kingdome. Which they not denying, and Caesar not vouchsafing to heare the cause why, his displeasure against Herod was greatly encreased, so that he writ threatning letters vnto him; telling him that hitherto hee had vsed him as a friend, but hereafter he would vse him as a subiect; which also Syllaeus signified vnto the Arabians. By which letters of his they were made proud, and would neither render vp vnto him the theeues that were escaped; nor restore the money he lent their king; not pay him The Arabians and Trachonites vnderstanding that Caesar was offended with Herode, resolce thereat. rent for the pasture ground that they hired of him; boulstering themselues herewith, that the king had offended Casar. Moreouer, the Trachonites hearing this, rebelled against the garrison of the Idumaeans, and ioyning with the Arabian theeues, who wasted their countrey, not so much respecting their owne gaine as their reuenge and particular profit, they did many misciefes F and exercised great cruelty against them. Herode did put vp all iniuries, and durst not once mutter, Caesar being offended at him; for the which cause he was not couragious nor valiant as before: For first of all, Caesar would not admit his embassadours, whom he sent to pleade his cause before Caesar; and Herode againe sending other embassadours, Caesar sent them backe aagaine, their busines vndone.
Wherefore Herod being in this perplexitie, greatly feared Syllaeus, who being now at Rome, [Page 430] did easily perswade Caesar anything; for that Caesar was now verie credulous; and Syllaeus aymed G The yeare of the world, 3960. before Christs Natiuitie, 4. Caesar offended with Herode. Obodas dying Aeneassucceeded him in the Arabian kingdome. Caesar would not giue audience to the Arabian embassadors. at some greater matter. For Obodas dying, Aeneas succeeded him in the kingdome of Arabia; who chaunging his name, called himselfe Aretas, whom Syllaeus by forged calumniations did seeke to depose from the crowne, and vsurpe the kingdome vnto himselfe; giuing great summes of money vnto the courtiers, and promising great summes vnto Caesar; whom he now perceiued to be angry against Aretas, for that without his consent he presumed to take vpon him the gouernment of the kingdome. But at last he also sent letters and giftes vnto Caesar, and amongst the rest a crowne of gold worth many talents, and in those letters he accused Syllaeus, who, as an impious and disloyall seruant, had poysoned his king Obodas; in whose life time he had also inuaded the gouernment of the kingdome, committing adulterie with the Arabians wiues, getting togither other mens money, thereby to obtaine the kingdome. Caesar would not permit these embassadors H to haue audience, but refusing their gifts, suffered them to depart without obtaining that they came for. In the mean time the affaires of Iudaea and Arabia euerie day became worse and worse, euerie one seeking to trouble the estate of both kingdomes, and no man endeuouring to quiet them. For the king of Arabia was not yet established in his kingdome, and therefore could not controule his subiects. And Herode feared that if he did defend himselfe, he should so much the more incite Caesar against him; and so was forced to put vp all iniuries that were done vnto him; Herode sent Nicholaus Damascene to Caesar. and finding no end of his miseries, he finally determined to send againe to Rome embassadours, to see if by the helpe of his friends Caesar might be perswaded to thinke better of him, and so committed that embassage vnto Nicholaus of Damasco, and sent him to Rome.
CHAP. XVI. I
Of Euryclis his calumniations against Herodes sonnes.
AT this time the dissension of Herodes house was much encreased; and although at all Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 11. al. 17. Eurycles a Lacedemonian [...]nuateth [...] into Herodes familiaritie. Eurycles insinuated himselfe into Alexanders friendship. other times his court was neuer void of suspition, which is a pernicious euill to Kings and Princes, yet at that time especially this mischiefe was in his principal vigor and force. For one Eurycles a Lacedemonian and a noble man of his countrey, but hauing a turbulent wit giuen ouer to flattery & pleasure, yet cunningly dissembling both vices, comming vnto Herode and giuing him gifts, & receiuing greater gifts at his hands, was by him courteously entertained; and familiarly conuersing with him, brought it so to passe that he was receiued amongst his especiall K friends. This Eurycles lodged at Antipaters house, being also familiar with Alexander for their often meeting one another: for he said that Archelaus king of Cappadocia and himselfe were great friends; and therefore he counterfaited himselfe to reuerence Glaphyra verie much; and all men iudging him in different vnto all parties, he diligently noted whatsoeuer past, and euery word that was spoken, seeking by all meanes he could, matter to gratifie others by carrying of tales; and with such flattering faire speeches he insinuated himselfe into euery mans friendship, that he seemed as Alexanders sole trustie friend, and to vse other men as it behooued a friend. And by this his deceit he so insinuated himselfe into Alexanders fauour, that the young man thought him to be his onely friend, vnto whom he might impart his secrets; so that Alexander opened vnto him his griefe, for that his father was something alienated from him, and recounted vnto him his mothers L misfortune, and that Antipater had now gotten all authoritie and dignity from him, and his brother: and was the onely man that could doe all; and that these iniuries were no longer tollerable, their father being now so incited against them, that now he would neither admit them vnto his counsels; nor banquets. And he committed his griefes (as he then thought) into his friends bosome. But Eurycles told Antipater all, affirming that though it nothing concerned him, yet he could not but speake of it for the greatnes of the daunger then imminent, willing him to beware of Alexander, who did not sticke openly to shew what mind he bare, but did as it were manifestly shew that he desired to make away his father. Which done, he receiued of Antipater most rich gifts, as pledges of his good will towards him; and finally he was by him perswaded to relate this newes himselfe vnto Herode. The king lent a greedie care whilest he recounted Eurycles obseruing all Alexanders words and actions related them to Antipater and Herode. Eurycles by craft got mony of Archelaus. M Alexanders malice, and was so mooued with the circumstances of his speeches, that he conceiued a deadly hatred against his sonne; which also without futer delay he did make manifest: for he rewaded Eurycles for his pains with fiftie talents. Which he hauing receiued went vnto Archelaus, and tal [...]g and speaking well of Alexander, recounted vnto him in what steed he had stood him in reconciling him vnto his father: and receiuing of him also a summe of money, he departed before his mali [...] was disco [...]d; and returning into his countrey, and vsing [Page 431] the like shifts there also, he was finally by his countrimen banished from Lacedemonia. Furthermore, A The yeare of the world. 3960. before the Natiuitie of Christ 4 [...] Herode doth giue care vnto the accusers of Alexander & Aristobulus. Iucundus and Tyrannus confesse that Alexander did solicite them to kill Herode as he was a hunting. Herode not content now, as before he was, to heare onely that which was tolde him of Alexander and Aristobulus, did now himselfe also conceiue a proper hatred against them himselfe, obseruing all things, and making diligent enquirie though no man accused them, and permitting all men to speake what they list against them. And amongst the rest Euaratus of Cous had conspired with Alexander, and he seemed now to heare no talke more willingly then this, and such like. But then greater misfortunes then all the rest befel the young mens false accusations, neuer ceasing to be forged against them, and euerie one as it were, striuing to accuse them of some crime or other vnto the king, pretending the care they bare of his safetie. Herode had two champions, Iucundus and Tyrannus; both acceptable and gratefull vnto him, for their strength and tall stature & bignes of body, these two for some offence were banished the court and receiued into B Alexanders seruice, and placed amongst his stipendarie horsemen; and for that they were verie actiue he bestowed many gifts and much money vpon them. Whereat the king presently conceiuing suspition, began to torture them, and after many torments they confessed that Alexander had hired them to kill Herode as he was a hunting wilde beasts: for so it might easily be bruited abroad that he falling off of his horse, fell vpon his owne launce; and so was slaine: which once before had almost hapned vnto him. They also declared vnto him, that certaine golde was hidden and buried in the stable: and they also accused Herodes chiefe huntsman, that at Alexanders commaund he had giuen Alexanders seruants the kings launces and his armour. After them the Prefect of the Castle of Alexandrium was taken and examined vpon tortures, and it was How Alexāder writ vnto the captaine of Alexandriū to receiue him. Dyophantus the scribe doth counterfait other mens hands. Alexander and Aristobulus ar [...] imprisoned: and Aristobulus warneth his mother in law. obiected against him, that he promised to receiue them into the Castle, and to deliuer vnto them C the kings treasure there. But he denying it, his owne sonne affirmed all to be true, and brought foorth letters to testifie the same, resembling Alexanders hand written to this effect: So soone as by Gods assistance we haue done that which we entend to doe, we will presently come vnto you: be carefull therefore, that according vnto your promise you doe receiue vs into the Castle. Herode hauing had a view of these letters, did now without any hesitation beleeue that in deede some treacherous practise was plotted against him by his sonnes. But Alexander affirmed, that Diophantus the scribe had counterfeited his hand, and that that letter was Antipaters deuise. For Diophantus was accounted cunning in such matters, and afterward being taken with the like, he was therefore put to death. And the king produced them that had been tortured at Iericho before the people to accuse his sonnes, where they were stoned to death, and the people hereat moued, D would also haue killed Alexander and Aristobulus with the same death. But Herode; by the meanes of Ptolomeus and Pheroras did restraine them, and commanded the young men to be cast into prison, and there to be kept so streight that no man was admitted vnto them; but manie spies were set, who should narrowly marke all their actions and words; and now they were acconnted as condemned men both by other mens opinions and also by their owne. One of them, to wit Aristobulus, for griefe enuiting his Aunt, and mother in law to compassionate his present calamitie, and to hate him that was the author hereof, affirming that she also was in great danger, being accused in hope to marry with Syllaeus to haue signified vnto him by letters all that past in Herods court. Which words the woman presently came and recounted vnto her brother Herod. The king no longer able to bridle his furie, commanded them both to be bound and kept Alexāder confesseth to Herode that he purposed to fly to Arch [...] laus. E in seueral places one from another, and each of them to write what they had plotted against their father, & being thus commanded, they wrote that they neither prepared treason, nor yet thought of any treason against him, onely they purposed to flie, because they perceiued that they could no longer liue here, because they were so suspected & in continual care. At that time a prince of Cappadocia came Embassadour from Archelaus, named Mela, who was one of the greatest lords of the country: and Herod willing to shew his sons malice, he sent for Alexander out of prison, commanding Mela embassador of Archelau [...] king of Cappadocia. him to recount how and after what order, or whither they meant to flie: he answered, vnto Archelaus, who had also promised them to send them to Rome; but that they had no further intent or purpose to effect any vnlawfull practise against their father, and that all other accusations were false. And that he requested that Tyrannus and the rest might haue been better examined; F but Antipater preuented that, who by his owne forged tumours spread amongst the people Glaphyra Alexanders wi [...] is demanded if she knew of any treason against Herode. did cause them to hasten their deaths. Which being said, Herode commanded both him and Mela to be lead vnto Glaphyra, that she might be asked whether she were any way priule vnto the conspiracie against Herod, and comming vnto her, the woman seeing her husband bound, presently tore her haire, and being amazed with great compassion cried out amaine. The young [...]ans cheekes were also bedewed with teares; so that a long time after those that were present [Page 432] amazed and mooued to compassion at this miserable sight, could neither speake or doe the kings G The [...]art of the world. 3960. before Christs birth▪ 4 [...]. commaund. At last Ptolomeus, to whose charge Alexander was committed, willing him to speak whether his wife was priuie to his intent: he answered, how could it be otherwise, who is dearer vnto me then my owne life, being mother of her and my children? Then she answered, crying out alowd, that she was priuie to nothing that was any harme; yet (quoth she) if it will auaile you any thing, or helpe to saue your life, I am ready to tell any lie whatsoeuer seeing I must die, and will denie nothing you would haue me to say. Alexander answered, neither did I purpose any impietie against my father, as some suppose, who ought not to thinke so: neither doest thou know of any one: this thou knowest, that thou and I purposed to flie vnto Archelaus thy father, and that he promised to conuay vs to Rome, which she also affirmed.
Herode now thinking that Archelaus was conuicted of euill will towards him, deliuered letters H Archelaus excuseth himselfe to Herode. Caesar and Herode made friends. vnto Olympus and Volumnius, commanding them in the way as they went to passe by Eleusa a towne of Cilicia, and deliuer certaine letters vnto Archelaus himselfe to the same effect: and that from thence they should go to Rome, and if so be when they came there they found that Caesar had been reconciled vnto him by Nicholaus his meanes, that then they should also deliuer certain letters vnto him, declaring all that was past betweene him and his sonnes, and the proofes alleaged to conuince the young men. Archelaus writ againe vnto Herod, that indeede he would haue entertained the young men, for feare that any greater mischance should befall them or their father, by reason of the suspition against them; yet was he not minded to send them to Caesar, nor to haue confirmed them in any malicious course. The messengers comming to Rome found Caesar reconciled vnto Herode, and deliuered the letters vnto him. For Nicholaus his embassage was I to this effect: So soone as he came vnto Rome and had entred the pallace, beside the charge he had giuen him, he did also vndertake to accuse Syllaeus. For he perceiued the Arabians at variance amongst themselues, and that some of them had declared all Syllaeus his bad practises, and that by his means and procurement many of Obodas kinsmen were murthered; as his aduersaries, manifestly prooued by certaine of his letters which they intercepted.
Now Nicholaus desirous to reconcile Herode vnto Caesar, omitted not this occasion by chance offered him; for he well knew that if he began with the kings defence, he should then find a hard Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 12. al. 18. Nicholaus accuseth Syllaeus and excuseth Herode. and heauie iudge against him; but if he began to accuse Syllaeus, he should finde also fit occasion to pleade his kings cause. Wherefore Nicholaus taking vpon him to prooue the accusation against him at the day appointed, he accompanied with the king Aretas Embasladours; accused K Syllaeus as a murtherer of his Lord and king, and many other Arabians; and that he had borrowed much money to trouble the peace of the common wealth; and that he had corrupted many women and honest matrons both at Rome and in Arabia. He added hereunto a most grieuous crime, to wit, that he by his lies and false reports had deceiued Caesar, whom in all things he had misinformed concerning that which Herode had done. Which when he once mentioned, Caesar commaunded him to omit the rest, and onely to recount the matter concerning Herod, whether Herod did not enter into Arabia with an army, and did slay two thousand and fiue hundreth men, and carrie away captiues and robbe and spoile the countrey? Nicholaus answered, that to these demannds himselfe was able to answere, that Herode did none of all these, or at least verie little hereof, which he did recount; and that he did not deserue any displeasure. Caesar contrarie L to his expectation, hearing this, began to giue diligent eare to what Nicholaus said: and hereupon Nicholaus recounted vnto Caesar howe Herode had lent D. talents, and that he had a writing in pawne wherein he was permitted after the day appointed, if then it were not repaied him againe, A [...]arration of the Arabian wars, & the bo [...]owed money. to pray vpon all the whole country, and satisfie himselfe: and that this was no hostile inuasion, but according to law and equitie a requiring of his right and debt due vnto him. And that this was not rashly done, though by the writing he was so permitted to doe, but by the consent of Saturninus and Volumnius presidents of Syria, in whose presence Syllaeus swore by Caesars good fortune at Bery [...]m, that within thirtie daies after both the debt and also certaine fugitiues from the king; should be restored vnto him, and that Syllaeus performed none of this: and so Herod went againe vnto the presidents, and they permitted him to go and take pledges for his money; and that so by M their permission he went into Arabia. And this (quoth he) is the warre that his aduersaries haue so tragically exaggerated, and yet (quoth he) how can it be called a warre seeing that it was done by the consent of the presidents, and that by couenant after periurie, wherewith both other gods and also Caesars name was violated. It now (quoth he) remaineth that I speake something concerning The theeues of Trachon. the captiues. There were fortie theeues of Trachon, and afterward more that fled from Herode for feare of punishment, and fled vnto Arabia, whom Syllaeus protected and succoured [Page 433] to the iniurie of all men, and gaue them ground to inhabite, and was partaker of their praies; The yeare of the world. 3960. before Christs birth 4. A notwithstanding that by his forced oath he was bound to restore them togither with the borrowed money: neither can he name any man beside them taken in Arabia, and carried away captiue, and some of them also escaped. Thus his forged tale concerning the captiues being thus refuted, heare, O Soueraigne Caesar, the lying inuention; which to prouoke thee to wrath himselfe deuised. For I am well able to affirme this, that when the Arabian army assaulted vs, and one or two of our men were slaine; then at last Herode forced to make resistance, he slew Nacebus and with him fiue and twentie and no more: for euerie one of which Syllaeus falsely recounted vnto Caesar a hundreth; and so told him that two thousand and fiue hundreth were slaine. Caesar hereat greatly mooued with an angrie countenance looking vpon Syllaeus, he asked him how manie Arabians were slaine in that fight: he amazed and knowing not what to reply, answered, that B he erred in the number. Presently Caesar commanded the writings to be read, containing the conditions betweene them, and the writings of the presidents, and the letters of the Cities containing the complaints of the robberies. And so the matter was brought to this passe, that Caesar was reconciled vnto Herode, and condemned Syllaeus to die; and repenting himselfe to haue written so threatning letters vnto Herode, he obiected that also vnto Syllaeus, affirming, that by his false enformations he had caused him to passe the limits of friendship in vsing his friend so hardly. And so he sent Syllaeus into his countrey, that after he had satisfied his creditors he might be punished according to the sentence. But he still continued angry with Aretas, for that without his authoritie Syllaeus condemned to dy. Caesar was purposed to giue the kingdome of Arabia to Herode, & was altered by Herodes letters. The yeare of the world, 3961. before Christs birth 3. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 13. Aretas embassadors vnto Caesar. Caesar alloweth Herode to punish malefactors. he had vsurped the crowne and kingdome, and he was minded also to bestow Arabia vpon Herode: but the letters which Herode sent him changed his minde. For Olympus and Volumnius C so soone as they vnderstood that Caesars wrath towards Herode was pacified, presently they deliuered vnto him the letters as they were commanded: wherein was contained the arguments whereby his sons were conuicted of treason against him. Which Caesar hauing read, he thought it not conuenient to trouble the olde man, infortunate with his sonnes, with an other kingdome: and so he admitted Aretas Embassadours, and chiding them that their king had rashly vsurped the kingdome without his authoritie and knowledge, not expecting his pleasure: he receiued their gifts, and confirmed him in the kingdome by his authoritie. This done, being now reconciled vnto Herode, he writ vnto him that he was sorrowfull for him, that had such children; and that he should if they had attempted any treason against him, punish them as men that sought to murther their father: for he gaue him free and full authoritie; but if they onely attempted to flie; D he should also be sufficed with a lesse punishment. Wherefore he counselled him to call a consistorie at Berytum, and togither with the Roman presidents, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and the rest of his friends, and the nobilitie thereabout, according as they should aduise him; so to doe. And this was the effect of Caesars letters.
CHAP. XVII.
How Herodes sons were condemned in the councell at Berytum.
HErode receiuing this letter, reioyced aboue measure, both for that he had againe obtained Caesars fauour; and also for that Caesar had giuen him full authoritie to doe what he E pleased vnto his sonnes. And yet I know not how it came to passe, that he who in his prosperitie was a hard father, did yet shew himselfe not rash in putting his sonnes to death; and now his estate being better then it was, and he recouering his wonted assurance; he now began anew hatred. Wherefore by letters he called togither all those whom Caesar appointed, onely Herode affembleth all that Caesar willed except Arch [...] laus. Archelaus excepted, either for that he hated the man, or els for that he feared he would haue withstood that his purpose: and when they were all come togither, as well the presidents as the rest who were called out of diuers Cities, he would not bring his sonnes into the councell, but kept them in a village of the Sidonians, named Platan, not farre distant from the Citie, to the intent, that if they were called for, he might bring them forth. Then Herod himselfe alone entring into the councel before an hundreth & fifty men there assembled for that purpose, began to accuse F his sonnes before them, and vsed a speech not onely pitifull for his owne calamities, but also little becomming a father. For he was verie vehement and vnheady in inueying against their offence; Herode [...]ccuseth his sons. neither did he sufficiently expresse his minde shewing many signes of furie, and anger; neither did he deliuer in writing any proofes of the accusations vnto the Iudges: but vndecently himselfe alleadged there the father against the sonne, himselfe also reading before them certaine letters written by them, wherein was contained no impietie nor treason, but only a consultation [Page 434] to fly away, and certaine hard speeches whereby they shewed themselues offended. Which when G The yeare of the world. 3961. before Christs Na [...]tie. 3. he came vnto, he exclaimed as though hereby they confessed their trecherous practises, greatly exaggerating the matter, and protesting that he had rather die then heare such speeches. Lastly, affirming that both nature and Caesar permitted him authoritie against them, and that his country lawes so cōmanded, that if any one being accused, his father or mother should lay their hands vpō his head, and the standers by must presently stone him to death: which though he might easily do in his owne countrey and kingdome; yet he thought good also to expect their censures. Yet he came vnto them, not for that they were to iudge his sons, who were taken in a manifest crime, but that by this occasion they might adde their suffrages to the iust indignation of a father offended, and that they might leaue an example vnto all posteritie, that such treasons ought not to be left vnpunished. The king hauing thus spoken, and not permitting the yong men to be brought vnto H their answere, all seeing what the king entended, and that there was now no hope to reconcile the yong men vnto their father, or saue their liues, they all confirmed his authority. And first of all Saturninus, one that had beene Consul, and had beene graced with many honours, pronounced Saturninus doth pronoūce an indifferent sentence. an indifferent sentence, limited with circumstances, to wit, that he condemned Herodes sons, yet not to die: for (quoth he) my selfe haue sons, and I would not adde this calamity to Herodes misfortune past. After him also his three sonnes, who were their fathers legats; pronounced the same sentence. But Volumnius pronoūced, that they had deserued death, who were so impious towards their father; whose sentence after him the most part followed: so that it seemed that they were Volumnius & other of Herods friends pronounce Herodes sons to be beheaded. Herode asked of Nicholaus what his friēds at Rome thought of his sonnes. now ordained to be put to death. Presently Herode carried them with him to Tyre, where he met Nicholaus, who was now there arriued, returning from Rome: vnto whom the king first recounting I what was done at Beryium, he asked of him what his friends at Rome thought of his sonnes. He answered that they iudged the yong mens intents impious, and that they also iudged that they ought to be bound and imprisoned; and then after due consideration if it were so thought expedient, to be put to death, least the king might be thought rather to haue giuen place vnto his choler then vnto reason: yet if it might so please him they thought it best to acquit them, least otherwise he do that which hereafter he may repent when it is too late. And this was the opinion of most of his friends at Rome. Then the king a long time pondered these his words, and made no reply, but commanded him to faile along in his company. At his arriual at Caesarea all men were carefull what should become of his sonnes, expecting an end of that tragedy, for they greatly feared that by reason of the olde discord he would now cut them off; yet notwithstanding they were K sorrowful for them: yet it was dangerous either to speake rashly, or to heare any thing spoken freely concerning them, but in their hearts compassionating them they concealed their griefes. Onely one amongst all the rest, an ancient soldier of the kings named Tyro, others dissembling their griefe; spake freely what he thought: this Tyro had a sonne of Alexanders age, and beloued of Tyro speaketh to Herode, and not obseruing modesty he and the captaines were imprisoned. him, whom Alexander much accounted of. This follow many times amidst the multitudes exclaimed, that truth and equitie was now banished from out of the world, and that in their steede malice and vntruth reigned: wherby there was such a mist and fogge caused ouer the whole world, that no man could see his owne errors. This his free speech though it was not without danger, yet all men hereat were moued, for that he had some reason to shew his fortitude in so dangerous a time, and euery one was willing to heare this speech: and though themselues for feare were silent, L yet did they not reprehend him for speaking freely. For the expectation of the euent of so great mischiefe vvas able to haue wrested from euery one of them vvords of commiseration: Tyro with great audacitie also came vnto the king, and besought him that he might talke with him alone: vvhich the king granting, he vsed these words vvith great lamentation. I can no longer, O my king, suppresse this my griefe, vvhich causeth me so boldly to speake though with my own peril; yet if it please thee my king, that which I intend to speake shalbe for thine aduantage.
Where now my Lord are thy wits? where is that thy couragious mind euer hitherto able to match all difficult businesses whatsoeuer? how hapeneth it that thou hast so few friends & kinred? for I account not them kinsmen or friends, that permit such wickednes and hatred in thy court, which earst was most happy and fortunate. And what art thou vnto thy selfe? wilt thou not looke M and see what is done? wilt thou put to death the two yong men borne vnto thee by the queene thy wife, who abound in all vertue; and commit thy selfe now in thy olde age vnto one onely sonne, who nourisheth impious hopes & desseignes? and to thy kindred, who by thy owne censure haue often deserued death? Dost thou not perceiue, that the people keeping themselues quiet and stil, do both condemne the errour of thy friends, and also pitie and compassionate the two young men? Moreouer all thy soldiers and the captaines themselues haue compassion on them, and curse the [Page 435] authors of this infortunate calamity. The king at first tooke these words of Tyro in good part, The yeare of the world. 3961. before Christs birth 3. A as being admonished of the perfidious dealing of them about him, and his owne calamitie. But Tyro immodestly and soldierlike vrging the king, and for his owne simplicity not able to discerne what fitted that time, the king at last thought this rather a turbulēt vpbraiding him then a friendly admonition, and asking who those captaines and souldiers were, he commanded them all & Tyro also to be bound and kept in prison. Then one Trypho the kings barbar, taking hereat occasion, told Tyro is by his son and a barber accused to haue practised treason against the king. the king that Tyro had often sollicited him, as he shaued the king, to cut his throat with his razor, promising him for a recōpence great rewards, & that he should be one of Alexāders chiefe friends. Hauing spoken these words, the King commanded him to be apprehended, and the barbar, and Tyro and his sonne to be tortured. Tyro his sonne seeing his father in most miserable torments, & that he still obstinately persisted in them, and by the Kings displeasure, coniecturing that there was B no hope of life, told them that tortured his father, that he would confesse all the truth conditionally, that his father and himselfe might be no more tormented: and hauing his request granted, he told them that it was agreed, that Tyro with his own hand should haue killed the king: for he could get opportunitie to come vnto the king when no man else was with him, & so he would kill him, and for Alexanders sake endure any torments whatsoeuer. This spoken, he deliuered himselfe and his father from further tortures, but it is incertaine whether the tale he told was true, or whether he deuised it to free them both from torments. Then Herode now laying all doubt aside (if before he were in any) thought what death his sons should die, & leauing no place to repentance and mercie, he hastened to execute his purpose, and producing 300. captaines, and Tyro & his sonne, and Tyro with 300 captains are accused before the people, and slaine. Alexander & Aristobulus strangled at Sebaste and buried in Alexandrium. the Barbar his accuser, he accused them all before the people, and the people throwing any thing C that came to their hands at them, they slew them euery one. And Alexander and Aristobulus were caried vnto Sebaste, & there by their fathers command were strangled: and their bodies buried by night in the castle Alexandrium, where their grandfather by the mothers side, and many of their progenitors lay buried. But perhaps some will nothing maruaile that a hatred so long a breeding should in the end so preuaile, that it ouercame naturall affection. But one may iustly doubt whether the fault were in the yong men, who exasperated by a hard father so long time, fell into such hatred of him, or whether it is to be imputed vnto his vnkindnes & immoderate desire of honour & rule, who could not abide any to be his equal, but rather chusing to do all at his owne pleasure: Or rather vnto fortune, whose power the wisest liuing is not able to resist. Wherefore I am perswaded, that fortune hath predestinated all humane actions, so that they must haue a necessary D The cause of these calamities was destiny and Gods prouidence. euent. And this ineuitable force we cal fate or fatal destinie, for that there is nothing which it effecteth not. But it sufficeth briefly to haue touched this high matter, which is of it selfe very difficult, which attributeth some thing vnto our actions, and examineth the causes of the varietie of our actions, which speculation is alreadie comprised in the two volumes of our law. Furthermore as touching the yong mens fault, we may accuse their youthly arrogancy, & the free kingly pride which was in them, who did giue too great eare vnto their fathers accusers, & for that they were Wherein Alexander and Aristobulus offended. Herod: shamefull errour not to be excused. vniust serchers into his life & actions, and that they maliciously suspected him, & could not rule their tongues: but hereby gaue double occasion vnto their aduersaries, and matter vnto those tale bearers that sought to get the kings fauor. But their fathers shamefull fault cānot be excused, who suffered himselfe so to be ouerruled with passion, that he put thē to death that were begotten E of his own body, without any proof or argumēt of the crimes laid vnto their charge: yea two yong men of excellent feature of body, not only beloued of their owne nation but also of strangers, not slouthfull in hunting, & cōmendable in military affaires, & eloquent in ciuil discourses. For in all these things they were excellent, & especially Alexander the eldest of them. It had bin enough for him, suppose he had condemned them, either to haue kept thē in perpetual prison; or to haue banished them into some far country: seeing that he was assured of the Roman power, vnder whose protectiō he neither needed to haue feared inuasion; nor secret treason against him. For so soone to put them to death only to satisfie his owne furious will, what other thing doth it betoken, but only an impious liberty casting off all fatherly humanity & kindnes? especially seeing that he was aged, whose yeeres could neither plead ignorance, not that he was deceiued. For neither was he F the more excused by the delay he vsed: nay it had beene a lesse offence if amazed with some sudden newes, he had beene incited vnto so hainous an offence, but after so long delay & deliberation at last to effect such a matter, betokeneth a bloudie mind & obdurate in wickednes, as he well shewed himselfe afterward to haue, not sparing the rest, whō before time he held most deere: who although they were lesse to be pitied in that they iustly suffered, yet was it an argument of his like cruelty in that he abstained not from their deaths also, but we will speake hereof hereafter.
THE XVII. BOOKE OF G THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Of Antipaters malice, who was Herodes sonne.
- 2 Of Zamaris the Babylonian Iew.
- 3 Of Antipaters treacherous practises against Herode his father.
- 4 How Herode sent Antipater vnto Caesar.
- 5 Of Pheroras death.
- 6 How Pheroras wife was accused for intending to poyson the king, and how Herode knew Antipaters practises against him.
- 7 How Antipater was condemned to die, and imprisoned.
- 8 Of Herodes sicknesse, and the sedition amongst the Iewes. I
- 9 Of Antipaters death.
- 10 Of Herodes death, his testament, and funerall.
- 11 How the people began a sedition against Archelaus.
- 12 Of the sedition of the Iewes against Sabinus, and how Varus punished the authors thereof.
- 13 How Caesar ratified Herodes testament.
- 14 Of the false Alexander.
- 15 How Archelaus being againe accused, was banished vnto Vienna.
CHAP. I.
Of Antipaters malice, who was Herodes sonne. K
AFTER that Antipater had made away his brothers thorow the extreme impietie and vnbridled furie, wherewith Herode their father was incensed and The yeare of the world, 3961. before Christs Natiuitie, 3. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 1. Antipater after hee had made away his brothers, grew hatefull both to the soldiers and the people whetted against them; yet incontinently obtained he not that which vndoubtedly he hoped for. For being deliuered and discharged of that feare he conceiued, least his brethren should be partakers with him in the kingdome, he found it a difficult and dangerous matter for himselfe to finde the meanes how he might obtaine the kingdome: so strange and hainous a hatred had all the nation conceiued against him. On the other side, in shewing himselfe proud and loftie, he more and more whetted and encreased that hatred which the souldiers had fore conceiued L against him, in whom notwithstanding the securitie of the kingdome consisted, if it should fortune so to fall out that the people should attempt any alteration. All which mischiefes were begotten by his owne sinnes, and the vnnaturall murther of his brothers. Naithelesse he gouerned Antipater gouerned the kingdom with his father. the kingdome with his father, liuing in no lesse authoritie then himselfe: Herode also reposed more confidence in him euen in those things, for which he was worthie to lose his head. For the king conceiued that in confirmation of his good affection towards him, Antipater had accused his brethren, as vnder resolution to continue his father in securitie, and not for any hatred he bore as well vnto them, as to his father; though indeed he hated them for his fathers sake being transported with furie. But all these were but as it were many subtill stratagemes to insinuate himselfe into Herodes counsailes and sauours, and these did he craftily make vse of, to cut off the M occasion least any should preuent, or accuse him of that which he pretended to doe, and that Herode Antipater wish eth his fathers death. might be depriued of all meanes and manner of reliefe, if so be Antipater should bend his forces against him. For the treason he complotted against his brothers, proceeded from the hatred he bare vnto his father: but at that time was he the more egged on to prosecute his intended purposes, without any delay or procrastination. For if Herode should happen to die, it was a matter most assured that the kingdome should be his; and should his life conti [...] any longer [Page 437] time, and the practise Antipater went about should be discouered, seeing himselfe inuironed The yeare of the world. 3961. before Christs birth 3. Antipater spared no cost to winne his fathers friends. A with these dangers, he should be inforced to make his father his enemy. For which cause he vsed verie great bountie and liberalitie to all those that were about his father, and thorow the great largesse he bestowed vpon them, he strangled and extinguished that hatred which all of them bare vnto him: and aboue all things he continued himselfe in credite with those friends, which Herode had at Rome, by sending them diuers presents, and namely to Saturninus, who was gouernour of Syria. He hoped also by bribes and rewards to draw his fathers brother into his faction, and to corrupt the kings sister also, who was married to one of the kings most esteemed friends in court. Furthermore, he was a subtill and politike man in entertaining those men with colourable and cloaking shew of friendship, with whom he conuersed, and to draw himselfe into credit with them: contrariwise, he was sufficiently practised to dissemble his malice and discontents, B which he had conceiued against any man. Notwithstandig all this, he could not deceiue Salome his Aunt, who of long time before had sounded his inclination, and who was not so simple as to suffer her selfe to be deceiued; but had already by all cunning means that might be preuented Antipater could not deceiue his aunt. his malice, although she had a daughter married vnto his vncle, by the mothers side. This daughter was first of all wedded to Aristobulus, and afterwards by Antipaters meanes espoused to his vncle. For Callaeas her husbands sonne had married the other. But neither could this affinitie colour the matter so much, but that his malice was discouered; neither could that former consanguinitie extinguish the deserued hatred conceiued against him. Herode constrained Salome (who thorow amorous passion had thought to haue married her selfe to Syllaeus the Arabian) to marrie with Alexas, and that by the mediation and perswasion of Iulia Caesars wife; who Herode compelleth Salome to marrie Alexas. C aduised Salome not to refuse that marriage, for feare least he should prooue her vtter enemie. For that Herod had made an oath, that if Salome condescended not to marrie Alexas, he would neuer make account of her: For which cause she followed Iulias aduise, who was Caesars wife, and counselled her also to her profit and preferment.
At the same time Herode sent his daughter to king Archelaus, who had been married to Alexander, presenting him a dowrie out of his owne treasurie, least there should any different arise Glaphyra somtimes Alexanders wife is sent back to Archelaus king of Cappadocia. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2. Herode bringeth vp his sons children. betweene them, and he himselfe most carefully brought vp his sonnes children. For Alexander had two sonnes by Glaphyra, and Aristobulus begat on Bernice Salomes daughter, three sons and two daughters. These sometimes would he present and commend vnto his friends, and bewailing the misfortune of his sonnes would beseech God that no such ill fortune might befall their D children, but rather that they might encrease in vertue and acknowledge their education and bringing vp, with all dutifull respects vnto their parents. He prouided them also each of them with a wife, at such time as they were ready for marriage, namely, the daughter of Pheroras for the eldest of Alexanders sonnes; and the daughter of Antipater for Aristobulus eldest sonne: and one of Aristobulus daughters was married to Antipaters sonne; and the other he espoused to Herode his owne sonne, whom he had begotten of the daughter of the high priest. For it is lawfull in our countrey, and according to our custome, to haue diuers wiues at one time. The king procured these marriages thorow the compassion he had of those Orphelins, thinking by these mutuall alliances to cause Antipater to be their friend. But Antipater conceiued no lesse ha [...]ed toward the children, then he had done malice towards their fathers. For the care that Herod had Antipater hateth his brothers children. E of them increased his hatred, in that he pretended to be the greatest among his brethren; and he especially feared least when they should grow to mans estate they would resist his power, being assisted by king Archelans, as his sonnes in law; and Pheroras who was a Tetrareh should doe the like, for that he had married his sonne to Alexanders daughter. And so much the more was [...] incited, because all the people had compassion of these Orphanes, and had conceiued [...] against him, who neuer ceased to expresse his malice against his brethren. He therefore [...] all the meanes that were possible to dis [...]ll those de [...]es, which his father ha [...] [...] vpon [...] Antipater laboreth his father to breake of the mariages he [...]. this effect, being very loth that they should euer liue to be partners with him in the kingdome. So that at last Herod condescended to Antipaters demaund, which was, that he might marrie Aristobulus daughter, and his sonne be espo [...]sed to Pheroras daughter, and thus were the promised and F forementioned marriages wholy cut off; yea euen against Herodes former [...] At that time Herod had nine wiues, namely, Antipaters mother, the high priests daughter, by whom he had a sonne that bare his name, and a daughter of his brothers, and a cousin of his owne, by [...] Herodes nin [...] wiues. had no children. He had another wife also, that by nation was a Samaritane, by whom he had two sonnes Antipas and Arohelaus, and a daughter called Olimpi [...]; who was afterwards married to Ioseph the kings cousin. As for Archelaus and Antipas they were brought vp [...] Rome, with a [Page 438] certaine priuate friend of his. Moreouer, he espoused one that was called Cleopatra, that was G The yeare of the world. 3961. before Christs Natiuitie. 3. borne in Ierusalem, by whom he had Herode and Philip, which Philip was brought vp at Rome. By Pallas he had Phasaelus: by Phedra and Helpia he had two daughters, Roxana and Salome. As touching his eldest daughters, Alexanders sisters by the mothers side, whom Pheroras had refused to take in marriage, he matcht the one with Antipater his sisters sonne, and the other he wedded to Phasaelus his brothers sonne, and this was Herods progenie.
CHAP. II.
Of Zamaris the Babylonian Iewe.
AFter this intending to assure his estate in the country of Trachonite, he resolued to build H Herode buildeth a castle in the region of the Trachonites, and maketh Zamaris the Iew that came from Babylon gouernour therein. a burrough of the bignesse of a Citie in the midst of the countrey, as well to warrantize his countrey as to be in better [...]adines to repulse his enemies, and to repulse them with more expedition. And hauing intelligence that a certaine Iewe was come from Babylon with fiue hundreth archers on horsebacke, and about one hundreth of his kinsmen, and had aduentured to passe Euphrates, and was in the countrey adioyning Antioch neere vnto Daphne in Syria, where Saturnine generall of the Roman army had giuen him a Castle, called Valatha to inhabite, he sent for him and his followers, promising him to giue him both lands & lordships in the signiorie of Batanea, which confineth on Trachonite, intending that he should make head against those that would assaile him, and promising him that both his land and his souldiers should be exempt from all tributes, & paiments of customes. This Babylonian Iew was induced by these I offers of his to come, and take possession of the place, where he builded a burrough called Bathyra. This man opposing himselfe against the Trachonites defended them of the countrey, and those Iewes that came from Babylon to Ierusalem to offer sacrifice, from all incursions and robberies of the Trachonites, and diuers that obserued the religion of the Iewes resorted vnto him from all places; so that this countrey was verie well peopled, by reason of the enfranchisement of the Tribute which continued during Herodes life time.
But Philip, who succeeded him, exacted afterward some small tribute of them, and that but for a little while. But Agrippa the great, and his sonne of the same name, vexed them very grieuously with taxations; yet permitted them to enioy their libertie, whose successors the Romans imposed many grieuous tributes vpon them, yet continued their freedome, of whom hereafter K we will more particularly and largely discourse in due place, and in processe of my historie. Now this Iew Zamaris, to whom Herod had giuen the possession of this countrey, died, after he had liued vertuously, and left a vertuous ofspring behinde him, amongst whom was Iacim renoumed for his dexteritie on horsebacke, who with his troup of horse was of the king of Babylons guard. This Iacim died when he was verie olde, and left his sonne Philip to succeed him, a man valiant in Iacim & Philip the sonnes of Zamaris. armes, and addicted to all sorts of vertue, as much as anyone that hath been renoumed in writing, for which cause king Agrippa loued him and put his trust in him, and committed the trust and training of his souldiers vnto him, who led them also foorth if any occasion of seruice was proffered.
CHAP. III. L
Antipater conspireth against Herod.
WHilest the estate and affaires of Herode were thus disposed, all mens eies were fixed vpon Antipate [...], after that Herode had permitted him to intend his particular profit. This Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 3. permission was granted him vnder the hope that his father had, that he would behaue himselfe faithfully, and affectionately towards him: but he abused this authoritie more audaciously then could be expected; for he traiterously coloured his conceiued malice, and easily drewe his father to beleeue him in whatsoeuer he said. He was feared by all men, not onely for his force and authoritie, but for his subtilties and pollicies. But aboue all the rest, Pheroras respected him most, and was inlike manner as greatly esteemed by him. For Antipater had circumuented him M Pheroras deceiued by women. by the meanes of certaine women, who fauoured his faction: For Pheroras was commanded by his wife, his mother and sister in law, notwithstanding that he hated them, by reason of the outrage they had offered to his daughters who were virgins; naithelesse he was enforced to dissemble all things, because he could doe nothing but that they were alwaies round about him, and had such masterie of his affaires, that they wrought him to performe whatsoeuer they pleased. To these likewise [...]as Antipater neerely tied, both of himselfe and by his mother: for these foure [Page 439] women were of one minde and affection in all things, and spake as it were by one mouth: yet was The yeare of th [...] world. 3961. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 3. A Pheroras at ods with Antipater vpon some sleight mislikes, and she that wrought this debate betwixt them was the kings sister, who had of long time espied all their drifts, knowing that the frendship they bare one another tended to the ouerthrow of Herode: neither refused she to expresse what her opinion was therin. And they knowing wel that the king disliked this their inward familiaritie, and that he was priuie to that which they pretended, which was his vtter ruine, resolued betweene themselues to refraine their pub like familiaritie, and to make a shew that they were at ods one with another, to which intent they reproched one another, especially at suchtime as they were either in Herods presence, or there was any one with thē, who (as they thought) wold certifie him therof. But in secret they intermitted not their accustomed friendship, and continued their intercourses with more priuie affability, & such was their ordinary demeanour & behauiour: B yet was not Salome ignorant hereof, neither when they first deuised this drift, neither afterwards Salome discouereth to Herode the conspiracies of the Ladies and others. when they put it in execution: for she diligently noted all things, & aggrauated the same in her reports to her brother, whō she informed of their secret assemblies & bāquetting, vrging their secret consultations, which (as she said) had no other issue but his ruine, except vpon their discouery he soughtto represse them in time. Further, that for the present they behaued themselues like enemies in outward shew, & all their speeches tended to disgrace one another; but that in secret they were friends, and that in priuate they entertained their amitie, & promised each other their mutual assistance to strengthen themselues against those to whom they were loth their friendship should be discouered. These things obserued, she with all diligence signified the same vnto her brother, who of himselfe had alreadie many probabilities thereof. But he durst not make shew therof, because C he knew that his sister was a woman too much addicted to reprochfull accusation.
There was amongst the Iewes a sect of people that were called Pharisees, who were too much addicted to selfe-opinion, and boasted themselues to be the exactest obseruers of the law in all the The Pharisees subtill and arrogant. countrey, to whom these women were verie much addicted, as to those who were much beloued of God, as in outward appearance they made shew for. These were such as durst oppose themselues against kings, full of fraud, arrogancie, and rebellion, presuming to raise warre vpon their motions, and to rebell and offend their princes at their pleasures: whereas therefore all the nation of the Iewes had sworne to be faithfull to Caesar, and to the estate of the king; these onely refused to take the oth, & of this sect there were to the number of sixe thousand. For which cause the king hauing imposed an amercement vpon them, Pheroras wife paid it for them; for which cause they The Pharisees would not sweare obedience but were finde. Pheroras wife paieth their fine, for which benefit they promise her the kingdome. Bagoas, Carus and others are put to death by Herode. D pretending to gratifie her, and being esteemed for such as were skilfull in foretelling such things as were to come, by reason of their often communication with God, foretold her that God had decreed to bring the kingdome of Herode and his posteritie to an end, and would bring to passe that the crowne should descend to Pheroras and his sonnes. Salome had got an inkling hereof, and had told Herode no lesse: and how they likewise corrupted euery one of his courtiers; for which cause he put those to death amongst the Pharisees, who were the principall authors of this aduise, and with them also the Eunnch Bagoas, and Carus who was his darling, and one of the goodliest men of that time. He afterwards cut off all those amongst his household seruants, who were of the Pharisees faction: For Bagoas was bewitched with that hope by them, that he suffered himselfe to be called the father and benefactor of the king, who should be established according E to their prediction, and who should haue the gouernment of al things, & should be strengthned by marriages, and descent of his lawfull and naturall children.
But after that Herode had punished those amongst the Pharisees, who were conuicted to haue Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 4. Herode accuseth Pheroras wife, and commandeth him to put her away beene of the conspiracie, he assembled a Councell of his friends, before whom he accused Pheroras wife, and ripped vp the outrage that was done vnto his daughters, as it hath beene declared, ascribing the same to the pride of this woman, obiecting it for a crime against her, for thereby she had iniued his honour. Besides this, he accused her that she had of set purpose stirred vp mutinies, and by all meanes possible both in word and in effect, contrarie to all law of nature, shee stirred vp debate betwixt him and his brother; and that the fine that he had imposed vpon his aduersaries, was satisfied at her charge: so that no [...]ot of that conspiracy was contriued without F her priuitie, and consent. ‘For which causes (said he) brother Pheroras, it shall not be amisse for you of your owne accord to driue such a wretched woman from you, before you be requested, and the sentence be prouounced against her, otherwise she will be the cause to kindle a warre betwixt you and me. For if at this present you will continue the friendship and brotherhood betwixt you and me, separate your selfe from her: in so doing I will account you for my brother, and you shall lose nothing by the affection which I beare vnto you.’ For the bond of brotherly [Page 440] loue cannot continue safe and vnuiolate, vnlesse you put her away. Now although Pheroras was G The reare of the world. 3961. before Christs birth 3. Pheroras refuseth to put away his wife. Herode interdicteth Pheroras and Antipater their priuic meetings, and forbiddeth the Ladies no lesse moued with the importance and waight of this discourse, yet said he, that for the loue he bare vnto his wife, he would forget nothing of that dutie which consanguinitie required at his hands in regard of his brother: but that he had rather die then to liue without her company, whom he loued more deerely then his life. Herode although he tooke this answere of his brothers for a most gricuous iniurie, yet forbare he to discouer his displeasure towards him: he onely forbad Antipater and his mother, and in like manner Pheroras to frequent the one with the other any more. He commaunded the women likewise that they should giue ouer their familiar entertainments the one with the other, which all of them promised to performe. Yet this notwithstanding vpon fit opportunities and occasions, they visited one another, and Antipater and Pheroras feasted one another by night. The report also went that Antipater had the company of Pheroras wife, and H that his mother was the meanes and minister of their priuie meetings.
CHAP. IIII.
Herode sendeth Antipater vnto Caesar.
ANtipater suspecting his fathers dislikes, and fearing least his hatred should by increase bring him into hazard, he wrote vnto his friends in Rome, requiring them to write their letters Herod sendeth Antipater to Caesar. vnto Herod, requesting him to send Antipater vnto Caesar, with al expedition as was possible. Which being brought to passe, Herode sent him thither with diuers royall presents, and gaue him his testament and will with him, wherein he had bequeathed the kingdome to Antipater. I And if it should happē that Antipater should die before him, then bequeathed he the same to his son Herod, whom he had by the high Priests daughter. About the same time Syllaeus the Arabian repaired to Rome, notwithstanding he had neglected those things that Caesar had giuen him in Antipater accuseth Syllaeus at Rome before Caesar. Aretas accuseth Syllaeus, for killing Phabatus and others. charge. Him did Antipater accuse before Caesar, for the same defaults wherewith he was charged by Nicholaus. Syllaeus also was accused by Aretas, for murthering diuers of the best account in the citie of Petra, contrarie to his mind: amongst the which was Sohemus (a man of much vertue and honour) and Phabatus Caesars seruant, of which crimes Syllaeus was accused vpon that occasion which ensueth: There was a certaine man of Corinthus, who was one of the kings gard, and such a one as he putvery great trust in: him did Syllaeus perswade by store of money and bribes, to kill Herode; which he promised to performe. Phabatus made priuie to Syllaeus mind, he K presently told it to the king, who caused him to be apprehended and tortured; who confessed the whole matter. He laid hands also on two Arabians, perswaded by this Corinthians confession, one of which was a man of commaund in his countrey, and the other was Syllaeus chiefest A traitor that sought the kings death is apprehended. friend. They being examined confessed that they came thither to solicite and egge forward with many exhortations the Corinthian to execute the murther, and to assist him if he stood in need of them. Which being fully approued by Herode before Saturnine, he sent them to Rome, there more amply to be proceeded against, and so to be punished.
CHAP. V.
Pheroras death. L
HErode perceiuing that his brother Pheroras did constantly continue his affection towards his wife, he commaunded him to retire himselfe into his owne dominion: whereupon Anoth solēnly obserued. he willingly departed to his Terrarchy, protesting by many solemne othes that he would neuer more returne into the citie, vnlesse he were assured that Herode was dead. Not long after it hapned, that the king falling sicke, he was sent for to receiue certaine secret instructions, as from the mouth of a dying man; but Pheroras would not obey him in regard of his oth. This notwithstanding Herode dealt more kindly with him, and continued his loue and affection towards him: for he came vnto Pheroras as soone as he heard of his first sicknes, and being vnsent for also, and after he was deceased he sent his bodie to Ierusalem, and honourably entombed him in that M Pheroras in his sicknes is visited by Herode, and being dead is honourably buried by him. place, and grieously lamented his death. This was the beginning of all Antipaters mishaps, who at that time was departed to Rome. For it was Gods pleasure that at last he should be punished for the murther of his brethren. This matter will I discourse of at large, that it may serue for an example vnto many kings how they ought to practise and follow vertue in all their actions.
CHAP. VI. A The yeare of the world. 3961. before Christs birth 3.
Pheroras wife is accused, and Herode is aduertised of Antipaters conspiracies.
AFter Pheroras death, two of his freemen, who were Taphnites by birth, and such as Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. Pheroras freemen accuse his wife for poisoning him. Pheroras in his life time both inlie trusted, and dearely loued, came vnto Herode, requiring him not to suffer his brothers death to passe vnpunished, but to make diligent enquirie of that vnfortunate and vnexpected misaduenture. Herode lent a willing care vnto their suite, perceiuing that the matters they importuned him in, were likely and verie credible. Whereupon they told him, that Pheroras, the day before his vnexpected sicknesse, had supt B with his wife, and that hauing receiued an vnaccustomed poison with his meate, he was dead. That this poison had been brought thither by a woman of Arabia, who in her speech protested that it was some potion to increase loue, but in effect it was to bring Pheroras to his end. For the women of Arabia amongst all others are skilfull in poisons, and are great sorcerers, and she that was charged with this fact, was esteemed a great freind and sauourer of Syllaeus best beloued. That Herode tortureth the Ladies bond women, and soundeth out Antipaters & their secrets. Pheroras mother and his wifes sister went into those quarters vpon purpose to buy that poyson, and returned backe, and brought this woman with them the day before the supper. The king mooued by these words of theirs, tortured both those maidseruants of theirs, who were their bondwomen; as also certaine other of their free seruants. Now when the fact would not be extorted, by reason that none of them confessed the same, at length shee that was last of all put to C her triall, ouercome by the paines shee endured, said nought else, but that shee praied God that Antipaters mother might feele the like torments, since shee was the cause of all those mischiefes which they endured.
These words of hers made Herode the more eager and inquisitiue, so that by force of tortures he wrought out all the secrets of these women, their banquets, their secret assemblies, and those verie words that Herode had spoken apart betwixt his sonne and himselfe, which had beene reported vnto the women that Pheroras entertained: namely, that he would giue him one hundreth talents, prouided he would vse no conference with Pheroras. Moreouer, they reckoned vp the hatred that Antipater bare vnto his father, the complaints that he made vnto his mother of the too long life and continuance of his father: for that in regard of himselfe he was already waxen D olde; so that although the kingdome should fall into his hands presently, yet could he receiue but verie little contentment thereby. Moreouer hee alleadged, that diuers brothers and brothers children were brought vp togither with him, so that he might not securely hope for any thing, for that already if he should fortune to die, the kingdome was to descend not to his sonne, but to his brother: besides this, he was accustomed to accuse the king of diuers cruelties committed by him, and of that murther which he executed vpon the persons of his children. That for feare least he should practise his tyrannie against those that remained, Antipater had found out the deuise to be summoned to Rome, and Pheroras withdrew himselfe into his Tetrarchy. These words, which as he knew had reference vnto that which his sister had often informed him of, were not by him held incredible; so that being pressed with the malice of Antipater, he sequestred Doris his E mother from his presence, spoiling her before her departure of all her iewels, which were valued Herode thrusteth Doris Antipaters mother cut of his pallace. Antipater the Samaritane declareth how Antipater the kings sonne had prouided poison for his father. at many talents: and from that time forward he shewed himselfe more fauourable towards those women of Pheroras household. But nothing did more whet Herods displeasure against Antipater, then did a certaine Samaritane, who was also called Antipater, who had the ordering of the affaires of Antipater the kings sonne. For he being brought in question and tortured, declared amongst other things, that Antipater had mixed a mortall poison, and deliuered the same to Pheroras his vncle, commanding him to practise the kings death in his absence, and by that meanes least suspected. That this poison was brought out of Aegypt by one called Antiphilus, Antipaters friend. That it was sent to Pheroras by one called Theudion, Antipaters mothers brother. That this poison was kept by Pheroras wife, and was committed by her husband to her custodie. F She being examined by the king hereupon, confessed no lesse, & hastning forth as if she intended to fetch the same, she cast her selfe downe headlond from the toppe of the house: yet did she not murther her selfe, because she fell vpon her feet. Now after she was recouered out of her swoune, and the king had promised all securitie both to her selfe and her family, if so be she would discouer the truth; and contrariwise threatned her with extreme torments, if she obstinately continued in concealing these treasons, she sware that she would discouer all things according as they [Page 442] were acted, and as many men thought at that time she tolde nothing but the truth. That poison G The yeare of the world, 3961. before Christs Natiuitie, 3. Pheroras wife confesseth that she hath the poison, and casts her selfe downe headlong from the roofe. (said she) was brought by Antiphilus out of Aegypt, and bought there by the meanes of a brother of his, who was a physition. After this Theudion brought it to our house, and I hauing receiued it from Pheroras hands, kept the same, but bought by your sonne Antipater to poison you that are his father. Now therefore after that my husband fell sicke, and you in kindnesse came to visit and comfort him, he being mooued with compassion, and conquered by your brotherly kindenesse, by your good affection and louing care in giuing order for his health, called me vnto him, and said: O Wife, Antipater hath circumuented me, whilest by his pestilent counsailes and poisoning practises he desireth to cut off his father, and depriue me of a kinde brother. ‘Now therfore since as I perceiue there is no part of my brothers louing and naturall affection diminished towards me, wherewith he was wont to entertaine me, and that my latest houre of life approcheth, H God forbid, that being ready to sleepe with my forefathers, I should present them with a ghost soiled and sweltred in my brothers bloud: Dispatch therefore, and burne this poison before mine eies. Hereupon said she, I presently brought it forth according as my husband commaunded me, and burnt the greatest part of the poison; and the rest I reserued, that if after my husbands death your grace should vse me vnkindly, it might serue me to escape those extremities that would betide me.’
After she had spoken thus, she brought forth before them all the poison, and the box wherein it was kept. After her another of Antiphilus brothers, and the mother to them both confessed The yeare of the world, 3962. before Christs natiuitie, 2. The king putteth away his wife, and blotteth his sonne out of his testament. He degradeth Simon, and enstateth Marthias in the Priesthood. Archelaus and Philip are accused by Antipaters means no lesse, being constrained thereunto by force and violence of torture, and acknowledged the box. The kings wife also, who was the daughter of the high priest, was accused for confederacie I and concealement of all these treasons. For which cause Herode put her away from him, and raced his sonnes name out of his testament, wherein he had bequeathed him the kingdome after his decease. He displaced also his father in law Simon the sonne of Boëthus from the priesthood, and placed Matthias the sonne of Theophilus, who was borne in Ierusalem, in his steed. In the meane space Bathillus Antipaters freeman returned from Rome; who being tortured, confessed that he brought a poison with him to deliuer it to Antipaters mother, and Pheroras, to the ende that if the first poison were not effectuall enough to dispatch the king, they might make vse of this other, to cut him off speedily. There came letters also to Herods hands from his friends in Rome, written and deuised by Antipaters meanes, to accuse Archelaus and Philip, for that verie often they had refreshed the memorie of Alexander and Aristobulus death, contriued by their father; K and for that they lamented the miserable fate of them, who were innocently betraied; and that now also they themselues were called backe into their countrey for no other cause, but vpon their arriuall to be made partakers of their brothers miserable destinie. These things did Antipaters friends certifie Herod of, in that by many and mightie presents he wrought them thereunto. He himselfe also wrote vnto his father colourably, after a maner excusing the young men, and imputing their words to their indiscretion & young yeers. Meane while he busied himselfe in accusing Syllaeus, and coutted the chiefest Romans buying diuers ornaments and iewels to present them with, to the valewe of two hundreth talents. And it is to be wondred at, that so great matters being brought on foote against him seuen moneths at least before his returne into the countrey of Iudaea, that no inckling thereof came vnto his eares. But the cause partly was, the diligent L search and watch that was kept vpon the high waies, and partly the hatred that all men had conceiued against Antipater. For there was not any that would put himselfe in hazard to procure his securitie.
CHAP. VII.
Antipater is condemned, and cast into prison.
HErode concealing his displeasure, answered Antipater his sonnes letters (wherein he gaue Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 6. Herod writeth friendly letters to Antipater, and calleth him home from Rome. him to vnderstand, that as soone as he had dispatched his affaires as it behooued him, he would returne) charging him to hasten homeward, for fear least during his absence, some M vr expected inconuenience might betide him. He likewise after a temperate manner complained vnto him of his mother, promising notwithstanding to remit the fault vpon his returne, and by all meanes he made shew vnto him of much kindnesse, fearing least he apprehending any suspition should defer to hasten his returne homeward, and lingring too long at Rome should contriue some traiterous stratageme, to the preiudice of himselfe, and the ouerthrow of his kingdome. These letters did Antipater receiue in Cilicia, and alreadie had he receiued others at Tarentum, [Page 443] by which he vnderstood of Pheroras his vncles death, whereat he was sore grieued; not The yeare of the world. 3962. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 2. Celenderis in Cilicia. A for the loue he bare to Pheroras, but for that he died before he had murthered his father, according as he had promised him. As soone as he came to Celenderis a Citie of Cilicia, he grewe doubtfull whether he should returne or no, and grieuously was he distracted by his mothers disgraces, who was banished from the court. Sundrie also were the opinions of his friends in this behalfe: for some of them counsailed him to stay, and expect th [...]euent of these troubles in some place: other some on the other side, aduised him to delay no longer his returne into his countrey, for that vpon his arriuall he might easily satisfie all those obiections and accusations that were inforced against him, because his accusers had nought else to strengthen their cause with; but his absence: This latter aduise liked him best; so that he betooke himselfe to sea, and at last arriued in the port of Sebaste so called, and builded by Herode to his great charge in honour of Sebaste a hauen builded by Herode in honour of Caesar: Antipater vpō his returne is saluted by no man. Caesar. B
And now alreadie it manifestly appeared that Antipater was vpon his downfall: For no man came out to salute him, no man entertained him, as they did vpon his departure, when as all of them accompanied him with praiers and happy acclamations: but contrariwise they boldly and openly spake against him, and bitterly cursed him, telling him that he was iustly punished for the wickednesse he had committed against his brothers.
About the same time Quintilius Varus, who was sent to succeede Satumine in the gouernment of Syria, was at Ierusalem, and drew thither at that instant vpon Herodes request, to assist him with his counsailes in his present and weightie occasions. Now whilest these two sate and Quintilius Varus gouernout of Syria. consulted togither, Antipater came in before any man expected him, and in that purple garment C and royaltie, that he was accustomed to vse, entered the pallace. The guard of the gates suffered him to enter in, but they excluded all those that were with him. This first of all affrighted and appauled his spirits, in that he already perceiued into what calamities he was fallen; and now also when he drew neere his father, he thrust him from him, accusing him of the murther of his brethren, and reproching him with that intent he had to poison him, telling him that the next day Varus should both heare and iudge all his misdemeanors. He altogither amazed at the greatnesse of that vnexpected mischiefe, which he both heard and saw, departed presently from them wholy amazed, and in the way met with his mother and his wife (which was Antigonus daughter, who had been king of the Iewes before Herode) by whom he was aduertised of all that which had hapned, and for that cause more diligently prepared himselfe for his triall. The next day Varus D Herode calleth his son in question before Quintllius Varus. and Herode sate in iudgement, accompanied by their friends on both sides; thither also were cited the kings kinred and his sister Salome, and certaine others, who could discouer his secret practises, some of which had been tortured, and namely Antipaters mothers seruants, who a little before his arriuall, had been apprehended with a letter to this effect: ‘That he should take heed that he returned not into the countrey, because his father was made priuie to all his practises, and that for the present he had no other refuge but onely to Caesar, and to take care likewise least he should fall into his fathers hands.’
Hereupon Antipater humbling himselfe on his knees before the king his father, besought him not to condemne him before his cause were heard, but to suspend his iudgement vntill such time as he had heard his iustifications. But Herode after he had commaunded him to withdraw himselfe E into the midst of the court and assembly, deplored his infelicitie in begetting such children, and bewailed his mishap, that in his olde age he was reserued for an Antipater. After this he reckoned vp the cares he had spent in their education and instiution, and how bountifully heAntipater accused by Herodhad bestowed vpon him as much riches as he required: he furthermore alleadged, that none of all these fauours could preserue him from falling into lapse of the losse of his life by their policie, to the intent that they might iniuriously possesse the kingdome before either the lawe of nature, or the will of their father, or their owne rights could challenge the same. But aboue all the rest, he wondered at Antipater, with what hope he could possibly be puffed vp to attempt so audacious and wicked an enterprise. For by his testament he had made him the heire of his kingdome, and in his life time also had made him equall partaker of his dignitie, glorie and power: F that he receiued annually fiftie talents of reuenue, and to furnish his voiage for Rome had three hundreth talents giuen him. Moreouer, he accused him for his slaunderous accusations against his murthered and slaughtered brothers, who if they had been wicked, why did he imitate them? but if they were innocent, why without cause produced he his slaunderous accusations against those, who were his naturall brethren?For in his owne respect he had neuer found any thing against them, but by his report: neither had he giuen sentence against them, but by Antipaters [Page 444] aduice, who for the present were absolued by him, because he was become the heire of their patricide. The yeare of the world. 3962. before Christs birth 2. G In vttering these words he began to weepe, being vnable to vrge his griefes any further; for which cause he besought Nicholas Damascene, who was his deere friend, & conuersed ordinarily with him, and was priuie to all that which had passed, to prosecute the rest that appertained to the inquest and approbation of his crime.
But Antipater turning himselfe towards his father, began to iustifie himselfe, vrging the sameAntipaters answere to his fathers obiectiō.testimonies and fauours that his father had shewed vnto him, and the honours hee had receiued at his hands, which he would neuer haue shewed him if he had beene vnworthy of the same, and had not by his vertue deserued these fauours. He alledged also, that by his vertue he had preuented all that which might haue hapned, and that where the cause required his labour or diligence, he dispatched all things with his owne industrie; that it was vnlikely that he, who had deliuered H his father from those treasons, which were intended against him by other men, should himselfe attempt the like: and as farre from probabilitie that he should go about to extinguish that vertue (whereof euen vntill that day he had giuen testimonie) to the end that alwaies hereafter he might be defamed for such an indignitie. For long before this time he was named and entitled to succeede him, and to enioy those verie honours whereof alreadie he pertooke no small part; whereby he protested that it was vnlikely, that he, who might enioy the halfe of all that his father had, in all securitie, vertue and honour, should desire the whole with infamy, and daunger; yea and with incertitude to obtaine the same; considering in especial that the punishment, which had befallen his brothers (whom he had both disclosed and accused at such time as they were hidden) was procured by him, who, if he had listed, might haue concealed them in secret, I and whose wickednes towards their father (after it was approued) he himselfe had reuenged vpon them: neither (as he said) repented he himselfe of that which he had done, for that action of his might be an argument to approue how incorruptly he loued his father. And as touching that which he had delt in at Rome, Caesar himselfe was witnes thereof; who could be no more deceiued then God himselfe: whereof those letters bore record, which were written by him; which in equitie should be of no lesse force then the slaunders of those, who fought to set them at oddes: the most part of which obiections and reproches had beene complotted and deuised by his enemies, who haue had the leasure to pursue the same during his absence, which they could not haue performed in his presence. Finally he auowed, that all those confessions were false which were extorted by torture, in that it ordinarily falleth out, that such as are put to the triall I confesse many things by force of torment that are vntrue, to satisfie them that put them thereto: briefly without all fauour, he offered himselfe to the racke in iustification of his innocencie. Vpon these his protestations, all the councell and assistants were confounded. For all of them had great compassion of Antipater, who was wholy drowned in his teares; so that his verie enemies began to pitie him. And Herode himselfe made it appeare, that he seemed in some sort to be altered in his opinion: notwithstanding he enduoured to conceale the same.
But Nicholaus, according as he was requested, prosecuted that accusation which the king had Nicholas Damascene prosecuteth the kings accusation. begunne, vrging all things to the vttermost, and producing all the witnesses, and those manifest prooues, that were gathered from their examinations who were tortured. In especiall he amply discoursed of the kings vertue, which he had fatherly expressed in the education and instruction L of his children; for which he had beene so vnkindly and vnnaturally required. Moreouer that his first childrens foolish rashnes was not so much to be wondred at, for that being yong, they had beene corrupted by the malice of their counsellors, & had blotted out of their hearts al the lawes of nature, rather through ambition of rule then desire of riches. But that Antipaters boldnes was both wonderfull and wicked, who more cruell then the cruellest beasts (who toward their benefactors acknowledge each good tume) was nothing mollified by his fathers so great indulgence; neither terrified by his brothers calamitie, but that he must needs emulate them in their crueltie. And thou thy selfe (said he) O Antipater, wett the Iudge of their attempted treasons, by thy inquisition they were indited, thou didst execute the iustice against them being conuicted. Neither do we disallow that thou didst prosecute them with iust indignation, but rather admire thee for M that thou imitatest their intemperance, & we easily gather that those acts of thine were not attēpted for thy fathers securitie, but intended for thy brothers ouerthrow, that by detesting their malice, thou mightst insinuate thy selfe into the allowance and good liking of their father and thine, that afterwards thou mightest more cunningly and securely bring him to his end, which at length thou hast attempted to performe. For whilest thou adiudgest thy guiltie brothers to death, and sparest their confederates, thou makest it manifest in all mens eies, that thou art in good liking [Page 445] liking with them, whose assistance thou mighest hereafter vse in oppressing thy father. Thou hastThe yeare of the world. 3962. before Christs birth 2.A therefore taken a double pleasure worthy thy manners; the one openly, as if reioycing and glorying, that by thy brothers death thou hast atchieued a matter of honour: the other secretly, by indeuouring with greater wickednes, but more secret fraud to make an end of thy father; the reuenger of whose iniuries thou pretendedst to bee. For if thou haddest truely detested their malice, thou hadst neuer esteemed the same to be worthie of thy imitation: For thou haste not cut them off for committing such capitall offences, as were answerable vnto thine, but for that they had a more iust and rightfull title to succeed in the kingdome then thou hast: And thou hast thought good to mixe the murther of thy father with the slaughtered bodies of thy brothers, for feare least thou shouldest be sodainly conuinced in thy conspiracies against them, and to the end that the punishment which thou well deseruest to suffer, should light vpon thy vnfortunate B father, proiecting with yourselfe such a patricide, and so rare and hainous a murther, that to this day the like thereof hath not beene heard of amongst men. For thou being his sonne hast practised these treasons, not onely against thy father, but against him that loued thee aboue measure, and did thee good beyond hope, with whom thou hast actuall participation of the gouernment of the kingdome, and who had appointed thee his heire in the same, being no waies hindered, eyther for the present or in times past to participate the pleasure of soueraigntie, and being assured of the hope of succession both by the will and writings of thy father. But you haue measured the course of your affaires, not according to Herodes vertue, but according to your owne appetite and malice, intending to depriue such a father of his part, who graunted you the whole; and seeking in effect to murther him, whom in words you pretended C heretofore to protect from iniurie. And not content of your selfe to practise these trecheries, you haue poisoned your mother also with no lesse corruption, and in steed of the loue that should haue beene amongst brethren, you haue filled your family with mutinies and hatreds: And after and besides all these things, thou hast beene so audacious, as to call thy father beast; being of thy selfe more malignant then those beasts that are most venemous, vsing thine owne venome against thy deerest friends, and such as haue best deserued at thy hands, strengthing thy selfe with his guard, and diuers trecheries both of men and women against one olde man, as if thy cursed mind alone were not sufficient to satisfie thy hatred. And now after so many men and women slaues and free men tortured for thy cause, after the open and manifest testimonies of thy parties in the conspiracy, thou art so impudent as yet to contradict the trueth: D and thou that lately hopedst to depriue thy father of his life, doest now as much as in thee lieth, endeuour to abolish that law that was instituted against malefactors in thy kind, herewithall Varus equitie, and all whatsoeuer iustice is in the world. Dost thou therefore accuse them of falsehood, who were examined in torments to the end thou mightest endaunger their credit, who were the preseruers of thy fathers life? shall we beleeue thee more then them in their torments? Wilt thou not (O Varus) deliuer the king from the iniuries of those, who are his owne flesh and bloud? wilt thou not put this wicked beast to death, who hath murthered his brothers to pretend a loue towards his father, and who hath at last beene discouered to bee the most mortall enemie of them all, to the intent that at one instant hee might establish the kingdome in himselfe? Thou knowest that Patricide is no priuate crime, but a publike iniurie E to life and nature, which is no lesse lothsome in the thought, then it is in the act: Patricide the publike iniurie of life and nature. which who so punisheth not, is of himselfe guiltie of an iniurie offered to our common mother nature.
After these speeches, he annexed certaine points as touching Antipaters mother, which thorow feminine frailtie had beene blabbed out by her, to wit, that she had asked counsaile of southsaiers and diuiners, to whom the kingdome should befall: And that she had offered sacrifices, and made prayers for the death of the king. And moreouer he declared what lasciuious pranks Antipater had plaied with Pheroras women, in banqueting and amorous and wanton dalliances. The informations likewise that were presented by such as were tortured, with sundry testimonies of diuers men, some suborned; the other found out to be incontinently produced and F confirmed. For each man seeing that Antipater was exposed to the accusations of those men, who had the gouernment in their hands, and that the good fortune that had long time accompanied him, had openly deliuered him into the hands of his enemies, they manifestly discouered the insatiable hatred which they had conceiued against him, whereas before time the feare that they had of him inforced them to be silent: yet was he not so much burdened with other mens hatreds, as with his owne wickednes, namely his deadly hatred against his father, his breach of [Page 446] amitie amongst his brethren, wherby he filled the kings houshold with seditions and murthers, G The yeare of the world 3962. be fore Christs Natiuitie. 2. of some complotted, and acted by other some; neither giuing place to hatred according to iustice, nor to amitie according to good affection, but according as it might stand with his profit. Which for that diuers men perceiued long before that time, they iudged of euents according as they had reason, and the rather because that being voide of hatred, they spake but their opinions: And whereas heretofore they had cried with a lowd voice against him, at such time as they were shut vp; at this time when as they were depriued of their feare, they declared al things that they knew. And whereas there were diuers produced of the mischiefes committed by him, yet Antipater accused by all men. seemed there nothing to be fained, for that the accusers neither spake in fauor of the king, neither concealed any thing for feare of perill, but condemned all Antipaters wicked actions, and iudged him worthy of death and punishment, not so much for his fathers security as of his own deinerit. H Neither did they onely accuse him, who were by iustice tied thereunto, but diuers voluntarie witnesses also brought in their euidence; so that although he was a verie cunning dissembler, and colourer of his lies, and most impudent in his assertions, yet durst he not once open his mouth or mutter against the same.
As soone as Nicholas had finished his discourse and accusations, Varus cummanded Antipater Varus giueth Antipater licence to iustify himselfe. Antipater striueth by his protestations, and inuocations of God to iustifie himselfe. to answere to those crimes, that were obiected against him, if he had any thing to alleadge, that he was not guiltie of those forfaits or hainous crimes that were laid vnto his charge. For of himselfe he desired nothing more, and knew well that Herode his father desired no lesse, then that he should iustifie himselfe, and maintaine his innocencie. But he humbling himselfe vpon his face, and lowly bending his body to the ground, besought God, who was the searcher of all I hearts, to approoue his innocencie by some euident signe, how he had neuer attempted anything to his fathers preiudice. For this is the custome of all wicked men, that as often as they attempt any hainous act, they engage themselues in all wickednesse, without any respect of Gods iustice; and when as by their misdeeds, they are fallen into perill, then call they God to their mindes, by whose inuocation and testimonie they desire to be deliuered, making a shew that they commit all things to his determination. The like whereof at that time happened in Antipater, who, wheras before time disposed all his actions in such sort, as if there had been no God that had the ouersway of humane affaires, at such time as iustice ouertooke him, and he was disfurnished of the benefit of the lawe, had his recourse to Gods power, alleadging that he was reserued by God to this end, that he might diligently intend his fathers safetie. Hereupon Varus, when as by often K questionings he could wrest nothing from him, but that he onely cried vpon God, seeing that otherwise there would be no end of these debates, he commaunded the poison to be brought forth before them all, that hee might make experience of what force it was: which being presently brought vnto him, and ministred to one that was condemned to die, it presently killed the man. Which done, he arose and departed out of the councell, and the next day went to Antioch, where for the most part he was wont to haue his residence, for that it was the chiefe Citie of the Assyrians. But Herod presently commanded his sonne to be put in bonds, no man knowing what The poison is ministred to a condemned man, and it killeth him. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 7. talke had been betweene him and Varus vpon his departure, but all mens opinion was that the king did nothing in imprisoning him, but by his counsaile. When as therefore he had fast bound him, he sent vnto Caesar, and wrote his letters vnto him, as touching Antipater, sending L certaine appointed messengers, who by word of mouth might certifie him of his cursed treasons.
At the verie same time there was a letter intercepted, sent by Antiphilus to Antipater, which Antiphilus remained in Aegypt, which letter being opened by the king, was written to this effect. Herode imprisoned his son & sent embassadors to Caesar to certifie his abuses. Antiphilus letter to Antipater. I haue sent you Armes letter, hazarding thereby mine owne life: for you know that I am in danger of the displeasure of two mightie families, if I should be discouered. As for your selfe, bethinke you well of your affaires in this respect. Such were the contents of this letter. The king made diligent search for others also, but he could finde none: for Antiphilus seruant, who had brought that which was read, denied that he had any other. But whilest the king was in this doubt, one of his seruants and friends perceiued that the inside of the messengers vnder-coat was newly M sowed: for he had two garments the one vpon the other, and coniecturing that the letters might be hidden in the sould thereof, as indeed they were, he ripped the same, and found them. The tēnour thereof was this: Acme to Antipater, Health: I haue written the letters to your father, according as you gaue me instructions, and haue counterfaited the copy of my letter, as if it had Acmes letter to Antipater. been sent by Salome my mistris. I assure my selfe, that when he hath read the same, he wil punish Salome as one that hath practised treason against him. But that letter that was supposed to haue [Page 447] been written by Salome to Acme, was of Antipaters inuention, and written in Salomes name, according A The yeare of the world. 3962. before Christs birth 2. Acmes letters to Herode. to his inuention, and in Acmes stile. The contents were these: Acme to king Herode, Health: Whereas I haue an especiall care, that nothing be concealed from thee that concerneth thy securitie, hauing found a letter of Salomes written against thee vnto my Ladie, I haue not without danger taken the copy therof, and sent it vnto you, in which she required that she might haue licence to marrie Syllaeus. Teare this copy, least thorow the knowledge of the same, I grow in danger of my life. Now in that which she had written to Antipater, she had discouered that she had written these words to Herode, according to that commandement he had giuen her, as if Salome had conspired to worke some treason against him. She sent also the copy of those counterfaite letters in the name of Salome, and sent them vnto her mistris to worke treason.
This Acme was a Iew borne, and chambermaid to Iulia Caesars wife, and did that which is aboue B Herode inflamed with hatred against his sonne. written for the loue which she bare to Antipater, whom he had hired by great summes of money, to the end, that she should assist him to execute the mischiefe, which he practised against his father, and against his Aunt. Herode made almost desperate by the great mischiefes of Antipater, was stirred vp on the sodaine to shorten his daies, for that he was the only meanes that stirred vp these great tempests of sedition in his kingdome, and who not only practised against his father and his Aunt, but against his sister also; and had in like sort corrupted Caesars familie. Salome also incensed him the more, beating her breasts and offering her selfe to all deaths, if any such like matter might be duely prooued against her. For which cause Herod sent for Antipater, commanding him to speake freely all that which he had to say without feare. But he hauing not one word to answere for his defence, Herode said vnto him: Since that on all sides thou art conuicted, C and surprised in thy wickednesse, delay not, but discouer those that are of thy confederacie. Whereupon he laid all the fault vpon Antiphilus, and named none other. At that time Herode Antipater layeth all the fault vpon Antiphilus. being wounded by extreme griefe, would haue sent Antipater to Rome vnto Caesar, that he might receiue his iudgement from him, but afterwards he feared least by the interest of his friends he should escape the danger, for which cause he kept him bound and fettered in prison, as he had done before. And in the meane while sent certaine messengers with letters to Caesar, to accuse his sonne, and to declare wherein Acme had been his confederate, producing the copy of the letters. These embassadors therefore resorted to Rome, instructed in those things they were to answere to those interrogatories that should be offered them, and with them he sent his letters.
CHAP. VIII. D
Herodes sicknesse, and the sedition amongst the Iewes.
MEane while Herode fell sicke, and made his will, and appointed his youngest sonne to succeede Hedio & Russinus, chap. 8. Herode falling sicke maketh his will and leueth his succession of the kingdome with his other goods to his friends and kinsfolkes. Herode impatient in his old age and wonderous wayward. The yeare of the world, 3963. after Christs birth 1. him in the kingdome, for that through Antipaters instigations he had conceiued a hatred against Archelaus and Philip. He sent also one thousand talents vnto Caesar, and fiue hundreth to his wife, and to his children, friends and freemen. He bestowed also money, rents, and lands vpon his own children: he gaue his sister Salome an ample possession, for that she had alwaies perseuered in louing him, and had neuer offended him. And hauing lost all hope of recouerie, for that he was about seuentie yeeres olde, he became verie tutchie and froward in E whatsoeuer his affaires. The cause hereof was, that opinion he had conceiued, that he waxed contemptible, and that the whole nation tooke pleasure in those mishaps which befortuned him, which some of those who were fauoured by the people, made him the rather beleeue vpon this occasion which ensueth. Amongst those that were most learned among the Iewes, Iudas the son of Saripheus, and Matthias the sonne of Margalothus the most excellent interpreters of the lawes and ordinances of the countrey: and for this cause were in greatest estimation among the people, by reason that they instructed and trained vp the youth. For all those that desired to obtaine vertue, spent all their time with them, who vnderstanding that the kings sicknesse was dangerous, they incensed the younger sort, counsailing them to ouerthrow all those workes that the king had caused to be made contrarie to the law and custome of the countrey; to the ende, that they F fighting for pietie might obtaine the reward that attendeth the same. For in that the king had enterprised and done many things contrarie to the law, diuers vnaccustomed miseries had befallen him, and namely that sicknes wherewith he was detained. For Herod had done diuers things contrarie to the auncient lawe; against which Iudas and Matthias exclaimed openly. For he had erected ouer the portall of the great temple, an Aegle of gold of great valew. Now the law A golden Eagle vpon the greatest gate of the temple. prohibiteth that they, who pretend to liue according to the same, should not in any sort erect [Page 448] any image, nor represent any figures of liuing creatures whatsoeuer. For this cause these doctors G The yeare of the world, 3963. after Christs Natiuitie, 1. Contempt of death. counsailed them to pull down that Aegle: telling that, that although the matter seemed to want no peril, yet ought they rather to prefer an honest death before a pleasant life, if so be it be imploied for the defence of their countrey lawes and religion. For in so doing they should obtaine immortall praise for the present, and a memorable and eternall glorie in time to come; neither that they should protract the execution therof for feare of danger, since death was a thing that might not be auoided; so that since by the generall course of nature, they must needly die, it should become them brauely to forsake their liues with praise and honour in embracing vertue. For to die in the execution of some noble exploit (which cannot be atchieued without hazard or danger) their children should be richly rewarded with the fruits thereof, & their other parents that should ou [...]liue them (of what sex soeuer) should reape the fruits of that glorie which was honourably atchieued H by them. In these or such like words encouraged they the young men.
About that time there was a rumour spred, that the king was dead, which gaue verie great furtherance to the doctors resolution. For at high noone they went vp into the temple, they pulled The yong men pulling downe the goldē eagle hew it in peeces with their axes. Iudas & Matthias with fortie other yong men being brought to the kings presence iustifie their actiōs with ioy and the king sendeth them bounde to Iericho. and hewed downe the Aegle with their axes; in the sight and assembly of a great number of people that were in the temple. Now when the tidings hereof came vnto the eares of the kings captaine, he fearing least some further and more fatall tumult might be raised, drew out a strong companie of souldiers with him, to repulse those that were assembled to hew downe the Aegle, and charging the rude & disarmed multitude, who were gathered togither, he easily flew and dispersed the most; as for those 40. young men that valiantly addressed thēselues to resist, he apprehended them, and with them the authors of this sedition Iudas & Matthias, who thought scorne I to submit thēselues, and led them to the king; who demanding of them how they durst deface the sacred image: they answered, that long before that time they had resolued it, and that now according as they had resolued, they had like valiant men performed the same. For we (said they) maintaine the honour of God and the doctrine of our lawe, whereof we are disciples: neither ought you to admire that with contempt of your ordinances we haue preferred the lawes of our forefathers, which Moses hath left vs in writing, according as he was suggested and taught them by God: neither doe we refuse any death or punishment which thou shalt inflict vpon vs, being assured in our consciences, that we suffer not for our impietie, but pietie sake. Thus spake they all of them, Herode assembleth the gouernours of the Iewes, and expostulateth with thē about this cōmotion. continuing the like constant boldnesse in their answeres, as they had shewed in their actions, being also ready, constantly to endure any punishment for that which they had attēpted. Hereupon K the king commanded them to be bound, and sent them to Iericho: then calling before him those principall Iewes, who had the gouernment vnder him; & being brought into their assembly vpon his pallat, by reason of his weaknesse, he recited vnto them the numberlesse trauels he had endured for their sakes: in like manner, how vpon his great charges he had repaired and reedified the temple; whereas the Asmoneans for the space of 125. yeeres, wherein they raigned, could not performe such a building in the honour of God. Moreouer he signified vnto them, how he had adorned the same with precious gifts, for which he hoped that after his death his memorie and glorie should suruiue. After this he expostulated with them for what cause they abstained not from offering him that outrage during his life time? And why at noon daies and in the sight of all the people, they had laid hands on those presents which he had dedicated vnto God, and L had taken those things away violently, which though in words they appertained to him, yet in effect if the act were well examined, they had taken from God.The gouernors suspecting his crueltie, and fearing least his vnbridled passion should vrge him further, by which meanes they might be assured of some seuere punishment, answered him: that those things were not done by their consents, and that in their opinion the iniurie ought not to be let slip without punishment. At that time Herod shewed himselfe more fauourable towards the rest, but he caused Matthias to be depriued of the priesthood, as one in part who had been the cause of that which had hapned; Matthias is depriued of the hie priesthood and Iozar is assigned his place. Ioseph Ellemi for one day hie priest. Matthias and Iudas burned and in his place substituted Iozar one of his wiues brethren. During the priesthood of this Matthias it hapned also, that an other high priest was elected that verie day, wherein the Iewes did vsually celebrate their fast. For Matthias the night before the day of the fast, seemed in his dream M to haue had the company of his wife; and whereas for this cause he was vnfit to offer the deuine sacrifice, he had Ioseph the sonne of Ellemus appointed him to be his assister and substitute, by reason of his alliance. Herode therefore deposed Matthias: and as touching the other Matthias, who had mooued this trouble, both he and his companions were by his commandement consumed with fire.
This verie night the moone was ecclipsed, & Herods sicknesse grew more vehement. For God The Ecclipse. [Page 449] punished those sins which he had committed. For he was inflamed with a lent or slow fire, which to The yeare of the world. 3963. after Christs birth 1. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. [...]. Herodes horrible sicknes. A the outward sense seemed not so vehement, but Inwardly searched and afflicted all his entrails: he had also a rauenous and an vnnaturall appetite to his meat, which might no waies be satisfied. Besides that, he had an vlcer in his bowels with a strange and furious colicke. His feet were swolne with moist and shining f [...]egme, and his stomacke was no lesse affected also. His members rotted & were full of crawling wormes, with a filthie and no lesse troublesome Priapisme, accompanied with an intollerable stench: besides all this, he had a strong con [...]ulsion of his nerues, and shortnesse of breath. For which cause it was a generall opinion amongst holy men, and such as had the knowledge of prophecie, that the king was thus punished for his infinite impieties and sinnes committed against the maiestie of God. And although he was tormented with an vnsupportable sicknes; yet had he hope to escape: and for that cause he sent for phisitions from all places, and B refused none of those remedies which they thought behoouefull for him. He therefore past ouer Iordan and went into the hot bathes of Calliroes, the waters whereof are potable, besides other vertues they haue against all other kind of sicknes: this water dischargeth it selfe into the lake called The hot bath [...] of Calliroes that flow into the lake Asphaltite. Asphaltite. Being there it was thought good by his phisitions, that he should refresh himselfe in those waters: There being set by them into a bathing tub be filled with oyle, he waxed so sicke, that they held him for dead. Whereupon all his household seruants wept and grieuously lamented; and all his familiar friends crying out and bewailing him, with their great noise caused him to come to himselfe: and seeing himselfe wholy out of hope to escape, he gaue order that there should a distribution be made to euery soldier the summe of fiftie drachmes, and he offered great Herode bestoweth a distribution among his souldiers. Herode commandeth that the noblest of the Iewes should be slain after his death. presents to their captaines & his friends. Afterwards he returned to Iericho, where a melancholy C humour possessed him, which made him vnsociable, and displeased against all men; so that seeing that he must needlie die, he bethought him of this facinorous action that followeth. For the noblest men among the nation of the Iewes, resorting vnto him from all parts (vpon his commaundement vnder the expresse penaltie of losse of life to whosoeuer should neglect the same) the king shewed himselfe to be displeased, as well against those whom he thought guiltie, as against them who had giuen him no occasion of discontent. For he caused them to be shut vp in a place called the Hippodrome, which was the tilt yard to runne horses in, and sent for his sister Salome, and Alexas her husband; telling them that his end was at hand, for that his griefes did incessantly tormēt him: which as he said he ought to beare patiētly, because it was an end that should happen to all men. But that which most grieued him was, that he saw himselfe depriued D of those mournings and lamentations, which a king deserued. For he was not to seeke of the Iewes affections, neither how his death was desired and longed for by them, since that in his life time they presumed so farre as to reuolt, and dishonour and deface those gifts, which he had bestowed vpon the commonweale. It therefore behooued them to afford him some solace in that his bitter anguish, for that if they refused not to performe that which he had contriued in his mind, the lamentation of his death should be magnificent, & as great as any king euer had: and the pleasure and laughter that might accompany his death, should be abated by their sorrow; who should vnfainedly lament for the whole nation. He therefore willed them that at such time as he should giue vp the ghost, they should cause the Hippodrome to be inuironed by his soldiers, as yet vnaduertised of his death (which he would not haue published before this execution were ended) and to E commaund them to shoot their arrowes at those that were shut vp therein. And that when they had slaine them all after this manner, they should make him triumph & reioice in a double ioy; first, for that in his death his commaundement should be ratified by effect: secondly, for that he should be honoured by a memorable lamentation, Thus weeping, he besought his kinsfolke for the loue they bare vnto him, and for the faith they bare vnto God, that they should not suffer him to die frustrate of this last honour: and they protested that they would not transgresse any point of this his commandement. Hereby may a man coniecture, what his nature was, who tooke pleasure in these aboue named impieties, and who through the desire he had of long life, hath after this sort delt with those of his bloud: and it may be coniectured by these his last commandements, that he had nothing in him that fauoured any humanitie: for that departing out of the F world he had such a mind, that all the nation and all such as were most affectioned towards him, should be driuen to sorrow and desolation; commaunding that in euery house one should be slaine, yea such as had not in any sort offended him, and were not accused of any misdeed committed against any other: whereas they that haue any vertue, finding themselues at that state, haue beene accustomed to lay aside the hatred which they haue before time borne vnto their enemies.
CHAP. IX. The yeare of the world. 3963. after Christs Natiuitie. 1. G
Antipaters death.
WHilest he deliuered these instructions to his kinred, he receiued letters from those Embassadours Letters are sent frō Rome that Acme was executed by Caesars command, and that he had authoritie to vse Antipater at his pleasure. Herod calling for a knif [...] and an apple, intendeth to stab himselfe. Achiab withholdeth his hand. Antipater thinking his father to bee dead, dealeth with his keeper for his deliuery, which Herod heating of, commandeth him to be slaine. which he had sent to Rome vnto Caesar; the effect whereof was, that Acme was put to death by Caesars commaund, who was displeased with her for that she had beene of Antipaters conspiracy, who was remitted to Herodes pleasure like a king and father to vse him, as best pleased him; either to exile and banish him; or if it so pleased him, to put him to death, Herode receiuing these newes, recouered his spirits a little thorow the pleasure he receiued in the contents of those letters, both of the death of Acme, as of the power that was granted H him to punish his sonne. But being assailed afresh with grieuous dolours, and vrged with a desire to eate, he called for an apple and a knife: for before time he was accustomed to pare his apples himselfe, and to cut a little; and afterwards to eate it: when as therefore he had gotten holde of the knife, he looked round about him, determining to giue himselfe a mortall wound therewith, and had surely done it, had not Achiabus his nephew hastily stept within him, and staied his hand, and called for assistance. At that time the sorrow and lamentation was renewed in all the pallace, as if the king had beene alreadie dead: and Antipater certainly beleeuing that his father was departed, began to hope (and confirmed no lesse in his words) that being deliuered out of prison, he should obtaine the possession of the kingdome without any difficulty: and deuised with the Gaoler as touching his deliuerāce, offring him great presents both in hand, & hereafter, as if there I had beene no other question but of that. But so farre was the Gaoler from obeying that which Antipater demaunded, that he presently went and certified the king what his intent was, and what offers he had made him. Herode, who had alreadie conceiued a sinister opinion of his sonne, hearing what the Gaoler had said, began to exclaime, and to beat his head, although he was almost at the vttermost gaspe, and lifting himselfe vp vpon his elbowes, he commaunded that one of his guard should presently haste and kill him; and that done, that he should be buried in the castle of Hircanion without any honour.
CHAP. X.
Herodes will, death, and buriall. K
AFter this hauing changed his mind, he made a new testament. For he appointed Antipas Tetrarch of Galilee and of Peraea, whereas before that he had instituted him for his Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 10. Herods will is changed. successour in the kingdome. He created Archelaus king; he gaue the prouinces of Gaulonites, Trachonites, Batanea and Paneade to Philip his sonne, and Archelaus brother by the mothers side; to be Tetrarch ouer those places. He gaue his sister Salome Iamnia, Azot and Phasaelis, with fiftie thousand crownes of gold. He prouided also for his other kinsmen, all whom he left rich in money, which he gaue them, and reuenues which he assigned them. He gaue Caesar ten millions of drachmes in siluer, amounting to the summe of eleuen hundreth thousand His legacy to Caesar and Iulia his wife. francs, besides a great quantitie of gold and siluer plate, and of precious moueables. To Iulia L Caesars wife, and to certaine others, he bequeathed fiue millions of drachmes, amounting to fiue hundreth and fiftie thousand francs, or there abouts. After he had in this manner disposed all things, some fiue daies after he had caused Antipater to be executed, he departed this life: hauing Herods death. raigned after Antigonus death, for the space of thirtie and foure yeeres, and thirtie and seuen yeeres after he was elected and approued king by the Romans: a man without respect cruell, and seuere towards all men; slaue to his wrath: Lord of the lawes: yet so fauoured by fortune, as no man more; for from a priuate man he became a king, and being inuironed with many perils, he alwaies happily escaped them, and he liued also a verie long time. And as touching his family and children, in this also in his owne opinion was he happie, in that he ouercame his enemies and aduersaries: but in my opinion, he was most vnfortunate. Herods mutable & strange fortune. Salome and Alexas after the kings death dismisse the Iewes yt were shut vp in the Hippodrome. M
But before the kings death was thorowly knowen, Salome and Alexas discharged those that were locked vp in the Hippodrome, and sent euerie one of them home vnto his owne house, telling them that the king commaunded them to depart and follow their household affaires, and till their land: wherein they performed a most noble action, and benefited the whole nation with an especi [...]ll good turne. After that the kings death was bruited abroad, Salome and Alexas caused all the men of warre to be assembled in the Amphitheater in Iericho, and first of all they caused [Page 451] Herods letters to be read after which were addressed to the soldiers, in which he gaue them thanks The yeare of the world. 3963 after the Na [...] tie of Christ. 1. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 11. Herods tha [...]sgiuing to his armie and testament read, & Archelaus is applauded by the people. Alias. cap. 12. Herods corps is buried with great pompe and solemnity in Herodion. A for the fidelitie and good will which they had expressed towards him, praying them to continue the same to Archelaus his sonne, whom he had appointed to be their king after him. That done, Ptolomey, to whom the king had committed the custodie of his seale, recited his testament, which was to take no effect except that Caesar approoued the same. Thereupon all of them began to applaud and honour. Archelaus for their king. The men of war flocked about him in troupes, accompanied with their captaines, promising him to serue him with no lesse will and affection, then they had done his father, praying God to yeeld him his assistance.
At that time also the kings herse was prepared, and Archelaus gaue order that his obsequies should be most royallie performed, and bestowed all the furniture that was requisite for that funerall and princely enterment. He was carried out in a gilded litter, distinguished with diuers B precious stones, the couer thereof was of azure colour. The dead body was apparelled in a purple raiment, hauing a diademe vpon his head, ouer which there was set a crowne of gold, and a scepter was couched in his right hand. About this litter marched a great number of his children and kinsfolke; and after them followed the men of warre, disposed in bands and troupes, according to the manners of euerie nation. The first of these were the Archers of his guard: after them went the Thracians: and lastly marched the Germans, and Galathians; all of them in their warlike The Germans and French serued vnder Herod. abiliments and discipline. After them followed all the army, marching in order in like manner as when they were addressed to battell, each one vnder his corporall and captaine. Next these followed fiue hundreth of his houshold seruants, bearing perfumes, and all these in this equipage marched to the Castle Herodion, distant some eight stades or furlongs off. For there C was he entombed, according to the tenor of his testament. Thus died Herode. Archelaus continued his mourning for seuen daies space in honour of his father. (For the law of the country ordaineth no lesse.) And after he had feasted the people, and laid aside his mourning apparell, he ascended vp into the temple. All the way as he went, all the people with shouts and acclamations Archelaus banquetteth the people. cried, God saue the king; and with praiers and praises honoured him to their vttermost; and he being conducted vp to a high station and state, which was made for the purpose, and placed in a throne that was embelished with gold, entertained the people verie gratiously, taking pleasure in their acclamations and congratulations that they bestowed vpon him. He gaue them thankes also for that they had blotted out of their remembrance the iniuries, that his father had done vnto them; protesting in his owne behalfe, that he would enforce himselfe to requite their D kindnes, with an intire affection. He likewise tolde them that for the present he accepted not the stile of a king, because the honour was bequeathed vnto him with this condition, that Caesar should ratifie his fathers testament. For this cause, although the souldiers that were in Iericho enforced themselues to set the diademe vpon his head, yet would he not accept that vncertaine honour, because it was not as resolued whether Caesar, who was the principall partie in the gift, would grant him the gouernment or no. He alleadged likewise, that if his affaires succeeded Archelaus pro miseth that with Caesars approbation hee will carefully intend the desires and profits of the people. according to his desire, he would not according as his honour commaunded him, forget their loue, or leaue their good affection vnrequited. And that in the meane while he would enforce himselfe by all meanes to further those things that concerned them, and entertaine them with more kindnesse then his father had done. But they, according as it is the custome of the common E people, thinking that those that enter into such dignities, declare and open their mindes at the first day, the more Archelaus spake kindely and curteously vnto them, the more they applauded him, and presented him with diuers petitions, for certaine grants and donations from him. Some of them cried out vnto him, that he should cut off some part of their taxes and tallages, which they paied annually: Othersome cried vpon him, to deliuer those prisoners that were committed by Herode, of whom diuers had pined a long time in prison: Others instantly vrged him to cut off those tributes which had been imposed by him vpon bargaines and sales, which was to pay the halfe of the bargaine. Whereunto Archelaus did not in any sort contradict, striuing to the vttermost of his power to please the people, for that he knew full well that their good affection would be no small aduantage toward him in the confirmation of his kingdome. F That done, he sacrificed vnto God, and afterward fell to banquetting and entertainment of his friends.
CHAP. XI. The yeare of the world. 3963. after Christs birth 1. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 12. [...]l. 13. The seditious people bewail Matthias, and those that were executed with them. G
The people mutinie against Archelaus.
MEane while certaine men among the Iewes that were desirous of innouation, in their priuate conuenticles bewailed Matthias and his confederates, whom Herode had put to death and condemned for racing and defacing the golden Aegle: for that incontinently after their decease, they had neither been publikely honoured, nor lamented for, by reason of the feare that the people had conceiued of Herode. For which cause at that time they required with lamentations and great cries, that their obsequies might be solemnized, and as if the dead bodies had receiued some contentation by their teares and tempest of exclaimes, they vttered many hainous and disgracefull speeches against Herode; and assembling themselues togither they H required Archelaus to doe them iustice against those, that during Herodes life were in authoritie; and especially they demaunded, that the high priest who was aduanced by his father, should be They would be reuenged on Herods friends and would depose the high priest. The yeare of the world, 3964. after Christs na [...], 2. deposed, and that an other more lawfull and vpright might be placed in his steed, to offer and exercise the high priests place. Now although Archelaus was sore displeased at these their violent proceedings, yet notwithstanding he conformed himselfe to their good likings, in that he was with all expedition to repaire vnto Rome, to vnderstand and attend Caesars pleasure. He therfore called for the general of his army, willing him to perswade them not to seeke a reuenge for those men, who were dead, notwithstanding they were their friends; because whatsoeuer was done, was done according to lawe; and that no enquirie might be made thereof, except to the great preiudice of his reputation and hazard of his state, in regard of the incertaintie of the time: that I it was more expedient for him to studie for the maintenance of peace, vntil such time that being established in the kingdome by Caesars consent, he should returne backe againe vnto them, and that then he would consult with them for the common profit, according to their iust demaunds, wishing them for the present to containe themselues, and to take heede least they stirred vppe sedition.
When he had thus instructed his Generall, he sent him vnto them. But they cried out with a lowd voice, and would not suffer him to speake, but for feare of danger and death they put him to silence. And if any other were so forward as to speake vnto them, and perswade them to some moderation, and to alter their sinister resolutions, he was also in danger; for that they had this perswasion, that all things ought rather to be ordered according to their pleasures, then by the K authoritie of their superiours; supposing that although during Herodes life time they had been depriued of their deerest friends, it should be now a matter vnworthy their courages, after his death to be cut off from the priuiledge to demaund their reuenge. For they were transported with their owne opinions, and held all that for lawfull and vpright, which was in any sort conformable to their pleasures, without foreseeing the danger that might happen thereby: so much were they pleased to be reuenged on those, whom they reputed to be their enemies. Now wheras diuers were sent by Archelaus, to consult with them; and diuers came vnto them, not as messengers from him, but as friends and louers of peace of their owne motion, with an intent to pacifie them, they would not permit any of them to speake; and thorow their rage there arose a great tumult, which had growne to a further extremitie, if a greater number of people had ioyned L themselues with them.
At that time fell the feast of vnleauened bread, which is called Pascha, which is a memoriall of their deliuerance out of Aegypt, at which time all m [...] doe most willingly present their sacrifices, Sedition at the feast of the Passeouer. and a greater number of beasts are slaine at that feast, then at any other time. To this solemnitie also an infinite number of people assembled from all parts, to honour God: whereby the seditious (supposing that they had gotten a fit opportunity) lamented Iudas and Matthias, who were the expositors of the law, and kept themselues within the temple, whither they had gathered good store of victuals, which they were not ashamed impudently to begge for. But Archelaus, fearing least their rage should produce some more grieuous effect of mischiefe, sent out a band of armed men, with a captaine, and a regiment of a thousand men, to represse their headlong M furie, before the rest of the people were infected with their follies; and to bring them likewise vnto him, whom they found to be the forwardest in that commotion. Against those th [...] seditious cried out, with great clamors, and incensed the people against them, so that al of them rushed in vpon the men of war, and slew diuers of them. The rest of them escaped with their captaine, yet not without diuers wounds. That done, they which were within the temple returned againe to their diuine seruice.
[Page 453] Now Archelaus supposing that his whole fortune was endangered, except he repressed the The yeare of the world. 3964. after Christs birth 2. A rage of the multitude, he sent out all his footmen with a certaine number of horsemen, to preuent least they that were without should yeeld assistance to those, who had taken vp their lodging in the temple, and to put those to the sword, who hauing escaped the violence of the footmen, supposed themselues to be in securitie. These horsemen slew about three thousand men, the rest retired themselues into the mountaines that were neere adioyning. Hereupon Archelaus made Three thousand Iewes slaine. proclamation, that each one should repaire vnto his owne house. For which cause they departed and abandoned the feast, for feare of greater mischiefe; notwithstanding they had spleen enough, as it is the ordinarie custome of the ignorant multitude.
After this Archelaus accompanied with his mother, betooke himselfe to sea, and led with him Nicholas and Ptolomey, with diuers other his friends, committing the gouernment of all his houshold B Archelaus repaires to Rome and many of his faction follow him. and kingdome to his brother Philip with him also departed Salome Herodes sister, leading with her her children. There went also diuers other of his kinred, who said that they would all of them labour for Archelaus, that he might obtaine the kingdome, but in effect it was to contradict him with all their power: and in especiall to vrge that against him with great vehemencie, that was done in the temple. Sabinus Caesars Viceroy in Syria, posting into Iewrie to take charge of Herodes money, met with Archelaus in Caesarea. But Varus arriuing in the meane while detained him from finishing that voiage; for Archelaus had sent for him to come thither by Ptolomey, Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 13. al. 14. and Sabinus willing to doe Varus a pleasure, would not seaze the fortresses of Iewrie; neither sealed vp Herodes treasuries, but left them in Archelaus possession, vntill such time as Caesar had giuen order for the estate; and after he had made this promise he staied in Caesarea. C
After Archelaus had set saile towards Rome, and Varus was departed for Antioch; Sabinus went to Ierusalem, where he seazed the kings pallace, and calling before him the kings agents, Sabinus repaireth to Ierusalem with an intent to leaze Herodes treasures & castles. Antipas vnder hope to recouer the kingdome saileth to Rome. and the captaines of his gatrisons, he required them to deliuer vp their Castles into his hands. But they, according as Archelaus had commanded them, continued the possession in their accustomed manner, according to the kings direction, pretending to keep the same in Caesars behalfe. At the same time, Antipas Herods sonne trauailed to Rome likewise, vnder the hope to be elected king, in regard of Salomes promises; and for that he better deserued the same then Archelaus, considering that in the first testament, which should be of more force then the latter, he had been appointed king. He led his mother also with him, and Ptolomey the brother of Nicholas, who had been one of Herodes most esteemed friends, and was well affected to further and set forward his D title. But especially he was stirred vp to seeke the kingdome by Ireneus, a man very eloquent, and to whose charge in regard of his sufficiencie, the affaires of the kingdome had been committed. For which cause, although he were perswaded to giue ouer the kingdome vnto his elder brother, who was confirmed in the kingdome by his fathers testament, yet would he not giue eare thereunto. But Antipas no sooner arriued in Rome, but all his kinsfolke reuolted from Archelaus vnto him, not so much for the loue they bare him, as for the hatred they had conceiued against Archelaus: and aboue all, for the desire they had to recouer their libertie and to draw themselues vnder a Roman gouernour. For they thought that if there were any contradiction, that Antipas, for whom they indeuoured to procure the roialtie, should be more profitable vnto them then Archelaus. Sabinus also by his letters accused Archelaus to Caesar: But Archelaus by Ptolomey E exhibited vnto Caesar a supplication containing his right and title to the kingdome, his fathers testament, and the account of the money which Herode his father had sealed vp, togither with his ring, and expected the issue.
But when he had read these letters, and those which Varus and Sabinus had sent him, and vnderstood what summes of money he had left, and what the annuall reuenue was, and how Antipas challenged the kingdome, and appropriated it to himselfe, according as his letters made mention: Antipater Salomes son accuseth Archelaus before Augustus Caesar. he assembled all his friends to haue their aduise thereupon. Amongst them was Caius the sonne of Agrippa and his daughter Iulia, adopted by him, whom he caused to sit in the chiefest place: which done, he commanded the assistants to speake what they would touching this matter. At that time Antipater Salomes sonne, a man verie eloquent, and a great aduersarie to Archelaus, F spake first saying, that it was a mockerie for him at that time to speake of the kingdome, [...]nsidering that before Caesar had granted it him, he had alreadie seazed the forces of the state; when as vpon a festiuall day he had slaine so many: who although they had deserued that punishment, yet ought the iustice thereof to haue been reserued to a lawfull power, and not to haue bin vsurped by him, either being king with Caesars preiudice, whose authoritie he had contempned; or by being a priuate man, which was a greater ouersight. For which cause he vndeseruedly at [Page 454] this time hoped for his approbation, whom already as much as in him lay, he had depriued of GThe yeare of the world, 3964. after Christs Natiuitie, 2.the title and authoritie of his allowance. Moreouer he obiected against him, that of his owne authoritie he had chaunged certaine chieftaines of the armie, and that he had seated himselfe in the royall throne, and like a king had determined certaine causes, and had granted certaine demaunds of the people: finally, that he had left nothing vndone, which he might haue performed, had Caesar confirmed his title: He alledged also, that they who were inclosed in the Hippodrome were dismissed by him, and diuers other acts, partly true, partly probable, in regard of the ambition of young men, who desirous to gouerne do ordinarily commit such things: besides this, his neglect in mourning for his father, and withall his reare banquets all night long at that verie time his father died; whereat the people began to mutinie, seeing the smal regard he had of his fathers death, from whom he had receiued so great goods and honours. How all the day long he made H a shew of his sorrow and teares in his pauilion, but all the night tooke pleasures like a king; and being such, if Caesar should grant him the kingdome, he would behaue himselfe no lesse vnkindly towards him, then he had done towards his most kind father. That it was no lesse then a hainous crime in him, to delite himselfe with songs and daunces at his fathers death, as if he had beene his enemie: That he now came to Caesars presence, to the intent to obtaine the kingdome by his consent, whereas alreadie he had behaued himselfe no otherwise then if he had alreadie beene established king by his authoritie. But most of all he exaggerated the slaughter he had committed in the temple, and the impietie perpetrated so neere to the feast of Easter, at which time diuers both straungers and citizens had beene slaughtered after the manner of sacrifices, and the temple filled with carcasses, not by a straunger, but by him, who vnder the colour of religion I desireth the gouernment of the kingdome, to the end he might satisfie the vniustice of his nature in exercising each way his tyranny toward all men: for which cause his father neuer thought, nor euer dreampt to substitute him king in his place. For he knew both his life and disposition, and by his former testament (and that of greatest force) had ordained his aduersarie Antipater to be king. For he had beene allotted the kingdome by his father, not when his mind was dead before his bodie, but when both his iudgement was sound, and his bodie in health. Yea although at that time Archelaus father had such a conceit of him, as in his latter testament and bequest he pretendeth, yet that he had alreadie declared what kind of king he was likely to be, who contemned Caesars authoritie in confirming the kingdome, and being as yet a priuate man doubted not to murther the citizens in the temple. This said, Antipater (to giue greater credit to his words, bringing K diuers of his kindred as witnesses of that he had said) ended his Oration.
Whereupon Nicholas arose, and alledged in Archelaus behalfe as touching the slaughter,Nicholaus excuseth Archelaus.that it was to be imputed to their impietie, who could not be restrained from their tumults and vprores, before Archelaus was enforced to appease them by force, alledging that they were so much the more guiltie, for that they had not onely exercised their malice, but also had enforced others to attempt so hainous a reuenge against them: for their insolencie seemed in appearance to concerne Archelaus; yet in a sort their contumacie pertianed to Caesars iniurie. For those that had beene sent by him to appease and represse their sedition, were against all law and right charged and slaine by them, without respect of God or regard of the solemne feast: whose defence Antipater was not ashamed of, without respect of equitie; so that he might satisfie that hatred L which he bare vnto Archelaus. That therefore it was their fault, who first of all abstained not from iniurie, but whetted those swords, which were drawen in maintenance of the peace, against their owne bosomes. He enforced all other things also, whereof they had accused Archelaus against themselues, saying, that none of these things were done without their consents: and that the offence was not so grieuous, as they intended it should be esteemed, to the end they might discredit Archelaus. So great a desire was in them to hurt their kinsman, a man both well respected, and affected by his father, as also kind and officious towards them in all things that concerned them. As for the testament, that it was made by the king when he was in perfect estate of minde and bodie, and of greater force then the former, because the authoritie and confirmation thereof was ascribed to Caesar the soueraigne of the world. Further that Caesar would not imitate them M in that wrong they did vnto Herode, who being during his life time bountifully graced by him, by many benefits, do now after his death go about to violate his last and truest testament: [...] that rather like a friend and confederate he would confirme his will, who like his faithfull and sworne welwiller had committed all things to his trust. For that there must needs be a great difference betweene their malice and Caesars vertue and faith, which was renowmed thorow the whole world. For which cause he would not iudge his decree to be inconsiderately past, who left [Page 455] his succession to his well deseruing sonne, and referred all things to his trust. For that it was vnlikely A The yeare of the world. 3964 after the Natiuitie of Chris [...]. 2 [...] Caesar pronounceth Archelaus to be worthy o [...] the kingdome. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 14. that he should erre in the choise of his successor, who had so discreetly submitted all things to Caesars iudgement. After this manner Nicholas also finished his discourse. Hereupon Caesar courteously raised Archelaus, who lay prostrate and humbled before his feet, telling him that he was most worthie to be king, by giuing an apparant testimony, that he was constant in his resolutions, pretending that he would do nothing but that which should be answerable to Herodes testament, and Archelaus profit; and seeing the young man was confirmed in some good hope with this his promise, he determined nothing more for that time, but dismissing the councell, he debated with himselfe whether he should ratifie the kingdome to Archelaus onely, or deuide it amongst Herodes kinred, especially since all men had need of his assistance.
CHAP. XII. B
The Iewes mutinie against Sabinus, and how Varus punisheth the authors of the sedition.
BVt before Caesar had determined any thing certainly in this behalfe, Marthalce Archelaus mother died of a sicknes, & Varus the presidēt of the Iews in Syria, had sent letters, which certified the emperor of the rebelliō of the Iewes. For after Archelaus departure, al the natiō Marthace Archelaus mother dieth. Varus pacifieth the seditious at Ierusalem. was in an vprore. To pacifie which Varus resorted thither, & punished the authors of the same, & after he had in this sort appeased all things, he returned to Antioch, leauing a regimēt of soldiers in Ierusalem to restraine the factious invocations amongst the Iewes: yet preuailed he nothing by this his pollicy. For as soone as Varus was departed, Sabinus, who intēded Caesars affaires, remaining in that place, grieuously burthened the Iews, trusting to that power that was left him, & supposing C that he was alreadie enabled to withstand the multitude. For he armed diuers souldiers, and made vse of them to oppresse the Iewes, and to prouoke them to sedition. For he enforced himselfe to surprise their fortresses, and forcibly to make search after the kings treasures, for his priuate lucre and couetousnes sake. When as therefore the feast of Whitsontide was come (which is one of our festiuals) diuers thousands from all parts repaired to Ierusalem, not onely for religion sake, but also for the despite and hatred they had conceiued against those violences and iniuries, which Sabinus had offered them. And not onely were those of Iudaea grieuously offended (but diuers also resorted out of Galilee and Idumaea, from Iericho and the Cities scituate on the other side of Iordan, desiring all of them to be reuenged on Sabinus. And deuiding their campe into three bands after this manner, the one part of them tooke vp the Hippodrome, and of the other two Alias, chap. 15. Sabinus auarice raiseth a great sedition in Ierusalem at the feast of Penticost. D the one seazed the southerne quarter of the temple, and the other the easterne, and the third, which was in the Hippodrome were planted to the westward, where the kings pallace stood; and thus prepared they al things that were necessarie to set vpon the Romans, whom they had besieged on all sides. At that time Sabinus fearing their number, and resolution, who were resolued either to die or to ouercome, sent present letters vnto Varus, requiring him with all expedition to send him a supply, because the regiment that was left by him, was in great daunger; and must needs vtterly perish without his speedie rescous: as for himselfe he withdrew into the tower and dungeon of the castle Phasaelus, which was a fortresse which was builded and so called in honour of Herodes brother, who was slaine by the Parthians; and from the top thereof made a signe to the Romanes, that they should sally out vpon the Iewes, being afraid to trust himselfe E to his owne friends, and supposing that the rest ought to expose their liues to daunger in maintenance of his seruice. The Romans hauing made this sally, there arose a desperate skirmish, wherein the Romanes diuers waies had the vpper hand; yet were not the Iewes any waies discomforted, notwithstanding they had lost many men, but wheeling about so long till at last A most bloudy battel fought betwixt the Romanes and Iewes neere vnto the tēple. they seazed the outward galleries, and those that encompassed the temple, and in that place there was a hot assault: for they flung downe stones with their hands and slings, and there were certaine archers mixed amongst them, who in that they had recouered a place of aduantage, grieuously gauled the Romans which were below, in that they had no meanes to auoid their shot, but were in such sort exposed therunto, as their enemies had the better. And with this disaduantage fought the Romans a long time, till at length sore aggrieued at this their present indignitie, F they secretly fired the galleries and porches, without any disc [...]uery of those that were therein; which fire brought thither by many, and fedde with such matter as would speedily flame, incontinently tooke holde of the roofe, because the roofe was couered with pitch and waxe, and guilded vpon the waxe; so that these great and excellent buildings were burnt downe Diuers Iewes are slaine and burned in the roofe of the porches. to nothing in a moment, and they that were resorted thither were all of them consumed before they were aware. For some of them fell with the roofe of the Galleries; othersome [Page 456] shot at and slaine by those that stood round abouts; othersome despairing of their G The yeare of the world. 3964. after Christs birth 2. A greater part of the sacred treasure taken away by the soldiers. The pallace besieged by the Iewes. liues, and amazed at the mischiefe, either cast themselues into the fire, or slew themselues with their one swords; and all those that retired vnder hope to saue themselues by that way they ascended, were encountred by the Romans, who slew them all in that they were discouraged and disarmed, though furiously desperate: so that no one of them that ascended the porches escaped with life. Afterwards the Romans thrusting forward one another by those waies, where the fire was aslaked, entred the treasure house where the sacred money was kept, by which meanes a great part thereof was stolne away by the souldiers, and Sabinus to all mens knowledge carried away foure hundreth talents. But the Iewes being afflicted with a double calamitie, first of all with the losse of their friends in that fight: and lastly, with the spoile of the treasurie; yet assembled they a troupe of the most valiantest souldiers, and besieged the pallace, threatning to burne H the same, with Sabinus and all other the Romans that were therein, except they speedily departed; and in so doing, they promised both them and Sabinus all assurance and securitie, whereby it came to passe that diuers of them that were in the pallace, issued out and submitted themselues vnto them. But Rufus and Gratus hauing three thousand of those valiant souldiers vnder their charge, who had serued Herode, ioyned themselues with the Romans. The like did those horsemen Rufus and Gratus captaines of Herodes army ioyne with the Romanes. which followed Rufus, who in like manner submitted themselues to their direction: yet for all this, the Iewes continued and intended their siege vndermining the wals, and exhorting their aduersaries to depart, and not to exempt them of their libertie, which they had long time enioied vnder their predecessors. Sabinus was willing to depart from thence with his souldiers; yet durst he not trust them in regard of their former attempt, and he suspected ouer much the ouer I liberall offer his enemies had made him: but neglected the same, because he expected Varus. At the same time infinite other troubles were raised in diuers other places of Iudaea, according as Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 15. Diuers tumults in Iury. Two thousand of Herodes soldiers assaile the kings people. Iudas Ezechias sonne the archtheefe. each man either was incensed with a desire of gaine, or a wil to reuenge. For two thousand men of warre, who had sometime serued vnder Herode, and being at that time cashierd, liued at home, assembling themselues togither assailed those of the kings faction, who made head against them, vnder the conduct of Herodes nephew Achiabus, who neuer daring to encounter them in a place of equall aduantage, in that they were olde souldiers, and well exercised in warre, defended himselfe, and that he held and kept himselfe as neere as he could in the mountaines and places of aduantage. Moreouer, Iudas the sonne of Ezechias the Archthiefe, whom Herode ouercame with so much difficultie, at Sephoris a Citie of Galilee, gathering vnto him a band of desperate men, K made incursions vpon the kings dominions. And hauing taken all those armes and weapons, which he might recouer in that place, he armed from the first to the last all those souldiers that were with him: he tooke away all that money which was reserued for the king, in that place: and affrighting the inhabitants round about him, he spoiled all those with whomsoeuer he met; aspiring to the kingdome and affecting the same, not by lawfull meanes of which he was vnskilfull, but by a libertie to do iniurie.
Whilest these troubles ranged in euerie place, Simon also, who had been one of Herodes seruants, and both for his shape, stature, and strength was esteemed amongst all men, vndertooke Simon Herods seruant. the kingdome, and being attended by a mightie army, and proclaimed king by them, who were a wicked and vnbridled multitude, and perswading himselfe that he was worthy to be king aboue L any other, he first of all set fire on the pallace in Iericho, and spoiled all that which was therein. He burnt also diuers other royall pallaces, belonging to the king, which were in diuers places of the countrey, giuing them free licence, who were his followers in the action, to beare away the prey that remained: and farre more licentious prankes had he plaid, had not his practises been speedily and wisely preuented. For Gratus, who with the kings souldiers had coupled himselfe with the Romans, and gathered all the forces that he had, went out against this Simon. And after a fierce battell, they on the other side of Iordan, were put to flight, and fighting rather vnder courage then militarie discipline, they were ouercome. And whilest Simon in trauersing Gratus conflict with Simon. Simon beheaded. The Iewes almost enraged in rebellion. Athronges strong in body and goodly in stature attempreth royall dignitie. a valley sought to saue himselfe by flight, Gratus met with him, and cut off his head. About the same time also the royall pallace of Amatha, that was fast by Iordan, was burned by men of as M bad disposition as Simon was. And thus thorow the whole nation raigned this raging rebellion, for that the countrey had no king, who by his vertue might gouerne and moderate the people▪ for that the strangers, who were sent to represse these mutinies, did rather incense them thorow their violence and auarice. For a certaine obscure and base man (neither esteemed for vertue, nor worthy regard for his riches, but being a shepheard vtterly vnknowne before time, and only famous for his huge stature and strength) called Athronges, was so audacious, as to aspire to [Page 457] royall dignitie, and tooke pleasure to offer violence setting light by his life, & exposing himselfe The yeare of the world. 3965. before Christs birth 3. A to all hazards for the onely vnbridled affection he bare to soueraigntie. He had foure brothers of as goodly stature as himselfe, who were es [...]emed for men of valour and execution, whereby they imagined they had the meanes offered them to occupie the kingdome. Each one of these had the commaund ouer a companie. For a great companie of people resorted daily vnto them, the charge of whom was committed vnto his brethren, at such time as any occasion of warre was offered, and he in the meane while wearing the diademe on his head, ordered, counsailed, and commaunded all things. The power of this Gallant endured a long time, who was not called king for nought: for he disposed all things according to his owne pleasure, and both he and his brethren were flesht with the slaughter of the Romans, and those of the kings side, whom he hated alike; these, by reason of the insolence they had vsed during Herodes life time: the other, in B regard of those iniuries, which lately they supposed themselues to haue receiued by them. This hatred of theirs daily increased more and more, and there was no man that could escape their hands, both in respect of the gaine they sought, as for the custome they had to shed bloud. They therefore at that time set vpon the Romans and surprised them on the sodaine neere to Emmaus, at such time as they carried victuals and munition vnto their campe; and hauing enclosed the Centurion Arius with fortie of their most valiant footmen, they shotte him thorow with their darts. The rest that expected nothing lesse then life, were saued by Gratus, who came in vpon them with the kings souldiers: whereupon leauing the deadbodies, they retired. Continuing their warre after this maner a long time, according as occasion was offered, they had done much mischiefe to the Romans, and farre more iniurie to the nation of the Iewes. Finally they were C surprised, the one in an encountrie betwixt them and Gratus: the other, in fighting against Ptolomey. The eldest was taken by Archelaus, & the last being dismaid with these accidents, and seeing Athronges and his brethren taken. no meanes to escape (for besides his other mishaps his souldiers were afflicted with sicknesse) he with the rest vpon Archelaus faith and oath submitted himselfe vnto him. But this was done some little while after.
At this time was all Iudaea full of robberies, and as many seditious assemblies as drew togither, so many kings were there elected, who were raised to the vtter ruine of the common weale. Amongst the rest, the Romans were they that smarted least, but the murthers were executed against Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 16. those that were of the countrey. But Varus vnderstanding by Sabinus letters, in what dangers they were, and fearing the vtter ouerthrow of his third legion, he tooke with him the two D other (for to the vttermost in Syria there were but three) and with the assistance of the kings and Tetrarches he hasted into Iewrie, to relieue those that were besieged, commaunding those that were sent out before he dislodged, to meete him at Ptolemais, and passing by the Citie of the Berythians he receiued a thousand, & fiue hundreth soldiers at their hands, to attend him in his war. Arctas also, who was Lord of Petra; drawing himselfe into confederacie with the Romans, in regard of that hatred he bare toward Herode, sent him horsemen and footmen. When all these forces were assembled at Ptolemais, he deliuered a part thereof to his son, and one of his friends commanding them to make warre vpon the Galileans, who bordered vpon that Citie, who entering that region, and putting all those to flight, whosoeuer durst make head against him, he tooke Sephoris, and selling the inhabitants vnder the speare, he consumed the Citie with fire. Varus E himselfe marching towards Samaria with his army, violenced not the Citie in that he knew it Arus burned by the Arabians. was free from the contagion of the seditious, but he pitched his campe in a certain village, which was Ptolomies possession, called Arus. The same did the Arabians burne, reuenging themselues on Herodes friend for his sake, and marching onward the Arabians spoiled also an other village Sampho and Emmaus burned. Varus repaireth to Ierusalem, and deliuereth the legion that was besieged. called Sampho, and for that it was strongly fortified burned the same. Besides, in that iourney nothing escaped their hands, but they put all to fire and sword. For both Emmaus was burned by Varus commaund, and in reuenge of his souldiers that were sl [...]ine in that place, it was left desolate and void of inhabitants. From thence drawing neere to Ierusalem, those Iewes that besieged the legion on that side, vpon the sodaine view and approch of the army of the Romans, fearefully fled, giuing ouer that siege which they intended. But those Iewes of Ierusalem, being F grieuously reprooued by Varus, alleadging in their excuse, that the people in regard of the feast were assembled in that place, and that the warre was not begunne by their consent, but vndertaken by their boldnesse who resorted thither from diuers places; and that they were so farre off from assailing the Romans, as they rather seemed to be besieged by them. And long before this Ioseph king Herodes nephew, Gratus and Rufus with their souldiers were gone out to meet Varus, and those Romans that had sustained the siege, had done no lesse. But as touching Sabinus, he [Page 458] would not appeare in Varus presence, by stealing away priuily out of the Citie, he fled vnto the G The yeare of the world 3965. after Christs Natiuitie. 3. seaward. Then Varus sending a part of his army thorow the whole region, sought out the authors of this sedition, and those that were noted men in the action, some of which, who were most guiltie, were punished: the rest were deliuered. Now of those that were punished for this occasion, there were about two thousand crucified; and that done, seeing that his army stood him in The punishment of the conspirators. little steed, he dismissed them. For diuers disorders and outrages, contrarie to Varus expresse commaund, were acted by his souldiers, who sought after nothing more then to increase their meanes by other mens miseries. And hearing that ten thousand Iewes were assembled togither, he hasted to apprehend them: but they not daring to hazard their fortune in a fight with him, by Achiabus aduice submitted themselues. But Varus hauing pardoned the people for this their rebellion, sent all those that were the ringleaders thereof to Caesar, who discharged diuers of H them. But he chastised certaine of Herodes allies, and such as bare armes with them: for that neither in regard of kindred, nor respect of iustice, they had abstained from rebellious insurrection. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 16. al. 17. After that Varus had in this sort appeased all the troubles in Iewrie, and left the first legion in garrison in Ierusalem, he returned to Antioch.
But Archelaus was crossed in Rome by an other occurrent that arose vpon this occasion: Certaine Embassadors of the Iewes resorted thither by Varus permission, requiring, that it might be lawfull for them to liue according to their owne lawes: these presented themselues to the number The yeare of the world. 3966. before Christs birth 4. The embassage of the Iewes to Rome. Archelaus and the embassadors of the Iewes appeare before Caesar. Philip Herod [...] sonne. of fiftie, and were backt by eight thousand Iewes, that inhabited the Citie. And when as Caesar had assembled the councell of his friends, and chiefest citizens in Apolloes temple, which he had builded to his mightie charge, thither resorted the Embassadours, who were followed by I a troupe of Iewes; and Archelaus also attended by his friends. But the kings kindred neither stood by Archelaus in regard of the hate they bare him, and yet disdained they to assist the embassadors, for that they were ashamed in Caesars presence to oppose themselues against their neerest friend and kinsman. Philip also was present at that time, who by Varus perswasion resorted thither out of Syria, especially to the intent to plead for his brother, to whom Varus wished all good fortune: besides that, hoping not a little that if the Iewes should obtaine the libertie to liue according to their laws, it might come to passe that the kingdome being deuided amongst Herods children, he might also light on some part thereof. After therfore the Embassadors of the Iewes had obtained licence to propose their demaunds, pretending with themselues wholy to extinguish the royalty: they began to rippe vp Herodes disgraces, alleadging how onely in name he had been a king; K The embassadors of the Iewes rip vp Herodes and Archelaus iniquitie. whereas otherwise he had vsed all the tyrannous practises that the most wickedest person could haue inuented toward the destruction of his nation, and that not content with these, he had of his owne head practised and inuented new. Neither that it needed them to reckon vp how many he had depriued of life, when as the estate of those that were aliue was farre more desperate, whom he not onely affrighted with perpetuall terror and seueritie, but also with iniurious hands had not abstained from their goods. By which meanes it came to passe, that he not only builded, but beautified forraine Cities inhabited by forraine nations, to the ende he might the rather vtterly spoile those by exactions, which were scituate and seated in his owne countrey: and that he inforced his nation to extreame pouertie, which he receiued in most happy estate, whilest he spoileth those nobles of their estates, who vpon weake probabilities were condemned to die, or L granting them life depriueth them of their possessions. Furthermore, whereas yeerely tributes were imposed on euerie one; yet seuerally was the rauenous & couetous desires of his friends and courtiers to be satisfied, yea and of his seruants also, who had the authority to exact these things, that by this meanes they might redeeme their iniurious vexations. As for the deflowring of virgins, and the scornfull betraying of a matrons chastitie, they couered them vnder silence, for that it is a great comfort to those that suffer such outrage, if their disgraces be but knowne to a fewe. In briefe, that Herode had in no other sort gouerned, then as if the gouernment of them had been committed to a most sauage beast. For which cause, whereas in times past that nation had bin afflicted with many calamities and murthers, yet that there is no example extant amongst their monuments of antiquitie, that may be compared with their present calamitie vnder Herode. For M which cause vpon iust respects they had with one consent named Archelaus their king, supposing that whatsoeuer king might befall them, he would alwaies demeasne himselfe more affably then Herode had done; and that to honour Archelaus they had mourned with him for his father, to gratifie him in other things, to the intent they might tie his good affection vnto them. But he without delay and all at once had made manifest to the whole nation, what opinion they were to conceiue of him, notwithstanding that as yet he was not confirmed king (for that it lay in Caesars [Page 459] hands to bequeath it yea or no) and as if he had beene afraid least he should assuredly be acknowledged AThe yeare of the world. 3966. after Christs birth 4.for his fathers sonne, he had shewed an example of his vertue, moderation and good gouernment, that he would vse towards his subiects, by the first act which he hath committed, not onely against God, but also against men. For in the temple it selfe he hath caused three thousand of his owne countrimen to be slaine. And how can he chuse but [...]e iustly hated, who besides his other cruelties, obiecteth against vs the crime of rebellion and mutiny. The effect of their request therefore was this, that they might not any more be gouerned by a king, nor any such like gouernment, but that they might be annexed vnto Syria, and submit themselues vnto those uernours that should be sent thither. That in so doing it should truly appeare whether they were seditious, and addicted to chaunges, or whether they would liue in peace at such time as they had fauourable gouernours. After the Iewes had spoken to this effect: Nicholas discharged BNicholas excuseth Herode and Archelaus.the kings of those accusations that were obiected against them, and namely Herode, who (as he said) had neuer beene accused all his life time, and that it was no reason that they, who iustly accusing him, might haue caused him to be punished during his life time, should now addresse their accusations against him after he was dead. And as touching those things that were obiected concerning Archelaus actions, it ought to be imputed to their insolence, for that engaging themselues in matters contrarie to law, and hauing begunne to murther those who sought to appease the tumult, they accused such as had kept them in obedience. Besides this, he obiected against them, that they were addicted to alterations, and tooke pleasure to stirre vp seditions, for that they knew not what thing it was to obey iustice and the lawes, and that there was no nation in the world so headstrong as that of the Iewes; for that they would haue the vpper hand ouer C all. Thus spake Nicholas.
CHAP. XIII.
Caesar confirmes Herodes testament, and appointeth his children to be his successors.
WHen Caesar had heard these things, he dismissed the assembly. But some few daies after he desirous to make an end of this matter, declared Archelaus not king, but Lord of halfe Caesar maketh Archelaus an Ethnarque, & bestoweth the one halfe of the kingdome on Philip and Antipas. that gouernment that appertained to Herode, promising him to bestow a royall dignitie vpon him, if so be he behaued himselfe vertuously, according as it became him. As for the other D moitie, he deuided it betweene two, giuing a seuerall part thereof to each of Herodes sonnes, Philip and Antipas, who debated with his brother Archelaus for the whole kingdome. The same Antipas also had the countrey on the other side of Iordan, and Galilee, with two hundreth talents of annuall reuenue. As for Philip, he had Bathanea, Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and part of the pallace that was called by Zenodorus name, with one hundreth talents. As for Archelaus, he had Idumaea, Iudaea & Samaria, which were discharged of the fourth part of the tributes by Caesar, for that they had not ioyned themselues with the rest of the people during the time of the sedition. Besides that, Archelaus had the tower of Straton, Sebaste, Ioppe, and Ierusalem. For Gaza, Gadara, and Hippon were cities of Greece which Caesar had dismembred, and adioyned to Syria. Archelaus had fiue hundreth talents of yeerely rent out of his countrey. Thus was the patrimony E deuided among Herodes sonnes. As for Salome, besides that which her brother had giuen her in his will, which were the cities of Iamnia, Azot, Phasaelis, and halfe a million of Salome. siluer money, Caesar granted her a royall house in Ascalon; so as she receiued in the whole sixtie talents of annuall reuenue, and had her house allotted her within the dominion of Archelaus. All other of Herodes kinred, receiued that which was bequeathed vnto them by his testament. Two Herodes two daughters that were virgins maried to Pheroras sons. of his daughters that were vnmaried, were endowed by Caesar with a quarter of a million of siluer mony which he gaue them, beside their fathers portion, and they were maried to Pheroras sonnes. Moreouer he gaue Herodes sonnes, all that which he had giuen him by his testament, amounting to the summe of one thousand & fiue hundreth talents; contenting himselfe onely to receiue some fewe mooueables, not so much for their value, as in remembrance of the king, who had F giuen them.
CHAP. XIIII. G The yeare of the world, 1966. after Christs Natiuie, 4.
Of the counterfaite Alexander.
AFter these things were in this sort disposed by Caesar, a young man and a Iew borne, brought vp in the citie of Sidon, by a certaine Roniane libertine, [...]uded himselfe Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 18. Alias, chap. 17 The false Alexander. into Herodes kinred, for that all those that beheld him, reported that he resembled Alexander Herods sonne, who was slaine by him; and by this means, he began to aspire vnto the kingdom: whereupon calling to him a companion, who was his owne countriman, and a long beaten courteour, and his craftimaister, and fit to execute any dangerous and desperat actions, he by his instructions sained himselfe to be that Alexander Herods sonne, who was deliuered H from death by the meanes of a certaine friend, who had the charge to see him executed; who executing others in their steeds, deliuered both him and his brother Aristobulus, & that they were both escaped in this manner. Being puffed vp by these toyes, hee failed not to deceiue other men; and as soone as he came to Creete, as manie Iewes soeuer as hee fell in conference with, hee perswaded them no lesse, and getting much money at their hands, he sailed into the Isle of Melos, where he gathered a great summe of money vnder pretext that hee was of the Kings bloud. And now hoping that he should recouer his fathers kingdome, and that he should remunerate those who were beneficiall vnto him, hee hasted towards Rome, accompanied with his friends in great pompe. And being arriued at Puteol, he there also was entertained with no lesse fauour by those Iewes whom he deceiued by his colourable title, and diuers others, who had been I Herods friends and familiars came vnto him, and entertained him as their king. The cause hereof was the natural dispositiō of men who take pleasure in false reports, together with the report of his resemblance. For they that had frequented verie familiarly with Alexander, held it for a matter most assured, that he was the man, & none other, and affirmed vnto other vpon their othes that it was he; so that this rumor at last came to Rome. And all the Iewes that dwelt there came forth to The false Alexander commeth to Rome. meet him, saving, that it was Gods handie worke, that he was after that sort preserued beyond all mens expectation: and they greatly reioyced in his mother Mariammes behalfe, from whom he was descended; and hee was carried in a litter thorow the streets with all the apparrell of a king, the charge whereof was defraied by those who were his friends. He was attended with a great multitude of men, and honoured with great applause, as it ordinarily falleth out at such K time as beyond all expectation any one is found to haue been miraculously preserued. When this newes was brought to Caesars eares, he gaue small credit thereunto, perswading himselfe that it was a hard matter to deceiue Herode in a cause of so great importance: notwithstanding conforming himselfe in some sort to the opinions of men, he sent a certaine free-man of his called Celadus, who had very familiarly conuersed with Alexander and Aristobulus during their infancy, giuing him in charge to bring Alexander vnto him, to the end he might see him; which The false Alexander cannot deceiue Caesar. he did, and was neuer the wiser in discouering him. This notwithstanding Caesar was not fully deceiued. For although he resembled him somewhat, yet was he not so neerely like him, that he could deceiue those who narrowly obserued him. For this counterfait Alexander had hard hands, in that he had beene accustomed to labour, which the true Alexander could not haue L in regard of his tender and delicate education: and contrariwise this man was of a rough skin and hard flesh. Caesar therefore discouering the trecherie both of the counterfait scholler and lying master, and how they accorded in their confident iustifications, he enquired of them what was become of Aristobulus who was secretly hidde with him, & for what cause he presented not himselfe to enioy the honor that appertained to those, who were so nobly descended? It was answered him, that he remained in the Isle of Cyprus, for feare of dangers, to which they are exposed who saile by sea, to the end that if any misfortune should befall them, all Mariammes race should not be extinguished, but that at leastwise Aristobulus might be left aliue. Whilest he auowed these things, & the author of this fable iustified no lesse, Caesar drawing the young man aside, said vnto him: ‘my friend, if thou wilt not deceiue me, thou shalt haue this recompence, that thou shalt not M be punished. Tell me therefore what thou art, & who hath emboldned thee to practise this fraud: for this malice is so great that it surpasseth thine age. Whereupon being vnable to conceale the truth, he discouered the trecherie to Caesar, how and by whom it was contriued.’At that time Caesar being loth to falsifie his promise that he had past to this false Alexander, and seeing that in times The false Alexander is condemned to [...]g at an oate. past he had trauailed with his hands, he caused him to be enrowled among the number of his saylers to row, & caused the other that induced him to this fraud to be put to death, contenting himselfe [Page 461] that the inhabitants of Melos had lost their charges, which they had employed vpon this false The yeare of the world. 3966. before Christs birth 4. A Alexander, who had a shameful end, as it hath been heretofore declared.
CHAP. XV.
Archelaus is accused anew, and afterwards banished, and sent into Vienna.
AFter that Archelaus had taken possession of that Soueraigntie that was allotted him, he Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 19. al. 18. The priesthoed is taken from Ioazar, and deliuered to Eleazar, and from him to Iosuah the sonne of Sia. Archelais builded. came into Iudaea, where he deposed Ioazar the son of Boëthus from the high priesthood, accusing him to haue fauoured the seditious, and established Eleazar his brother in his place. After this he reedified the pallace in Iericho, and sumptuously adorned it, drawing away B the halfe of those waters which serued the burrough of Neara: and conuaying them thorow a field which he had planted with palme trees; he builded a burrough in that place, which he named Archelais, and contrarie to the lawes of his country, he married Glaphyra Archelaus daughter, who had been his brother Alexanders wife, by whom also he had diuers children, notwithstanding the lawe of the Iewes forbiddeth a man to marrie his brothers wife. Neither did Eleazar enioy the priesthood any long time, but during his life time Iesus the sonne of Sias was substituted in his place.
The tenth yeere of Archelaus gouernment, the chiefest gouernours among the Iewes and Samaritanes vnable any longer to endure his crueltie and tyrannie, accused him before Caesar, and especially after they had vnderstood that he had transgressed Caesars commaund, who had C charged him to behaue himselfe gratiously towards them. Which when Caesar vnderstood, he was sore displeased, and caused Archelaus agent to be called before him, who was then at Rome, and sent for Archelaus also, and esteeming it too base an indignitie for him to write vnto him, Go (said he) vnto him with all expedition, and bring him vnto me without delay. He posting forward with all diligence, at length arriued in Iudaea, where he found Archelaus banquetting with his friends, and hauing certified him of Caesars pleasure, he incited him to hasten onward of his way. As soone as he came to Rome, after that Caesar had heard certaine of his accusers and his Archelaus banished and confined. iustifications, he banished him, and confined him in the Citie of Vienna in France, and confiscated all his goods.
But before Archelaus was sent for to Rome, he reported vnto his friends this dreame which D ensueth. Him thought that he sawe tenne eares full of wheate, and verie ripe, which the oxen broused vpon, and as soone as he awoke he conceiued an opinion that his vision presaged some great matter. For which cause he sent for certaine soothsaiers, who made it their profession to interpret dreames. Now whilest they were debating one with an other (for they differed for the most part in their exposition) a certaine man called Simon an Essean, hauing first of all obtained securitie and licence to speake, said that the vision pretended, that a great alteration should befall in Archelaus estate, to his vtter disgrace. For the oxen signified afflictions, in respect that those kinde of creatures doe ordinarily trauell; and as touching the change of estate it was signified by this, in that the earth being laboured by the trauell of the oxen, retained not the same estate: and as touching the ten eares of corne, they signified the like number of yeeres. And therefore when E as one sommer should be ouerpast, that then the time of Archelaus soueraigntie should be at an end. Thus interpreted he this dreame. And the fift day after the vision therof, his factor Archelaus by Caesars commandement came into Iewrie to summon him to Rome. Some such like matter Simon the Essean interpreteth Archelaus vision. happened to Glaphyra his wife also, the daughter of king Archelaus, she (as we haue said) married Alexander Herods sonne when she was a maid, and brother to this Archelaus; who being slaine by his father, she was married the second time to Iubaking of Mauritania, and he also being dead, she liuing with her father in Cappadocia was married to Archelaus, who put away Mariamme his wife for the loue he bare vnto Glaphyra. She liuing with Archelaus, was encountred with such a dreame. She thought that she sawe Alexander fast by her, who cherishing and embracing Glaphiras dreame. her, checked her saying: Glaphyra, Thou approouest the truth of that prouerbe, which F saith, Women haue no loyaltie. For hauing giuen me thy faith, and maried with me at such time as thou wert a virgin, and borne children by me, thou hast forgotten and neglected my loue, thorow the desire thou hast had to be married the second time. Neither hast thou contented to haue done me this wrong, but hast taken vnto thee likewise a third husband, lewdly and impudently intruding thy selfe into my family; and being married with Archelaus, thou art content to admit my brother for thy husband. This notwithstanding I will not forget the loue that I haue [Page 462] borne there, but will deliuer thee from him, who hath done thee this reproch, by retaining thee G The yeare of the world. 3973. after Christs Natiuitie. 11. for mine owne, as heretofore thou hast been. After that she had told this vision to certaine women that were her familiars, she died verie shortly after. Which accident I haue thought good to register in this place, in that I was to intreat of those kings; and otherwise the matter seemeth to be a signall example containing a most certaine argument of the immortalitie of soules, and Gods prouidence. And if any one deeme these things incredible, let him reserue his opinion to himselfe, and no waies contradict those, who by such euents are incited to the study of vertue. Quirinius Censor of Syria. Now when the gouernment of Archelaus was annexed to Syria, Cirenius, who had been Consul, was sent by Caesar to taxe Syria, and to dispose of Archelaus house.
THE XVIII. BOOKE OF H THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Cyrenius is sent by Caesar into Syria and Iudaea to taxe the people, Coponius is made gouernour I of Iudaea, Iudas the Galilean raiseth vp new troubles.
- 2 What and how many Sects there were among the Iewes.
- 3 The Tetrarches Herode and Philip build Cities in honour of Caesar.
- 4 The sedition of the Iewes against Pontius Pilate.
- 5 That which hapned to the Iewes that were dwelling at Rome in Pilates time.
- 6 Of Vitellius his arriuall in Ierusalem, and how he receiued commission from Tiberius Caesar, to make warre against Aretas, after he had receiued hostages of Artabanus.
- 7 Herode the Tetrarches warre against king Aretas, and his ouerthrow.
- 8 Agrippaes voiage to Tiberius, where he is accused and shut in prison. He is deliuered after the K death of Tiberius by Caius his successor.
- 9 How Herode the Tetrarch was banished.
- 10 The sedition of the Iewes and Greekes at Alexandria.
- 11 Caius sendeth Petronius into Iudaea to make warre against the Iewes, if so be they refused to receiue his statue.
- 12 That which hapned to the Iewes that were at Babylon, and of the two brethren Asinaeus and Anilaeus.
CHAP. I.
Cyrenius is sent by Caesar into Syria. L
Cyrenius the Roman Senator hauing executed all degrees, offices, and dignities, vntill such time as he obtained the Consulship: a man of great reckoning Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 1. Quirinius is sent by Caesar into Syria to execute iustice in that place. Coponius prefect of Iudaea. The taxation of the people of the Iewes. and estimation, was sent into Syria by Caesars direction, to doe iustice among the people, and to sesse and taxe each mans goods: with him was sent Coponius a captaine of a companie of horsemen, who was appointed to haue the commaundement of all Iewrie. Cyrenius therefore came into Iudaea, which was already annexed vnto Syria, to taxe the goods of the inhabitants thereof, and to confiscate Archelaus substance. And although at the first the Iewes thought but hardly of this description, yet notwithstanding without contradiction they submitted themselues, being perswaded thereunto by the counsell of the high priest Ioazar the sonne of Boëthus, M by whose aduice they suffered themselues to be taxed without contradiction. But after this there arose a certaine Iewe called Iudas the Gaulanite, borne in the towne of Gamala, who hauing a certaine man called Sadoc the Pharisee confederate with him, laboured to stirre vp the people to rebellion. Alleadging that the description was no other thing, but a manifest confession of their Alias, chap. 3. seruitude, exhorting all the nation to maintaine their libertie, and putting them in hope that they thereby should happely establish their estates, and enioy their goods with securitie; and besides [Page 463] this, obtaine both honour and glorie in prosecution of such an enterprise. Moreouer, that God The yeare of the world. 3973. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 11. A would not affoord them a more assured way to settle their fortunes then by this meanes, namely, if they would employ themselues in the execution of their desseignes, and if hauing conceiued in their mindes hautie and noble attempts, they forbore not to finish the same, notwithstanding the execution cost them their liues. These speeches of theirs were entertained by the people with great pleasure, and by the same they were the more confirmed & hartned to rebellion. So that there was no kind of euil which these men set not abroach, yea the whole nation was replenished with such miseries, that it is impossible to recount them: for the wars therein continued with such furie, that it was impossible to restraine the violence thereof; so that they neither spared friends, nor respected enemies, but were wholy giuen ouer to the spoile. There raigned nothing but robberies and murthers of noble personages, who entertained one an other vnder Slaughters, thefts, seditiōs and famine in Iudaea. B pretence to establish the estate of the common weale, but in effect for their priuate profit sake, wherby the cities were replenished with seditions & murthers, in which the inhabitants slaughtered one another, after a strange manner of furie; and desire they had not to spare any that was of their contrarie faction. They were afflicted with forraine enemies and famine; yet none of these could pacifie their furie, but that they furiously raced Cities, shed innocent bloud, till at length the horrible mischiefe tooke such a head, that they consumed the temple of God, and burned The temple of Ierusalē burn [...]. all the beautifull buildings. So dangerous a thing is it to change the customes and manners of a countrey. For Iudas and Sadoc hauing introduced and raised a fourth sect, and tying the Sectaries to their commaund, filled the whole common weale for the present with many troubles, and produced the rootes of these mischiefes, which afterward branched abroad from this vnaccustomed C Iudas and Sadoc authors of the fourth sect. sect. For which cause I thinke it not amisse to discourse briefely of these sectaries opinions, whereby so many euils haue fallen vpon our nation.
CHAP. II.
How many, and what sects there were among the Iewes.
THere were three sects among the Iewes, of long continuance and antiquitie, that of the Esseans; that of the Sadduces; and that of those who were called Pharisees. Of these Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 11. al. 5. Three sects of the Iewes of whom mention is made in the second booke of the warres of the Iewes. The Pharisees doctrine. haue we spoken in our second booke of the warres of the Iewes; and yet now I thinke it not amisse to speake somewhat of them in this place also. The Pharisees vse a verie austere D and strict kinde of life, and addict not themselues to any delicacie, but diligently follow that which their reason induceth them vnto. They honour their elders, neither dare they reply or reproch them for their admonitions. They attribute all things vnto fate, and yet they take not an assent of will from man, supposing that God tempereth all things in such sort, that by his ordinance and mans will all things are performed either good or euill. They beleeue also that the soules of men are immortall, and that vnder the earth they receiue iudgement of honour or disgrace, according as they haue addicted themselues to vertue or vice in their life times: the one to liue in perpetuall prison; the other to rise againe verie shortly. For which cause they are in great estimation among the people, and all that which appertaineth to the seruice of God, whether they be praiers or sacrifices, all things are done according as they giue direction. So ample a E testimonie yeeld the Cities of their wisedome, temperance, and honest life. But the Sadduces are of that opinion, that the soules of men perish with their bodies. They obserue no other thing but The Sadduce [...] opinion. that which is in the law, and hold it a vertue to dispute with their masters, as touching the decrees of their sect. Their opinion is entertained by verie fewe, yet such, who for the most part are men of the best reckoning; yet entermeddle they not in any case with any affaires, and when they are aduanced to any honours, either with their owne good liking, or with constraint, they are enforced to allow of that which the Pharisees shall propose, otherwise the common people will not endure them. The Esseans attribute vnto God the gouernment and disposition of all things. The Esseans profession. They say that the soules of men are immortall, and all the vttermost of their endeuor and delight is to maintaine iustice and equitie. They send their offerings vnto the temple, yet sacrifice they F not with other men, by reason they vse more sacred and different ceremonies: for which cause they are secluded out of the common temple, and sacrifice apart. Otherwise they are men of most reconciled behauiour, and such as are wholy addicted in trimming & labouring their fields. The Esseans life and manners. They haue one custome which is worthy admiration, & such a one as is not to be found amongst any other, either Greeks or Barbarians, that make any reckoning of vertue, which they haue not practised for a little while, but euen from all antiquitie; which is, that they possesse their goods [Page 464] in common: neither doth the richest amongst them make more vse of his possessions: then he G The yeare of the world. 3973. after Christs birth 11. that hath least of all. They are at least foure thousand in number, who neither haue wiues nor slaues; supposing that women are the occasion of iniustice, and that slaues do arise by mutinies: and liuing apart by themselues, they serue one another: and choose out certaine vpright men among their priests to gather the fruits and renenewes of their lands, to the end they may be sustained and nourished thereby: In a word, they follow the same course of life that they do, who are called Plisti among the Danes. The fourth sect was founded by Iudas of Galilee, which accordeth Plisti among the Danes. Iudas Galileus the author of the fourth sect. altogither and in all things with the Pharisees, but that they are extremely iealious of their liberty, acknowledging but one onely God, Lord and master of all things, and had rather both themselues with their deerest children & kinsfolke endure the most grieuous and bitter torments that may be imagined, then call any mortal man their Lord. Of which constancy of theirs H I forbeare to discourse any further at this time, for that it is sufficiently knowne to diuers, who haue beene eie witnesses thereof: neither feare I least any one should suppose those things to be incredible, which I haue said of them; but contrariwise, that I haue spoken lesse then they themselues make euident in contemning their grieuous tortures and punishments; which courage and magnanimitie of theirs increased verie mightily amongst our nation, being kindled by the Gessius Florus iniurics. most hainous iniuries which were offered vs by Gessius Florus our gouernour, by which meanes at length it came to passe that they reuolted and rebelled against the people of Rome. Thus much as touching the sects among the Iewes.
CHAP. III. I
The Tetrarches Herode and Philip build Cities in honour of Caesar.
AFter that Cyrenius had confiscated Archelaus goods, and finished the valuation of euery mans estate (which hapned thirtie seuen yeeres after Antonies ouerthrow by Caesar in Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 3. Anan the son of Seth made high priest in Ioazars place. Alias, chap. 6. Sephoris chief citie of Gal [...]e Betaramphtha called Iulias. Paneas. Bethsaida. Mens bones scattered in the temple The yeare of the world, 3974. after Christs birth 12. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 4. the Actian battell) he deposed Ioazar from the priestly dignitie, by reason of that sedition which the people stirred vp against him, and established Ananus the sonne of Seth in his place. But Herode and Philip tooke each of them the possession of their Tetrarchy, & disposed of the affaires thereof. Herode inclosed Sephoris with a strong wall, and made it the chiefest citie and ornament of all Galilee: he fortified also another Citie called Betaramphtha & named it Iulias K in honour of Iulia the Emperour Caesars wife. Philip repaired Paneada scituated neere vnto the sourse of Iordan, and called it Caesaraea: he repaired also the borough of Bethsaida neere vnto the lake of Genazereth, and gaue it the dignitie of a Citie, both for the number of the inhabitants as for other preheminences, and called it Iulia by Caesars wiues name. As for Coponius the gouernour in Iudaea, who (as we haue said) was sent with Cyrenius, in whose time there hapned that which followeth. At the feast of vnleuened bread, which we call Pascha, the custome was that the Priests opened the temple gates about midnight, at which time certaine Samaritans, who secretly entred into Ierusalem, as soone as the gates were open, spred mens bones amidst the porches, and ouer all the temple: whereby it came to passe, that the priests began to keepe a more diligent watch, then they had done before time. L
Some little while after, Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambiuius succeeded him in the gouernment. In his time Salome king Herodes sister departing out of this life, bequeathed vnto Iulia the Citie of Iamnia, and all the lands and countrey round about: she gaue her also Phasaelis scituate in the plaine, and Archelais where there are diuers date trees, bearing most excellent fruit. After Ambiuius, Annius Rufus had the commaund, vnder whom died Caesar the second Romane Emperour, after he had raigned fiftie seuen yeeres, sixe moneths and two daies, The yeare of the world. 3975. after Christs birth 13. The yeare of the world. 39 [...]. after Christs birth 15. The yeare of the world. 3978. after the birth of Christ. 16. The yeare of the world, 3979 before Christs birth 17 and had Antonius his copartner in the monarchie for the space of fourteene yeeres. He liued in the whole seuentie seuen yeeres.
After Caesar succeeded Tiberius Nero the son of Iulia his wife, who was the third Romane Emperour. He it was that sent the fift gouernour into Iudaea, whose name was Valerius Gratus, who M succeeded Annius Rufus. This Gratus deposed Ananus, and appointed Ismael the sonne of Fabius high Priest; and after his decease (for he liued but a little whiles after) Eleazar the sonne of Ananus was made high Priest. A yeere after this, this Eleazar also was deposed, and the Priesthood was giuen to Simon the son of Camithus, who continuing in this dignitie for a yeeres space & no lōger, Ioseph called Caiaphas succeeded after him. After Gratus had behaued himself thus, he returned to Rome, after he had remained in Iudaea for the space of 11. yeers, After him came Pōtius Pilate [Page 465] and succeeded him in the gouernment. But Herod the tetrarch being entertained into Tiberius The yeare of the world. 3979. after Christs birth 17. A friendship, builded a citie in honour of his name, and called it Tiberias. He planted it in the fruitfullest part of Galilee, hard by the lake of Genazereth, and neere vnto the naturall bathes in the borough called Emmaus. This citie was peopled by straungers, who resorted thither from all parts, and by diuers of the countries of Galilee, some of which were constrained to inhabite the same. Some of those likewise, who were in authoritie repaired thither, and from all countries The yeare of the world, 3990. after Christs natiuitie, 28. there flocked many, who were not assuredly held for men of free condition; all which he infranchised, and gaue them great gifts, vnder that condition, that they should not abandon the citie. To some of them he gaue houses alreadie builded; to other some lands verie apt to be tilled, knowing that the habitation of such a place was contrarie to the lawes and customes of his countrey, and the ordinances of the Iewes. For that Tiberias was builded in a place full of sepulchers; B Tiberias builded. and our law saith, he that conuerseth in those places is held vncleaue and defiled for the space of seuen daies.
At that verie time died Phraates king of Parthia▪ being traiterously slaine by his sonne Phraataces, Phraates king of the Parthians slaine by the treason of Phraataces his sonne. Thermusa Phraataces mother. for this cause. After that Phraates had gotten many lawfull children, he tooke vnto him an Italian woman to his concubine, called Thermusa, whom with other presents Iulius Caesar had sent vnto him. After he had begotten on her his sonne Phraataces, he was so much besotted with her beautie, that he tooke her to his wife, and held her in high estimation. She that might perswade him vnto all that whatsoeuer she listed, enforced hir selfe to the vttermost to make her sonne king of Parthia, and seeing that she might not attaine thereunto, except she had first found out the meanes to deliuer hir selfe of Phraates lawfull children, she perswaded him to send them C hostages to Rome. In a word, they were presently sent away, because Phraates in no sort had the power to contradict Thermusas will, and only Phraataces was brought vp in the affaires of estate; who thinking the time too tedious and long if he should expect the kingdome whilest his father were dead, conspired against him by the instigation and furtherance of his mother, with whom (as it is thought) hee committed incest. In effect, being equally attainted of these two hainous Phraataces slaine. crimes, both for the murther of his father, as his incest committed with his mother, he was generally hated by his subiects, who rebelled against him before such time as he was setled in his kingdom. By this meanes was his fortune ouerthrowen, and he died. The noble men among the Parthians perceiuing, that it was impossible for them to maintaine their pollicy without a king, and that their king ought lineally to descend of the race of the Arsacians (because by custom they D might not choose any out of another stock) and supposing that their ordinances had too much alreadie beene contradicted, and that it would redound to their great dishonour if the kingdome should be continued in the hands of such a man, who was descended from an Italian concubine, they sent Embassadors to require Herode to come and be their king, who otherwise was in hatred with all the people, and accused of extreme crueltie. In a word, he was an vnsociable man, and extremely cholericke, notwithstanding he were of the bloud of the Arsacides: they therefore flocked about him, and killed him at a banquet made at a certaine sacrifice (for the custome of the Parthians was, that euery one bare his weapon) or as the common report was, that he was slaine Herode se [...] for by the Parthians, and slaine in hunting. at such time as he was a hunting. For this cause, they sent Embassadors to Rome, requiring that one of those that were hostages there might be their king, and one Vonones was sent vnto them, E who was preferred aboue all his brethren. For he seemed to be capable of that high degree of honour, as to commaund two of the greatest soueraignties that were vnder the sunne; the one of his owne nation; the other of a forraine dominion. But the Barbarians, who are by nature mutable and most impatient of indignitie, shortly after repented themselues: for they disdained to execute the commaund of a slaue; for so called they a pledge, saying, that the Parthians had not a king giuen them by right of warre, but that which was the most out rage that might be fall them, by iniury offered them in time of peace. For which cause they speedily sent for Artabanus king of Media, who was of the race of the Arsacides. To this request of theirs he willingly condescended, and came vnto them with his army. And Vonones marched forward to make head against him. At the first encountry, although the common sort amongst the Parthians fauoured F Artabanus; yet was he ouercome and fled to the mountaines of Media. But not long after, hauing assembled a greater army, he once more set vpon Vonones and discomfited him, at Vonones king of the Parthiā [...] put to flight by Artabanus, which time Vonones retired himselfe with some horsemen of his into Seleucia. But Artabanus hauing made a great slaughter of those that fled, and wholy abashed the minds of the Barbarians, he retired himselfe to the citie of Ctesiphon, with those people that accompanied him, and was afterwards made king of Parthia. Vonones arriued in Armenia, and at the first sought to make [Page 466] himselfe king ouer that nation, sending to this effect certaine Embassadours to Rome: but Tiberius The yeare of the world, 3990. after Christs Natiuitie, 28. Vonones submitteth to Syllanus gouernour of Syria, Orodes king of Armenia. Antiochus king of Comegena. G repulsed his suite in respect of his cowardice, but the rather for that Artabanus by an expresse Embassage had threatned him with warre. For they of greatest power among the Armenians (who are those that dwell a [...]out the [...]loud Niphates) maintained Artabanus title, and Vonones destitute of all hope to obtaine the kingdome, yeelded himselfe to Syllanus, who was Gouernor of Syria, and in regard that he had bin brought vp at Rome, he was kept in Syria▪ and Artabanus gaue Armenia to Orodes one of his sons. Antiochus king of the Co [...]agenes died also at that time, and there fell a debate betwixt the commons and the nobilitie; so that both parties sent their Embassadours to Rome. The nobles required that the forme of their gouernment might be changed into diuers [...]; and the people requested that they might be honoured by a king, as they had been accustomed. The Senate decreed that [...]icus should be H sent to settle the affaires in the East, fortune [...]by presenting him with the occasion of his ruine. Germanicus poisoned by Pis [...]es [...]. For at such time as he arriued in the East, and orderly disposed all things, he was poisoned by Piso, whereof he died, as it is declared in another place.
CHAP. IIII.
The rebellion of the Iewes against Pontius Pilate.
PIlate Gouernour of Iud [...] led his army from Caesarea to Ierusalem, where he wintered Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 6. al. chap. 8. Pilat bringeth Caesars statues to Ierusalem, and vpon the peoples instant motion transferreth thē to Caesarea them with an intent to bring in Caesars statues, and standards into the Citie, in contempt of our lawe which forbiddeth vs to make images. For which cause, those Gouernours I that were before him, were wont to make their entries into the Citie without such pictures or paintings. Pilate was the first, who vnawares and by night entered Ierusalem, bringing with him his images. Which when the people vnderstood, in great multitudes they resorted to Caesarea, beseeching him for many daies, that he would transport those images into some other place. But when as Pilate denied them to performe their request, because the matter would redound to Caesars dishonour, and the Iewes also ceased not to sollicite him, some sixe daies after commanding his souldiers to lie in ambush in a readinesse, he sate him downe in the Tribunall within the Hippodrome, making vse of the oportunitie of the place, for that it was most fit for a stratageme. There being vrged once more about the same businesse, he gaue a signe to his souldiers to beset The yeare of the world, 3997. after Christs natiuitie, 35. them, threatning them with death, except they would presently giue ouer their suite, and repaire K euerie one of them with all speed to their owne houses. But they prostrating themselues vpon the earth, and offering their naked throats, tolde him, that they rather desired to die, then to see their lawes violated, which were with so great iudgement and reason proposed vnto them. Pilate amazed at the confidence they shewed in the conseruation of their lawes, sodainly caused Caesars images to be transported out of Ierusalem into Caesarea, and out of the sacred treasurie he made Pilate seeking to draw certaine springs of water to Ierusalem stirreth vp a rebellion. certaine conduits of water, that had their fountaine heads more then two hundreth stades off. But the people tooke no pleasure in those conduits, and diuers thousands of men assembled themselues exclaiming against Pilate, endeuouring thereby to make him giue ouer his enterprise. Some of them also vttered diuers iniurious speeches against him, as it ordinarily falleth out amongst an vnbridled multitude. But he causing them to be hemmed in by a great number of his L souldiers, attired in a popular habite, as soone as they began to exclaime against him, gaue a signe to his souldiers: they as it was before time commanded them, made vse of their maces, and without distinction either of the persons or the offenders, fell on all those whom they had encompassed. The yeare of the world. 3998. after Christs birth 36. And so vnmercifully laid on them, who were naked and disarmed, that some of them were slaine, othersome grieuously hurt: and after this manner was the tumult and sedition appeased.
At that time was IESVS a wise Man, if it be lawfull to call him a Man. For he was the performer of diuers admirable workes, and the instructer of those who willingly entertaine the truth: Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 6. al. chap. 9. and he drew vnto him diuers Iewes and Greekes to be his followers. This was Christ, who being accused by the princes of our nation before Pilate, and afterwards condemned to the Crosse by M him; yet did not those who followed him from the beginning, forbeare to loue him for the ignominie of his death. For he appeared vnto them aliue the third day after, according as the diuine Prophets had before testified the same, and diuers other wonderfull things of him: and Iesus Christ crucified by Pilate. Hedio & Ruffinus. chap. 7. Alias, chap. 10 from that time forward the race of the Christians, who haue deriued their name from him, hath neuer ceased.
At that time also there fell out another accident, which verie sore troubled the Iewes, and in [Page 467] the temple of Isis at Rome there were many shamefull acts committed. But I will first of all recount The yeare of the world. 3998 after the Natiuitie of Christ 36. A the accident in the temple of Isis: and then will I declare that which befell the Iewes. There was in Rome a Ladie called Paulina, renowmed both for the nobilitie of hir house, as also thorow her studie and exercise in vertue. Besides this, she was verie rich, and with her riches beautifull; and in her flowring yeeres; and notwithstanding a verie mirrhor of chastitie. She was married vnto a certaine noble man called Saturnine, that equald her in all those her excellent perfections. A certaine young man called Decius Mundus one of the knights of greatest account at that time, fell in loue with her. But she was of that disposition, that it was impossible for him to corrupt her by presents: And the more she refused those infinite presents which he sent vnto her, the more was Mundus heart inflamed with ardent affection; so that to enioy her but onely one night, he offered her two hundreth thousand drachmes, amounting in our English money to B some sixe thousand pound; yet for all this he could not ouercome her. For which cause being vnable to endure this his vnfortunate loue, he thought best to pine himselfe away for want of sustenance, thereby to deliuer himselfe from the tyrannie of that passion, wherewith he was afflicted: Finally, that he confidently resolued, he constantly put in execution. Now there was a certaine free woman that belonged to Mundus father, whose name was Id [...], expert in all sorts of subtilties, who being sore aggrieued to behold the young mans resolution, whom she saw wholy addicted to a desperate death, she addressed her selfe vnto him, and encouraged him with hope, promising him to bring him to Paulinas speech, by the meanes of a certaine bribe which she intended to offer. He reioycing verie much at her motion, demanded what summe would serue her: who requiring nothing more then fiftie thousand drachmes to obtaine Paulina; he furnished her C presently. When as by this means she had quickened the young mans spirit, and receiued all that which she demanded, she shaped not the same course which others had kept that had the sollicitation of the matter before, seeing she saw that money would not tempt her; but knowing that she was deepely deuoted to the seruice of Isis, she practised this subtill and vnexpected policie. She addressed her selfe to certaine priests of the temple, and vpon great hopes and offer of greater presents, and paying them downe vpon the present twentie and fiue thousand drachmes, and promising them as much more vpon the performance of the bargaine, she disclosed vnto them the passionate loue which the young man bare vnto Paulina, exhorting them to worke so wisely that he might enioy her. They bewitched with this huge present they had, and hoped to receiue, promised her to worke the feat. Whereupon the eldest among them resorted to Paulina, and hauing D free accesse vnto her presence, he required that he might haue conference with her in secret: which when he had obtained, he tolde her that he was sent vnto her by God Anubis, in that the God was surprised with her loue, and desired that she would come vnto him. Paulina tooke great pleasure in this his discourse, and tolde her familiars how she had been honoured with the amorous solicitation of a God, and certified her husband how Anubis would banquet and lie with her. Whereunto he consented, knowing how great his wiues chastitie was. She therefore repaired to the temple, and after she had supt, and the time was come wherein she was vsually accustomed to lay her downe to rest, and the gates were lockt vp by the priests that were therein; and the lights likewise were taken away; Mundus, who was hidden within, failed not to accost her; who thinking that it was the God Anubis, satisfied his desires all the night long; and in the E morning betimes before the priests, who were priuie to this trecherie, were stirring, he retired himselfe. Paulina also early in the morning repaired to her husband, and certified him how Anubis had appeared vnto her, and boasting her selfe among her familiars what conference he had vsed with her. But some of them beleeued her not, in regard of the manner of their entertainment; the rest were altogither amazed, supposing those things to be no waies incredible, at such time as they bethought themselues of the Ladies chastitie. Some three daies after this act was committed, Mundus meeting with Paulina, said vnto her: You haue saued me two hundreth thousand drachmes, wherewith you might haue augmented your treasure, and this notwithstanding you haue not failed to satisfie my request: neither am I grieued that you haue contemned me vnder the name of Mundus, since that vndertaking Anubis name I haue accomplished F my desire, and this said, he departed. But she presently amated with the mans audacious Tiberius causeth Isis priests and Ida to b [...] hanged and banished Mundus. impudence, tore her garments, and hauing told her husband of all this subtill circum [...]ention, she requested earnestly his assistance, and that he would not forsake her in the prosecution of her reuenge: who presently certified the Emperour of each particular thereof. Now when Tiberius had diligently vnderstood, how all things had happened, by the inquisition and examination of the Priests, he condemned them and Ida, who had been the inuentor and complottor of [Page 468] this treason against Paulina, to be hanged: he pulled downe the temple also, and cast Anubis G The yeare of the world. 3998. after Christs birth 36. statue into Tyber, and banished Mundus; supposing that he ought not to be more grieuously punished, considering that the fault which was committed by him, proceeded from extreme loue. Behold here the insolence committed in the temple of Isis, by the priest that appertained to that temple. Now intend I to declare that which hapned to the Iewes that were at that time in Rome, according as heretofore I both purposed and promised.
CHAP. V.
Of that which befell the Iewes that were at Rome in Pilates time.
THere was a certaine Iewe, that hauing been accused for the breach of the lawes of his H Fuluia Saturnines wife deliuereth gold & purple to four Iewes to be sent to the temple in Ierusalem, they conuert it to their owne vses, which whē Tiberius knew he commaundeth all the Iewes to be thrust out of Rome. countrey, and fearing to be punished for the same, fled from thence, being without respect, a man of a most mischieuous behauiour. He dwelling at that time in Rome, professed himselfe to be an expounder of Moses lawe, and drawing vnto him three other no lesse reprobates then himselfe, he followed his ordinarie profession. Fuluia a Ladie of much honour became their scholer, and had embraced the religion of the Iewes, whom they had perswaded to send certaine purple and gold to the temple of Ierusalem: which after they had receiued at her hands, they conuerted it to their owne vse, as before that time they had determined to doe. Tiberius, who was informed hereof by Saturnine his familiar friend, and Fuluias husband, who had discouered the same vnto him, commaunded all Iewes whatsoeuer to depart out of Rome. Of these the Consuls chose out and enrowled to the number of foure thousand men, whom they I sent into Sardinia: and punished diuers of them that refused to beare arms, for feare they should transgresse the ordinances of their countrey. So that by reason of the loose behauiour of foure wicked persons, all those of our nation were driuen out of the Citie of Rome.
Neither was the nation of the Samaritanes exempt from this trouble: for a certaine subtill companion, who sought by all the meanes hee might to encroch vpon the peoples fauour, perswaded them to withdraw themselues with him to the mount Garizim (which they supposed to be the holiest amongst all their mountaines) in which place he auowed that he would shew them the sacred Vessels buried in a certaine place, where Moses had laid them, and at that time they being gathered togither in armes, by his perswasion incamped themselaes in a burrough called The Samaritanes assemble at Tirathaba to ascend the mountaine Garizim, Pilat chargeth and ouercommeth them & putteth them to flight. Tirathaba, where they entertained those that repaired thither to adioyne themselues with them, K to the end they might ascend the mountaine with the greater companie. But Pilate preuented them, and got vp before them with his horsemen and footmen, who charging those that were assembled in the burrough, put them to flight, and slaying some, and putting the rest to flight, led away a great number of them prisoners with him. Pilate executed the chiefest ringleaders amongst them, and those also of greatest force among the fugitiues. The tumult of these Iewes being published abroad, and their misfortune made knowne, the Senate of Samaria addressed themselues to Vitellius who had bin Consul, and who at that time gouerned Syria, before whom The yeare of the world. 3999 after Christs birth 37. Alias, cap. 11 Pilate accused before Vitellius is sent to Rome. they accused Pilate for the murther of those whom he had slaine, saying, that they assembled not in Tirathaba to rebell against the Romans, but to warrantize themselues against Pilates tyrannie. Whereupon Vitellius sent Marcellus his friend, to take charge of Iudaea, commaunding Pilate L to returne to Rome, and to satisfie the Emperor in those things whereof the people had accused him. Hereupon Pilate, after he had soiourned ten yeeres in Iewrie, repaired to Rome, hauing no meanes to contradict that commandement that Vitellius had giuen him. But before he arriued there, Tiberius was departed and dead.
CHAP. VI. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. al. 12. Vitellius commeth to Ierusalem, forgiueth the Iewes their tribute, committeth the charge of the hie priests garments to them. The hie priests vestments reserued in the castle of Antonia.
Vitellius commeth to Ierusalem.
AS soone as Vitellius came into Iudaea, he went vp to Ierusalem and celebrated there the feast of the passeouer, and after he had been magnificently entertained in that place, he M forgaue the Citizens the tribute of all those fruits which were solde. He deliuered them also the ornaments of the high priests, with all the rest of the priestly furniture within the temple, committing the charge thereof vnto the priests, according as in times past they had the same. But at that time they were laid vp in the castle of Antonia for this cause which followeth. Hircanus the high priest the first of that name (for diuers haue been so called) hauing builded a tower neere vnto the temple, did for the most part make his residence therein, and there kept [Page 469] his vestments that were committed to his charge, the rather for that he onely had the authority The yeare of the world. 3999. after Christs birth 37. A to put them on, and returne them into their place at such time as hee came downe into the Citie, and put vpon him his accustomed rayment. His sonne and his sonnes sonnes entertayned the same custome, till such time as Herode being exalted to the kingdome, and seeing this tower to be strongly scited, builded the same most magnificently, and called it Antonia, in honour of Antony, who was his great friend. And hauing found these vestments in that place, he retained them with him, assuring himselfe that the people would attempt nothing against him. Archelaus his sonne and successour in the kingdome, kept the same course that Herode had done. But after that the Romanes had obtayned the souraignty thereof, they kept the high Priests ornaments in their hands, and reserued them in a place builded for the purpose, vnder the seale of the Priests, and the prefect of those that kept the sacred B treasure, lighted the lampe euery day in that place. This euery seuenth day before the feast, doth the prefect deliuer into the high priests hands, and after it was purified he put it on to do diuine seruice, and the next day after the feast he returneth it againe to the same place where it was kept before: which custome was obserued thrice euery yeere in the time of a fast. But Vitellius returned those ornaments into the hands of the Priests, according to the auncient orders, Vitellius aduanced Ionathan the son of Anani to the priesthood, and degradeth. Ioseph sur [...]amed Caiaphas. leauing them to be vsed at such time as need required, commaunding the prefect to trouble himselfe no more about the place where they should be kept. After hee had done this fauour to the nation of the Iewes, hee dispossessed the high Priest Ioseph surnamed Caiaphas, and aduanced Ionathan the sonne of Ananus to that dignitie, and afterwards returned to Antioch. C
At that time he receiued letters from Tiberius, by which he commaunded him to capitulate and conclude a friendshippe with Artabanus the king of the Parthians (whose hatred he suspected, and feared least being seazed of Armenia, he should worke further displeasure to the state of Rome) willing him to assure the league by hostages, and namely with Artabanus sonne. After Tiberius had written these letters aboue mentioned vnto Vitellius, he perswaded the kings of Iberia and Alania by great store of money, that with all expedition they should make warre against Artabanus. But the Iberians would not be drawen thereunto, yet suffered they the Alaines to march thorow their countrey, and opened them their gates of the mount Caspius, to giue them passage to inuade Artabanus. Thus once more was Armenia conquered, and the countrey of the Parthians was filled with warre, whereby the chiefest among them were slaine, The Parthians lose Armenia. D and all their estate was spoyled and disordered. The kings sonne also was slaine in those conflicts, with diuers thousands of his men of warre. Moreouer Vitellius hauing sent money to a certaine kinsman and friend of Artabanus, pretended to corrupt him to make Artabanus away. But Artabanus perceiuing the plot that was intended against him, and seeing that he could not escape, Such things as hapned betwixt Vitellius and Artabanus. because it was attempted by a great number of the best accompted nobles within his court, ceased to passe any further: and seeing himselfe most apparantly inuironed, and thinking that vnder colour of friendship he was fraudulently betraied, he thought it better to retire himselfe into the prouinces of the higher countrey, and there to saue himselfe, rather then to put himselfe in hazard, and resort vnto them who had alreadie betraied and forsaken him. Arriuing in in that place hee assembled a great number of soldiers of the countries of Danes and Swethians, Artabanus restored to his kingdome by the Danes and Swethians. A league betwixt Vitellius & Artabanus. Herodes banquet in the midst of Euphrates. Artabanus sendeth▪ Tiberius his sonne in hostage, [...] a Iew seuen cubits high. Herode aduertileth the emperour of al [...] things before Vitellius letters came to his hands. B and hauing fought against them who opposed themselues against him; he recouered his estate. When Tiberius had tidings hereof, he wrought the meanes to draw Artabanus into friendship with him, which when Artabanus had notice of, he willingly admitted; so that Artabanus and Vitellius met togither neere Euphrates, and by the means of a bridge that was builded vpon the riuer they debated the matter togither, being each of them attended by their guardes. After that they had concluded the peace, Herode the Tetrarch feasted them in a verie magnificent Pauillion, erected in the midst of the floud not without his great cost. And not long after Vitellius sent Darius Artabanus sonne in hostage to Rome, with diuers presents; amongst which there was a man seuen cubits high, a Iew borne, who was named Eleazar, who was called a Giant by reason of his greatnes. That done, Vitellius returned to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon. F But Herode desirous to be the first who should aduertise Caesar of the receit of these hostages, sent expresse messengers with letters, by which he fully satisfied him of all that which had hapned, omitting nothing for the Consul to certifie: so that after Vitellius letters were brought vnto him, and that Caesar had alreadie certified him of the true information that Herode had giuen him, Vitellius was sore troubled: and suspecting least he had receiued a greater iniurie then the matter made shewe for; hee conceiued in his heart a secrete despight, [Page 470] which continued vntill such time as Tiberius was dead, and Caius obtayned the Empyre. The yeare of the world. 3999. after Christs Natiuitie. 37. G
At that time also died Philip Herodes brother, in the twentith yeere of Tiberius raigne, after hee had raigned himselfe for the space of seuen and thirtie yeeres, in Trachonitis, Gaulonitis and Bathanaea. During all the time of his gouernment, hee behaued himselfe verie peaceably, and farre from busines. For he made his ordinarie abode within his owne dominion. He walked being accompanied with a small number of his chosen seruants, and had that seate caried after him wherein he was accustomed to sit and doe Iustice, and therein sate hee to the end that if any one presented himselfe, and required his assistance, hee might without delay doe him right. For vpon the first motion the seate was placed in that part where the plantiffe met him; and being seated therein, he examined the cause, punishing H those that were guiltie, and absoluing the innocent. Hee died in Iuliade, and was buried in the sepulcher vvhich hee himselfe had caused to be built, and his obsequies were Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 9. al. cap. 1 [...]. The yeare of the world. 4000. after Christs birth 38. performed with great solemnitie and maiestie. And for that hee left no heires males behind him, Tiberius seazed his estate, which hee annexed to the gouernment of Syria, ordeining that the tributes that were gathered in his Tetrarchy, should be kept within the bounds of the same region.
CHAP. VII.
The warre of Herode the Tetrarch against king Aretas, and his ouerthrow. I
MEane while Aretas king of Arabia Petrae, and Herode fell at strife, the one with the other, for this cause that ensueth. Herode the Tetrarch had maried Aretas daughter, with Herode the Tetrarch putteth away Aretas daughter and marieth Herodias his brother Herodes wife. whom he had liued maried a verie long time. Afterwards taking his iourney towards Rome, he lodged with Herode his halfe brother by the fathers side (for Herode was the sonne of Simons daughter, which Simon was the high Priest) and there being surprised with the loue of Herodias his brothers wife, which was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and sister to the great Agrippa, he was so bold as to offer her some speech of mariage: which when she had accepted, the accords were made betweene them, that at such time as he should returne from Rome, he should displace her, and lead her away with him, with conditions, that he should banish Aretas K daughter farre from him. After he had ratified those couenants, he made his voyage to Rome; from whence he no sooner returned and performed that for which he went, his wife (who had some priuie notice of the conuentions which were made betwixt him and Herodias) before he suspected that she knew thereof, required him to send her to the castle of Macheron, which was the frontire towne betwixt Herodes and Aretas countries; without certifying him any waies of her intent. Herode without suspect easily condiscended vnto her request, thinking she was ignorant of his drift, but she long before that time had taken order with the gouernour of Macheron Herodes wife returneth into hir own country. (which at that time was vnder her fathers gouernment) to prepare all things for her iourney, where being arriued she speedily posted into Arabia, vnder the conuoy of those gouernours, who receiued & conducted her the one after the other. As soone as she arriued in her fathers court, she L incontinently certified him of Herodes resolution, whence arose the beginning of this discord betwixt them. As soone as therefore they had both of them assembled their armies vpon the confines of the countrey of Gamalite, they fought togither vnder the conduct of the two generals, to whom they had committed their armies. In this battell Herodes army was wholy discomfited thorow the treason that was complotted against him by certaine banished men of Philips Tetrarchy, Herodes army discomfited by the Arabians. which were in pay with Herode. Tiberius was certified of all this by those letters which Herode had written vnto him: and being sore displeased with Aretas for his proud attempt, he Tiberius commaundeth Vitellius to make warre against Aretas. commaunded Vitellius to make warre against him, willing him that if he could take him aliue he should send him bound vnto him: but if dead, he should send him his head. Such was the commission that Tiberius sent to the gouernour of Syria. M
Diuers Iewes wereof the opinion, that Herodes army was ouerthrowne by the iust vengeance of God, who punished him most iustly, because of the execution which he caused to be done Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 10. [...]l. 14. on IOHN surnamed BAPTISTE: For he had done this man to death; who was replenished with all vertue, and who exhorted the Iewes to addict themselues thereto, and to execute iustice towards men, and pietie towards God: exhorting th [...]m to be baptized, and telling them that baptisme should at that time be agreeable vnto God, if they should renounce not onely their [Page 471] sinnes, but if to the puritie of their bodies they should annex the cleannesse of their soules repurified A The yeare of the world. 4000. after Christs birth 38. by iustice. And whereas it came to passe that diuers flocked and followed him to heare his doctrine, Herode feared least his subiects allured by his doctrine and perswasions should be drawne to reuolt. For it seemed that they would subscribe in all things to his aduice; he therfore thought it better to preuent a mischiefe by putting him to death, then to expect some sodaine commotion, which he might afterwards repent. Vpon this suspition Herode caused him to be Iohn Baptist slaine by Herode. bound, and sent to the Castle of Macheron, whereof we haue spoken heretofore, and there was he put to death. The Iewes were of opinion that in reuenge of this so grieuous a sinne, Herodes army, against whom God was displeased, had been subiected to their vtter ruine and ouerthrow. But Vitellius being addressed to make warre against Aretas, gathered togither two legions, and Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 1 [...]. Vitellius leadeth his army against the king of Arabia. all those horse or foote that he could assemble amongst those kings, who were the Romans allies, B and marching towards Petra he staied at Ptolemais, because he pretended to passe by Iudaea. Which when the principall nobles amongst the Iewes had notice of, they went out to meet him, beseeching him that he would not passe thorow their country, because it was a custome amongst them not to see any images borne, such as he had of diuers colours in his army. Whereunto he condiscended, and hauing changed his purpose, he caused his army to march thorow the great The yeare of the world. 4001 after Christs birth 39. Vitellius▪ repaireth to Ierusalem, and displaceth Ionathan, and preferreth his brother. Caius Caligula succeedeth after Tiberius. plaine: as for himselfe he came to Ierusalem accompanied with Herode the Tetrarch and his friends, to offer sacrifice vnto God vpon the next festiual day, where he was most magnificently receiued by all the people of the Iewes. There soiorned he for the space of 3. daies, during which time he deposed Ionathan from the high priesthood, and inuested Theophilus his brother. The fourth day letters came vnto him that aduertized him of Tiberius death, for which cause he commaunded C the oath of fidelitie should be ministred to the people in the new Emperour Caius behalfe. He called his army backe also, and sent them to their wintering garrisons, because it was not lawfull for him to prosecute the warre, by reason the soueraigne estate was fallen vnto Caius.
It is said, that Aretas hearing newes of Vitellius expedition or voiage, and after he had taken counsell of the Augurs, said, that the army should not finde engines to pierce as farre as Petra, because the chiefetaines thereof, or he that had the commaund of the expedition, or he that obaied his ordinance in conducting the same, or he against whom the army was conducted, should Aretas gathereth by auguries that it was impossible for the army to come to Petra. Herodes progeny. die. Vitellius therefore retired himselfe to Antioch. A yeere before the death of Tiberius, Agrippa Aristobulus sonne came to Rome, to intreate with the Emperour about certaine affaires, D according to the power which he should obtaine at his hands. But before I speake any thing hereof, I will relate Herodes progenie, both for that it is pertinent to this present narration, as also that the greatnesse of Gods prouidence may appeare, to the ende that a man may know that neither the number of children, nor any other humane force whatsoeuer it be, can be auaileable without the feare of God; considering that within the space of one hundreth or somewhat lesse, it so fell out, that all Herodes line, which was verie populous and fruitfull, was extinguished, a verie few excepted. Whereby we are giuen to vnderstand, what the miserie of mankinde is, and learne to moderate our owne selues. It is also expedient to speake something of Agrippa, who amongst all others deserueth admiration in that being a man wholy drowned in obscuritie and base in birth, he was exalted to such greatnes, as no one of those that knew him, would euer haue E thought his fortune should haue such successe and mightinesse. And although heretofore I haue spoken somewhat of this matter, yet is it requisite that I speake something more expressely thereof in this place. Herode the great had two daughters, borne by Mariamme Hircanus daughter. The one of them which was called Salampso, who was married by Herode to Phasaelus the sonne of Phasaelus, who was Herodes brother. The other called Cypros was espoused to Antipater her Cousin, who was Salomes sonne, who was Herodes sister. Phasaelus had fiue children by Salampso. Three sonnes, Antipater, Herode and Alexander; and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros, whom Agrippa the son of Aristobulus married, and Alexandra was married to Timaeus of Cyprus, who was a man of great dignitie, and with whom she died without issue. Cypros had by Agrippa her husband two sonnes and three daughters: Bernice, Mariamme and Drusilla: their two sons F were called Agrippa and Drusus. Drusus died verie young: but Agrippa was brought vp by his grandfather amongst his other brethren Herode, Aristobulus and Bernice. These were Herodes children sonne vnto him who was surnamed the Great; Bernice was Costobarus daughter, begotten on Salome Herodes sister: Aristobulus died leauing his children vnder age, vnder his fathers charge with Alexander his brother, as we haue alreadie recounted. These attaining their full age were in this sorte married: Herode brother to Agrippa was matched with Mariamme [Page 472] Olympias daughter, who was Herodes the Great his daughter, and of Ioseph Herodes brother: By G The yeere of the world, 4001. after [...] Natiuitie, 39. her he had his sonne Aristobulus: Aristobulus Agrippas third brother married Iotape the daughter of Sampsigeram king of the Emesenians. They had a daughter which in like sort was called Iotape, which was deafe. These were the children begotten by Herodes three sonnes. But Herodias their sister married Herode the sonne of Herode the Great, whom he begot on Mariamme the daughter of Simon the high priest, by whom Salome was begotten. After her birth Herodias in contempt of the lawes of the countrey, married her selfe with Herode her husbands brother begotten of the same father, being separate from him during his life time, who was Tetrarch of Galilee. His daughter Salome was married to Philip the Tetrarch of Trachonitis Herodes sonne, who dying without children, Aristobulus married her, who was Herodes sonne and Agrippas brother. They had three sonnes, Herode, Agrippa, and Aristobulus. See here the posteritie of Phasaelus and Salampson. Antipater by Cypros had a daughter that in like sort was called Cypros, H which was married to Alexas Selcius the sonne of Alexas, of whom he begate a daughter called likewise Cypros. As for Herode and Alexander, who (as I said) were Antipaters brothers, they died without issue. Alexander Herodes sonne, who was slaine by his father, begate Alexander and Tigranes on the daughter of Archelaus king of Cappadocia. Tigranes being king of Armenia died without issue, after he had been accused at Rome. Alexander had a sonne called Tigranes, after his brothers name, who was sent by Nero to raigne in Armenia, who had a sonne called Alexander, who married Iotape the daughter of Antiochus king of Comagena. This Alexander by Vespasian was elected king in Lesis a Citie of Cilicia. As soone as Alexanders posteritie began to Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 12. Alias, cap. 15. Agrippa from obscuritie obtained great▪ dignity and power. multiply, they fell from their countrey religion to follow the customes of the Greekes. All the I rest of king Herodes daughters died without issue. Hauing after this manner reckoned vp Herods posteritie, which continued vntill such time as Agrippa the great began to raigne; it remaineth at this time to declare what aduentures befell this Agrippa, and how he escaping his dangers obtained at last so great power and dignitie.
CHAP. VIII.
Agrippas voyage to Tiberius, where he is accused and shut in prison, and is deliuered after Tiberius death by Caius his successor.
SOme little time before the death of king Herode, Agrippa conuersing at Rome, grew into K great familiaritie and acquaintance with Drusus Tiberius the Emperours sonne, and Agrippa liuing at Rome thorow his lauish liberality groweth into necessitie. was beloued by Antonia the wife of Drusus the elder, by ye means of his mother Berenice, whom Antonia held in great estimation, and to whom she had recommended her sonne. And whereas by nature he was of a liberall and high spirit, as long as his mother liued he would not discouer his intent, least he should prouoke her displeasure against him. But incontinently after Berenice was dead, and he became Lord of himselfe, partly by his daily and bountifull entertainment and liuing, partly by his immoderate liberalities, but especially by his lauish prodigalitie towards Caesars freemen, whose fauour he hunted after, he was brought into extreame pouertie, and could no more liue at Rome; the rather for that Tiberius hauing lost his sonne, forbad his friends to come into his sight, for feare least their presence should refresh and encrease the L Agrippa bethinketh himselfe how he might shorten his miserable life. Cypros Agrippas wife certifieth Herodias his sister of his pouerty, & requireth her assistance. Agrippa dwelleth at Tiberias. sorrow he conceiued for the losse of his sonne. For these causes he returned backe into Iudaea, hauing but badly ordered his estate, spent his money and left himselfe no meanes to satisfie his importunate and many creditors. For which cause incertaine how to dispose himselfe, and ashamed of his present estate, he withdrewe himselfe into a Castle called Malatha in Idumaea, bethinking himselfe after some sort to cut off his miserable daies. Which purpose of his, when Cypros his wife apperceiued, she endeuoured by all meanes to preuent his resolution: she wrote also to his sister Herodias, who was married to Herode the Tetrarch, certifying her both what Agrippa had decreed, as also by what necessitie he was inforced thereunto: and she exhorted her, that in regard of affinitie she should assist him, and imitate her in this, who, as much as in her lay, relieued his miserie, although her fortunes were farre weaker then hers. Being therfore sent for M by his sister and wife, he was commaunded to dwell in Tiberias, and had a certaine summe of money assigned him for his maintenance, and for his greater honor was appointed Magistrate of that Citie. Yet did not Herode continue long time in that minde, although by the meanes he had giuen him, he had not satisfied his kinsmans necessities. For being in the Citie of Tyre in a certaine company, where he dronke immoderately, Agrippa esteemed it for an extreame iniurie Herode taunteth Agrippa with his pouerty. that Herode had vpbraided him with his pouertie, and hit him in the teeth that he maintained him [Page 473] at his charge. For which cause he withdrew himselfe to Flaccus, who had sometimes been Consul A The yeare of the world. 4001. after Christs birth 39. Agripp [...] [...] ieth himselfe to Flaccus. at Rome, and for the present was president of Syria, with whom at Rome he had fallen into familiaritie, who entertained by him liued with him, who long before that time had entertained Aristobulus; who though Agrippas brother, yet was he his enemy; yet notwithstanding this dissension betweene them, Flaccus entertained them both with equall fauour. But Aristobulus remitted nothing of his hatred he bare his brother, neither euer rested he before he had drawne Flaccus into dislike with his brother, vpon this occasion. The inhabitants of Damasco, contending with the Sidonians about their demaines, and being to debate their cause before Flaccus, knowing what interest Agrippa had in him, they besought him that he would further their cause, promising him a great summe of money: whereupon he addressed himselfe in what he could to further those of Damasco. But Aristobulus, who had an inkling of this conclusion and promise, Aristobulus draweth Agrippa into Flaccus disfauour. B accused his brother to Flaccus, and after inquisition was made, and he found guiltie of the fact, Agrippa grew out of the presidents fauour; and falling againe into extreame pouertie, he came to Ptolemais; and for that he had no meanes of maintenance, he determined to saile into Italie. And for that he wanted money, he commanded Marsyas his free-man, that by all meanes whatsoeuer he should seeke to take vp money vpon interest. He spake vnto Protus (who was Agrippas mothers free-man (who by the testament of his deceased Mistris was left vnto Antonias protection) that vpon his Masters bill and promise, he would lend him some money. But he alleadging that Agrippa before that time ought him money, extorted from Marsyas a bill of his hand, for Agrippa by Marsias mean [...] borroweth mony of Protus. twentie thousand attique drachmes, deducting out of that summe two thousand and fiue hundreth, which Marsyas tooke for himselfe; which hee might the more easily doe, for that Agrippa C could not otherwise chuse. Hauing therfore receiued this money, he went to Anthedon, where getting shipping he prepared himselfe for the iourney.
But when Herennius Capito, who was treasurer of Iamnia, vnderstood of his being there, he sent his souldiers vnto him, to exact three hundreth thousand siluer drachmes at his hands, for Agrippa whilst Herēnius Capito [...] money at his hands, f [...]ieth to Alexandria by night. which he stood indebted to Caesars treasurer during his being at Rome, by which meanes he was inforced to stay. Whereupon he made a shew that he would obey their demaund, but as soone as it was night, he caused the cables of his shippe to be cut, and cast off, and sailed to Alexandria, there requested he Alexander Alabarcha to lend him two hundreth thousand drachmes in siluer. But he protested that he would trust him with nothing. But admiting Cypros his wiues constant loue towards her husband, and her many other vertues, he vpon her promise accorded to doe Agrippa borroweth money at Alexandria D him kindnesse: whereupon in present money he paied him fine talents in Alexandria, and promised to deliuer him the rest of the money at Puteol, fearing Agrippas vnthriftinesse. Thus Cypros hauing furnished her husband for his iourney into Italie, returned her selfe and her childred Agrippa arriueth at Puteol & is admitted to Caesars presence. into Iudaea by land. But Agrippa, as soone as he arriued at Puteol, wrote vnto Tiberius Caesar, who liued at Capreas, signifying vnto him that he came to doe his duetie, beseeching him that he would grant him free and fauourable accesse. Tiberius with all expedition returned him a verie kinde answere, certifying him that he would be verie glad to see him safely arriued in Capreas. In a word, as soone as he was arriued, Caesar expressed and made it knowne, that his affection was answerable to his letters, and both embraced him and lodged him. The next day Caesar receiued letters from Herennius Capito, who aduertized him that Agrippa ought three hundreth E thousand drachmes of siluer, which he borrowed and paied not at the time prefixed, and that at such time as the appointed time of paiment was come he was fled out of the countrey, and place of his procuration, and by this occasion had depriued him of the meanes to constraine him to make satisfaction. When Caesar had read the letters, he was sore displeased, and commaunded those of his chamber, that they should not admit Agrippa to his presence, vntill such time as he had discharged that debt.
But he nothing dismaied at Caesars displeasure, required Antonia Germanicus and Claudius mother, who was afterwards Emperour, to lend him the summe of three hundreth thousand Agrippa borroweth 300000 siluer drachmes of Antonia Germanicus and Claudius mother. Caius commended to Agrippas charg [...] Allius Caesars freeman lendeth Agrippa money. drachmes, to the end he might not lose Caesars friendship. Who remembring her Berenice Agrippas mother, and with what familiaritie they had conuersed togither, and how Agrippa likewise F had been brought vp with Claudius her sonne, lent him that money: Whereupon he paying the debt, without any contradiction enioyed the princes fauour, and was so reconciled to Caesar, that he committed his nephew to Agrippas charge, commanding him to attend him alwaies, whither soeuer he went. Being by this benefit bound and tied to Antonia, he began to reuerence her nephew Caius, who was gratious in all mens eies, and honoured in memorie of his parents. At that time by chance there was one Allius a Samaritane Caesars free-man, of whom he borrowed [Page 474] ten hundreth thousand drachmes of siluer, & paid Antonia her due, and kept the rest the more honourablie The yeare of the world 4001. after Christs Natiuitie. 39. Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 13. Eutychus Agrippas freemā beth [...]keth him to accuse Agrippa to the Emperour. G to attend and wait on Caius. By whom being intertained with most inward familiaritie, it hapned one day that riding in the same Coach with him, Agrippa wisht (for they two were alone) that Tiberius might shortly surrender the kingdome and empire vnto Caius, who was each way more worthy then he. These words of his were ouerheard by the Coachman called Eutychus, who was Agrippas freeman, who for that time spake not a word thereof. But being afterwards accused for stealing▪ Agrippas garment (as he indeed had done) and brought backe againe after he had fled away to Piso (who was the prefect of the citie) he asked him why he fled: who answered, that he had certaine secrets which he desired to reueale vnto Caesar, that appertained to his profit and safetie: for which cause he was sent by him in bonds to Capreas. Tiberius according to his dilatorie maner, wherein no King or tyrant euer equalled him, held him prisoner. For neither H did he presently admit any Embassadors, neither sent he successours to those, who were gouernours and prefects of his prouinces, when the former were dead; and no lesse negligent was hee in yeelding audience to his prisoners. But when his friends at any time questioned with him, why he vsed these accustomed delayes; he answered them, that he deferred the embassadours after that sort, for feare least if he should speedily dispatch them, they should instantly returne with newe; whereby it should come to passe, that he should be continually troubled in entertaining and dismissing them.
And as touching his offices, he left thē in their hands, to whom he had cōmitted thē, in regard of his subiects welfare. For naturally all magistracy is subiect to auarice, but in especiall strangers For what cause Tiberius changed not his gouernours▪ induce those, who exercise the same to gather, and ingrosse the more instantly, when as the time I of their authoritie is short and of small assurance: whereas if they should continue in the same for a long time, in regard of the gaine they had made, and the much profits they had raised, they would be afterward lesse greedie to extort further. Now if hee should send others to succeede them on a sodaine, it were impossible for him to content them, notwithstanding their manie bribes: whereas in giuing them time to fill their purses, when they had gotten well, they would abate the furious desire of lucre which they affected before. And to this purpose he told them an example of a poore man that was a Lazar, to whose wounds a great number of flies assembled themselues, and couered the same: at sight whereof some by fortune ari [...]ing there, and hauing compassion of his miserie, and supposing that the cause why they assisted him not, proceeded from their disability, approched neere to helpe him: but hee required them to let him alone. K Whereupon they demaunding the cause, wherefore he that was hurt refused to be deliuered from so irkesome an euil: he answered them, for that they should do him more wrong, if those flies were driuen away; for that being alreadie full of bloud they pricke me not (said he) neither sucke me so earnestly, but giue me some ease; whereas if new should alight on my wound which were hungry, & should seaze my flesh in that desperate estate that I am, they would procure my death. For these causes he said; that seeing his subiects alreadie consumed by so many exactions, he thought it a good pollicy in him, and a better prouision for them, not to send them new gouernours continually, who might after the manner of flies sucke them to the quicke, especially if to their innated couetousnes he should annex the feare of their sodaine displacing. Now to approue that to be true which I haue declared of Tiberius disposition, this action of his may suffice to iustifie L me. For hauing beene Emperour for the space of twentie and two yeeres, all those gouernours which he sent into Iury were two, namely Gratus and Pilate his successour; neither demeasned hee himselfe otherwise towards the rest of his subiects of the empire.
And as touching his prisoners, the reason why he delaied so much to giue them audience, was to the end, that they who had beene condemned to death, should not speedily be deliuered from those torments, wherewith he threatned them, and which they had deserued by their wickednes. Why Caesar would not giue audience to his prisoners For whilest he kept them in that paine, their mishappe increased the more. For this cause Eutychus could not obtaine audience at his hands, but was long time detained prisoner. Afterwards in processe of time, Tiberius transported himselfe from Capreas to Tusculanum, which Agrippa soliciteth Antonia to bring Eu [...]ychus to his answere. Antonia verie much honoured by Tiberius Antonia discouereth Seianus conspiracie to Caesar. was distant from Rome some hundreth furlongs. There did Agrippa sollicite Antonia, to cause M Eutychus to be called to his answere, as touching the accusation which he pretended against him. Now Antonia was in great fauour with Tiberius, both in regard of the affinitie that was betweene them (in that she was Drusus wife, who was Tiberius brother) as in respect of her modestie. For she being young continued in her widowhood, and would not marie with any other, notwithstanding Augustus importuned her to wed; but liued alwaies in honour without blame. Besides that, she had done Tiberius a great pleasure: for at such time as Seianus his friend, and a man in [Page 475] great account in those daies (by reason he had the gouernment of the army) practised a conspiracie A The yeare of the world. 4001. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 39. against him; whereunto diuers of the Senate, and of his freemen, and his men of warre likewise were accessarie: yet brought she all their intents to nothing. This attempt had taken a great head, and Seianus had finished his purpose, had not Antonia vsed more aduised courage, then Seianus did in executing his treason. For hauing discouered the daunger that threatned Tiberius, she wrote and sent her expresse letters by Pallas one of her trustie seruants vnto him to Capreas, certifying him in particular the whole processe of the conspiracy. Caesar hauing true vnderstanding thereof, caused Seianus and his consederates to be executed. Although therefore that before that time he honoured Antonia greatly, yet did he afterwards honour her farre more, in such sort as he trusted her in all things. When as therefore she intreated him to giue Eutychus audience: Tiberius answered, if, said he, Eutychus hath falsely obiected any thing against Agrippa, B it sufficeth that he endure that punishment which I haue enioyned him. But being in the torture he maintaine that which he hath spoken to be true, it is to be feared least Agrippa intending to punish his free man; do rather heape the punishment vpon his owne head. When Antonia had Agrippa vrgeth Eutychu [...] triall, and for certaine speeches of his is cast into bonds. reported this answere of his to Agrippa, he did the more instantly solicit her, requiring her that the matter might be brought to tryall. And for that Agrippa ceased not to importune her, Antonia took the occasion which was this: Tiberius being after dinner time catied in his litter, & hauing Caius and Agrippa before him, she walking foot by foot by the litter, besought him to call Eutychus to his tryall: whereunto he replied: The Gods (said he) know that that which I doe, I doe it not of mine owne will, but for the necessitie I am presied with vpon your request, and hauing spoken thus, he cōmanded Macron Seianus successor to bring Eutychus before him: which was performed C with all expedition. Whereupon Tiberius asked him what he had to say against him, vvho had enfranchised him. ‘My soueraign (said he) Caius that is heere present, & Agrippa rode one day togither in the same Coach, & I sate at their feet. After diuers discourses held betweene them, Agrippa began to speake after this manner vnto Caius; O said he, would God the day were come wherein the olde man departing out of this world; would make you gouernour thereof. For his sonne Tiberius would be no hindrance vnto you, for him might you make away. Then should the world be happy, and I likewise haue my share in the felicitie.’ Tiberius esteeming this his accusation to be true, and hauing of long time conceiued a grudge against Agrippa, for that notwithstanding he had commaunded him to honour Tiberius, who was his nephew, and Drusus sonne; Agrippa had giuen small regard to his commaundement, and had not honoured him, but was wholy addicted D vnto Caius. For vvhich cause said he to Macron, bind me this fellow. He scarcely vnderstanding that vvhich he spake, and no vvaies suspecting that he should giue that commandement in respect of Agrippa, deferred the performance vntill such time as he might more exactly vnderstand his mind; vvhen as therefore Caesar turned into the Hippodrome, and by chance met with Agrippa in the teeth: This is he (said he) Macron, vvhom I haue commaunded to be bound, and demāding of him once more by vvhom he spake: It is Agrippa said he. Then had Agrippa recourse to submissiue and humble praiers, refreshing the memory of his sonne, vvith vvhom he had bin brought vp; and alledging the education he had vsed towards his nephew Tiberius. But he preuailed nothing, but vvas led away bound in those purple ornaments vvhich he then wore.
At that time it was verie hot weather, and being in distresse of wine he was extremely thirsty, E and distressed, yea more then became one of his qualitie. Whereupon espying Thaumastus one Thaumastus Caius seruant giueth. Agrippa drink, whom he promiseth to procure his freedome. of Caius seruants, who caried water in a pitcher; he required him to giue him drinke: which when he had willingly bestowed on him, he dranke, and afterwards said vnto him. This seruice thou hast done me in giuing me drinke, shall do thee good one day. For as soone as I shall escape out of these bonds, it shall not be long before I obtaine thy liberty at Caius hands, for that thou hast not neglected to do me seruice in this my imprisonment, as thou hast before time done me whilest I was in my prosperitie and dignitie: Neither deceiued he the mans expectation of his promise, but rewarded & gratified him. For afterwards, whē he had obtained the kingdom, he begged Thaumastus liberty at Caius hands, & made him superintendēt of his affairs, & after his decease he gaue order that he should serue in the same place, with his son Agrippa & his daughter Bernice; F so that he died very olde, and much honoured. But this hapned afterwards. But at that time Agrippa stood before the pallace bound with other companions, who were likewise in bonds, and thorow the griefe he cōceiued, he leaned against a certain tree, on which there sate an owle. One of those prisoners, vvho vvas by nation a Germane, beholding that bird, asked the soldier that was fettered with him, who he vvas that vvas apparrelled in purple: and vnderstanding that his name vvas Agrippa, and that he vvas a lew, and one of the nobilitie of that nation; hee required the [Page 476] souldier, who to the end to guard him was chained with him, to suffer him to draw neere vnto G The yeare of the world. 4001. after Christs birth [...]9. Agrippa, and to haue a little conference with him, for that he had a great desire to aske him of certaine things concerning the customes of his countrey. Which when he had obtained, and hauing got neere him, he certified him by an interpreter of that which followeth: ‘Young man (said he) the sodaine change that hath befallen thee at this present, afflicteth and oppresseth thee with great and grieuous torment; neither wilt thou easily beleeue that thou shalt escape from thy miserie: yet so doth the diuine prouidence dispose all things, that thou shalt shortly be deliuered. Know therefore, and I sweare vnto thee by the Gods both those of mine auncestors, and A certaine Germane foretelleth Agrippa of his happie fortunes to come, and the manner of his death. those also, who haue residence and presidence in this place, and who haue procured vs this yron chaine, that I will tell thee all, not to yeeld thee pleasure by my vaine discourse, or to entertaine thee with fruitlesse consolation, knowing well that when these predictions shall happen to faile, H they will breede thee more sorrow, then if thou hadst neuer heard speech of them. But I haue thought it good, yea although it were with mine owne danger, to declare vnto thee the predictions of the gods. It cannot otherwaies be but that shortly thou shalt be deliuered; from these bonds, and shalt be aduanced to great honour and power; so that those, who at this day haue compassion of thy calamitie, shal beare enuie to thy glorie, and thou shalt depart this life in great felicitie, and shalt leaue thy children mightie possessions. But beare this in thy remembrance, that when thou shalt see this bird once more, thou must needly die within fiue daies after. These are those things which the gods thinke meete to foretell thee by this bird. As for my selfe, I haue supposed that I should doe thee wrong if I should conceale this prediction from thee, hauing the foreknowledge thereof. I haue therefore thought good to impart this ioy vnto thee, wherby thorow I hope of thy future profit, thou maiest more easily indure thy present misfortune, for which cause I beseech thee, that as soone as thou shalt be partaker of this thy felicity, thou wilt indeuour thy selfe to deliuer vs also from these aduersities.’
This presage of the Germane seemed so ridiculous to Agrippa, as it afterwars deserued most mightie admiration. But Antonia being sore grieued at the young mans calamitie, thought it not onely a difficult matter for her to intreat Tiberius for him, but altogither vnprofitable in regard she should be repulsed: yet wrought she so much with Macron, that he was committed to the custodie of such souldiers, who were of more reconciled behauiour, and had a Centurion appointed to keepe him, that suffered him to vse his daily bathings, and gaue his friends and seruants leaue to visit him, by whose seruice and kindnesse his necessities might be relieued. His K friend Silas also was admitted to speake with him, and amongst his free-men Marsias and Stichus, who brought him in such meates as he was delighted withall, and couerings vnder colour to sell them, which by the permission of the souldiers, who had no lesse direction from Macron, they spred by night for him to take his rest vpon. See here the estate wherein Agrippa liued in prison for the space of six moneths. But Tiberius being returned to Capreas began at first to bee attainted Agrippa liued six moneths in prison. with a certaine lingring disease: and for that his sicknesse increased more and more, he began to conceiue a sinister hope of himselfe, and commanded Euodus, whom he most honoured amongst all his free-men, to bring him his sonnes, because he intended to talke with them Tiberius salleth sicke, and sendeth for his sonnes. Tiberius Gemellus the son of Drusus. Caius the gracious Germanicus sonne. before he died. But the sooth is, that he had not any children of his own, but had adopted them. For Drusus, who was his onely childe, was alreadie dead, and had left behind him a sonne called L Tiberius, surnamed Gemellus. He had Caius also his brother Germanicus sonne, who was in the flower of his age, and had trauailed verie diligently in good disciplines. To him also the people ascribed verie much, in remembrance of the vertues of his deceased father; and as touching himselfe, he was of a sweet conuersation, and so modest, that he was familiar and conuersant with all men. Whereby it came to passe, that not onely the people, but the Senate also held him in great estimation, as also all the subiects in euerie seuerall prouince. For they that spake with him were drawne partly by his affabilitie, partly by the fidelitie that they saw in him: so that when he was dead, all of them mourned, not counterfaitly lamenting his losse, but with vnfained sorrow; for that there was not any one that supposed not his death to be euery mans particular losse. He therefore demeaned himselfe so modestly towards all men, that his sonne after his death was M highly aduanced thereby. For among the rest the men of warre made their reckoning, that although it should cost them their liues to get him the Empire, they would not refuse the Tiberius by an Augury vnderderstandeth Caius successe and succession before his death. hazard.
After that Tiberius had charged Euodus to bring him the two young men the next morrow by breake of day, he besought the Gods of that place to giue him an euident signe, whereby he might know who should succeed him: For although he desired to leaue the Empire to his sons [Page 477] sonne; yet made he more account of that which God should make manifest vnto him. He therefore A The yeare of the world. 4001. after Christs birth 39. conceiued a presage, that he, who the next day should enter first to salute him, it should be he, who in the Empire should necessarily succeede him. And hauing settled this thing in his fantasie, he sent vnto his little sonnes Master, charging him to bring him vnto him by breake of day, supposing that God had ordained that the Empire should be his: but the matter fell out quite contrarie to his expectation. For being in this thought, he commanded Euodus, that as soone as he might, and as soone as the day should arise, he should suffer him of the two young princes to enter in vnto him, who should arriue the first. He walking out met with Caius before the chamber doore (for Tiberius was not there, who being ignorant of that wich his grandfather thought, was busie about his breakfast) and said vnto him: That the Emperour his father called for him, and with all suffered him to enter. When Tiberius beheld Caius, he sodainly began B to consider vpon the power of God, who depriued him of the meanes to dispose of the Empire, according as he had determined with himselfe, for that it lay not in his power; and he lamented greatly, not so much for that he sawe his deliberation could not be brought to effect, as for that his sonne Tiberius was distated of the Roman Empire; and besides that, was in danger of his life. For he made reckoning that they, who were more stronger then he, would not suffer him to conuerse among them, and that alliance could not assure him his life: for sometimes for feare, and other whiles for hatred, some one would accuse him, that he went about and busily Tiberius addicted to the Mathema [...]kes sought to seaze the Empire; or that he had complotted some stratageme, least he should lose the Empire with his life. In a word, Tiberius was verie much addicted to Astrologicall predictions and natiuities; so that the greater part of those things which he executed in all his life time; C was ordered thereby.
He seeing Galba one day comming towards him, spake this of him to certain of his familiars: He foretelleth Galbas succession in the empire. Behold the man that shal be one day honored with the Roman Empire. And amongst al the Emperors, he gaue greatest credit to diuination, for that in certaine things he had found the coniectures correspondent to truth. But at that time he was so grieuously disquieted, by reason of the misfortune that had hapned; yea he was in such sort grieued, as if his grandchild had bin already lost, & he blamed himselfe for that he had sought these presages: for that he might haue died without falling into that desaster, in being ignorant of that which was to come; whereas now he should die in the knowledge of their mishaps, whom he loued most intirely. Being thus troubled to see that the soueraigntie of the Empire should contrarie to his intention fall into their hands, who D by his will should not enioy the same, although it were with hearts griefe and contrarie to his will; yet spake he to Caius after this manner which ensueth: ‘My sonne, although that Tiberius be Tibetius recommendeth the Romane, empire, and Tiberius his grandchild to Caius. more neerly allied vnto me, then you are; yet notwithstanding both by mine owne aduice, as also by the wil of the immortall Gods, I cōmit vnto your hands the Empire of the Romans. I require you therefore, that when you shall enioy the same, you forget not the good will I haue borne towards you, who haue established you in so high and worthe a dignitie; and charge you likewise that you forget not your Cousin Tiberius, but knowing that by the will of the Gods I am he, who after them am the author of so many goods, which haue befallen you, you returne me the like good will and affection: and that likewise you take care of Tiberius, by reason of your mutuall alliance: for you ought to know that Tiberius serueth you for a bulwarke to maintaine your Empire, E and your owne life; and if he die, it will be the beginning of your mishap. For it is a perilous matter for those, who are raised to high dignities, to be sole and without allies. Furthermore, the Gods doe neuer leaue them vnpunished, who attempt or act any thing against the lawes of consanguinitie.’These were the last words which Tiberius spake to Caius, who promised him to performe all that which he required, notwithstanding he meant nothing lesse, For incontinently after he was installed in the Empire, he caused Tiberius to be made away, bethinking him of those diuinations: as also the same Caius died anon after by a conspiracie that was practized Caius killeth Tiberius. against him. When that Tiberius had declared Caius his successor in the Empire, he liued not many daies after, and died after he had gouerned twentie two yeeres, fiue moneths, and three daies. Thus Caius was the fourth Emperour: F
The Romans hauing intelligence of Tiberius death, greatly reioyced at the good newes; yet durst they not assure themselues: and though of long time they would haue willingly redeemed Caius Caligula the fo [...]? Romane emperour. the truth of thése reports with a good summe of money; yet feared they least the newes should be false, and least if they shewed themselues too deligent in expressing their signes of ioy, they should afterwards be accused for it, and lose their liues thereby. For onely Tiberius had done much mischiefe to the noble families in Rome, being of himselfe a man cholericke, implacable Tiberius a tyrant. [Page 478] towards all men without any occasion, hauing a naturall inclination so cruell, that the easiest pain G The yeare of the world, 4001, after Christs Natiuitie, 39. Marsias Agrippas freeman certifieth him of Tiberius death. whereunto he adiudged those whom he condemned, was death: notwithstanding therefore that each man tooke pleasure to heare the newes, yet did each one conceale it, vntill such time as they might be more fully assured thorow the feare of those miseries they foresawe, if the matter should fall out otherwaies. But Marsyas Agrippas free-man, hauing certaine notice of Tiberius death, ranne speedily to comfort his Master Agrippa, with these good newes, and meeting with him as he came out of the Bath, he made a signe vnto him, and tolde him in the Hebrew toung, the Lyon was dead. Agrippa conceiuing that which he meant, was rauished with ioy, and said vnto him: I will requite thee for all those benefits I haue receiued at thy hands, and especially for this good newes; prouided that it prooue true. The Centurion, who had the keeping of Agrippa, considering what expedition Marsyas had vsed in running, and the pleasure that Agrippa had conceiued in his report, he began to suspect some alteration, and asked them what had hapned: and H whereas they delaied to giue him an answere, he importuned him the more. Whereupon Agrippa tolde him plainly what he had heard, in that he had growne alreadie into inward familiaritie with him. The Centurion reioiced at this newes, as well as Agrippa, hoping to speede the better thereby, and made Agrippa good cheere: but whilest they were in the midst of their banquetting, and drunke freely; there came one vnto them, who tolde them that Tiberius was aliue, The rumour was spred in Rome that Tiberius was aliue. and that within fewe daies he would come to Rome. The Centurion troubled with this newes, for that he had committed a Capitall crime in eating in the companie of a prisoner, vpon the newes of Caesars death, and by reioycing with him, he droue Agrippa out of the place where he sate, and reprochfully saide vnto him: Thinkest thou (said he) that I know not how falsely thou I spreadest the rumor of Caesars death? yes be assured thou shalt answere thy lie with the losse of thy head. This said, he caused Agrippa to be bound, whom before time he had suffered to go at libertie; and shut him vp in more close prison, then he had been before: so that Agrippa was all that night long in this extreame miserie. The next day the rumour was spread thorow the whole Citie, that confirmed Tiberius death, and at that time euerie one boldly protested it. There were some also, who offered sacrifices for this cause, and there came letters also from Caius, which Caius certifyeth the Senate and Piso of Tiberius death, and his succession, and willeth that Agrippa should be lent to his owne lodging. were addressed to the Senate, by which he certified them that Tiberius was dead, and how the Empire was committed to his hands. He wrote an other also to Piso, who had the guard of the Citie, containing the like report, and besides that, commanding him to transferre Agrippa from the company of those souldiers, by whom he was kept, to the same place where he was lodged K before; so that from that time forwards, he waxed confident. For although he was as yet a prisoner, yet liued he at his owne discretion. Caius arriuing in Rome, brought with him Tiberius body, which he burned most magnificently, according to the custome of the countrey. And although he were verie willing to deliuer Agrippa the same day; yet was he disswaded from the Tiberius funerall. same by Antonia, not for any ill will she bare the prisoner, but in regard of Caius honour, least thereby he should shew himselfe to be glad of Tiberius death, in setting him at libertie so speedily, whom he had committed to prison. When as therefore some few daies were ouerpast, he sent for him to his house, and caused him to be powld, and his garments changed, and that done, he set a diademe vpon his head, and made him king of Philips Tetrarchy, to which he annexed Lysanias Tetrarchy, and changed his chaine of yron into a chaine of gold of the same waight, & sent Caius createth Agrippa king; and giueth him two tetratchies. Agrippa departeth into his kingdome. The yeare of the world, 4002. after Christs na [...]uitie, 40. Maruslus into Iudaea to gouerne there. The second yeere of Caius raigne, Agrippa asked licence L to repaire into Iudaea, to the intent he might dispose of his kingdome, purposing to returne againe at such time as he had dispatched those affaires. Which when the Emperour had granted him, he came into Iudaea, and was seene and saluted for a king beyond all mens expectation, serning thereby for a most notable example vnto men to expresse vnto them how great the power of destinie is in humane affaires, considering the poore estate wherein he had been before, and the happinesse which he enioyed at that time. Some termed him happy, in that he resolutely followed his hopes, othersome could scarcely beleeue that he was in this sort aduanced.
CHAP. IX. Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 14. Alias, cap. 16. Herodias Agrippas fister enuieth hir brothers happines, and inciteth her husband to seeke [...] kingdome. M
Herode the Tetrarch is banished.
HErodias Agrippas sister was married to Herode the Tetrarch of Galilee and Peraea. She enuied her brother to see him raised to so great authoritie, and to farre greater dignitie then her husband enioyed. For which cause she was displeased, that her brother, who fled out of his countrey in that he wanted meanes to pay his debts, was returned in great honor, [Page 479] and with greater substance. This charge endured she with great hearts griefe, especially at such The yeare of the world. 4002. after the Nat [...] tie of Christs. 40. A time as she saw him apparelled like a king, & enuironed with a great multitude of people, and impossible was it for her to hide the bitternes of her griefe; for which cause she incited her husband & perswaded him to make a voiage to Rome, & to purchase as much as he possessed. For said she, I cannot endure to liue, if Agrippa Aristobulus son condēned to death by the sentence of his owne father (so poore and indigent, that to redresse his necessities wherewith he was daily pressed by his creditors, he was constrained at last to flie to Rome) should returne with such titles of a king, and that her husband who was a kings son, & was called to the kingdome by his father, should liue obscure, & passe his life like a priuy man. Husbād (said she) if heretofore it hath bin no preiudice vnto thee to liue in lesse dignitie, then erst thy father hath done; now at leastwise, desire that due honor which belongeth to thy family: neither thinke it to be sufferable to subscribe to him in estimation, B who in times past hath beene maintained by thy bountie. Neither suffer it to be thought (thorow thine owne slouth) that he in his necessitie had better meanes and industrie to obtaine an ample fortune, then you amidst your mightie aboundance, as if it redounded not to thy shame to be thought inferiour to him at this time, who not long since, except by thy mercy had no meanes to liue. Let vs therefore hastily repaire vnto Rome, and neither spare gold, siluer, or any other expence, for that it auaileth vs not so much to keepe the same, and to employ the same in the purchase of a kingdome. But Herode disswaded her as much as he might, for that he contented himselfe to liue in quiet, & suspected the confusion that was at Rome, which he endeuoured as much as in him lay, to lay open to Herodias. But the more negligent she saw him, the more instantly incited she him to seeke out the kingdome, and neuer gaue she him ouer vntil she had conformed C him to her desire: Whereunto he the rather listned, in that she might not be drawne from her resolution. Heuing therefore furnished himselfe after the most magnificent manner, and spared no cost, he repaired to Rome, and led Herodias his wife with him. Agrippa smelling their intentand the preparation they made, made his prouision likewise. And hauing notice that they were put to He rode with Herodias repaire to Rome. Agrippa sendeth Forunatus with letters and presents after him. Baiae are certaine hathes in Campanis not farre from Puteol. sea, he sent Fortunatus one of his freemen to Rome, with presents to the Emperour, and certaine letters against Herode, with commission to certifie Caius of euery particular, according as the occasion should serue. He embarking himselfe after Herode, had a happy passage, and was onely preuented by him, but for the space that Herode presented himselfe to Caius: for he incontinently followed him, and deliuered his letters. For they arriued at one time at Puteol, and found Caius at Baia, a village of Campania, distant from Puteol some fiue stades, inriched with most royal and D sumptuous pallace; for that euery Emperour enforced himselfe to exceed the honour of his predecessor, by reason of the hot bathes that naturally issued out of the earth, seruing both for the health of the bodie, and recreation of the spirits. Whilest Caius talked with Herode in that hee visited him first, he receiued Agrippas letters, containing Herodes accusations; for they accused him of a conspiracy made and complotted betwixt him and Seianus, since the beginning of Tiberius Herode is accused for fauouring Artabanus the Parthian. Herode is perpetually banished and confined in Li [...] ons in Frahe [...] and Agrippa is made Lord of his lands and goods, and Herodias despising Caesars bounty accompanieth him in exile. Empire: And how for the present he fauoured Artabanus king of the Parthians to the preiudice of the Emperour Caius: of this the preparations Herode had stored vp in his Arsenals, gaue euident testimony, which were sufficient to arme seuentie thousand men of warre. Caius was sore moued with these informations, and asked Herode if that which was informed him as touching his warlike preparation, was true. He vnable to contradict the same in any thing, for feare he E should be conuicted of falshood, auowed no lesse. Whereupon Caius supposing the accusation of his reuolt to be sufficiently approued, depriued him of his Tetrarchy, and annexed it to Agrippas kingdome; bes [...]owing Herods substance also vpon him. He banished him likewise for euer, and confined him in the citie of Lions in France, and vnderstanding that Herodias was Agrippas sister, he gaue her all that which in right appertained vnto her. And supposing that she would not willingly accōpany her husband in that his calamity, he told her that her brother should be her warrant. But she gatio him this reply: ‘Mightie Emperour, you speake magnificently, and as it well beseemeth so great a maiesty, but there is a cause that hindreth me from partaking the benefit of that bounty, which you intend towards me, which is the affection that I beare vnto my husband, whom if I should forsake in this his misety, it would verie ill beseeme me, in that I haue beene F a partner with him in his felicity.’ Caius displeased with this her resolute answere, banished her likewise with her husband, and gaue the confiscation of her estate also to Agrippa. God did after Caius at the first gouerned the commonweale verie happily, but after wards vsurped diuine honours. this maner punish Herodias, in regard of that enu [...]e which she had conceiued against her brother, and plagued Herode in that he had so lightly listned to the foolish perswasions of a woman. But Caius gouerned the Empire the first and second yeere of his raigne, with most noble directions, behauing himselfe graciously towards all men, whereby he obtained the good liking of the Romanes, [Page 480] and the fauour of his other subiects. But in processe of time the greatnes of his estate G The yeare of the world. 4002. after Christs birth 40. made him surpasse the limits of humane condition, and challenge to himselfe the title of diuinitie, whereby he gouerned all things in contempt of God.
CHAP. X.
The sedition of the Iewes and Grecians in the citie of Alexandria.
ANd whereas there arose a sedition betwixt the Iewes and Grecians, that inhabited Alexandria, Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 15. al. cap. 17. Appion prince of the Alexandrians embassage accuseth the Iewes because they ascribed not diuinitie to Caefar. three chosen Embassadours on eyther side were sent vnto Caius. One of these Embassadours of Alexandria was Appion, who charged the Iewes with many outrages, and amongst other things he alledged that they made no reckoning of honouring Caesar: And H that whereas all other subiects of the Romane Empire had erected altars and temples in honour of Caius, and in all other things had receiued him as a God, the Iewes supposed it to be a dishonor for them to honour his statues, or sware by his name. After that Appion had vrged many things, and inueyed grieuously against the Iewes, hoping that Caius would be prouoked against them, as in all likelihood and appearance it should haue fallen out, Philo the chiefest among the Embassadours of the Iewes, a man offamous memory, and brother to Alexander Alabarcha, Philo Iudaeus for the Iewes is shut out, and can get no audience, & committeth the cause to God. being experienced in Philosophy, enforced himselfe to answere those accusations which were vrged against the Iewes. But Caius commaunded him silence, and willed him instantly to withdraw himselfe, and was so sore displeased that it appeared very manifestly, that he intended some hainous reuenge against them. Whereupon Philo departed after he had beene grieuously [...]aunted, I and spake thus vnto the Iewes that flocked about him. ‘We must be of good courage, since Caius in words seemeth to be displeased with vs: for in effect he will arme God in our behalfe against himselfe.’
CHAP. XI.
Caius sendeth Petronius into Syria to make warre against the Iewes, who should refuse his statue.
BVt Caius being sore displeased for that the Iewes only despised his ordinances, sent Petronius into Syria to succeed Vitellius in his roome, charging him with a strong army to inuade Alias, cap. 19. Caesar sendeth Petronius into Syria, and cō maundeth him in spight of the Iewes to plant his statue in Gods temple. K Iudaea: and if they willingly admitted his statue, that then he should place it in the temple of God; but if they denied the same, then that ouercomming them by warre he should inforce them to condiscend thereunto. As soone as Petronius came into Syria, he endeuoured himselfe to satisfie Caesars commaund, and hauing assembled as great an army as he could possibly leuy, and leading forth with him two legions of Romane souldiers, he wintered at Ptolemais, intending vpon the first spring to inuade Iudaea. All which he signified to Caius by his letters, who commending him for his industry, aduised him to vse all expedition therein, and to make warre The Iewes repaire to Prolemais beseeching him that he would not bring his statues into the holy citie. against those who should disobey his commaundements. Meane while diuers thousands of the Iewes resorted to Petronius, who soiourned at Ptolemais, beseeching him not to constraine them to do that thing which was contrary to their lawes, or to transgresse the ordinances of their forefathers. L ‘For if (said they) you haue wholy decreed to bring and erect this statue in our temple, first depriue vs of our liues: and afterwards doe that which shall seeme good in your eyes. For it is impossible for vs as long as our soules remaine within our bodies, to permit that which is forbidden by our lawes, or to suffer such impiety in regard of that honour, which we owe vnto our lawmaker, and our predecessors, who haue ratified our lawes to the entent we should increase in vertue. Petronius enraged at this their protestation, answered thus. If I were Emperour, and of mine owne mind enterprised this action, you had reason to vse these kinds of insinuations vnto me. But since Caesar hath sent me this commission, there is no contradiction, but that I must obey his decrees: For if you resist the same, you shall endure a most seuere and rigorous punishment for your disobedience and contumacy. Hereunto the Iewes answered. My Lord (said they) M since your pleasure is such as you will not in any sort transgresse the commaund and contents of Caesars letters, neither wil we also any waies violate or infringe the prescript of our law, vnder hope of the diuine assistance and in imitation of the vertue of our ancestors: For we are not so faint hearted, that vnder hope of a vaine and vntimely desire of life, we should break those lawes which almighty God hath proposed vnto vs, vnder the reward of eternall felicity: for which cause we will endure all fortunes whatsoeuer; so as our countrey law and religion may remaine inuiolate, [Page 481] and we are readie to encounter any misfortune, vnder hope that God will assist vs, for whose honour A The yeare of the world, 4002. after Chriss birth 40. we feare not to aduenture on any danger. This had we rather doe, then by obeying thee thorow cowardise, to incurre perpetuall ignominie; and that which is more, Gods wrath in neglect of his lawes, whose authoritie euen in thine owne iudgement, is more to be regarded, then Caius commission. Petronius coniecturing by these their answeres, how hard a matter it was to estrange them from their opinion, & perceiuing that he could not do for Caius that he expected in the erection of his statue, without great bloudshed, wherby much murther and inconuenience might follow, he tooke certaine of his neerest and deerest friends with him, and posted to Tiberias, that he might more conueniently and circumspectly looke into the Iewes actions. They The Iewes meet Petronius at Tiberias, Beseeching him not to violate the sacred citie with his images. fearing some imminent danger thorow the warres they expected from the Romans, and greater mischiefe thorow the breach of their lawes, assembled once more many thousands of them, and B met with Petronius at Tiberias, beseeching him that he would not inforce them to that necessitie, nor defile their sacred Citie with forbidden images. Whereunto Petronius answered: Therfore (said he) you will fight with Caesar, without regard either of his abilitie or your owne weakenesse? We will not fight (said they) but we will rather die then depart from our lawes. Whereupon prostrating themselues, and laying open their naked throats, they said they were readie to entertaine their deaths. In these tearms continued they for the space of 40. daies, neglecting their husbandrie, whereas at that time it was the chiefest seed time. For it was most resolutely concluded among them, rather to suffer death then to admit the statue. Whilest the matter stood vpon these tearmes, Aristobulus Agrippas brother, and Elcias surnamed the Great, accompanied with diuers of their houshold traine, and some of the chiefest among the Iewes, came vnto Petronius, Aristobulus king Agrippas brother and Elcias the high Priest intreat Petronius in the Iewes behalfe. C beseeching him that he would consider the obstinacie of the people: neither giue them occasions to draw them into desperate actions, but rather that he would write vnto Caius, with what obstinacie the people refused the dedication of his image in the Temple: and how giuing ouer the care of their husbandrie, they prepared themselues for the warre without any trust or confidence in their owne strength, being rather addressed to die then to suffer so great an indignitie to be offered to their religion. Besides, how giuing ouer their tillage there was nothing to be expected but robberie, whereas they should want meanes to pay their customes, by which meanes they hoped that Caesar would be mooued to moderate his seueritie towardes that nation, and not to giue them cause of rebellion: and that if he might not be mooued from the prosecution of the warre, that then he might go forward with his businesse.’This was the effect of Aristobulus D request.
But Petronius partly in respect of their praiers, who instantly vrged him, and the waightinesse of the action; partly in regard of the contentious purpose of the Iewes, supposing that it was a Petronius promiseth the Iewes to write vnto Caius in their behalfe, and exhorreth them to follow their husbandry. matter vnworthy a man to put so many thousands of men to death, to satisfie Caius vnbridled desire and insolence, and touched with the feare of God, and the remorse of his own conscience, he had rather to his owne danger informe the Emperour of the absurditie of the matter, by his letters, being no waies ignorant of his wrathfull spirit and forwardnesse in reuenge, except his furious passion and expectation were answered. For this thought he, that although it altered not his resolution, but happily inforced his displeasure against him, in that he did not speedily execute his cōmaund; yet that it was the duetie of a good man no not to refuse an assured death, if so be E he might saue so guiltlesse and huge a multitude. ‘When as therefore he had assembled the Iewes togither in Tiberias (when many thousands of them resorted thither) and disposed all those warlike forces that at that time gaue attendance on him round about him, he tolde the Iewes first of all, not his owne, but the Emperours intent, who would make them shortly taste his displeasure, and enforce them to beare the burthen of his indignation, who were so bold as to contradict him. For himselfe, that it necessarily concerned him, that since by the Emperours fauour he had receiued so great houour, he should not commit any thing contrarie to his commaund. I hold it (said he) a matter most iust to employ my life & honor for you, to the end that so huge a number of men should not be drawne into danger of death, and I will respect the excellencie of the lawes of your fathers, for which you thinke you ought to entertaine warre and danger: neither is it lawful F to suffer the temple of God to be defiled by the authority of princes: I wil therfore write vnto Caesar and certifie him of your mindes, and in all that I may, I will assist you to obtaine your requests. God (whose power surpasseth all industrie and humane force) vouchsafe to conduct you, and make you constant in the obseruation of your lawes, and grant that he thorow excessiue desire of humane glorie, commit not any thing that may offend God. And if Caius be displeased and inforce his ineuitable displeasure against me, I will vndertake all danger, and endure all torments [Page 482] both in body and spirit, to the end that I may not behold so many vertuous men, as you G The yeare of the world. 4002. after Christs Natiuitie. 40. are, perish in your good and iust actions. Go therefore each of you, and plie your worke, and till your lands, my selfe wil send vnto Rome, and both in my selfe and by my friends, I wil employ my selfe for you.’After he had spoken thus, he dismissed the assembly, praying the chiefest amongst them to encourage the husbandmen to plie their businesse, and to confirme the rest of the people in their good hope. Of himselfe also he ceased not to animate them. And truely God shewed his assistance to Petronius, and assisted him in [...]ll his affaires. For as soone as he had finished his After a long & continuall draught there fell a sodaine shower. discourse vnto the Iewes, there sodainly fell a great raine beyond all humane expectation. For the day was verie faire, neither was there any appearance of raine in the ayre, and all that yeere long there was an extreme drought; so that men were past hope to haue any moisture, notwithstanding that sometime there appeared certaine clouds in the heauens. At that time therfore the H water fell in great abundance, and besides the expectation and opinion of men, the Iewes conceiued hope that Petronius, solliciting their cause, should not bee repulsed. But Petronius was more amazed then all the rest, seeing euidently that God vndertooke the affaires of the Iewes, and gaue them testimonie of his manifest assistance; so that they that were their professed aduersaries, had no meanes to contradict them, as he himselfe wrote to Caius at large, with inductions Petronius writeth to Caius. and exhortations, to the end he should not drawe so many thousand men into a desperate resolution, and vnhappy death. For without warre it was impossible for them euer to make them forsake their religion. Furthermore, that he would not cut off and lose the reuenue which he receiued of that nation; and would not erect a trophey of an euerlasting curse and malediction against himselfe. Adding moreouer, what the power of their God was, which he had so cleerely I declared, that no man ought to doubt, but that his mercifull hand was ouer them. This is the content of Petronius letters.
On the other side king Agrippa, who at that time conuersed at Rome, grew more and more in fauour with Caius, hauing entertained him at a banquet, wherein he enforced himselfe to exceede Agrippa honoureth Caius in Rome, and in rewarde thereof Caius willeth him to demand somewhat, who desireth nothing else then that Petronius cō mission to erect the statue should be reuoked. all others in sumptuousnesse, as in all other sorts of delights and pleasures; yea with such festiuals entertained he him, that not onely others, but also the Emperour himselfe could not attaine to such magnificence; so much inforced he himselfe to exceed all others thorow the great desire he had to content and satisfie Caesar in all things. Caius was abashed at this his courage and magnificence, seeing Agrippa enforce himselfe aboue his power and meanes to abound in siluer, and all this to the intent to please him. For which cause Caesar in acquitall of his kindnes, K intending to honour Agrippa to his vtmost power, in granting him that which he most desired, being one day whet with wine, inuited him to drinke a carouse: adding these words; ‘Agrippa, I haue heretofore known the honour thou hast shewed towards me, and thou hast expressed the earnest affection that thou bearest me, in hazarding thy selfe in diuers dangers, into which thou hast been drawne during Tiberius life time, and hast omitted nothing, no not in that which exceedeth thy power to shew thy vertuous affection towards me. For which cause I thinke that it should be a great shame for me, if I should suffer my selfe to be ouercome by thee in kindnesse, without some answerable correspondence: I will therfore put that in practise which I haue heretofore omitted. For all those things that hitherto I haue bestowed on thee, are of no reckoning. My will is that thy readines and vertue should at this present be requited, by such means as might L for euer make thee happy. Now he spake after this manner, hoping that Agrippa would begge some great prouince at his hands, or the reuenues of some Cities.’
But although he had already prepared his demaund, yet did he not discouer his intent, but gaue Caius this ready answere, that whereas he had serued him to the dislike of Tiberius, it was not for the gaine he expected heretofore, and for the present also he did nothing vnder hope to be rich, contenting himselfe that he was in the Emperours good fauour. That the benefites he had receiued by him, were great, yea exceeding all that which he durst euer haue hoped. For (said he) although they be but small in comparison of your greatnesse, yet in respect of my selfe, who haue receiued them, and in my conceit and qualitie, they are verie great. Caius being amazed at this his courage, insisted the rather to perswade him, that he would grant him all that he would M require at his hands. Whereupon Agrippa said: Dread prince, since it is your good pleasure to thinke me worthy to be honoured by your presents, I will not request any thing at your hands that may tend to inrich me: for that by those goods you haue already giuen me, I am greatly honoured: but I beseech and request one thing at your hands, which will purchase you the reputation of pietie, and will procure God to be propitious vnto you in all your actions, and which also will breed me much glorie among those, who shall heare that I haue not been refused in my [Page 483] demaund, which concerneth me more then the necessities of this life: I therefore beseech you The yeare of the world. 4002. after Christs birth 40. A that it will please you to giue commandement, that that statue, which you haue charged Petronius to erect in the temple of the Iewes, may neuer be aduanced there. This was Agrippas request, which to his great hazard he presented the Emperour with, knowing verie well how perilous a matter it was, and as much as concerned his life to demaund any such thing at Caius hands, that was not answerable to his humour. Caius on the one side mooued with the seruice Agrippa had done him, and on the other side seeing how great an indignitie it should be for him, if before such an assembly of witnesses, he should deny that which he had so instantly pressed Agrippa to request, as if he sodainly had repented himselfe; and admiring Agrippas vertue (who hauing meanes within a little time to augment his particular estate, either by reuenues or other commodities, had preferred the common cause, the lawes of his countrey and pietie before all these) he granted B him his supplication, & wrote to Petronius, praising him for that he had vsed such diligence in assembling his army, as also for al that wherof he had certified him, annexing these words: If (said he) you haue alreadie planted the statue, as I commanded you, let it remaine in the place: but if it be not done, be thou no more troublesome to the Iewes, but dismisse thine army, and repaire thou in person to that place whither I haue sent thee. For I vrge no more the erection of that statue, for the desire that I haue to gratifie Agrippa, whom I intirely honour, and in such sort, as it is impossible for me to contradict any thing whatsoeuer, that either he hath neede of, or shall require. These were the contents of those letters, which Caius wrote to Petronius, before he vnderstood that the Iewes bethought them of reuolt: for they made it known, that rather then they would endure that statue, they would hazard a warre against the Romans: which when Caius vnderstood, C he was extremely sorrowfull, and being a man addicted to all villanie, and estranged from all honestie, and who gaue place to no good counsel, incontinently after he had conceiued a displeasure against any man, & who likewise thought it a great good hap for him to accomplish all that whatsoeuer he pleased, hee wrote againe to Petronius to this effect: Since the presents Caius writeth to Petronius charging him to murther him selfe for neglecting his commaund. which the Iewes haue giuen thee, haue preuailed more with thee then my commaundements haue done, so as to please them thou hast despised that which I haue enioyned thee, I make thy selfe the iudge how much thou hast deserued to incurre my displeasure, to the end that thou maist serue for an example to all those, who shall come after thee, that an Emperours commandement ought not in any sort to be neglected. Although this Epistle was both written and sent, yet did not Petronius receiue the same during Caius life time, for that they that carried the same, were D staied by crosse windes; so that Petronius receiued those letters that certified him of Caius death, before he receiued the other. For God would not forget Petronius, who exposed himselfe to great dangers for the loue of the Iewes, and for the honour of God. And Caius being taken out of the world by Gods wrath being kindled against him, by reason that he affected diuine honors, receiued his reward; and Petronius obtained fauour both at Rome, and thorow all his whole gouernment, and especially among the principall Senators, against whom Caius was accustomed to vomit his cholericke disgraces. He died a little after he had written the letter to Petronius, by which he threatned and denounced him death. Hereafter will I declare the cause why he was taken out of this world, and the maner how treason was complotted and wrought against him. The letter that brought tydings of Caius death, was deliuered to Petronius first, and incontinently after E Petronius receiueth letters of Caius death before those whereby he was commanded to kill himselfe. hee receiued that wherein he enioyned him to kill himselfe. He highly reioiced at this his good hap, and Caius death, and admired Gods prouidence, who speedily and happily had rewarded him both for the honour that he bare vnto his Temple, as also for the assistance he vsed towards the Iewes. Behold how Petronius escaped from death, by an vnexpected meanes.
CHAP. XII.
That which hapned to the Iewes t [...]t were at Babylon, and of the two brethren Asinaeus and Anilaeus. Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 16. al. cap. 20. A grieuous commotion among the Iewes in Mesopotamia and Babylon,
IN those daies there hapned a grieuous commotion amongst those Iewes that inhabited F Mesopotamia and Babylon, and such slaughters and calamities as neuer the like hath bin declared in our former narrations; which in that I intend to report both particularly and seriously, I will rippe vp the whole cause thereof from his first originall. There was a Citie called Nearda belonging to Babylon, stored with inhabitants, and enriched with many fruitfull possessions, sufficiently to sustaine so great a multitude: Moreouer it was such as might bee hardly inuaded by the enemy, both for that the riuer Euphrates hemmed it in on one side, as [Page 484] also for that it was defenced with very strong walles. Vpon the same riuer also there stood an G The yeare of the world, 4003. after Christs Natiuitie, 41. Nearda Nisibis two cities of Babylon. other citie, called Nisibis, in which the Iewes, in respect of the strength of the place, kept their Dragma, which they were accustomed to offer vnto God, and the rest of their votiue money. These two cities therefore serued them for two store houses, and from thence, according as the time required, they sent the money they had gathered to Ierusalem, and committed the conuoy thereof to diuers thousands of men, for feare least it should be taken away by the Parthians, who at that time had the soueraignty in Babylon. Among these Iewes liued Asinaeus and Anilaeus two brethren, borne in Nearda; whose father being dead, their mother set them and bound them Asinaeus and Anilaeus, boris in Nearda, retire into a certaine place, and great companies flocke vnto them. to the weauers trade, for that amongst those nations it was accounted no indignitie to follow that trade: for both men and women exercise themselues therein. It hapned that their master with whom they lernt their occupation, beat them one day, for that they came somewhat late vnto H their worke. They taking this chasticement of his as if a great iniury had beene done vnto them, betooke themselues to their weapons, whereof there were great store in that house, and retired themselues into a place where the floud deuideth it selfe into two parts, which naturally abounded with excellent pastures, and such fruits as were reserued for the vse of winter. To these men there flocked a number of needy persons, whom they armed, and became their captaines, and no man opposed himselfe against their insolent proceedings. Being by this meane growen absolute and impregnable, for that they had builded themselues a strong fortresse, they sent vnto the inhabitants, commaunding them [...]o pay them tribute for their cattell which they pastured; so that this tribute gaue sufficient to entertaine them, promising vnto those who obeied them all friendship, and that they would maintaime them against all those that should iniury I them, of what place soeuer they were: but if they did not that which they commaunded them, they threatned them that they would kill all their cattell. The inhabitants of the countrey knowing themselues vnable to crosse them, obeyed them, and sent them the number of cattell which they required; so that greater forces daily coupled themselues with them, and they grew of that power, that they could make their excursions against those whom they intended to hurt. Euerie one respected them, and they were feared by all men, so that their renowne came at last to the eares of the king of Parthia.
The gouernour of Babylon likewise intending to cut off this mischiefe before it grew to greater Asinaeus and his companions be set by the gouernors and princes of Babylon. head, assembled as many men as he could possible, both Parthians and Babylonians, and marched forth against them, with an intent to root them out before they should haue any K inkling thereof, to prepare themselues for their defence. Hauing therefore prepared his army, he lay in ambush neere vnto a marish, and the next day following (which was the Sabboth, in which the Iewes forbeare all kind of worke, he making his account that the enemie durst not make head against him, but without stroke striking he should lead thē away captiues) he marched easily▪ thinking to charge them vnawares. Asinaeus, who at that time by chance sate idly with his fellowes, uing his armes fast by him:‘Ye men (said he) methinks I heare the neighing of horses, not such as when they are in their heat, but as when they are backt by men. Moreouer, I heare the noise of their bridles, and I feare least the enemies secretly stealing vpon vs, should circumuent vs: let therefore some one of vs go and discouer what the matter is, and certifie vs truly of that which he shall perceiue: I would I were found a lyar in that which I haue told you. ’This said, some one L of them went out to espie what the noise intended; who returning hastily backe againe, told him that he had not falsly coniectured as touching the intent of the enemy, for that they were at hand, and would not suffer themselues any longer to be outbraued by them. Hee also declared that there was a mightie number of horsemen, who were assembled like a droue of beasts, sufficient & able vtterly to ouercome Asinaeus & all his cōpany, forasmuch as they were not in a readines to defend thēselues: for that we are forbidden by our law in any sort to trauel on the sabboth. Asinaeus determined with himselfe not to doe that which the spie had said, but thought that it was better for them to behaue themselues valiantly in that their necessity wherein they were plunged, & that if they must needly die, it better became them to make breach of their law, then to hearten their enemies by their submission. He therefore presently betook himselfe to his weapons, and M encouraged all those that were about him, to make it knowne in effect what their valour was. Whereupon all of them at once marched forth against the enemy, and slaughtered a great many Asinaeus after he had incouraged his soldi ers, putteth his enemies [...]o flight. of them, for that they despising Asinaeus and his followers, marched as if they went to lay holde on men alreadie vanquished; but in the end they were constrayned to betake them to flight.
When the bruit of this skirmish was brought to the eares of the king of Parthia, hee was [Page 485] wholy astonished at the boldnes of these two brethren, and he had a desire to see them, and to The yeare of the world. 4003. after Christs birth 41. A speake with them. He therefore sent one of the trustiest of his guard, to let them vnderstand that although king Artabanus had beene iniured by them, in that they had inuaded his countrey; notwithstanding said this embassador, he making lesse account of the displeasure he hath conceiued against you, then of your vertue, hath sent me vnto you to giue you my hand and troth in his name Asinaeus and Anilaeus are sought vnto by Artabanus for friendship. for safe conduct & securitie in your voyage, requiring you to be his friends: he conditioneth therfore with you without any deceit or fraud, promising you gifts and honours, and determineth to increase your dignity by his power. Asinaeus refused to enterprise this voyage, but sent his brother Anilaeus with certaine presents, such as he could possibly find. He therefore departed with the messenger, and presented himselfe before Artabanus; who seeing Anilaeus come alone, asked him how it hapned that Asinaeus came not with him, and vnderstanding that he staied in his B marish thorow the feare that he had of him, he swore by the gods of his ancestors, that he would doe him no wrong, wishing them to giue credit to his promise, and he stretched out his hand, which is the greatest signe which the kings of that countrey vse to assure those that parlie with them. For after they haue mutually giuen one another their hands, there is no sinister practise to be feared, and they from whom a man expecteth any harme, are no more to be feared at such time as they haue giuen this testimonie of assurance. That done, Artabanus sent backe Anilaeus to perswade his brother Asinaeus to come to the court. Artabanus did this, supposing that this his amitie with the two brothers would be a bridle for the Iewes, who otherwaies might encroach vpon his gouernments. For he feared least if any rebellion should happen, and he should be troubled in that warre, Asinaeus and they of Babylon should grow more strong, both C by the voluntarie submission of the Iewes, as by force: and thereby should do him the more mischiefe. Vpon this deliberation he sent Anilaeus, who easily perswaded his brother, giuing him to vnderstand among other things, what goodwill the king bare him, and the oath that he had sworne, so that both of them resorted to Artabanus, who receiued them verie gratiously, admiring Asinaeus vertue, who had so great a courage to exercise his enterprises, considering especially that hee was a man of a lowe stature, and who to looke on seemed to be contemptible: And hee told his friends that without comparison, he had a greater heart then his bodie.
And whē as in banqueting he had named Asinaeus & shewed him to Abdagasis the general of his army, signifying vnto him with what valour these brethrē were endowed in feats of arms: Abdagasis D Abdagasi [...] would haue slaine Asinaeus but Artabanius will not permit him, required that it might be lawful for him to kil Asinaeus, to the end that he might punish the wrōgs he had done to the estate of the Parthiās. Neuer (said the king) wil I giue my consent to betray a man, who hath committed himselfe to my protection: and hath giuen me his hand, and who buildeth vpon the oath I haue past vnto him in the name of the Gods. But if thou art a valiant man in feats of armes, thou hast no need to make me foresweare my selfe, to the end I might do iustice on him for his outrages committed against the Parthians: but at such time as he and his brother shall depart from hence, assaile him, and ouercome him by thy valour, prouided that I be not priuie to thy attempt. And afterwards calling Asinaeus to him in the morning: It is time (said he) that thou returne homeward, for feare thou prouokest diuers of the captains of my court, which contrary to my will, vvill endeuour themselues to kill thee. I commit the Artabanus committeth the territories of Babylon to Asinaeus charge and dismisseth him with gifts. E countrey of Babylon to thy protection and guard, which by thy care and vigilancy shal remaine exempt from all robberies, and other such calamities. Reason it is that I procure thy good, because I haue engaged mine honour & faith irreuocably vnto thee, not vpon any light matter, but for things that importune thee as neerly as thy life. This said, he gaue him certaine presents, and incontinently disinissed him. Now as soone as he returned home to his owne fortress, he fortified the places, both those which before time he had thorowly defenced, as the other which as yet no man had attempted to strengthen, and in short time he grewe to that greatnes, as no one man of so obscure fortune & beginning attained before him. Neither contented with the honours of the Babylonians, he was also held in great account by the captaines of the Parthians, who were sent to gouern in the neighbouring prouinces: yea so much increased his authority with his power F that all Mesapotamia was at his commaund: In this felicitie and increasing glory of his, he continued for the space of fifteene yeeres, which neuer began to waine vntill such time as neglecting the auncient studie of vertue, and contemning the lawes of his forefathers, both he and his factious followers being deuoured in pleasure, yeelded themselues captiue to forraine lusts. It fortuned that a certaine gouernour of those Parthians came into that countrey, accompanied with his wife, not onely enriched and endowed with other perfections, but also admired for her incomparable [Page 486] comlines and beauty. Whom without euer seeing her, only by report of her beautie The yeare of the world. 4003. after Christs Natiuitie. 41. Anilaeus killeth a noble man of the Parthians, and leadeth away his wife. G Anilaeus Asinaeus brother loued intirely: and when as by no one of his allurements he could obtaine her fauour, neither had any other hope to enioy the Lady, he could not bridle his vnruly lust, but he made warre against her husband, and killing the Parthian in their first conflict, his wife became his both in subiection and bed-seruice, which thing was the originall of many mightie calamities both to himselfe and towards his brother. For when as hauing lost her former husband, she was led away captiue, she carried with her the images of the gods of her country, which she highly esteemed, according as it was the custome of those that inhabited that place, to haue their gods whom they adored in their houses, whom at such time as they trauell into a forraine country, they carrie about with them. She therfore brought them with her, and vsed them according to the fashion of her countrey at the first secretly: but after she was knowne for Anilaeus H wife, then adored she them according to the custome, and with the same seruice which she vsed during her first husbands daies, sacrificing to her gods.
Their chiefest friends seeing this, first of all reprooued them, for that Anilaeus committed such things, as were no waies vsed amongst the Hebrewes, and altogither repugnant to their lawes, for that he had married a woman of a forraine nation, that contradicted and violated their accustomed religion: for which cause they aduised them to beware, least in submitting themselues too Anilaeus being reprooued for his wifes idolatrie killeth one of his friends. much to their vnbridled pleasures, they should lose the honor and power they had receiued from God, euen vntill that present. But seeing their perswasions profited nothing, and that Anilaeus likewise had villanously slaine one of his deerest friends, who had somewhat too freely reproued him (who at such time as he lay a dying, being touched with the zeale of the lawes of his auncestors, I & with griefe against his murtherer, wished that Asinaeus and Anilaeus and all their associates might die the like death: they for that they were transgressors of the lawe; the other, for that they succoured not themselues in that oppression, which they suffered for the maintenance of their lawes.) They were sore displeased, yet notwithstanding they contained themselues, calling to their remembrance that their felicity proceeded from no other cause, but from the valour of those brethren.
But when they vnderstood that the Parthian gods were adored by this woman, they bethought them that it behooued them not any more to beare with Anilaeus, in contempt of their lawes: for Anilaeus is accused before his brother Asinaeus, but he winketh at his Fault. which cause, addressing themselues to Asinaeus in great assemblies, they exclaimed against Anilaeus, saying, that he ought, although at first he had no power to dispose of himselfe, yet now at K last, to correct this error before it should redound to their publike plague: for that both his mariage was disallowed in all mens eies, as altogither contrarie to their countrey lawes, and that the superstitious obseruance of the gods, which the woman presumed to vse, was an apparant iniurie offered to the true God. But he although he knew that his brothers fault would breed some great inconuenience, both to himselfe and his followers, yet being ouercome with brotherly affection, he easily pardoned his brother, ascribing his error to the violence of his vnbridled passion. But whereas daily more and more he was tired with exclamations, and greater reproofes, at length he admonished his brother of the matter, chiding him for that which was past, and willing him to amend the error hereafter, by sending home the woman vnto her kinred. Yet did this admonition of his take no effect with him, for that the woman perceiuing that the rumour L that was raised among the people was for her sake, and being affraid least for her loue sake Anilaeus should incurre some danger, she poisoned Asinaeus, to the end that her loue being in authoritie she might more freely practise her impietie. Now when Anilaeus had gotten the gouernment Asin [...]us poisoned by the Parthian woman. into his owne hands, he drew out his forces against certaine villages belonging to Mithridates, one of the chiefest among the Parthians, and Artabanus sonne in lawe, which villages hee spoyled, and carried away moueables, men, sheepe and other riches. When Mithridates, who at that time was resident in those quarters, vnderstood of the spoile of his villages, he was sore displeased; and the rather for that without any occasion or proffer of iniurie, Anilaeus had assailed, Anilaeus draweth his forces into Mithridates countrey, and spoileth his villages, and taketh him prisoner. him in contempt of his estate, who was a chiefe peere of the countrey: for which cause he incontinently assembled the greatest power of horse and footmen he could gather, to set vpon Anilaeus M and his associates. Leading his forces therefore against one of his villages, he kept himselfe in couert to the end he might fight the next day; which was the Sabboth day, on which the Iewes attempt not any thing. Whereof when Anilaeus was aduertised by a certaine Syrian, who dwelt in an other village, who had exactly tolde him all Mithridates intent, and the place where he intended to banquet with his souldiers, after he had made his souldiers take their refection, he departed by night to the end he might charge the Parthians before they might be aduertised of [Page 487] his comming. He therefore rushed in vpon them about the fourth watch of the night, and slew The yeare of the world. 4003. after the Nat [...] tie of Christ. 41. A those whom he found a sleepe, and the rest being astonished hereat were forced to saue themselues by flight: he also tooke Mithridates prisoner, and caused him to be carried away naked on an Asse, which is one of the greatest disgraces which the Parthians imagine may be offered them. Hauing after this disgracefull manner carried him into a fo [...]est, some of his familiars perswaded him to kill him: but Anilaeus tolde them incontinently, that they ought to deale with him farre otherwise, for that it behooued them not to kill a man, who was one of the chiefest among the nobilitie of the Parthians, and one vvho vvas most honoured in regard of that affinity and alliance he had with the king: that although all that which heretofore had beene offered to Mithridates were insupportable; yet if they should be the meanes of the safegard of his life, hee would remitte the iniuries; and remunerate them for their mercie in sauing B his life; whereas if they should deale seuerely with him, the king would seeke his reuenge, and make a horrible slaughter of all those Iewes that inhabited Babylon: whom they ought to haue compassion of, both for that they are of their bloud, as for that if any mischiefe should be fal them, they knew not whither to retire themselues; whereas they might be assisted with the flower and picked number of the men of their nation. Hauing thus discoursed and debated the matter in the eares of his souldiers, his opinion was approoued, and they were perswaded; and so Mithridates Anilaeus dismisleth Mithridates. was sent backe againe.
But no sooner returned he home vnto his house, but that his wife hit him in the teeth, that he liued but by the mercie of his enemies; notwithstanding he were the kings sonne in lawe: that he had made no reckoning to punish those, who had so much iniured him: that he likewise contented C himselfe to haue his life saued after he had been prisoner to the Iewes. ‘For which cause (said she) recouer thou thy former vertue and honor, which thou hast heretofore lost, or I sweare by the Gods of the king my father, that the bond of marriage which is betwixt thee and me, shal be dissolued. ’ Mithridates vnable to endure these vsuall reproches, and on the other side, apprehending his wiues hautie coarage, from whom he feared to be separated; he assembled the greatest power of men of warre that he could possible, notwithstanding it were against his will, and led them foorth; supposing himselfe to be vnworthy of life, if he who was by nation a Parthian, should be cowardly put to ye worst by the Iews. When Anilaeus vnderstood that Mithridates came forth against him with a great force, he thought that it would redound greatly to his indignitie, if he should lie lurking amidst his matshes, & hoping that he should haue no worse fortime against D his enemies, then he had at the first; and building much vpon his souldiers, vvho vvere euer wont to get the vvper hand in their encountries, he likewise drew forth his army: to them also certaine other adioyned themselues, who sought noughtels but pillage, and hoped that vvith their onely presence they might dismay their enemy.
But after they had marched about ninetie stades, and passed thorow a countrey that vvas scant of vvater, and vvere about the heate of the midday trauailed vvith thirst: Mithridates army came in sight and charged them euen at that time, vvhen they fainted for vvant of drinke, and thorow the extremitie of heate; so as they could scarcely vveild their vveapons. At that time Anilaeus souldiers encountring vvith Mithridates fresh men, vvere shamefully put to flight: vvhereby it came to passe, that a great number of them vvere murthered, and many thousand men put to E the sword. But Anilaeus himselfe and all those of his companie retired themselues in great haste into a forrest, leauing Mithridates Lord and Maister of the field, vvhereof he vvas verie ioyfull. A great number of dissolute persons flocke [...]o Anilaeus, with whō he spoyleth certaine boroughs of the Babylonians. Notwithstanding this desaster, an infinite number of lawlesse men resorted to Anilaeus, vvho set little by their lines, prouided there might no limit be proposed to their vnbridled licentiousnes; so that he gathered a greater number of men, then those vvhom he had lost: yet vvere they fa [...]e different in valour from the former: for they vvere men vvholy ignorant of vvarlike discipline, notwithstanding he being accompanied vvith these men, vvent and set vpon c [...]rtaine burroughs of the Babylonians, vvhich vvere vvholy destroyed by his rapine and violence. For vvhich cause; the Babylonians and his other enemies sent vnto Nearda to the sewes that were there, requiring that Anilaeus might be deliuered into their hands: vvhereunto condiscending not (for although F they had a wil to perform their request, yet it lay not in their power to deliuer him) they required The Babylonians require Anilaeus that they may punish him: they assaile & [...]ay him. that they might liue in peace. And to intreat of the conditions of peace, the Babylonians sent certaine men to conferre with Anilaeus. They hauing suruaied the place wherein Anilaeus kept, assailed both himselfe and his followers by night, and slew all those they encountred with, without resist, and among the rest Anilaeus. When the Babylonians sawe that they were deliuered from the oppression of Anilaeus, who till that time had been as it were a bridle vnto them to restraine [Page 488] and curbe the hatred they conceiued against the Iewes, with whom they had oftentimes been at G The yeare of the world. 4003. after Christs birth 41. oddes, by reason of the contrarietie of their religions, whereby it grew that they oftentimes fell at debate vpon each opportunitie, wherein they met.
At that time therefore that Anilaeus men were discomfited, the Babylonians set vpon the Iewes on all sides; who seeing themselues in danger by reason of the insolence of the Babylonians, against whom they were too weake to make resist, and on the other side vnable to liue amongst The Iewes afflicted by the Babylonians repaire to Seleucia. them, they went and dwelt at Seleucia, a Citie famous in regard of Seleucus the sonne of Nicanor who builded it. In that Citie dwelt diuers Macedons, diuers Greekes, and a great number of Syrians. The Iewes fled thither, and soiourned there about some fiue yeeres, without any molestation; but in the sixt yeere, when the plague grew rise in Babylon, the Iewes that remained there, vvere enforced to seeke them some newe habitation; and that remooue of H theirs into the Citie of Seleucia was the cause likewise of their further mischiefe, as I will make manifest. The Greeks, who dwell in Seleucia, are ordinarily at debate with the Syrians, & haue alwaies the vpper hand; but after that the Iewes came to inhabite in that place, in a certaine sedition that arose among them, the Syrians had the vpper hand, by the meanes of the Iewes, who ioyned their forces with theirs, who of themselues were valiant and good souldiers. The Greeks, who had been repulsed in this tumult, seeing they had but one onely meanes left them to maintaine their former honour, but to breake that league of friendship which was betweene the Syrians and the Iewes, deuised in priuate each one with those Syrians, with whom they were acquainted, promising to liue in peace and amitie with them, whereunto they condiscended willingly. Fiftie thousand Iewes slaine in Seleucia. The Iewes that were saued repaire to C [...] phon. For the chiefest of these two nations concluded the peace, which presently after followed, to the I end that on both parts they should ioyne in hatred against the Iewes. So that altogither charging them at vnawares, they slew more then fiftie thousand of them, and all of them were slaine, except some few, who thorow the mercie of their friends, and war [...]ntize of their neighbours were suffered to escape. These retired themselues to Ctesiphon a Citie of Greece, that was not farre from Seleucia, where the king soiourneth euerie yeere, and keepeth the greatest part of his mooueables, hoping in that place thorow the reuerence of the king they might remaine in more safetie and securitie. All the nation of the Iewes that vvere in these quarters stood in great feare: For the Babylonians and the Seleucians vvith all the Assyrians of that countrey, accorded The Iewes retire into Ne [...]da & Nisibis. among themselues to make a generall warre against the Iewes; vvhereby it came to passe that they assembled themselues at Nearda & Nisibis, trusting themselues to the strength of these K fortresses, which were inhabited also by men, who were expert in armes: See here what the estate of those Iewes was, who remained in Babylon.
THE XIX. BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE L IEWES,
- 1 How Caius was slaine by Cheraeas.
- 2 How Claudius obtained the Empire.
- 3 Dissension betwixt the Senate and the people.
- 4 How Claudius aduaunced Agrippa to his fathers Kingdome, and his edicts in fauour of the Iewes. M
- 5 Agrippas returne into Iudaea.
- 6 Petronius Epistle to Doritas in the behalfe of the Iewes.
- 7 Agrippas actions vntill the time of his death.
CHAP. I. The yeare of the world. 4004. after Christs birth 42. A
How Caius was slaine by Cheraeas.
CAius did not onely expresse and manifest his furie towards those Iewes that Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 1. Caius tyranny towards the Iewes. Caius tyranny towards the Senators and Patricians. dwelt in Ierusalem, and in other neighbouring places; but also thorow all the countries both by land and sea, which were subiect to the Romane Empire, filling the whole world with an infinite number of mischiefes; yea such and so hainous as the like hereof hithe [...]to haue neuer beene heard of. But Rome in especiall felt the force of his furie, which partooke no lesse calamity and misery, then any other citie: but especially the Senators, Patricians, and B noble men were plagued. They also that were called Romane knights, who in wealth and dignitie were next vnto the Senators, for that out of their number such men were chosen, who were to supply the Senat, were vexed with intolerable iniuries. For with ignominies they were detracted, with banishments and confiscations weakned, & by slaughters wholy exterminated. He likewise vsurped the name of a God, commaunding his subiects to dignifie him with more then humane honours; and ascending the Capitol, which amongst all the temples in Rome is most religiously honoured, he was so bold as to salute Iupiter, and to call him brother. Many such impieties committed he, by which he expressed that his vnbridled and boundles madnes did neuer forsake him. Caius calleth himselfe Iupiters brother. Amongst his other madde prankes that he plaied, this is worthie of memorie: for on a time, thinking it to be too much trouble for him to crosse the sea between Puteol a citie in Campania and C Misenum an other towne seated by the sea shore, in a galley; and otherwaies esteeming it a thing correspondent to his greatnes, who was Emperour, to exact that superioritie on the sea which was answerable to his soueraignty on the land, betwixt one cape of the sea vnto another for the space of thirtie furlongs or stades, betwixt which the gulph had his course, he caused a bridge to be built, on which he commaunded himselfe to be drawen in a chariot, as if that way were aunswerable to the dignitie of his deitie. He left not one temple of Greece whatsoeuer, that he spoiled Caius spoyled al the temples of Greece. not of those excellent pictures or imagery that was therein: Giuing a commission that all statues and whatsoeuer ornaments, or gifts, & presents that were dedicated in any temple, should be brought vnto him, saying, that such things as were admirable, should be reserued for a place of admiration, such as was the citie of Rome: with these spoyles of the temples decked he his pallace D and gardens, and generally all his houses and pallaces; that he had in Italy. He was so impudent also, as to giue direction, that Iupiter Olympius statue; which the Greekes had in great estimation, and Phideas the Athenian caruer had made, should be transported to Rome. But Memmius Regulus, to whom he had directed this commission, executed it not, because the masons informed Caius commaundeth Memmius Regulus to transferre Iupiter Olympius to Rome. him, that without spoyling it they could not remoue it from the place. It is reported also that he was hindered from this execution by such prodigies as are almost incredible, which he certified Caius of, giuing him to vnderstand; what the occasion was that had moued him to disobey him therein, and whilest he was in danger of death for this his delay, the sodaine and successefull death of Caius warranted him from the same. Yea so farre stretched his vnbridled fury, that hauing a daughter newly borne, he caused her to be caried into the Capitol, and laid at the feete of the E Image of Iupiter, saying, that that child was common betwixt him and Iupiter, leauing the iudgement Caius compareth himselfe with Iupiter. to all men, which of the two parents were the greatest. And notwithstanding all these his misdemeanours, yet did men tolerate him.
He gaue liberty to slaues also to accuse their masters, of whatsoeuer crimes they would, which was so much the more hateful, because all things were done by Caesars authoritie, & to his good liking: Caius gaue slaues [...]ree liberty to accuse their masters, & counteānced Pollux to accuse his master Claudius. so that Pollux, who was Claudius bondman; durst accuse him, and Caius the Emperour, was contented among the Iudges to heare his vncle brought in question for his life; hoping (although it fell out otherwise) to picke out an occasion to put him to death. For hauing filled all the countries of his Empire with false accusations, and all sorts of mischiefes, and giuing slaues a prerogatiue aboue their masters; their Lords deuised many conspiracies against him, some for spight, F and with an intent to reuenge them of those iniuries they had receiued: other some pretending Many conspiracies against Caius. by his death to preuent those inconueniences that threatned them. In a vvord, his death concerned the securitie of the lawes and the safetie of all men, and had he not beene speedily cut off, ont nation almost had beene vtterly exterminated. For which cause I thought good to make an exact and ample declaration of euerie occurrent, namely, for that the knowledge there of maketh very much towards the manifestation of Gods power and will, which bring consolation vnto those [Page 490] who are in aduersitie, and keepe them within the bounds of modestie, who suppose that their G The yeere of the world, 4004. after Christs Natiuitie, 42. Three conspiracies against Caius. Emilius Regulus. Cassius Chaereas. Annius Minucianus. prosperitie should continue alwaies firme, and that although they neglect vertue, thinke that no euill may befall them. Three plots of conspiracie were intended against him, and purposed to his vtter mine, each of which was attempted by men of great reckoning. For Aemilius Regulus, who was borne in Corduba in Spaine, was fully resolued to kil him himselfe, or to make him away by the meanes of his confederates. Chaereas Cassius colonel ouer a thousand men, was the chieftain of an other band; and Annius Minucianus was in no lesse readines to doe his vttermost herein. The cause that moued thē to accord thus altogither in hatred against Caius, was, that in resp [...]ct of Regulus, he was by nature a detester of all iniquitie: for he was a man endowed with great magnanimitie, and beautified with a liberall spirit; so as he dissembled not any of his counsails, but communicated them with many, who either were his friends, or valiant men fit for execution. And as H touching Minucianus, he was induced to seeke his reuenge thorow the desire he had to doe iustice on him in Lepidus behalfe, who had beene one of his especial friends, & one of the rarest men that were euer found among the Roman citizens (whom Caius had put to death thorow the feare he had conceiued of him) knowing well that all they against whom Caius was incensed, could not escape with lesser indignitie then losse of life. As for the third man Chaereas, he could not endure the shame & reproch of cowardise that Caius had obiected against him, but feared besides that, his friendship & inward familiarity with Caius would draw him into manifest dangers: for which cause & his owne securitie, and honours sake, he thought good to make him away. Generally all of them were resolued to ridde the world of Caius, & bring an end to his pride and tyrannical power, for their hope was that their attempt should haue good successe, which if it happily fel out, their coū trey I and cōmonweale should reape the fruits therof, for whose securitie & safetie it became them to hazard thēselues, though it were with the losse of their heads. But aboue all the rest Chaereas was egged on with a desire he had to grow famous, and thorow the facilitie & conuenient means he had to finish the same, because his colonels roome gaue him most secure accesse vnto him.
About that time the Circensian games were solemnized, which is a kind of pastime which the Romanes very willingly behold, and to this intent they resort to the place of these exercises, and the common people is wont to demaund somewhat at their Emperours hands, which they The Cireensian games. C [...]ius c [...]useth diuers to be murthered, who request mitigation of their exactiōs. desire to obtaine; and they after they haue examined their requestes, doe neuer refuse them. Now they required with instant and importunate supplications, that Caius would discharge them of their taxations, and moderate the excessiue tributes which they paied: but he K would giue no eare vnto them, and caused those to be apprehended who called vpon the matter most earnestly, sending of his guard some of them one way, some of them another, to put them to the sword. After he had giuen this commaundement, and they, who receiued the charge had fully executed it, there were a great number of men slaine. The people seeing this, ceased to exclaime any more, setting light by their goods; and seeing before their eies that their refusall would be the cause of their deaths. These considerations incited Chaereas the more Chaereas for many causes is incited against Caius. to execute his enterprise, to the end he might finish his furious and lawlesse life, whose pleasure was all mens iniury, & preiudice. And very oftentimes was he determined to set vpon him whilest he banqueted, yet deferred he to do the same, not for that he failed or fainted in his resolution, but because he expected some fit oportunitie to hit him home and speede him to the death. He L liued captaine of Caius guard a long time, yet tooke hee small pleasure in conuersing with him.
But after that Caius had appointed him to gather in his tributes, and that money which was confiscate, he seemed to haue lesse occasion then before: for at that time he had doubled their paiments, in the execution whereof he followed his owne nature rather then Caesars commaund, and spared those of whom he ought to haue compassion for their pouertie sake. Caius was sore displeased herewith, and obiected it against him, that the cause why he delayed the bringing in of his money, was his cowardise and negligence: And amongst other outrages that he offered him, as oft as he gaue him the watchword, as he vsually went to setch it once a day vpon his watch day, he gaue him the names of women and other that were full of ignominie, notwithstanding that he himselfe was not exempt from note of no lesse daintines. For in certaine ceremonies M which he himselfe had established, he attired himselfe like a woman, and was disguised with certaine vailes, whereby he might the better counterfait that sexe, and yet notwithstanding durst he obiect this dishonour to Chaereas. As oftentimes as Chaereas receiued the watchword, so often times grew he in choler, which was increased the more at such time, as he deliuered the same to his companions, who openly mocked and iested at him. For when it was his turne to receiue the word from Caesars mouth, he ordinarily fitted him with such a one as might moue laughter, [Page 491] which made him the bolder to conspire with his confederates, in that he had iust occasion to The yeare of the world. 4004. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 42. Popedius is accused of a crime by Timidius vnto Caesar. A be displeased: amongst these was a Senator, and one that had past all honours and offices, otherwaies an Epicure and louer of delights. Him did Timidius accuse (in that he was his enemy) that he had vsed certaine iniurious speeches against Caius: and for proofe thereof he alleadged Quintilia for his witnesse, a woman amongst all stageplaiers deerely beloued by many, but in especial by Popedius, by reason of her incomparable beautie, and for that she refused to beare witnesse in a matter falsely obiected against him, whom she intirely loued, Timidius required that she might be examined by torture. Caius prouoked herewith, commaunded Cheraeas with all expedition and diligence to see Quintilia tortured, and the rather gaue he Cheraeas these commissions, to kill and torment those whom he pleased, for that he had conceiued this opinion, that he would acquit himselfe with more crueltie, to the intent he might exempt himselfe of that reproch of faintheartednesse, B which was wrongfully inforced against him. Whilest thus Quintilia was led forth Caius cōmandeth Quintiliana to be tortured who confesseth nothing. to be tortured, she trod vpon the foote of one of those, who were of the confederacie, giuing him to vnderstand that he should be of good courage, for that there was no feare that she would bewray any thing in torture, but would endure it with great constancie: notwithstanding Cheraeas tormented her cruelly, which he rather performed by constraint then of his owne free will. And seeing he could enforce nothing out of her, he brought her backe to Caius, in so pitifull an estate, that all they that beheld her had compassion of her. Caius likewise himselfe was mooued, and bethinking him of those paines which she had indured, he desisted from the enquest and accusation Popedius is absolued. which was prosecuted against Popedius and Quintilia, and gaue her a certaine summe of money, to comfort her against the indisposition that might happen by reason of her torments, C which she had so couragiously enduted.
This displeased Cheraeas verie much, as if he had been the cause of all those euils that had hapned to those two persons, hauing been so great, that to heale them it behooued Caesar to minister a medicine. He consulted therefore with Clement, who was captaine of the footmen, and Papinius, who had the commaund of the guard, and spake vnto them to this effect: ‘We haue (said he) Cheraeas conferreth with Clement and Papinius. O Clement imployed ourselues to the vttermost for the Emperours safetie, for by our prouidence and trauell we haue wrought so much, that of all those, who haue conspired against him, some of them haue been slaine: the rest in such sort tormented and martyred, as Caius himselfe had compassion on them. But what reward or honour receiue we for all these seruices?’ Clement hearing these words, held his peace, giuing manifest testimonie by his lookes, and the change of his colour, D that he was greatly ashamed that he had so long time obeyed the Emperours commandements: and whilest he thought with himselfe that it was no pollicie for him to open his mouth against Caius crueltie, Cheraeas emboldned himselfe to discouer the calamities and dangers, wherein both the Citie and the whole Empire were plunged, telling him that the common report was, ‘that Caius was the cause of them: but (said he) those that will narrowly examine the truth, will iudge that I and Papinius that standeth by me, and you Clement more then we, haue caused the Romans torment and the worlds miserie, for that of our own will we haue been ministers of Caius commaunds; and although the means lieth in vs to make an end of those violences that are committed against the Citizens, and iniuries to the whole world: yet serue we him for his guard and hangmen, insteed of men of warre. And we beare armes not to maintaine our libertie, and the E Roman Empire, but to preserue him, who keepeth their bodies and mindes in seruitude, and euerie day are we soiled in their bloud, who are slaine and tortured, vntill such time as some one serue vs with the like sauce, to satisfie Caius crueltie. For it is not for the good will he beareth vs, that he maketh vse of vs, but that which is more, we are suspected by him, and he will cause vs to be slaine, as he hath done others. For his displeasure is not limited by iustice, but by his will: we also shall serue him for a marke to ayme at: For which cause it behooueth vs to prouide for the securitie and libertie of all men, and especially to warrant our selues against those dangers that threaten vs.’
Clement declared by apparant signes that he thought well of Cheraeas resolution, but he counselled him to make no wordes of it, for feare the rumour thereof should be spred among the F people, and the secret should be discouered before the execution: and least that Caius getting an inckling thereof, they should all of them be drawne into danger of death, and in the meane while it behooued them to hope that some good fortune would fall out to their furtherance: and that for himselfe, his age had taken from him the necessarie courage that belonged to such enterprises. ‘It may be (said he) that I may furnish you with some aduice more secure then yours is, Cheraeas: for a more honester then it is, who is he that can propose?’This said, Clement returned to his [Page 492] house, ruminating with himselfe vpon those words, which he had both heard and spoken. But G The yeare of the world. 4004. after Christs birth 42. Cornelius Sabinust. Chaereas waxed fearefull, and conferred with the Colonell Cornelius Sabinus, whom he knew to be a man of reputation, a louer of libertie, and greatly discontented with the estate about the miseries of the common weale; and seeing it was necessarie to attempt that with all expedition which he had intended, he thought good to impart the matter to him, fearing least Clement should discouer all the conspiracie, considering that delay and procrastination, would be but an occasion to hinder the action. When as therefore he perceiued him to giue willing eare to all that which he intended, and that alreadie he was confirmed with no lesse resolution, then himselfe was; but in that he knew not with whom he might familiarly communicate the same, he said nothing: whereas otherwaies he was readie not onely to conceale that which he had heard, but also declared Annius Minutianus. that which he had in his heart, he was so much the more incouraged. For which cause H without any further delay, they went to Minucianus, who was conformable vnto them in vertue, good affection, and great courage; and who besides that, was suspected by Caius by reason of Lepidus death. For Minucianus and Lepidus were verie great friends, and had been associates in the same dangers. For Caius was feared by all those, who had any publike office, sparing none of them in particular or in generall, but made them all grone vnder the burthen of his furie. Now they knew well one another, that all of them were displeased to see the common weale in that estate: but the apprehension of the danger, suffered them not to manifest the hatred that each one of them bare to Caius, although that their secret conceit engendred amongst them a certaine amitie. For before that time, as oftentimes as they met togither, they were accustomed to esteem Minucianus, for the most honourable man of the companie; as in truth among all the Citizens I of Rome, he was the most famous, valiant and best esteemed among them: being therefore assembled at that time, he was first of all requested to speake his opinion. For which cause he asked Chaereas, what the watchword was he had receiued that day (for all the citie knew verie well what mockerie Caius vsually vsed in giuing Chaereas the watchword) Chaereas notwithstanding this disgrace, failed not to answere him relying on the wisedome of Minucianus, and said vnto him.
‘But giue you me for the watchword Libertie; meane while I giue you thanks for that you haue awakened me more speedily then of my selfe I haue accustomed to be. You neede not now any further inforce your selfe to incite me by your words, since both you and I haue vndertaken the same resolution. Before we were assembled in this place, our thoughts were vnited. Beholde here my sword, that is girt vnto my side; this shall suffice for vs both. And if you please, you shall K be my captaine, and I will march vnder your commaund, and will follow you vnder assurance of your assistance, and wisedome. They, who haue valiant harts, neuer want armes: for it is a confident courage that makes the weapon walke. That which enkindleth me thus to this action, is not the consideration of my particular interest: For I haue not the leisure to thinke on those dangers that threaten me thorow the griefe that I conceiue, to see the libertie of my countrey changed into seruitude: and the force of the lawes wholy abolished, and all sorts of men assigned to death by the crueltie of Caius. It is I that deserue to be trusted in this execution, and I make you my iudge, since you haue the like intention, as I haue. Minucianus perceiuing with what affection Chaereas spake, embraced him with all loue, and after he had praised him, he exhorted him to continue his constancie: then departed they the one from the other, with prayers and wishes, and L at that time there hapned a presage that confirmed them the more. For as Chaereas entred into the Senate, some one among the people cast out a word, that redoubled his courage: Dispatch (said he) that which thou hast to do: for God will assist thee.’ Chaereas was somewhat affraid, least Chaereas with certaine others intend to kill Caius. some one of his associates had betraied him. But at last he thought that it was some one of those, who being priuie to his resolution, gaue him a watchword to animate him the more; or that it was God, who gouerning and obseruing humane affaires, pushed him forward. After he had imparted this his deliberation to diuers, sundry Senators, Knights, and men of war, being aduertised hereof, were in armes. For there was not any one that supposed not that Caius death was the greatest good hap the common weale could expect. For which cause all of them enforced themselues, as much as was to them possible, to assist that execution with couragious and vertuous M resolution: and as forward were they in affection as in power; in words as in effect; desiring each of them to be partakers in the dispatch of a tyrant. For Calisthus also, who was Caius free-man, and Calisthus Caius freeman certifieth Claudius that Caius commaunded him to poison him. raised by him to great authoritie; yea such as he almost equalled him, adioyned himselfe vnto them for the feare he apprehended of all men, and for those great riches, which he had gathered togither, for that he was a man of a corrupt conscience, and easily woon by bribes and presents, doing wrong vnto all men, and abusing the power that he had against whomsoeuer he pleased, [Page 493] contrarie to all right and reason. Besides, for that he knew the vnbridled nature of Caius, who hauing A The yeare of the world. 4005. after Christs birt [...] 43. once conceiued an ill opinion of any man, could neuer afterwards be disswaded or reconciled. Amongst diuers other dangers that he had to apprehend, the greatnesse of the danger of his riches was not the least, which was the cause that made him serue Claudius, and secretly to follow him vnder hope, that after Caius death, he should be his successor in the Empire, and that at that time he should by him be maintained in the same estate, which he inioyed: and by this means thought he to obtaine his amitie and good liking, by giuing him to vnderstand how Caius had commaunded him to poison him, and how he had inuented infinite delaies to defer this execution. As for mine owne part, I thinke that Calisthus forged this matter. For if Caius had pretended to kill Claudius, he had not been disswaded by Calisthus allegations, who had incontinently receiued his reward, if he had deferred to execute his Masters command, with all expedition in B a matter so acceptable to him. So it is, that the prouidence of God would not permit Caius to execute that rage against Claudius, and Calisthus was thereby thanked for a benefite which he no waies deserued.
Those that were about Chaereas day by day, followed the action verie slowly, notwithstanding that he willingly delayed not, but thought all occasions fit to finish his purpose in, for that hee Chaereas expe [...]h the occasion to assaile Caius. might assaile him at such time as he ascended vp into the Capitol, or euen then when he solemnized those ceremonies, which he had instituted in honour of his daughter, or at such time as hee stood in the pallace to scatter gold, and siluer money among the people, by casting him from the toppe of the pallace into the market place, or at such time as he celebrated those mysteries, that were introduced by him. For no man suspected Chaereas, so discreetly had he behaued himselfe in C al things: and he perswaded himselfe that no man would haue thought, that he should lay violent hands on Caius. And although he had done nothing to any effect; yet so it is, that the power of the gods was sufficient to giue him force, and to kill him without drawing weapon. Chaereas was sore displeased against his companions, in respect that he feared that they would let slippe their occasions; and although they perfectly knew that he trauailed for the maintenance of the lawes, and for the good of them all: yet did they request him to delay a little, for feare least in the execution he should in some sort miscarrie, and for that cause the citie might be brought in trouble, by the informations that would be made of that act; and that finally when Caius should be so much the better defenced against them, they should not know how to shew their vertue, when the time required that they should assault and set vpon him. They therefore thought it good that D the opportunitie to set forward this businesse, should be the time in which the games of the pallace were celebrated, which were solemnized in honour of Caesar, who first of all disanulled the peoples authoritie, and appropriated it to himselfe. This solemnitie is celebrated in a tent before the pallace, where the noble Citizens with their wiues and children remained to behold the sport, and Caesar himselfe likewise. At that time concluded they that it would be an easie matter for them, when as so many thousands of people should be shut vp in so narrow a place; so that The finall conclusion of the confederates as touching Caius death? he, who would steppe formost to giue the stroke, might verie easily be succoured; for that hee could haue no force in armes, although his guard should haue the courage and desire to defend him. Chaereas resolued vpon this, and it was concluded that the first day of those sports that were next at hand, the deed should be done: but their aduenture was greater then their conclusion. E For the delay was such as the third day was almost past, & hardly could they be drawn to attempt the matter on the third day. At which time Chaereas assembled all the confederates, & told them that the opportunitie of time that ouerslipt them, accused and reproched them of slacknesse in that execution, which had been so vertuously resolued amongst them: and that it was to be feared, least if any thing should be discouered, the whole matter should waxe frustrate: by which meanes Caius might grow more cruell then he was before. ‘See we not (said he) that by howe much libertie we take from our selues, by so much we augment Caius tyrannie: wheras we ought first of all to obtaine securitie for our selues, and afterwards purchase perpetual felicitie to others, the greatest glorie whereof shall redound vnto our selues.’Now they hauing nothing to reply against so honourable a resolution, and yet notwithstanding no waies enforcing themselues towards F the action, but remaining altogither dismaied without one word speaking, Chaereas spake thus:
‘Most noble and generous Gentlemen, what is the cause that we linger and delay in this sort? see you not that this day is the last day of the games, and that Caius is readie to depart to sea? For he hath determined to saile into Alexandria, and to see Aegypt: verely it will be a small honour for vs, if we suffer him to escape our hands, to the end that both by land and sea, he may triumph [Page 494] ouer the Romans vaine boast and negligence. How can we chuse but condemne ourselues iustly, The yeare of the world. 4005. after Chris [...]s Natiuitie. 43. G and challenge nothing but dishonour, if some Aegyptian supposing that men of free condition could not any longer endure his insolence, should put the matter in execution? For mine owne part, I vvill dreame no longer vpon your consultations, but this verie day vvill I hazard my selfe, and betide me vvhat can, I will sustaine all fortunes vvith pleasure and courage. For I am a man of that mind; that no danger can be so great or grieuous to daunt me; then that Caius should be slaine during my life time, and I should be depriued of so deserued an honour, which so vvorthy an attempt may chalenge.’This said, he departed with an intent to attempt and end the matter, and encouraged the rest to do the like; so that all of them vvere desirous to set hand to the enterprise, vvithout any further delay. The custome vvas, that the captaines of the guard entred the pallace with their swords by their sides, and in such equipage they asked the Emperour the H watchword. At that time it fortuned that it vvas Chaereas turne to fet the vvord; when as a great number of people flocked to the pallace, to take vp their places to behold the games vvith great prease and noyce; wherein Caius vvas greatly delighted: for there was no distinction of place eyther for Senators or Knights, but each one sate togither confusedly, men and vvomen, slaues and freemen. Caius arriuing there first had offered sacrifice in honour of Caesar Augustus, in dignifying vvhom likewise those sports vvere solemnised. It came to passe that vvhilst those beasts vvere embowelled, that vvere appointed for sacrifice, Asprenas gowne, vvho at that time was a Senator, was besprinkled vvith bloud: wherat Caius began to laugh; yet notwithstanding this vvas a presage for Asprenas. For he was slaine that verie day that Caius was. It is reported that Caius at that time, Caius sacrificeth to Augustus Caesar. Asprenas, contrary to his own nature behaued himselfe most affably towards al men, so that all the assistants I were astonished to behold the courtesie that he vsed. After the sacrifice was done, he sate him downe to behold the pastimes, and had about him the most noble of his friends & familiars. Now was there euery yeere a Theater builded, according to this forme and fashion that ensueth: It had two gates, the one towards the open yard; the other opening vpon the porch, by which the actors had their egresse and regresse, without disturbance of those who sate to behold the pastime. The Theater. There was within the same a certaine seueral roome, separated from the rest, where the plaiers & musitions kept. When the people were seated, and Chaereas with the captaines were neere about Caesar, who sate on the right side of the Theater: Batibius one of the Senators, a man very expert in feats of armes, asked Cluuitus priuily in his eare, who sate by him & had in like sort beene Consul, whether he had heard any news? who answering him, that he had heard nothing; on this day (said K Batibius. Cluuitus. Batibius) shal the tragedy be plaid of a tyrāts death. Cluuitus made him this reply in Homers words.
Whist, least some Greeke should listen to our talke.
Now whilest some one darted certaine apples and rare and precious birds at the people, Caius tooke great pleasure to behold how they stroue one with another round about him, buffeting one another to see who should get the same: but at that present there chanced two presages: for the sport that was represented was of a Iudge, who was apprehended & crucified, and in the daunce they represented Cynera, who was slaine with Mirrha hir daughter: and there was a great quantity of bloud gathered to counterfait both the murther of the Iudge that was crucified, as also of Cynera. It is affirmed likewise, that the day was the very same, whereon Philip the sonne of Amyntas king of Macedon, had beene slaine by Pausanias one of his familiars, at such time as L he entred a Theater. Whilest Caius was incertaine with himselfe whether he should remaine vntil the sports were finished; for that it was the last day of them, or rather should resort to the bath, and after he had taken his refection returne backe againe thither, as he had done before time; Minucianus sitting next vnto him, fearing least the occasion should be ouerslipt, arose for that he had seene Chaereas depart out of doores, with an intent to go and incourage him. But Caius catcht him by the gowne, saying, whither go you my friend? at which time for the reuerence sake that he bare vnto Caesar, he sate him downe againe, but the feare that he had grew so forcible, that he arose againe; so that Caius could not detaine him, supposing that he departed thence to dispatch some important busines. At that time did Asprenas counsalle Caesar to repaire to the bath, telling him that after his refection he might returne thither againe; all which he did, being desirous M that the resolution might take effect. They that were with Chaereas were alreadie disposed to take aduantage of the time, and were agreed each of them to stand prepared and in a readines; in a place appointed, to the intent to act the tragedie: and the delay was verie grieuous vnto them; for that it vvas alreadie three a clocke after noone. So that Chaereas seeing that Caius lingred so long, intended to go in vnto him and assaile him in his seat: but he conceiued that he could not bring that to passe-vvithout great losse and murther of Senators, and Knights that were there present. [Page 495] Now although he had this apprehension; yet addressed he himselfe to the execution thereof, supposing A The yeare of the world. 400 [...]. after Christs birth 43. that the losse that might happen by the death of some one, would be wel recompenced by the securitie and libertie, that would redound vnto all men. When as therefore they were in a readines to enter the Theater; newes was brought them that Caius vvas risen to come forth, by meanes whereof there arose some noice. For which cause the confederates returned backe into the Theater, and appeased the people, telling them that they displeased and anoyed the Emperor: but the effect was, to draw him aside from all those, who might yeeld him any assistance; and so to set vpon him. Before Caius marched Claudius his vncle and M. Minutianus his sisters husband, and Valerius, who at that time was Proconsul, who might not any waies be drawen from their place, although they had the will, by reason of the place and dignitie which they held. Caius followed after them, accompanied with Paulus Aruntius. Now when he was entred into the B pallace, he left the readie way where his officers were, and Claudius vvith his associates held: he turned aside by an vnfrequented way to the bathes, vpon purpose to see certaine young boyes, who vvere come out of Asia, and were sent him out of that countrey; partly to sing in those ceremonies that were instituted by him, and partly to daunce in armes about the Theater; and in that place Chaereas came and incountred him, asking him the vvatchword: which Caius gaue him verie reprochfully according to his custome. For which cause vvithout any further delay, Chaereas assailing him both in word and act; drewe his sword and gaue him a great wound, which Caius slaine. notwithstanding vvas not mortall: some say that Chaereas purposely vvounded him after that sort, because he would not kill him at once, but to his further torment encrease the number of his wounds: but I cannot beleeue the same, for that in such executions a man hath no leasure C to determine how to strike. And if Chaereas had such an intention, I account him the veriest foole that might be, for that he rather took his pleasure to content his despight, then readily to deliuer both himselfe and others, who by his delay in being of his confederacy might be drawen into hazard. For if Caius had not beene sodainly slaine, he could not haue wanted meanes of rescous, and it should seeme that Chaereas had not pretended to doe so much mischiefe to Caius, as to himselfe and his fellow confederates. And being in this incertaintie, whether his enterprise should haue fallen out happily or no, he had without reason both vndone himselfe & lost the occasion: whereas hauing happily hit home, he might without a word speaking, warrantize himselfe against those, who would offend him. But let each man thinke what best pleaseth him. Caius feeling the griefe of the wound (for he was strooken betwixt the shoulder and the necke, and his D sword could not pierce further, by reason that it hit vpon the first bone of the breast) he cried not in any sort, neither called for any of his friends, whether it were that he distrusted them all, or that he had some other thought, and in lamenting himselfe he past onward. But he was met by Cornelius Sabinus, who was alreadie prepared to encounter him, who thrust him downe vpon his knees: whereupon all of them enuironed him round about, and with, mutuall exhortations encouraged one another to doe their vttermost in murthering him. At length in all mens opinion they agreed on this, that it was Aquila that gaue him the Aquila gaue Caius his deaths wound, but Chaereas was the author and chiefe actor of the tragedie. deadly wound, that seuered his soule from his bodie. But this act ought to be attributed to Chaereas. For although diuers set to their hands in the action; yet was he the first, who had bethought him of the action, hauing long time before any of them premeditated the E same, after what sort it should be attempted: and he also was the first that durst boldly impatt it vnto others, and who after they had allowed of his resolution assembled them: and vvhen as euerie one was to speake his opinion, hee concluded the same verie discreetly, and had alwaies done farre more then the rest; so that by his earnest and honourable perswasions, hee encouraged those that were faint-hearted, since at such time as the opportunitie presented it selfe to set hand to the execution, hee vvas the first that attempted it, and who valiantly strooke and made an easie vvay for the rest, vvho found Caius calme inough, in that hee vvas a man almost thorowly slaine. For vvhich cause it is necessarie, that all that vvhich others haue done should bee ascribed to Chaereas aduice, vertue, and diligence.
Thus died Caius, being slaughtered with many mortall wounds: now when Chaereas and his F companions had dispatched him; they perceiued well that it would be impossible for them to saue themselues, if so be they should returne by the way that they came; so much were they rauished with that which they had done. For they drew themselues into no small daunger, by murthering an Emperour, who was cherished and beloued thorow the folly of the common people, and whose death the men of warre vvould not leaue vnpunished. Now in that the vvaies were narrow where the murther was done, and they themselues also were hindered by reason of the [Page 496] great number of people, and officers and souldiers that gaue their attendance that day in garding The yeare of the [...]. 4005. after Chr [...]ts Nati [...]tie, 43. Chaereas with his confederates re [...]reth into Germanicu [...] house. The Germans Caesars guard. G the Emperor, they tooke another vvay and retired themselues into Germanicus lodging, who vvas Caius father, whom they had lately slaughtered. This house adioyned vpon the pallace. For although the pallace vvas but one, yet consisted it of diuers lodgings vvhich were builded by seuerall Emperours, vvhose names, whether they had begunne or finished the workes, were imposed on the same buildings. When as therefore they were escaped from the prease, they were in safetie as long as the inconuenient that had befallen the Emperor was as yet hidden. The first report of his death came to the Germans who were of his guard, being a company chosen out of that nation named the Celtique band, for the preseruation of the Emperours person. These men are verie prone vnto wrath, and amongst all other Barbarians, it is a rare thing in them to examine the causes of their execution: otherwise they are men strong in body, and who in the H warres alwaies giue the first onset, yeelding great aduantage to those on whose side they fight. They hauing notice of Caius murther, were vehemently aggrieued therat, for that it is their manner to censure all things, not according to right, but as they are answerable to their owne profits: Caius in especiall was deerely beloued by them, in that he had obtained their fauour by bestowing much money vpon them. Their captaine was one called Sabinus, who was not aduanced to Sabinus with his Germaine souldiers seeketh for those that slue Caius. Asprenas cut in peeces. that estate either for his vertue, or the nobilitie of his auncestors (for he was but a fencer) but for his mightie strength and huge body. They therefore ran about with their naked swords, searching for Caesars murtherers from house to house, and meeting with Asprenas at first, whose gowne (as we haue said) was bebloudied with the bloud of the slaughtered sacrifice, which was a presage that aboaded him but little good fortune, they hewed him in pieces. The second was I Norbanus (who for his nobilitie and auncestors might deriue his titles from the noblest Citizens, amongst whom were diuers generals of armies) who seeing they made no reckoning of his dignitie, Norbanus. and being of himselfe endowed with great force and strength, he tooke a sword from one of them which first assailed him; with whom he grapled, and made them know that he intended that they should buy his bloud verie deerely: and in deed so had he done, but that being inuironed by diuers, who assailed him at once, he was beaten downe, and slaughtered with many deadly wounds. The third was Anteius, one of the number of the Senators, who with some others Anteius. met not with these men by chance, as the two other had done, but to shew the hatred that hee bare vnto Caius, and the pleasure that he tooke to see him lie dead, was come out of his house, being egged on with enuie to feede his eies with that spectacle. For Caius had banished Anteius K father, whose name likewise was Anteius, and not content therwith he had sent his soldiers to kill him. He therefore with great pleasure beheld the slaughtered carkasse of this tyrant: but hearing the vprore that was raised in euerie part of the house, he thought good to hide himselfe; yet might he not auoid the narrow search of the Germans, who were so displeased, that they slew all those whom they met with, whether they were guiltie or guiltlesse of the fact. Thus were these three made away.
But after the rumour of Caius death was heard in the Theater, euerie one vvas amased, and could scarcely beleeue it. For although diuers of them vvere verie glad, that he was taken out of What sort of people they were that lamented Caius death. the vvorld, perswading themselues that it vvould highly profit them; yet did their feare hinder their beliefe. On the other side, there vvere some, who desiring not that any such mishap should L befall Caesar, and conceiuing in their thoughts, that it was impossible to be done, for that there vvas no man so hardie, as to enterprise the same; they supposed the report to be vtterly vntrue. Of this minde vvere certaine vvomen and children, slaues and souldiers. These by reason they receiued wages at his hand, and tyrannized vvith him being his ministers in all those outrages that he offered to many good Citizens, in partaking the bootie and other aduantages that Caius drew vnto him. As for the women and children, they vvere of that opinion, by reason that such kinde of people take delight in plaies, iusts, donations of flesh and other such pastimes, vvhich Caius in word pretended to do to gratifie the common people, but in effect it was to haue means to satisfie his rage and crueltie. He was also gratious among the seruants & slaues, for that by him they had the libertie to accuse and contemne their Masters, and vvere therein countenanced by M Caius. For vvhen they falsely accused their Masters, they vvere easily beleeued: and vvhen they discouered their Masters treasures, in recompence of their discouerie they vvere not onely made free by him, but also sent home with rich and ample rewards. For the reward that vvas assigned them, vvas the eight part of those goods that were confiscated. As for certaine of the nobilitie, although the matter seemed true to some of them, for that before time they vvere priuie to that vvhich the rest intended, and notwithstanding they desired that the enterprise should be effected: [Page 497] yet kept they all things close, and gaue no signe of ioy, nor made any shew that they heard The yeare of the world. 4005. after Christs birth 43. Diuers [...]umors of Caesars death. A that which was reported. For some of them feared least if they should be frustrated of their hope, they should bring themselues in danger of punishment, for that they had discouered their intent sooner then they should haue done. They likewise, vvho knew the enterprise and vvere confederates vvith the actors; yet did they more closely conceale it the one from the other, fearing least if they should discouer the matter to any one of those, vvho drew any commoditie from Caius tyrannie, they might bewray them: vvhereby if Caius should be yet aliue, they might incurre the danger of punishment. For the voice was, that he had been vvounded in certaine places; yet that he vvas not slaine; but as yet aliue; and among his Physitians hands, vvho dresied his vvounds. No man therefore durst liberally discouer the secrets of his heart to his neighbour: for they that spred those reports vvere either friends (and for that cause vvere suspected as fauourers of his tyrannie) B or enemies, and by that meanes in that they vvere but sinisterly affected towards Caius, there vvas no certaintie to be gathered of that vvhich they said. There arose also another report, vvhich abashed and beat downe the hearts and hopes of the nobilitie, namely that Caius setting light by the danger vvherein he was; and as little also by the vvounds he had receiued, was come into the market place all bloudy as he vvas, and after that manner declaimed before the people. See here how they that spred these rumours, preferred their coniectures, vvhich were voide of all reason, vvhich distracted those vncertainly that heard the same, according as they were affectioned. This notwithstanding no man remooued from his place, for feare least they should be sodainly accused, knowing well that they should be censured, not according to their thoughts and affections, but according to the disposition of their iudges and accusers. C
But after that the troupe of Germans had inuironed the Theater with their naked swords, all The Germain souldiers resort to the Theater. the assistance expected nothing but death; and as soone as any man entred, they vvere seazed vvith such an amazement, as if they had alreadie felt the strokes; so that they knew not vvhat to doe, hauing no heart to depart from thence: and otherwise perswading themselues, that if they staied there any longer, it vvould breed them further danger. Finally, vvhen the souldiers vvere entred into the Theater by force, all the vvhole assembly cried out, and besought them, protesting that vvhatsoeuer was done it vvas beside their knowledge, vvhether it vvere either attempted by conspiracie, or any other meanes. They therefore most humbly intreated them, that they would spare them, and not inflict the peualtie of the guiltie on those that vvere innocent: for their own parts, they besought them to search out those, vvho had committed the act, if any such thing D vvere committed. And thus spake they with teares; beating their breasts, and calling the gods to vvitnesse, alleadging all that which the present danger suggested them with, and as much as such as pleaded for their liues could profer. By these perswasions of theirs the souldiers furie was abated; so that they began to repent themselues of that vvhich they had executed in the Theater: for this also vvas a crueltie, as they themselues, notwithstanding their barbarous inciuilitie, supposed it to be; vvhich was, that the heads of Asprenas and other that were slaine, were carried and set vpon an altar. VVhereat all the assistants were most grieuously discontented, remembring themselues of the dignitie of the men; and hauing compassion of that which had befallen them; considering also that they themselues were not farre off from dangers, being vncertaine whether they should saue thēselues: vvherby it came to passe, that some of those, who had for good cause E hated Caius, durst not freely reioice at his death, because they were vpon the point to lose their owne liues, hauing as yet no appearance of any safetie.
At length Aruntius, a man who was gratious among the people, and was one of the common criers, who had a strong voice, and by crying such goods as were to be solde, had gathered so great substance, as that he was accounted one of the richest men in Rome, and in great estimation Aruntius entreth the Theater, and signifieth the Emperours death. amongst all men in that behalfe, entred the Theater in a mourning habit, and after a lamentable manner: and although he inwardly hated Caius; yet for the feare he conceiued least hee should lose his goods, and in consideration of the present danger, he dissembled his ioy, wearing all those garments of mourning, and vsing no lesse lamentation then if he had bemoaned the death of his deerest friend. After this manner came he into the Theater, publishing Caius death, F to the intent that the people might not be ignorant of that which had hapned: after this, he began to represse the rage of the Germans, and commanded their captaines and tribunes to put vp The Germain [...] fury awakned by the death of Caius is pacified. their swords, certifying them of the Emperours death, which act of his did manifestly saue the liues of all those, who were assembled in the Theater; and all them likewise, whom they could haue met with. For if they had had but the least surmise, that Caius had as yet been aliue, there was not any sort of crueltie which they had not committed. For they bare him so great loue and [Page 498] affection, that to warrantize him from that mishap, they would haue redeemed him with the losse G The yeare of the world. 4005. after Christs Natiuitie. 43. of their owne liues. But as soone as they vnderstood that he was dead, they repressed their furious rage, which egged them forward to reuenge: knowing that it auailed them nothing to discouer their affections towards him, in that he could yeelde them no requitall. Besides, the feare they had least that in pursuit of thir tyrannous murthers, the Senate should bee incensed against them, if so be the gouernment of the estate should be returned into their hands, made them containe themselues. Thus was the furie of these Germans appea [...]ed for the death of Caius.
Meane while Chaereas (who feared verie much least Minucianus should fall into the Germans hands, and in their furie be slaughtered by them) sought for him among the souldiers, enquiring Chaereas, Minutianus and Clemēt consult about Caesars death. of euerie one whether they knew if he were slaine or no. Wherupon Minutianus and Clement were brought vnto him, who in his presence commended Chaereas exploit, and gaue him thanks H in the name of the whole Senate, who witnessed that it was to the general benefit and good of the common weale, and that the greatest persons were beholding to him, for that hee had neither wanted good aduice in his deliberation, nor courage to execute his resolution, alleadging that the nature of tyrannie was such, that being puffed vp with a short pleasure of vniust and intolerable rule, it finally (as being hated by all good men) determined and ended in miserie, as it manifestly appeared in that which had befallen Caius, who before any thing was either deuised, practised or executed against him, was alreadie hatefull to all men, and had in such a sort violated all lawes, that his greatest friends were resolued to take armes against him, who in appearance had depriued him of life, when both in truth and in effect it was he himselfe, who was the author of his owne ruine. I
Hereupon all they arose who were in the Theater, and raised great noise and trouble in seeking to saue themselues. The occasion was, that a certaine Physition called Arcion, being called Arcion a certaine Phisition dismisseth some. out to go and dresse certaine men that were wounded, making a shewe as if he went to go and prepare such things, as were necessarie for those that were wounded, made those issue out with him who sate neerest vnto him: but the truth was, that he did it to the end to draw them out of the present danger. Meane while the Senate assembled themselues in the pallace, and the people flocked togither to make enquirie after those, who had murthered Caius: the people with an intire and simple intent, the Senate onely to vse some forward proceeding. For Valerius Asiaticus, who had otherwhiles been Consul, came foorth among the people, who were in an vprore, and suposing it a strange matter that no man knew who had slaine the Emperour, whilest euerie one K enquired who it was that had done the deed: O said he, would it had been I that had done it. But The Senate & people enquire after those that flue Caius. Valerius Asiaticus wisheth he had beene the author. the Consuls published an edict, containing the accusations that were presented against Caius, commaunding the people and souldiers, who were as yet in the Theater, to retire themselues to their lodgings. And the people were put in great hope, that they should be eased of those taxations, wherewith before time they had been burthened, and the men of war were promised honours and dignities, if they would containe themselues in their accustomed order, and stirre vp no further trouble. For it was to be feared; least if they had been further fleshed in slaughters, the Citie should haue fallen into some great danger thorow rapines, and the spoiles both of houses and temples. But by this time all the whole order of the Senate was assembled, especially those who were confederates in Caius murther, who seemed to gather courage, and to speake boldly as L if the gouernment of the estate had been fallen into their hands.
CHAP. II.
Claudius tooke vpon him the gouernment of the Empire.
WHilest the estate of the Empire was thus distracted, Claudius was sodainly fetch out of Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 2. The souldiers elect Claudius Emperour. his house: For the souldiers assembling themselues togither, and conferring among themselues what was requisite to be done, perceiued that it was impossible, that so many and so waightie affaires of the common weale should be well disposed by a popular gouernment; and that this change also would yeeld them little profit, if some of those who were in authoritie M should happen to obtaine the soueraigne gouernment. Furthermore, that it would be euery way preiudiciall vnto them, if they had not a part of the gouernance, & a hand in the administration of the common weale. Whilest therefore the soueraigne authoritie remained as yet vndisposed, they thought meete to elect Claudius, who was Caius vncle, for their Emperour; who was a man of that reputation, that none of those, who had been assembled in the Senate, was more capable then he was, both in regard of the vertue of his ancestors, as also in respect of the doctrine wherwith [Page 499] he was endowed. Who likewise being by them exalted to the dignity of the Empire, would The yeare of th [...] world. 4005. after the Na [...] tie of Christ. 43. Cnaius Sentiu [...] Saturninus declaimeth in the Senate. A honour them, and with all answerable bountie acknowledge their good deserts. This conclusion of theirs was both admitted, and presently executed: so that Claudius was receiued and elected Emperour by the men of warre. But Cnaius Sentius Saturninus hauing intell [...]gence that Claudius was in this sort elected (vvho in appearance seemed vertuously to contradict, but in effect desired nothing more) presented himselfe before the Senate: and being neither amated nor amased in any sort, he freely spake his mind; and as it became his birth and nobilitie, he spake vnto the assembly after the manner that ensueth.
‘You Lords of Rome, although it be an incredible matter, that the liberty which hath so long time beene vnexpected, should returne and visit vs; yet so it is, that vve see the excellencie thereof; although it be vncertaine how long time the Gods will bestow it on vs: which is such, that it B may reioyce vs for the present; what issue soeuer it may haue hereafter. For to them that know vvhat vertue is; it is no small felicitie to liue one houre in freedome of mind; and in a free countrey Libertie a pr [...] cious thing gouerned by such l [...]es, which in times past haue made our commonweale to flourish. For mine owne part; I cannot remember our auncient liberty, for that I was borne after the subuersion thereof: But I infinitely desire to haue the happie fruition of that which we enioy at this present. And I thinke thē also very happy; who are borne and brought vp in vertuous studies. I likewise suppose that a second honour next to the immortall Gods is to be ascribed to them, by whose vertue at last though verie late euen in this our age, we haue obtained the felicitie to enioy the same: which happines would God with our inheritances we might bequeath to our posteritie. For in regard of our selues, this day sufficeth vs both, as well all those that are young as they also C who are olde. For the aged shall forsake this life with more pleasure in that they haue had the knowledge of that blessing, which is annexed to their liberty: and the younger shall be furnished with a royall example in admiting and knowing their vertues, by whom we enioy this benefit of freedome. For in regard of the present time, there is not any thing that we ought more earnestly to affect, then to liue vertuously. For onely vertue is the thing that confirmeth men in their libertie. I cannot speake of the time past, but onely by hearesay: but for that I haue seene with mine eies, and perceiued by my obseruation, I know how great mischiefes tyrannies doe ordinarily breed in a politicke estate: for they vtterly extinguish all vertue, and depriue freemen of all that perfect magnanimitie that may be in them; and teach both to flatter and to feare, for that the commonweale is abandoned not to the vvisedome of the lawes, but to the furie of intemperate D gouernours. For since Iulius Caesar bent his thoughts to ouerthrow the popular gouernment in Rome, and violated that happie course of law, whereby our state was policied; the commonweale Liberty purchased by vertue. Tyrānies breed many mischifes in commonweales. Iulius Caesar. hath beene ouerthrowne. For in subiecting the law to his good liking; and himselfe to his particular desires, there is not any kind of miserie and mischiefe, that hath not ouerthrowen our citie; so that his successors haue employed themselues to their vttermost, and with a certaine emulation, to abolish the lawes of our countrey, striuing which of them might despoyle our commonweale ofher noblest citizens: for that they haue made their account, that their securitie consisted in communicating their secrets with such as were base and abiect; abasing not onely the hautie courages of those men, who were famous for their nobilitie and vertue, but also by slaughtering a great number of them by all sorts of punishment, and vvhilest each of them E laboured to be absolute in their commaund, they inforced themselues to oppresse the commonweale. But amongst all the rest, Caius, vvho this day hath lost the benefit of life, hath wrought greater mischiefes himselfe alone, then any other, by inforcing his brutish and beastly wrath not onely against the common citizens, but also against his owne parents and friends; demeaning himselfe alike towards all men, and manifesting his vniustice in that he pursued them with most iniurie, vvho were most innocent: and by this meanes grew hatefull not onely to men, but also to the immortall Gods. For it is not inough for tyrants to satisfie their concupiscence, to vse all sorts of outrages, to rauish both mens vvealth and their wiues; but all their gaine and glory is vvhen they may vtterly ruinate both their fortunes and families, vvho are their enemies. For all liberty is opposed against tyranny, and it is impossible (notwithstanding all the miseries that may F be imagined or offered) that free men should accord with tyrants, how little time soeuer it be that they haue exercised their tyranny. They also know too well with how many mischiefes they haue entangled their subiects (although they haue not the spirits to reuenge themselues of those wrongs that are done vnto them) and being well assured into what incombrances they haue drawne them, perswade themselues, that they haue but one onely meanes left them to warrantize themselues from suspitions; and to procure their owne securitie, which is to put them to death, [Page 500] if they may possibly doe it. Since therefore at this present you are deliuered from so many mischiefes, The yeare of the world. 4005. after Christs birth 43. An exhortation to maintaine liberty. G and are no more subiect, except to one another (which is a pledge of concord for the present, and of securitie in time to come, and glory vnto him that hath redressed the estate) you shall deale very well and wisely in my opinion to prouide for the commonweale, foreseeing verie diligently all that which concerneth the good and profit thereof. It is free for any man to speake his opinion of that which displeaseth him, for that there is no superiour to countermaund their sayings, or that is exempt from reproofe if he offend against the commonweale, or that may threaten with the authoritie of an Emperour for that shall be said. For what else in these latter times hath increased and furthered our ouertopping tyranny, then their slouthful feare, who durst in no sort oppose themselues against his lust? For being entangled by a certaine kind of pleasure of a quiet life, and accustomed to liue after the manner of slaues, and being afraid also to H die vertuously, and desirous to liue with shame, we are fallen into these scarce sufferable calamities, and into such mischiefs as haue concerned vs too neerely. First of all therefore you ought to honour those, who haue slaine the tyrant, by dignifying them with as [...]reat honours as may be imagined, and especially Chaereas. For he only hath beene the man, who by the power of the Gods, and thorow his great wisedome and valour, hath giuen you your liberty. Neither ought you to forget him, but to heape honours on his head, yea especiall fauours, as to the man who first of all Chaereas to be honoured for his noble attempt. consulted, and first of all hazarded himselfe against a tyrant for your libertie. It is an honest and wel beseeming action in men of free hearts to restore and repay condigne kindnes for the benefits that they haue receiued: such is this man in your behalfe not like to Brutus and Cassius, who murthered Caesar; for they were the originals of seditions and ciuill warres in this citie: and this I man by the death of a tyrant hath not onely at once deliuered you of him, but also hath cut off all those mischiefs that arose by him.’
Thus spake Sentius, and his aduice was entertained with great applause, not onely by the Senators, but the knights also that were there present. Whereupon a certaine Senator called Trebellius Maximus arose, and stepping to him pulled off the ring which Sentius had on his finger, wherin was inchased a stone with Caius picture in it, which Sentius had forgot to pul off: so intent was he about that which he both said & did: and by this means the engraued Image was broken. Now for that it was late, Chaereas demaunded the watchword at the Consuls hands, who gaue him the word Libertie. Thus all of them were astonished at this chaunge, and could scarcely beleeue that which had hapned. For since that time that the popular gouernment had beene abolished, Chaereas requireth a watchword at the Consuls [...]ands. K the Consuls had neuer giuen the watchword vntill that present time. For before the citie was oppressed by tyrannie, the Consuls commaunded the men of warre. After that Chaereas had receiued the word, he gaue it to his souldiers, who subscribed to the Senates authoritie: of these there were about foure companies, which preferred the lawfull gouernment before a tyrannie, who also retired themselues to their chieftaines. As for their parts, the people returned to their seuerall houses, full of ioy, hope and courage, for that they had regained the gouernment of the state, which belonged vnto them, and not to any particular gouernour. In a word, Chaereas was their onely hope: He foreseeing that there would some mischiefe follow, if Caius wife and daughter should remaine aliue, and that if all his friends and family should not be vtterly extinguished, all those, who should be spared, vvould serue to no other end, but to the ruine of the L commonweale and the lawes: and on the other side, desiring to see a finall end of that which he had begunne, and to satisfie that hatred he had conceiued against Caius, he sent Iuius Lupus one of the captaines of the guard, to kill both his wife and daughter, vvhich he did: And the cause why hee gaue this charge chiefely to Lupus, was, for that Lupus was Clements kinsman, who was a confederate in the execution of Caius, to the end that partaking after this Chaereas sendeth Iulius Lupus to kill Caius wife and daughter. manner the death of the tyrant, he might be knowne to haue dealt as forwardly for the commonweale, as if from the beginning he had beene a counseller and agent in the conspiracie. Notwithstanding there were some of his companions of that opinion, that it should be but cruelty to deale with a woman in that sort, for that Caius had offended thorow the corruption of his owne nature, and not by the counsaile of his wife; and that all those euils which he committed M in the commonweale, by desolating the flower thereof, was his owne offence, not hirs. There were others that accused her to be the cause of all that which Caius had committed, alledging that she had giuen him an amorous drinke, by which he was tied and entangled in such sort vnto her, and so led and transported by her loue, that she gouerned all that which concerned the estate of Rome, and the world subiect to Rome; but her defenders preuailed nothing. For finally it was resolued, that she should lose her life.
[Page 501] To finish this Tragedie, Lupus was dispatcht, who lost no time in the accomplishment of The yeare of the world. 4005. after Christs birth 43. A their intent, who had sent him for feare he had to be blamed, and accounted but coldly affectionate towards the good of the common weale. As soone as therefore he came into the pallace, he found Caesonia Caius widow lying fast by the body of her slaughtered husband, destitute of all that which the lawe gratifieth those that are dead with, altogither bloudy and greatly afflicted, hauing Caesonia accuseth Caius for that he would not giue credit [...]o her counsail [...]. her daughter fast couched by her. Being in this estate, she was heard to vtter no other words, but that she blamed Caius, for that he had not giuen credit to that counsell which she had giuen him so often: which words of hers were by certaine of them interpreted two waies: For some of them thought that she meant, that she had counsailed her husband to giue ouer his crueltie, and murthers which he exercised against his Citizens; and that in his gouernment he should vse a tempered measure with vertue, for feare least his subiects misliking of his manners B should seeke his destruction. Others tooke it as if she had encouraged Caius to set vpon the conspirators and kill them, without any delay; yea before they had committed any offence, and by that meanes prouide for his securitie. They therefore said, that Caesonia blamed Caius for that he had behaued himselfe too carelesly, in that wherein she had counsailed him. Such were the words Caesonia spake, and such was the exposition, as diuers men interpreted the same. She seeing Lupus comming, shewed him Caius body, and besought him with teares and complaints to come no neerer. But perceiuing that hee continued in his resolution, and made no account of her words, but did that for which he came, after that she knew the cause of his arriuall, she offered her naked throat vnto him, with a great courage, vsing such supplications as they ordinarily doe, who despaire of their liues. For she willed him to defer no longer, to finish that Tragedie which C his companions had begun, and died in this sort couragiously, by the hand of Lupus: and after her was her daughter slaine, which was very young. This did Lupus certifie Chaereas of with all expedition. This was Caius end after he had liued 4. yeers, wanting 4. moneths. Before such time Caius a wicked man. as he obtained the Empire, he was an intemperate and wicked man, addicted to his pleasure, a fauourer of tale-bearers, exceedingly fearefull, and for that cause, when he got the vpper hand of any man, he was ready to kil him. He esteemed this the only fruit of his power, when he abused the same against innocents; and gathered or heaped vp great spoiles and booties by wicked and vniust murthers, rapines and oppressions; lifting himselfe aboue all humane authoritie, and affecting to be esteemed as a God, suffering himselfe to be trāsported by the peoples praises. Furthermore, all that which the lawe condemned and punished, as a thing most detestable, that made he Caius giuen ouer to lust. D vse of to punish vertue with. He neuer remembred any friendship that had been done him, how great soeuer it either was or had been, at such time as he was in his choler, and was apt to inflict punishments in his rage on iust and vpright men. All that which was answerable to vertue, was odious in his eies: In all things that him listed he had so violent appetites, that it was impossible to contradict him; so that he was not ashamed to vse the vnlawfull companie of his owne sister: whereby it came to passe, that the Citizens of Rome began to hate him extremely; for that the like matter had not been seene nor heard of: of a long time men could not beleeue the same, yet notwithstanding they sufficiently expressed the hatred they bare against the fact he had committed. It cannot be said of him, that he builded any worke beseeming his royall magnificence worthy the mentioning, or profitable either to the present or future world, except some ports E that he made neere to Rhegium and Sicilia for harbour of such ships as came and went into Aegypt for corne, which doubtlesse is a goodly and mightie worke, and verie profitable for such as Caius builded a hauen. trauell by sea. True it is that it was not brought to perfection, but onely halfe finished, because the workemen trauailed leisurely. But the chiefe cause thereof was, that he spent his study in vnprofitable matters, and loued rather to consume his substance to feede his owne priuate lustes wherein he tooke great delight, then to erect and build any goodly or famous worke, which might haue redounded to the profit of the common weale. Otherwise he was a man well spoken, and verie expert in the Greek and vulgar Roman tongues, apprehending presently that which others Caius an excellent Orator said: and although they had spent long time in discouering their mindes; yet answered he them vpon the instant, and in affaires of consequence he had such a moouing perswasion and power, as F no man could exceede him, both in regard of his quicke spirit and easie apprehension, as of the exercise and paine he had taken. For being Tiberius brothers sonne, whole successour also he was, he was enforced to be studious, seeing that Tiberius, who was of the same veers, was in like manner excellently learned. Caius therefore inforced himselfe to imitate the Emperor Tiberius, whose neere kinsman he was, & surpassed all those that were in Rome at that time; yet notwithstanding all these great aduantages, which his good instruction had bred in him, could not hinder [Page 502] the misfortune that befell him, by the abuse of his authoritie. So rare a thing it is to see them, G The yeare of the world, 4005. after Christs natiuitie, 43. who haue libertie to doe what they list without punishment, to gouerne themselues with modestie. In the beginning he tooke delight in the friendship of verie honest men, to get credit and reputation, thinking to outstrip the most excellent; but after he was giuen ouer to licentiousnes, the affection that he bare them was changed; and in steede thereof he grew in hatred of them from day to day; whereby they were inforced to conspire against him, and seeke his ruine.
Now as I haue heretofore declared, Claudius vnderstanding of that which had befallen Caius his Nephew, and seeing all his house wholy troubled, for this occasion was in such distrust, that he Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 3. knew not what to doe to saue himselfe: but went and hid himselfe in a certaine corner, where he was surprised, hauing no other cause to apprehend his danger, except his nobilitie. For during the time that he liued a priuate man, he behaued himselfe modestly, kindly, and fauourably vnto H all men, being well seene in the sciences, and principally in the Greek tongue, shunning as much as in him lay all tumult and traine that might breed trouble. When as therefore the people at that time were wholy amazed at the trouble, and the pallace was replenished with souldierlike furie and feare, and nothing raigned more in generall then confusion and disorder, the souldiers of the guard, who were the most experienced and hardy amongst the men of warre, consulted amongst themselues what course they were to take. Neither were they much discontented with Caius death, in that they supposed that vpon iust occasion, he was done to death: for which cause they rather bethought themselues on that which concerned their estates, and how they might assure themselues in those dangers, seeing the Germans were wholy bent against those, who had slaughtered Caius; rather incited thereunto of their owne cruell natures, then of any good affection I they had towards the welfare of the common weale. All which things troubled Claudi [...]s and put him in feare of his life, the rather for that he sawe Asprenas head and the rest of the nobilitie that were massacred, carried about to be seene: for this cause he kept himselfe in a certaine place, which was onely accessible by certaine steps or staires, and hid himselfe therein, because it was obscure. In that place one of the souldiers of the pallace, called Gratus, being vnable to discerne who he was in regard of the obscuritie of the place, and supposing him to be some one that desired to be concealed, he drew neere vnto him, to the intent he might the better know him: And when as Claudius besought him that he would depart and leaue him, he passed the more onwards, and laying hold of him and drawing him into the light, knew him; crying out to those that followed him: This is Germanicus, let vs take holde of him, and create him Emperor. ‘Claudius K perceiuing that he was ready to be attached, and fearing least they should put him to death in the like manner as they had done Caius, besought them that they would pardon him, protesting vnto them his innocencie, and how he had in no sort bin either accessarie or agent in that which had been done. Whereupon Gratus beginning to smile, tooke him by the hand saying, that he had no cause in that sort to suspect his life. For (said he) it behooueth thee to pull vp thy spirits, and to bethinke thee how to gouerne an Empire, of which the gods (who haue the care of the whole world) haue despoiled Caius, to reward thy vertue with. Arise therefore and take possession of the throane of thine auncestors.’ This said, he lifted him on his shoulders, for that Claudius could not walke on foote thorow the feare and ioy that he had conceiued of that which had been tolde him. Vpon these speeches diuers of the souldiers of the guard assembled about Gratus, and L perceiuing that it was Claudius, whom they supposed to be dragged to his death, they had compassion of him as on an innocent, for that they knew him to be a man of a milde nature, who all the time of his life intermedled with nothing, and who in like sort had beene often in great dangers during Caius life. There were others of them that said, that the iudgement of his matter appertained to the Consuls: whereupon although a great number of souldiers flocked about him, and the simple people that were vnarmed, fled from them; yet could not Claudius goe onward in his way; so weake and feeble felt hee himselfe in his whole body. It fortuned Claudius against his will drawen vnto the Empire. likewise, that they who carried his litter, perceiuing this flight fled away for feare, and left him; so little hope had they that their Maister should escape with his life, whom they saw thus to be drawne by the souldiers. Now when Gratus and his associates vvere arriued in the court of the M pallace, which (as it is reported) is the place vvhich was first of all inhabited in Rome, they began to thinke vpon that which was to be done: thither also there flocked a great number of other The cause that induced the army to make Claudius Emperour. souldiers vnto them, who tooke pleasure to behold Claudius, enforcing themselues to place him in the imperiall dignitie in regard of that good affection which they bare to Germanicus his brother, whose memorie was much honoured among all those, who had at any time conuersed with him. Moreouer they ripped vp how many auaritious acts the Senate had committed, and how great errors the chiefest Senators had defaulted in before the publike gouernment was changed. [Page 503] Moreouer they considered vpon the danger and difficultie of their actions then in hand, for that The yeare of the world. 4005. after the Na [...] tie of Christ. 4 [...] A the gouernment being administred by one only man would be dangerous for them if he should obtaine the same by any other meanes; whereas if Claudius should enioy the same by their permission and good will, he would haue them in remembrance who had fauouted him, and would recompence them according to their merits. This was the effect of their discourse, which they held among themselues, or when they met with one an other. Finally, all of them atlength concluded vpon this aduice, and enuironed Claudius, and lifting him vp vpon their shoulders, they carried him into the army, to the intent that no man might hinder them to finish that which they Claudius caried on mens shoulders into the army. Defference betwixt the citizens and Senators. intended. There fell a debate also betwixt the Senators and Citizens: For the Senate desirous to recouer their former dignitie, & inforcing themselues to auoid the seruitude that had befallen them by the outrage of tyrants, intended the maintenance of their offered good fortune. Contrariwise B the people enuied them that dignitie. And knowing that their Emperours should be as it were certaine bridles, to restraine the auarice of the Senate, and the refuge of the people, they were verie glad to see that Claudius was aduanced, making their account that if he were created Emperour, they should auoid a ciuill warre like vnto that which hapned in Pompeius time.
The Senate knowing that Claudius was carried into the army by the souldiers, chose out some The Senate perswade Claudius to resigne the dignitie o [...]ered him. of their order, & now sent them as messengers in their behalfe, to signifie vnto him that he ought to vse no violence in obtaining the Empire, but rather to remit the charge of the common weale to the Senate. That he both was and should be one of the Senators, and haue the conduct of the common weale, and dispose it according to lawe, perswading him to call vnto his remembrance those grieuous mischiefes, which the former tyrants had wrought in the common weale, and C what dangers he himselfe also had suffered with them, during the raigne of Caius their late Emperour. That it should ill become him, who had detested the furie of others tyrannie at such time as they vsed outrages, should willingly be drawne to oppose himselfe against his countrey. That if he would obey them, & continue to expresse the vertue and constancie of his life, which in times past he led with commendation, he should obtaine those honours which free Citizens could affoord him, and in suffering himselfe to be gouerned by lawes, to the end he might haue part in the commandement, and to be commanded in his turne, he should obtaine the praise of vertue. That if he would not be disswaded by the slaughter of Caius, which was fresh in memorie, for their owne parts they would hinder his proceedings as much as in them lay. They also alleadged, that they were furnished with men of warre, with store of armour, and a great D number of domesticall seruants, all which they would employ against him: but ouer and aboue these things, they had farre greater helpes, namely their hope, good fortune, and the gods, who are woont to fight for those who maintaine vertue and goodnesse. They solemnly protested also for their owne parts, that they were of that minde, that there was nothing more honest and iust, then to fight for their libertie and countrey. The Embassadours that brought this message, were Veranius and Broccus, who both of them were Tribunes of the people. They prostrating themselues on their knees before him, humbly besought him that he would not drawe the common weale into ciuill warre. And seeing that Claudius was inclosed with a great companie of men of warre, in respect of whom the Consuls were of no force, they besought him that it would please him to demaund the gouernment at the Senats hands, and receiue it fro [...] them E if he were resolued to be Emperour. For that it would be an act more holy, and coupled with iustice and goodhap, if he should obtaine the same with their good will, and not in des [...]ight of those, who would vouchsafe it him willingly.
CHAP. III.
The Sedition that arose betwixt the Senate and the people.
ALthough Claudius knew with what presumption the Senate had sent this Em [...]assage: yet did he modestly entertaine the same for the present. But supposing that it stood very Claudius denieth to giue ouer the dignitie that was offered him. Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 4. al. 3. little with his securitie to commit himselfe to their trust, and being encouraged by the F exhortation of the souldiers, who promised him their vtmost endeuour, and by the incitation of king Agrippa, he determined in no sort to let the soueraigntie escape out of his hands, [...]n that it was so willingly and freely bestowed on him when he thought least on it. After that A [...]rippa had performed all those dueties vnto Caius which were requisite for such a one as had bin by him aduanced to honour, and hauing taken his body and laid it in a litter, he brought him out before the souldiers of his guard, and certified them that Caius was yet aliue, and fo [...] that he found himselfe [Page 504] sicke of those wounds which he had receiued, he sent to seeke for Phisitions. But afterwards The yeere of the world. 4005. after Christs birth 43. Claudius confirmed in his resolutions by Agrippa. G vnderstanding that Claudius was taken by the men of warre, he thrust so much that he got himselfe passage, and came vnto him, whom he found altogither dismaid, and readie to surrender all things into the Senats hands, and incouraged him and incited him to take vpon him the gouernment of the Empire which the men of warre had offered him. Which done, he departed and was sodainly sent for by the Senate, whither he resorted altogither perfumed with odors, as if at that time he were returned from some banquet, and had knowen nothing of that which had hapned. He therefore asked the Senators what was become of Claudius, who certified him of the truth; and besides that, required him to giue them his opinion and counsaile as touching the present affaires: his aunswere was; that he was readie to aduenture his life in the behalfe of the Senate; yet by the way he told them that they ought to haue an especiall regard of the commonweale, H rather then all the pleasure they could pretend; and that they who would be Lords of an Empire had need of armes and men to maintaine themselues, least being weake and vnfurnished, they should be deceiued in their expectations. The Senate replied, that they had great store of furniture, and that they would contribute money; that they had good store of men of warre, to whom they would annexe their slaues and giue them liberty. But Agrippa replied, would GodAgrippa telleth the Senat his opinion.graue fathers, that you were able to performe the matters you intend; yet will I not feare to discouer that vnto you, which concerneth you neerely. You know well that the army which is with Claudius, consisteth of such men, who haue beene long time trained vp in feats of armes, and that those that are to fight on your side, are but men gathered togither, and such as you couple them with are the very scumme of your slaues, who are both intractable and vntrained. We shall therefore I enter fight against expert souldiers, and commit our fortunes to such men as scarcely know how to draw their swords; I rather thinke it meete that we send vnto Claudius such men, as may perswade him to giue ouer the Empire. And to performe this message, behold my selfe in a readines to be commaunded by you. To this effect spake Agrippa; And hereunto the Senators accorded, and sent him to Claudius, appointing him certaine others to accompany him. AsAgrippa with some other is sent to Claudius. Claudius aunswere to the Embassadors.soone as he came to Claudius, he secretly discouered vnto him in what perplexitie the Senat was, and gaue him instructions to answere & demean himselfe like an Emperour, & to shew his dignitie & power. Whereupon Claudius gaue the Embassadors this answere. That he wondered not that the Senat were so vnwilling to be commanded by a soueraign, in regard of that cruelty which the forepassed Emperors had vsed to their destruction. But for the present, they should taste of his K mercy, & feele his moderate rule: and they should liue vnder the gouernment of such a one, who although in name he had the imperiall authoritie; yet that in effect he would gouerne all things by their disposition. For which cause he wished them in no sort to distrust him, whom as they themselues could witnes, they haue seene and knowen to haue dealt vertuously and iustly in many affaires; although the state of times had beene farre different.
Those that were sent from the Senate hearing these words, returned backe againe. But Claudius The souldiers oaths taken. instantly assembled his men of warre, and exacted an oth of fidelitie from them, bestowing on euery one of them who were of his guard in way of largesse, fiue thousand drachmes, amounting to some 25. pound a man of our sterling money. He presented their captaines also with prelents answerable to their qualities, promising to performe no lesse bountie to all the rest of the L men of warre in what place soeuer they were. Hereupon the Consuls assembled the Senate in the temple of Iupiter the victorious before day, and some of them hid themselues through the feare they had of that which should be spoken: othersome departed out of the citie, and resorted to their countrey farmes, foreseeing with themselues the issue of all these things, and perceiuing that their hope of liberty was lost, they thought it farre better for them to be exempt from daunger, and to passe their life in repose, though it were with subiection, then to be altogither vncertaine of their securitie and safetie, by maintaining the dignitie of the Senators: yet about some hundreth of them drew themselues together and no more, Now whilest they were consulting vpon that which they were to do, they sodainly heard a shout of souldiers that were assembled round about them, requiring the Senate to choose them an Emperour, and not to suffer their M state to be lost thorow a multitude of gouernours, and to this effect spake they, least the gouernment should be giuen to diuers and not vnto one. This course of theirs gaue but little content to the Senators, both in regard of the losse of that liberty which they expected, as thorow the good The souldiers require a Monarch at the Senats bands. liking they had of Claudius; notwithstanding there were some that pretended some hope to be aduanced both in respect of the nobilitie of their race, as in regard of their alliance that they had by mariage with the Caesars. For Marcus Minucianus a man of himselfe of noble descent, and who [Page 505] had maried Iulia Caius fister, stood vp to demaund the so [...] [...] [...]ment: but the Consuls The yeare of the world. 4005. after Christs birth 43. Some affect the Empire. A restrained him, alledging excuse vpon excuse. Another [...] also one of Caius tutors withdrewe Valerius Asiaticus from thinking on those things: and there had hapned as great a slaughter as might euer beene heard of, had any of these had the liberty to desire the Empire, or oppose thēselues against Claudius. For amongst other the fencers, who were of no smal number, they of the watch and the sailers ioyned themselues togither with the men of warre. They therefore that pretended to demand the Empire gaue ouer their suits partly in the cities behalfe, partly for their owne priuate securitie sake.
About the day spring Chaereas and his companions went forth to debate the matter with the soldiers, but they seeing by the beckoning with their hands that they would draw them to silence, and were vpon the instant to fall into discourse, made a great noyse to cut them off from proceeding B any further, for that all of them were earnestly affected to haue an Emperour and Soueraign Lord, and required with all expedition that they might haue one proclaimed and knowne. At that time the Senate were so distracted, both for the maner how they should command, as for the meanes they ought to vse to cause themselues to be obeied, considerng the souldiers set light by them; and those that were confederates in the death of Caius, suffered not the Senate to obey the souldiers. At length Chaereas being vnable to conceale his passiō wherwith he was surprised, & hearing that they asked for a monarch, promised that he would giue thē one, if they would bring him a token from Eutychus, who was the wagoner to the greene band, whom Caius had loued extremely, in somuch as he employed his souldiers in seruile labours, as to build him stables for his horses, & reproched thē with diuers such like matters, telling thē that he would bring them Claudius C head, shewing them that it was a matter ill beseeming them, if after a mad man they should commend the Empire to a foole. Yet none of these words could diuert them from their purpose, but all of them drew their swords, and with displaied ensignes marched towards Claudius to vnite themselues with those, who had alreadie bound themselues by an oath to serue him faithfully. So that the Senat was abādoned, & destitute of all defence; so as there was no difference betwixt priuate The souldier [...] with displaied ensign [...]s repaire to Claudius. Sabinus rather choseth death then to allow of Claudius. men & Consuls. All of them were astonished & confused, not knowing what to do, because they had thus prouoked Claudius displeasure against them. And now fell they to reuiling one another, in testimonie of the repentance they conceiued for these their proceedings. Wherupon Sabinus one of those who had murthered Caius, arose & protested that he would sooner cut his own throat, then consent to the establishment of Claudius; or behold with his eies the misery & thraldome D of his country: he likewise encouraged Chaereas; telling him that he had deserued verie little by cutting off of Caius, if he thought to liue without the liberty of his country. To which he answered, that he made no account of his life; yet that he intended to sound Claudius mind, and with this resolution they concluded. Meane while certaine of the Senators sought on euery side to breake thorow the midst & thickest of the souldiers, to go and do reuerence and homage to Claudius: amongst whom was Q. Pompeius one of the Consuls, whom the men of war accused to be one of the principal actors to incite the Senat to recouer their liberty, and they drew their naked swords Q. Pompeiu [...] the Consul with other [...] resort to Claudiu [...]. against him. And if Claudius had not restrained them, they had surely dispatched him, but he made him sit downe by him, and by that meanes deliuered him from the daunger. The other Senators, who accompanied him, were not entertained thus honourably; but some of them were E wounded euen then when they pressed forth to salute Claudias. Aponius retired himselfe sore wounded, and the rest were in great daunger to lose their liues. But King Agrippa drawing neere vnto Claudius, desired him to vse as much lenitie as was possible in him towards the Senators, for that if any mischiefe should betide them, he should haue no other persons to commaund. Claudius is perswaded b [...] Agrippa to vse the senators more mildly. To the which counsell of his Claudius gaue place, and assembled the Senat in the Pallace, causing himselfe to be caried thorow the citie in the company of his souldiers, who marched before him, doing much mischiefe to the common people. But amongst those that slewe Caius, Chaereas & Sabinus were come out into the streets, notwithstanding they were forbidden by Pollio, whom not long before Claudius had made captaine of his guard. And as soone as Claudius came into the pallace, whither he assembled his friends, hee pronounced sentence against Chaercas. For although F his action was accounted both generous and noble; yet vvas he condemned for this, because he vvas perfidious: vvhereupon he vvas adiudged to die, to giue example to others, to the end that Princes and Emperours may hereafter liue in safetie. He was therefore led to his death with Lupus, Those that murthered Caius are executed. and diuers other Romanes. It is said of Chaereas that he endured this accident vvith a great courage, vvhich he expressed not onely in that he chaunged not his countenance, but also by the reproches vvhich he gaue Lupus vvho wept. For vvhen as Lupus was putting off of his cloathes, & [Page 506] complained of the colde that he felt, he taunted him thus, alluding to his name which was Lupus; G The ye [...]e of the world 4005. after Christs Na [...]itie. 43. That neuer any colde did harme to a woolfe. Furthermore when he came to the place of execution, where a great number of people were gathered togither to behold the spectacle; he asked the souldier that was appointed to behead him, if he were a cunning hea [...]man, and whether he had a new sword, wishing him to vse that wherewith he murthered Caius. His death was happy, for he receiued but one stroke; whereas Lupus was faintharted, and receiued diuers, because he stretched not out his necke freely. Some few daies after at such time as the Romans solemnized their expiations, and that euerie one honoured the memorie of his dead friend, they gaue Chaereas a part of that honour, and cast his portion into the fire, saying, that was to deface and purge their ingratitude, whereof they were guiltie towards him: Thus ended Chaereas his life: But for Sabinus, although Claudius had not only absolued him, but also suffered him to exercise his office, H as before time he had done: yet thought he that he should doe amisse and against iustice, if he falsified his faith to his associates and confederates; for which cause he shortned his owne Sabinus killeth himselfe. daies, thrusting his sword thorow his body to the verie hilts.
CHAP. IIII.
Claudius confirmeth Agrippa in his fathers kingdome.
INcontinently after this, Claudius cashierd all those of his souldiers whom he suspected, and published an edict, by which he confirmed the kingdome to Agrippa, that Caius Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 5. [...]l. 4. Claudius giueth Agrippa Iudaea, Samaria, and Lysanias countrey. had giuen him, accompanying his bountie with many praises; annexing moreouer vnto I his gouernment all that which Herode his grandfather had possessed, to wit, Iudaea and Samaria; which in that they were as one lawfull inheritance appertained vnto him. He gaue him also out of his owne dominions, Abela and all the countrey about the mount Libanus, that in times past appertained to Lysanias: And he caused the alliance that was past betwixt them twaine to be engrauen and registred in an open place of the Citie of Rome. He tooke from Antiochus the kingdome Antiochus king of Comagena. Alexander Lysimachus. Alabarcha. that he had, and gaue him in exchange a portion of Cilicia and Comagena. He set Alexander Lysimachus Alabarcha at libertie, who had beene his olde friend, and sometimes gouernour in Arabia, and otherwhiles his mother Antonias steward, who had been committed prisoner thorow Caius displeasure, and married Bernice Agrippas daughter, with his sonne Marcus: which after the death of Marcus, who died before he was espoused, was afterwards married with K her father Agrippas allowance to Herode his brother, for whom Agrippa begd of Claudius the kingdome of Chalcis. At that verie time the Iewes that were in the Citie of Alexandria, mutined Herode Agrippas brother created king of Chalcis. Sedirion in Alexandria betwixt the Greekes and Iewes. Claudius edict in fauour of the Iewes in Alexandria. against the Greekes. For after Caius death the nation of the Iewes, which had been oppressed during his raigne, and iniuriously dealt withall by the Alexandrines, recouered their former courage, and instantly fell to armes. For which cause Claudius gaue commission to the gouernor of Aegypt, to pacifie and appease that vprore. He sent also his letters patents into Alexandria and Syria, at the request of the two kings Agrippa and Herode, to this effect. ‘Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Father of the people, signifieth this that followeth. Vnderstanding that the Iewes inhabitants in Alexandria, and for this cause called Alexandrines, haue at all times enioyed the selfesame priuiledges of the Citie, which the ancient and first Alexandrines haue had. L Which fauors they haue obtained by the largesse of those princes, that were our predecessors, as it hath been plainly made knowne vnto vs, as well by letters which haue been written vnto vs, as by confirmed decrees: and that since Alexandria hath beene annexed to our Empire by Caesar Augustus, their priuiledges haue continued in force during the seuerall successions of many of our gouernours, which rights of theirs haue neuer been called in question no not in that time when Aquila was gouernour in Alexandria. Since in like sort Caesar Augustus hath not letted them, but when the chiefetaine of their nation was dead, they might establish other substitutes and gouernours in his place, willing that all of them should yeeld him obedience in obseruation of their lawes and custom [...]s, without constraint or impulsion to doe any thing contrarie to their religion: yet notwithstanding the Alexandrines haue mutined against the Iewes, being in M the Citie of Alexandria in the time of the Emperour Caius, by reason of the folly and frenzie of Caius, who disgraced and oppressed the nation of the Iewes, because they would not violate their religion, nor acknowledge the said Caius for a god. Our wil and pleasure is, that no one of the priuiledges of the nation of the Iewes be abolished, by reason of Caius frenzie; but my minde is to maintaine those which heretofore haue beene giuen them, to the ende they may continue and liue according to their auncient lawes and customes: Commanding you and euerie one of you[Page 507] verie carefully to prouide, that after the publication of this our ordinance, they be in no sort The [...] yere of the world. 4005. after Christs birth 43. A troubled.’ This was the tenor of that ordinance which was made in fauour of the Iewes in Alexandria.
But that which was generally made in fauour of those, who were dispersed thorow the whole world, was to this effect: ‘Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, High priest, Father of the Claudius edict in the behalfe of the Iewes scattered thorow the whole empire. people, elected Consul the second time, signifieth that which ensueth. Our we beloued friends, the kings Agrippa and Herode, haue required vs that we will permit all those Iewes, that liue vnder the Roman Empire, to vse the same lawes and priuiledges which they haue vsed heretofore, as we haue granted to the Iewes, that dwell in Alexandria. Which suite of theirs we haue willingly granted, not onely in fauour of those that require the same, but also for that I thinke them worthy such a grace, for whom I haue been intreated in regard of the fidelity and friendship they B haue alwaies expressed towards the Romans. My pleasure therfore is, that no Citie either Grecian or otherwise, shall deny any priuiledge, from whence they shall be excluded, for that since the Emperour Augustus time they haue neuer been exempted from them. It standeth with reason therefore, that henceforth the Iewes, who liue vnder our Empire of what place soeuer▪ they bee, may obserue their auncient customes, without any contradiction: Giuing them to vnderstand that hereafter they vse our clemencie so much the more moderately, without neglecting the religion of other nations, in retaining their own. And our wil is, that this present ordinance be published by the Magistrates of Cities, Colonies and countries of Italy, and be sent vnto kings and forraine princes, by fit embassadours, within thirtie daies at the least, to the end that they should be in such sort set vp, that they may be seene and read by all those that passe by. C’
CHAP. V.
Agrippas returne into Iudaea.
BY these edicts of Claudius Caesar, which he sent both to Alexandria and other parts of the world, it plainly appeareth how well affected he was towards the nation of the Iewes. And presently after this, after he had dignified Agrippa with all kinds of honour, he sent Claudius sendeth Agrippa into his kingdome. him backe into his kingdome to gouerne the same, commanding all his presidents and lieutenants in his prouinces, thorow which he was to passe, to giue him a friendly and honourable conuoy. But he hauing wisely and happily dispatched his affaires, returned in all haste. As soone as D he came to Ierusalem, he offered his sacrifices of thanksgiuing which he had vowed, without omitting any thing that was commanded by the law. He caused also diuers Nazarites to be pould, and offered in gift that chaine of gold that Caius had giuen him: which was of the same weight the yron chaine was of wherewith his royall hands were manacled; in memorie of the aduersitie he had past, and the testimonie of the exchange thereof into better fortune: commaunding that it should be hanged vp in the temple, and ouer the chamber of the treasurie, to testifie vnto those Agrippa hangeth vp his golden chaine ouer the treasury chamber in the temple. that should behold the same, that the highest estates are subiect to alterations, and that God can raise men againe from obscuritie to happy fortune. For this chaine that hanged in the temple being consecrated to God, manifestly expressed vnto all men, that king Agrippa was vpon a verie small occasion despoiled of his former dignitie, and made prisoner: and then a little while after, E that he being deliuered from his bonds, was raised and exalted to a famous kingdome. To signifie thereby, that humane affaires are of that nature; that that which is the greatest may be easily ouerthrowne, and that which is declining may recouer againe his auncient honour and dignitie. Simon the son of Boethus placed in Theophilus roome [...] & [...] finus, cap. 6. Agrippa [...]eleaseth the tributes to those of Ierusalem. Silas. The Dorite [...] place Caesars statue in the synagogue of the Iewes, and thereby vehemently offend both Agrippa and Petronius When as therfore Agrippa had duely and deuoutly acknowledged Gods mercies, he deposed the hie priest Theophilus the son of Ananus, and bestowed that honour on Simon surnamed Canthara the son of Boëthus. This Simon had two brothers, & Boëthus was their father, whose daughter had bin married to king Herod, as heretofore it hath bin spoken. Simon held the priesthood with his brethren and his father in such sort, as before time the three sons of Simon hie priest son of Onias had done, during the Empire of the Macedonians, as we haue declared in our former bookes. After the king had giuen order for the priesthood, he thought good to recompence the good affection F that they of Ierusalem had borne vnto him, for which cause he acquited them of those tributes that euerie family paied, knowing well that it became him to shew kindnesse vnto them, who had been faithfull and wel affected towards him. He created Silas, who had been his companion in many dangers, generall of all his army. Not long after certaine young men that were Dorites vnder the colour of constancie in case of religion, who also had daily expressed in their actions an vnbridled rashnesse, brought the image of Caesar into the temple of the Iewes, and [Page 508] erected it in that place; which insolence of theirs highly offended Agrippa, who construed it as G The yeare of the world, 4005. after Christs natiuit [...], 43. an act that tended to the abolition of the religion of their countrey: for which cause, with all expedition he repaired to Petronius, who was gouernor of Syria, and complained against these Dorites, who was no lesse displeased with the action then he himselfe. For he supposed that such breach of religion was the meanes to further impietie, and for that cause he wrote to those which had attempted this innouation somewhat sharply, to this effect following.
CHAP. VI.
Petronius letter written to the Dorites, in the behalfe of the Iewes. H
Whereas Caesar hath published an edict, by which he permitteth the Iewes to liue according to their lawes and customes, some one amongst you haue been so presumptuous to contradict the same in effect (although in words you protest that you obey him) and doe all that which you can to hinder the Iewes from enioying their Synagogue, in so much as in the same you haue planted Caesars image, not onely therby opposing your selues against the Iewes, but also against the Emperour himselfe, whose image might haue been better placed in his owne temple, then in a forraine temple: and you haue placed it in their Synagogue; whereas by right euerie one ought to be maister of his place, according to Caesars iudgement: For it should be verie ridiculous in me to alleadge mine owne iudgement I after that of Caesars, who hath granted the Iewes the liberty to liue according to their lawes and customes, and hath commanded that they should conuerse in equall freedome among the Greekes. For these causes I commaund you, that they, who haue been so bold as to contemne Augustus decree (against whom their owne magistrates haue beene displeased, excusing themselues that this accident hapned not by their motion, but by the furie of the common people) be brought before me by the captaine Proculus Vitellius, to yeeld a reason of that which they haue done, exhorting the magistrates that if they will not be accounted parties in this contempt, they labour to discouer those that are guiltie vnto Proculus, and giue order that no sedition or violence be offered thereupon. Which notwithstanding it seemeth that they affect, although we and the most honoured king Agrippa, whom I take for my good and special friend, labour nothing more, K then that the nation of the Iewes should not assemble and take armes vnder colour of their defence. And to the end that whatsoeuer Augustus hath ordained as touching this matter, may be the better knowne vnto all men, I haue annexed his edict which he published in Alexandria: and although they are sufficiently knowne vnto all men, yet hath the most honoured king Agrippa read them vnto me at such time, as I sate in my tribunal seat, concluding according to right, that the Iewes ought not to be excluded nor hindred from enioying those benefits, which are granted vnto them by Caesar: I therefore charge all men, that hence forward they take heed least they seeke any occasion of mutinie or sedition, and that euerie one liue according to his religion.
See here how Petronius proceeded in this matter, both to amend that which was past, as also to preuent that which was to come, that none should be so bold to attempt the like. After this Agrippa L tooke the priesthood from Simon Canthara, and gaue it againe to Ionathan the sonne of Anani, whom he esteemed to be more worthy then the other. But Ionathan declared that he was not Ionathan the sonne of Ananus is restored to the priesthood, & refuseth it, and praieth that his brother Matthias may minister therin. Marsus prefect of Syria. desirous of this dignitie, for in effect he refused it, saying: O King, I most willingly acknowledge the honour which it pleaseth you to bestow vpon me, and know well that it is a dignitie which of your owne freewill you bestow vpon me; notwithstanding that God iudgeth me vnworthy. It sufficeth me that I haue once been inuested with the sacred habite: for at that time I wore it with more holinesse, then I can now receiue it at this present; yet notwithstanding if it please you to know one that is more worthy of this honour then my selfe, I wil informe you of one. My liege, I haue a brother, who towards God and you is pure and innocent, whom I dare recommend vnto you for a most fit man for that dignitie. The king tooke great pleasure in these his words, and M leauing Ionathan he bestowed the priesthood on Matthias his brother, according as Ionathan had aduised him: and not long after this Marsus succeeded in Petronius roome, and tooke vpon him the gouernment of Syria.
CHAP. VII. A The yeare of the world. 4005. after Christs birth 43.
Agrippas acts vntill the time of his death.
SIlas was made generall ouer the kings army, and for that he had alwaies beene faithfull Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 7. Silas by too much reuiuing the kings miseries and misfortunes, and ripping vp his owne deserts groweth into ye kings hatred, and is sent prisoner into his countrey. vnto him, and had neuer forsaken him in any daunger that was offered, without partaking the vtmost extremitie, but had alwaies aduentured on the greatest perils in respect of his intire and constant resolution, he made his account, that being so firme a friend to the king he should also be partaker and companion with him in the honour. For which cause in all things whatsoeuer, he submitted not himselfe to the king, but chalenged to himselfe a liberty to speake what him listed. For this cause he grew hatefull in the kings sight, for that in particular he boasted B of himselfe beyond measure, and oftentimes refreshed the memory of those aduersities the king had past, the rather to expresse how affectionate he had been toward him, and his continuall talke was nothing else but of those trauailes he had endured. Now for that he obserued no measure in this his discourse, the king tooke it as an iniury intended to his honour, & was offended with the vnbridled licence of the mans prattle. For nothing soundeth more harsh in a mans eare, then the memorie of his forepassed miserie, and it is but the fault of a foole to rip vp the courtesies he hath emploied on another man. Finally, Silas grieuously prouoked the kings displeasure against himself, that rather subscribing to his wrath then his wit, he not only dispossessed Silas of his generals roome, but also sent him bound into his countrey in that place to be held prisoner. This notwithstanding time asswaged his displeasure, & the king drawing himselfe into better consideration C and remembring himselfe how many trauels Silas had endured in his behalfe, he reuoked the sentence that he had pronounced. At such time therfore as he was ready to celebrate the festiual day of his birth, and al his subiects were addressed to take their pleasure, he speedily sent for Silas, to the Agrippa sendeth for Silas out of prison, who dissembling not his displeasure is left still in prison. end he might be partaker thereof, and banquet with them. But Silas, who was of a free nature, supposing that he had iust cause to be displeased, concealed it not from those who were sent vnto him, but spake vnto them after this manner. ‘To what honour doth the king inuite me at this present, to the intent incontinently to depriue me thereof? for he hath not onely depriued me of those honours which he bestowed vpon me, in acknowledgement of the good affection I haue alwaies shewed vnto him; but he hath altogither spoyled me, and contu [...]eliously intreated me: but if he thinke that he can restraine me from speaking freely▪ he deceiueth himselfe. For my conscience D knoweth how many hazards I haue deliuered him from; and as long as I breath, I will ring it in all mens eares, how many trauels I haue endured for his conseruation and honour, in recompence where of I am at this day in bonds, and shut vp in an obscure prison, which I wil neuer forget. Yea and when my soule shall depart out of this bodie, she shall beare with her the remembrance of those benefits I haue imployed on him.’These words spake he with a loud voice, willing them to relate the same vnto king Agrippa; who seeing that he was grounded in an incurable folly, left him in prison.
After this the king began to fortifie the walles of Ierusalem, on the side of the new towne, vpon the common charge; increasing them both in length and bredth, & might he haue thorowly Agrippa fortifieth the wals of Ierusalem. Claudius commandeth Agrippa to desist from building the wals. finished them, it had beene a fortresse inuincible, by all humane force. But Marsus the gouernour E of Syria certified Caesar what the worke was; and Claudius suspecting some commotion, wrote expresly to Agrippa, commaunding him thence forward to desist from further building of the walles, according to that forme wherein he had begunne: whereunto he would not disobey. This king Agrippa was of a nature so readie to exercise liberalitie, and tooke so great pleasure to vse his magnificence toward all sorts of nations, that the great expences he was at, obtained him great reputation. So that his whole pleasure and delight was, to shew courtesie vnto al men, and to purchase good esteem, being euery way differēt in nature & disposition from king Herod his predecessor. Agrippa [...]ored the [...] more then Herode. For Herod was naturally malicious, extreme in punishing mē, & irrecōciliable to those with vvhom he vvas displeased, manifestly expressing that he loued the Grecians better then the Iewes. For he beautified those cities that belonged to straungers, & gaue them money, and erected them F bathes, and sumptuous Theaters, and Temples, & in some of them galleries: but as touching the cities of the Iewes, he bestowed not this bountie on any one of them, no not the least reparation or gift that vvas worthy the speaking of. Contrariwise king Agrippa was verie courteous and lowly, and equally imparted his bountie vnto all men. He was courteous vnto straungers, and testified no lesse by the bountie he bestowed on them. To his countrimen he behaued himselfe affably, and in especiall he was mercifull to all those that were in misery. For which cause his ordinarie [Page 510] court and the place he tooke most pleasure in, was Ierusalem. He was a diligent obseruer of the G The yeare of the world 4005. after Christs Natiuitie. 43. lawes of his countrey, and liued religiously, and with as great pietie as was possible: neither passed there one day wherein he offered not sacrifice. It hapned at one time that a certaine cunning lawyer, who was called Simon, and dwelt in Ierusalem, had assembled the people by reason of the kings absence, who for the present was in Caesarea: In which assembly he alleaged many things against him, that he was a prophane man, and that vpon iust cause he was forbidden to enter Simon the lawyer backbiteth the king who crauing pardon is reconciled vnto him. the temple, in that it was not lawfull nor decent for those that were vncleane, to enter thereinto. These words of Simons thus wrongfully vrged against him, were signified to the king by certaine letters sent him, by the gouernour of the citie: when as therefore he sate him downe in the Theater, he commaunded that verie Simon to sit next him, and in peaceable and kind manner he spake thus vnto him. Tell mee, I pray thee, what thing thou seest fault worthy, or done H contrarie to the law, in that which is done heere? Simon hauing not any thing to reply, besought him to pardon him. The king grew friends with him farre sooner then it could be imagined, resoluing with himselfe that mercie doth farre better become a king, then wrath; and that moderation is more requisite, then- [...]aughtie courage; so as he after he had bestowed certaine presents on Simon, he dismissed him. Now although he had many reparations in diuers places; Alias, cap. 6. Agrippa honoreth Beryth with good ornaments. yet honoured he those of Beryth aboue all the rest, and builded them a Theater surpassing all other in sumptuousnes and beauty: and besides that, he made them a sumptuous Amphiatheater, and bathes and porches: in which he neither spared cost, neither scantled the beautie and greatnes of the works in any sort. The dedication also of these things were celebrated with great pomp and magnificēce: he also made great shewes & plaies in the Theater, in which there were all sorts I of musicke and recreation. He made also diuers [...]aments in the Amphiatheater, expressing in all things the greatnes of his magnificence; and being desirous to delight the people with a combate, he gathered all the malefactors that he might get, and made two seuerall companies of seuen hundreth apeece, and brought them togither to fight, to the end that in skirmishing they might receiue their punishment; and besides that, by this warlike exercise he might present the people with a pastime, concluded with the punishment of wicked men: for each of these combatants slue one another.
After that he had finished these aboue named buildings in Beryth, he resorted to Tiberias a citie of Galilee, and was admired of all the otherkings, so that Antiochus king of Comagena came Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. to visit him: the like did Samsigeran king of the Emesenians: Cotys king of Armenia the lesse; and K Polemon Lord of Pontus: and besides all these, Herode prince of Chalcis and his brother, all whom he receiued and entertained most magnificently and amiably, to shew his greatnes; to the end that all men might perceiue, that he was deseruedly honoured with the presence of so many kings. And during the time that these princes were with him, Marsus the gouernour of Syria visited him likewise, whom to the end he might expresse the reuerēce he bare to the Romans, he met with seuen furlongs off from the citie. This interuiew of so many kings was the original of that discontent that grew betwixt him and Marsus; for whilest he sate in his litter, he sent for these other kings. But Marsus suspected this concord and so great amitie, supposing that this agreement of so many kings would be no waies profitable or beneficial to the Romans. For which Agrippa is displeased with Marsus for sending away the kings. cause he presently sent vnto them, charging them with all expedition to returne each of them into L their owne countries: which strict commission of his Agrippa tooke in ill part, and for this occasion he conceiued scarce kindly of Marsus. He tooke the priesthood from Matthias, and gaue it to Aelioneus the son of Cithaeus. After he had raigned three vvhole yeeres ouer Iudaea, he came to Caesarea, which in times past was called the tower of Straton, and there made he sports in Alias, cap. 7. Aelioneus the sonne of Cithaeus made high priest. Agrippa is sal [...]d in the Theater for a God, and spieth the owle which the Germane foretold him of, that fiue daies after he should die. honour of Caesar, ordaining a certaine feast for his conseruation, to the celebration whereof there vvere assembled a great number of all those, vvho were of estate and dignitie thorow the whole countrey. On the second day of this solemnitie, he shewed himselfe being apparrelled in a Robe of siluer, made with admirable workmanship; and came in the same to the Theater in the morning. Whereas the first reflexe of the rising sunne [...]eat vpon his Robe, he shined after such a sort, that all those that beheld him were seazed with reuerence and feare. Whereupon certaine M sycophants (which did not a little dishonour him) exclaimed one on the one side, the other on the other, saluting him for a God, and in speaking to him, cried out thus: Be mercifull vnto vs: hitherto haue we feared thee as a man, but hence forward we wil confesse and acknowledge thee to be of a nature more excellent then mortall frailtie can attaine vnto. Agrippa reproued them not for vsing these words: neither reiected he their palpable and detestable flattery. But not long after, he looking vpwards, perceiued an owle ouer his head perched vpon a cord, and knew the [Page 511] same incontinently, that he was but a message of his misfortune: whereas before time he had denounced A The yeare of the world. 4005. after the Nat [...]itie of Christ: 43. vnto him his felicitie, and conceiued thereupon a most hearty and inward griefe. And sodainly he was seazed with a terrible griping in his belly, which began with verie great vehemencie for which cause turning his eies towards his friends, he spake vnto them after this manner: ‘Behold him (said he) whom you esteeme for a God, condemned to die, and destinie shall apparantly conuince you of those flattering and false speeches, which you haue lately vsed in my behalfe. For I, who by you haue been adored as one immoitall, am vnder the hands of death. But I must willingly entertaine that which God pleaseth to send me: For I haue not liued in obscuritie, but in so great and wonderfull felicitie, that each one of you haue tearmed and helde me happy.’
Whilest he spake thus, his griefes augmented in such sort as he was brought almost to his B last: for which cause with all expedition he was conuaied into his royall pallace, and the rumor was spred in euerie place, that verie shortly he would be dead. For which cause the people with their wiues and children put on sackcloth, according to the custome of the countrey, to the end they might sollicit Gods mercie in the kings behalfe, and all the Citie was filled with teares and lamentations. The king that lay in an vpper chamber, and looking downe into the court, sawe them lying thus on the earth, could not refraine himselfe from teares. And after he had for the space of fiue daies without ceasing beene tormented with griping in his belly, hee gaue vp the ghost in the fiftie fourth yeere of his age, and the seuenth yeere of his raigne. For hee had raigned foure yeeres vnder the Empire of Caius Caesar (hauing first of all gouerned Philips Tetrarchy The yeare of the world. 4009. after Christs birth 47. 1 [...]00. Myriades amount to 15 tunnes o gold. Herode the prince of Chalcis and Chelcias kill Silas. three yeeres, to which was annexed the signiorie of Herode in the fourth yeere) and three C yeeres vnder the Empire of Claudius Caesar, during which time he gouerned ouer the aboue named countries: and moreouer ouer Iudaea, Samaria and Caesarea. His reuenue amounted to twelue hundreth myriades, besides which, he made many loanes. For in that he was verie liberal in giuing, he spent farre more then his reuenue, and spared not any thing to shew himselfe magnificent. Before the people knew of his death, Herode his brother prince of Chalcis, and Chelcias the kings lieutenaut and friend, agreed betweene themselues to send Aristo one of their trustiest seruants to kill Silas, who was their enemie, as if they had beene commaunded by the king.
Thus died king Agrippa, leauing behinde him a son called Agrippa, seuenteen yeeres old; and Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 9. al. cap. 8. Agrippa [...] children aliue. three daughters, one of which that was called Bernice, was married to Herode his fathers brother, when she was sixteene yeeres olde. The two other were Mariamme and Dr [...]silla: this Mariamme D being of the age of ten yeeres, was promised in marriage by her father, to Iulius Archelaus Chelcias sonne: and Drusilla which was sixe yeeres olde, was promised also to Epiphanes sonne to the king of Comagena.
After Agrippas death, they of Caesarea & Sebaste forgot themselues of those benefits they had The Caelerias and Sebasteās r [...]uile Agripp [...] being dead. receiued from him, and vsed him no lesse despitefully, then as if he had been their vtter enemy. For they reprochfully abused him after his death, and reuiled him in such sort as it is vnseemely to report the same. Furthermore all the men of warre, who were at that time many in number, went vnto the kings lodging, and with one accord seazed the statues of the kings daughters, and carried them to the brothell house; where after they had placed them, they vttered all the indignities that they could possibly, practizing such shamefull matters, as they may not be expressed. E Besides this, resting themselues in the publike places, they banqueted in the open street, wearing chaplets of flowres vpon their heads, and perfuming themselues with odors to sacrifice to Charon, drinking to one another for ioy the king was dead. Thus expressed they their ingratitude, not only towards their king Agrippa, who had bestowed so many liberalities on them; but also towards Herode his grandfather, who had builded their Cities, and to his extreame charge erected Agrippa Agrippas sonne. their ports and temples. At that time Agrippa the deceased Agrippas son was at Rome, and was brought vp vnder the Emperour Claudius. When Caesar vnderstood how those of Caesarea and Sebaste had iniuriously dealt with Agrippa, he was sore displeased, and mooued with their ingratitude, Claudius intē deth to send yong Agrippa into his fathers kingdom but is disswaded, & sendeth Cuspius Fadus for president into Iudaea, & those parts. & his purpose was, to send the younger Agrippa with all expedition to take possession of the kingdome of his father, and therewithall to discharge himselfe of his oath: but diuers of his freeman F and friends, who were in great credit with him, disswaded him from the same, alleadging that it would be a dangerous matter to commit the greatnesse of such a kingdome to a young man, who scarcely had as yet attained to the age of eighteene yeeres: and for whom it was impossible to support the care of so great a kingdome, considering that if he were at mans estate, he should finde himselfe ouerburthened with the charge of a kingdome. This aduice of theirs was allowed by Caesar, and for this cause hee sent Cuspius Fadus to gouerne Iudaea, and the whole [Page 512] realme; honouring his dead friend in this, in that he would not suffer Marsus, who had been his G The ye [...]e of the world. 4009. after Christs birth 47. enemy, to enter into his kingdome. He gaue especiall commission also, that Fadus should sharply punish those of Caesarea and Sebaste, for the outrages they had offered to his deceased friend, and the excesse that was committed against his daughters, who were yet liuing; commaunding him to transport the companies of the Caesarians and Sebastens, and the fiue Roman legions into the countrey of Pontus, to serue in that place, and to take those Roman souldiers that bare armes in Syria, to serue in their place: yet notwithstanding this commandement of his they were not displaced. For they sent Embassadours to Claudius to appease him, and by this means they obtained the fauour to remaine in Iudaea. After this they gaue an entrance to those most grieuous The Iewes themselues were the cause of those wars which began vnder Flotus. mischiefes and calamities that befell the Iewes: for they spred the seed of that warre, which was awakened vnder Florus gouernment. And for that cause after that Vespasian had obtained H the victorie, as it shall be hereafter declared, he caused them to depart out of that prouince, and made them seeke their habitation elsewhere.
THE XX. BOOKE OF THE ANTIQVITIES OF THE I IEWES,
- 1 The dissension betweene the Philadelphians and the Iewes: and of the Ephode which was the sacerdotall stole.
- 2 How Helena Queene of Adiabena and her sonnes embraced the religion of the Iewes.
- 3 The Gouernour Tiberius Alexander punisheth the sonnes of Iudas of Galtlee. K
- 4 How agreat number of Iewes were slaine about the temple.
- 5 The sedition of the Iewes against the Samaritanes.
- 6 The actions of Foelix president of Iudaea.
- 7 The gouernment of Porcius Festus in Iudaea, and of certaine murtherers.
- 8 Albinus gouernment.
- 9 How Florus, who succeeded Albinus, inforced so many iniuries against the Iewes, that they were constrained to fall to armes.
CHAP. I.
The dissension betweene the Philadelphians and the Iewes: and of the Ephode which L was the sacerdotall stole.
AFTER King Agrippas decease (as we haue heretofore declared in our former Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 1. Cas [...] Longi [...] presect of Syria. booke) the Emperour Claudius sent Cassius Longinus to succeede Marsus in the gouernment of Syria, whom he displaced of that honor in memorie of Agrippa, who during his life time had oftentimes required by his letters, that he should not suffer Marsus to gouerne the estate of Syria. As soone as Cuspius Fadus came into Iewrie to take charge of that countrey, which he was to gouerne vnder Caesar, he found the Iewes that dwelt on the other side of Iordan in an vprore, who had taken armes against the Philadelphians, about the limits of a certaine M village called Mia, which was stored with valiant men at armes. Now had those who inhabite Fadus punisheth the Iewes for their insurrection against the Philadelphians. beyond Iordan, armed themselues in this manner, without the consent of their gouernors; & had slain a great number of the Philadelphians. Which when Fadus vnderstood, he was sore displeased, for that they had not reserued the cause to his hearing, and opened their griefes they had conceiued against the Philadelphians, but were so bolde of their owne authoritie, and without feare to betake themselues to their weapons. Hauing therfore apprehended some three of them, [Page 513] who had been principals and authors of the sedition, he commaunded them to prison, and executed A The [...] yere of the world. 4 [...]09. after Christs birth 47. Annibas executed, [...] and [...] banished. Tholomaeus the arch thiese, Fadus requiteth the high priests ga [...]mēt should be deliuered into the power of the Romanes and kept in ye [...] of A [...]onia. Alias, cap. 2. The Iewes deliuer pledges to the intent they might be permitted to send letters to Caesar. Claudius vpon the yonger Agripp [...]s mot [...]on granteth the Iewes liberty to haue the custodie of the hie priests vestment. one of them called Annibas, and banished the other two, whose names were Amaram and Eleazar.
Anon after this, Tholomaeus the Archthiefe was also taken, and brought vnto him, who commaunded him to be executed, in that he had done many robberies in Idumaea and Arabia; and by this meanes all the countrey of Iudaea was cleered of all theeues, by the care and prouidence of Fadus. After this he sent for the high priests, and the gouernours of Ierusalem commanding them, according to the Emperours direction, that they should deliuer vp into the Castle of Antonia the long and sacred robe, which the high priest onely was accustomed to weare; to the end that it might be at the Romans disposition, as in times past it had been. This commaund of his they durst not contradict; yet notwithstanding, they required Fadus and Longinus (who at that B time was come to Ierusalem with a great power, for feare the Iewes, by reason of this iniunction should grow to rebellion) first that it might be lawfull for them to send their Embassadours vnto Caesar, to beseech him that the sacred robe might remaine in their custodie. Secondly, that it might please them to expect the answere which Caesar would returne vpon this their request. Fadus gaue them this answere, that he permitted them to send their Embassadours to Rome, prouided, that before hand they deliuered him their children for hostages. Which when they had readily performed, the Embassadors were sent away. Now when they came to Rome, the younger Agrippa (who was his sonne that lately died) knowing the cause of their comming, and being ordinarily accustomed to attend vpon Caesar (according as we haue heretofore declared) besought Caesar, that he would grant the Iewes their request, as touching the sacred Robe, and C that it might please him to signifie no lesse vnto Fadus. On this his petition Claudius gaue the Embassadours audience, and tolde them that he fauoured their suit, willing them to be thankfull to Agrippa, vpon whose suit he respected them, and allowed of their demaunds; and besides this answere, he deliuered them a letter to this effect:
Being required by our welbeloued Agrippa, whom I both haue, and at this present doe bring vp with me, and whom I know to be most deuout; I haue heard your Embassadours, who were admitted to my presence by his meanes, and haue receiued their thankes for the benefits I haue bestowed on your nation: I haue also willingly D inclined to that instant and expresse request you haue made vnto me; and it is my pleasure the sacred Robe of the high priest, and the holy Miter remaine in your custodie, in such manner, as our most deere and right honoured ftiend Vitellius heretofore ordained. To which demaund of yours I vouchsafe my allowance: first in regard of mine owne pietie, and for that I desire that euerie one should serue God according to his own religion: next, for that I am resolued, that in so doing I shall gratifie king Herod & yong Aristobulus, whose pietie towards me I am priuie to, and whose good affection towards you I can witnesse, with whom I haue had diuers occasions of friendship, both in regard of their vertue, as for the honour that I beare vnto them. I haue also written to this effect to Cuspius Fadus mine Agent: The names of those who haue receiued my letters, are Cornelius the sonne of Ceron, Trypon the sonne of Theudion, Dorotheus the sonne of E Nathanael and Iohn the sonne of Iohn.
Giuen the eight and twentith of Iune, in the yeere wherein Rufus and Pompeius Syluanus were Consuls.Ali [...]s cap. 3. Claudius Epistle to the Iewes. Alias, cap. 9. Herode prince of Chalcis hath authoritie granted him to create the hie priest. Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 2. al. 5. Monobazu [...] the king of Adiabena begetteth two sons on Helena his sister. Monobazus and Izates.
At that same time Herode, who was Agrippas brother that lately deceased, to whose hands in times past the gouernment of Chalcis had been committed, required the Emperour Claudius to grant him the power ouer the temple, and the sacred vestments and necessaries, and the authoritie of choosing the high priest. All which he obtained, and from that time forward vntill the end of the warre of the Iewes, this power remained in all his successours. According to this authoritie Herode deposed Canthara from the priesthood, and gaue the succession thereof to Ioseph the sonne of Canëus.
CHAP. II. F
How Helena Queene of Adiabena and her sonnes embraced the religion of the Iewes.
AT that time Helena Queene of Adiabena and her sonne Izates conformed themselues to the religion of the Iewes, vpon this occasion that ensueth: Monobazus king of Adiabena, who was also called Bazeos, being surprised with the loue of his sister Helena, espoused [Page 514] her, and got her with child. Vpon a time it hapned, that sleeping with her, he laid his hand on her G The yeare of the world. 4009. after Christs natiuitie, 47. belly, whilest she lay asleepe, & him thought, that he heard a voice that commanded him to take away his hand from off her belly, least he should crush the fruit that was therein, which by Gods prouidence should haue a happie beginning, and no lesse fortunate ending. Monobazus was sore moued at this voice, and as soone as he awoke he told it to his wife; and afterwards when the child was borne he called him Izates: Besides, he had another elder sonne by the same wife, who was called Monobazus, according to his owne name. And he had also other sonnes by his other wiues: yet notwithstanding Izates was most manifestly his best beloued, and so cherished by him, as if he had beene his only begotten sonne. For which cause, his other brothers enuied him, which increased their hatred, for that all the rest of them were aggrieued, because Monobazus made most account of Izates. The father manifestly perceiued all this, yet did he pardon them, knowing that H they did it not for malice, but for the desire that euerie one of them had to be best esteemed by his father. Notwithstanding, being affraid least some mishap should betide Izates, by reason of the hatred Izates sent to Abemerigus, marieth his daughter Samacha. his brethren bare vnto him, he gaue him many great gifts, and sent him to Abemerigus, who raigned at that time in a fort called Spasinus, committing his sons life into his hand. Abemerigus also intertained him with kind affection, and loued him in such sort, that in processe of time he gaue him Samacha his daughter to wife; and for her dowry hee gaue him a countrey of great reuenew.
Monobazus being olde, and seeing he had no long time to liue, desired before his death that his sonne might come and visit him: he therefore sent for him and receiued him very louingly, giuing Caeron very fruitful in Amomum, in which the reliques of Noes a [...]ke are to be seene. him a countrey which he called Caeron, which bringeth forth great aboundance of excellent I Amomum. In this place was the remainder of the Arcke, in which Noe was saued, during the Deluge; which remnants are to be seene at this day, if any man haue a desire to behold the same. Izates remained in that place vntill his fathers decease. But on the very day of his death Helena sent for all the Lords and Gouernours of the kingdome, and captaines of all the Army, and vpon their assembly she spake vnto them after this manner.
‘I suppose (said she) that you are not ignorant of my husbands mind, who hath desired that Izates might be king in his steed, and hath esteemed him most worthy of such an honour: yet expect I your iudgement in this point. For he that receiueth the soueraigntie, not from one mans Izates was made king by his mother Helena, & the nobility, and Monabazus gouerneth the kingdome till his comming. hand, but from many, and hath the same confirmed vnto him by their consent is happie. She vsed this discourse vnto them to trie what their intent was, who were there assembled. They vnderstanding K her mind prostrated themselues first of all vpon the earth before the Queene, according to the custome of their countrey; and afterwards aunswered her, that they approued the kings election, and tooke pleasure to obey Izates, whom his father deseruedly, and to all their contents, and the desire of the common people had preferred aboue the rest of his brethren: alledging moreouer, that they would put his brethren and kinsmen to death before his comming, to the end that he might enioy the kingdom with all securitie: for by their deaths all the feare that might grow by their hatred and enuie might be extinguished. Hereunto the Queene answered; that she gaue them thanks, for the fauour they bare vnto her and her sonne Izates; notwithstanding she required them to suspend their iudgements as touching the death of his brethren, vntil such time as Izates himselfe should giue his consent thereunto.’They seeing they might not obtaine the libertie L to put them to death, gaue counsaile that they should be kept prisoners vntill his comming, to the end, at leastwise for their owne parts, that they might be out of daunger; and that moreouer, vntill his comming there might one be appointed to gouerne the estate, whom she should esteeme most trustie and faithfull vnto him. Whereunto Helena condescended, and made his elder brother Monobazus king, and set the Diademe on his head, and gaue him his fathers seale ring, with that robe which they call Sampsera; exhorting him to gouerne the kingdome vntill his brothers arriuall. Izates hauing certaine notice of his fathers death, resorted thither speedily, and receiuing his brother Monobazus willing surrender, tooke vpon him the gouernment of the kingdome.
During such time as Izates soiourned in the fortresse of Spasinus, a certaine merchant, who was M Izates and his mother Helena learne the true seruice of God according to the manner of the Iewes. a Iew, called Ananias, hauing accesse to the kings wiues, taught them the maner how to serue God, according to the religion of the Iewes, and Ananias by their meanes growing acquainted with Izates, taught him the like, and accompained him into Adiabena: being drawen thereunto by his earnest intreaties, at such time as Izates resorted thither vpon his fathers sending for. It chanced also in like sort that Helena was in like manner instructed by another Iew, and retained the rites and religion of the Iewes
[Page 515] After that Izates came into his kingdome, and knew that his brethren and kinsfolke were The yeare of the world. 4009. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 47. A imprisoned, he was much grieued. Conceiuing therefore with himselfe that it would be a great impietie in him to suffer them to be slaine, or kept bound in prison; and that on the other side, it were a daungerous matter for him, if being at liberty they should remember the euil they had indured: Izates sendeth his brothers to Claudius Caesar and Artabanus. for which cause he sent some of them to Rome for hostages with their children vnto the Emperour Claudius, and the rest vnto Artabanus king of Parthia. Afterwards when he was thorowly assured that his mother was wholy addicted to the religion of the Iewes, he endeuoured himselfe the more to shew himselfe zealous therein: and supposing that he could not be a perfect Iew, except he were circumcised, he prepared himselfe to be circumcised. Which when his mother vnderstood, she laboured to her vttermost to hinder his resolution, certifying him that Izates is disswaded by Helena his mother, and Ananias from circumcision. in so doing he should bring himselfe in great daunger; for that in being king, he would draw himselfe B into the dislike of his subiects, if they should haue notice that he was addicted to a new religion, and to straunge ceremonies, and that they would not endure, that in being a Iew he should be their king: so she for a while by her disswasion restrained him from his desire. But the king required counsell of Ananias, who, according with Helena in the course of her dislike, threatned Izates, that if he would not obey his mother, he would forsake him, and depart from him, for that he feared, least if the matter should be publikely knowne, he should suffer some punishment, as being the onely author and instructer of the king in vndecent matters, that otherwise he might serue God, although he were not circumcised; since he had resolued to liue according to the institutions and lawes of the Iewes; and that God would pardon him: for in this true religion consisteth, more then in the circumcision of the body, though hee were not actually circumcised, C since the necessitie and feare of his subiects ouerruled him. By which words the king for that time was won to affect the same no further. But some little whiles after (for he was not wholy altered in that affection which he had) another Iew called Eleazar, comming from Galilee, and accounted a man of great experience in the doctrine of our religion, perswaded him to be circumcised. Eleazar perswadeth Izares to be circumcised. For comming one day vnto him to salute him, he found him reading of the bookes of Moses, and said vnto him.‘O King, contrarie to your knowledge you offend the law, and God likewise; for it sufficeth you not, that you vnderstand the same, but the chiefest matter you are tied vnto, is to doe that which the law commaundeth: how long therefore vvill you remaine vncircumcised? And if as yet you haue not perused the law as touching this point, read it now to the intent you may know what impietie it is to omit it. D’
After the King had heard this, he would no longer deferre his circumcision: for which cause withdrawing himselfe into another chamber, he called a surgeon vnto him, vvho acted that which he required, and afterwards calling his mother and master Ananias vnto him, he certified them vvhat had past; vvherupon they grew straungely amased, fearing least the king should grow in daunger of the losse of his kingdome, if this action of his should come to light; for that his subiects would not endure that such a man that followed a contrarie religion should be their king: they feared also, least they themselues should be in daunger, for as much as the cause of all this matter would be imputed to them. But God by his prouidence preuented, least any of those things vvich they feared should come to effect, for he deliuered Izates himselfe and his children They that [...]olie on God & put their confidēce in him do alwaies reap the reward of their pietie. likewise out of many daungers, yeelding them his assistance in their doubtful & desperate estates, E declaring in effect that those that onely put their trust in him, and depend vpon his proiudence, are neuer depriued of the fruit of their pietie. But of these things vvill vve speake hereafter.
When Helena the kings mother perceiued that the estate of the kingdome vvas in peace, and that by all mens opinion, both homebred and straungers, her sonne vvas reputed happie by the Helena the Queene of Adiabena resorteth to Ierusalem. Alias, cap. 6. good vvill of God, she vvas seazed vvith a desire to go and visit the citie of Ierusalem, and adore God in that temple, vvhich was so much renowmed thorow the vvhole vvorld, & offer sacrifice of thanksgiuing therin; for vvhich cause she besought her son that he vvould suffer her to performe her vowes: who willingly cōdescended to her desire, and furnished her royally vvith althings that were necessary for such a voiage; giuing her a great masse of mony with her, and bringing her onward on her way many daies iourney; so that at length she arriued in Ierusalē, to the great aduantage F of the inhabitāts of that citie. For at that time the citie was oppressed with a gricuous famine, so as many died for want of food; for which cause Queene Helena sent her seruants some into Alexandria to buy a great quantitie of come, the rest into Cypris to buy dried figs; who returned with all expeditiō they might; wherupon Helena distributed the victuals among the poore, leauing a singular memory of her beneficence among the whole nation. Her sonne Izates also vnderstanding of this famine, sent a great summe of money to the gouernour of Ierusalem. But hereafter [Page 516] will I declare what other benefits the king and Queene haue bestowed vpon our nation. The yeare of the world. 4009. after Christs birth 47. G
Now Artabanus king of Parthia, perceiuing that the princes of his kingdome had conspired against him, resolued with himselfe to go vnto Izates, for the securitie of his life and person, hoping by his meanes, if it were possible, to recouer his kingdome. He therfore retired thither, and brought with him about one thousand men of his kinsfolke and houshold seruants. And by the Artabanus re [...]reth himselfe to Izates, and requireth his assistance. way he met with Izates, whom he knew verie well by his royall traine, notwithstanding he were vnknowne vnto him by countenance. Drawing therfore neere vnto him, he first of all humbled himselfe on his knees, according to the custome of the countrey, and afterwards spake vnto him after this manner.
‘Dread king, forsake me not, who am thy seruant, neither reiect thou my praiers. For being deiected by the meanes of my misfortunes, and of a king become a priuate man, I haue neede of H thy succour. Consider therefore the inconstancie of fortune, and thinke with thy selfe, that by prouiding for me, thou shalt prouide for thy selfe. For if thou makest no reckoning of the wrong that is done vnto me, diuers men will grow audacious to enterprise vpon other kings.’
These words pronounced he with weeping teares, and with lookes lowly fixed vpon the ground. When Izates had heard Artabanus name, and saw his humble and submissiue estate, he leapt incontinently from his horse and said vnto him: King, be of good courage, and let not thy present and perplexed condition dismay thee, as if thy misfortunes were irrecouerable. For Izates comforteth Artabanus, & promiseth him his assistance. this sorrow of thine shall sodainly bee changed, and thou shalt finde a better friend and allie, then thou hopedst for at this time. For either will I repossesse thee of thy kingdome of Parthia, or I will lose mine owne gouernment. This said, he caused Artabanus to get vp on horsebacke, and I walked by him on foote, yeelding him this honour, as to a greater king then himselfe: Which when Artabanus sawe, he was discontented, and sware by his fortune and honour to come, that he would set foote on ground, if he would not get vp on horsebacke and ride before him: wherunto he obeied, and mounting vpon his horse againe, he conducted him to his pallace; yeelding him all the honour that was possible, both in his sittings and banquets, as in his assemblies, not respecting his present estate or condition; but his former dignitie: considering with himselfe, that such casuall misfortunes and changes are incident to all men. Furthermore he wrote vnto Izates writeth to the Parthians, and perswadeth them to receiue their king. the Parthians, perswading them to receiue their king Artabanus, assuring them on his faith and oath, that he would obtaine a free pardon for all that which was past, and to that intent he offered himselfe to be an arbitrator betweene them. The Parthians gaue him this answere, that they K would not refuse to entertaine him, but that they could not: for that one who was called Cinnamus was aduanced in his place and dignitie, and that they feared least a sedition should happen amongst them. Cinnamus who was a noble and honourable minded man, knowing that their intent was such, wrote himselfe vnto Artabanus, who had nourished and brought him vp, exhorting him to returne vpon his faith, and to receiue againe his owne kingdome. Artabanus vpon Cinnamus restoreth the kingdome to Artabanus. this motion gaue credit to his words, and returned backe againe. Whereupon Cinnamus came foorth and met him, and prostrating himselfe before his feete, called him king; and afterwards taking the diademe from off his own head, he set it vpon Artabanus head, who by this means was restored to his former estate by Izates mediation: after he had been driuen out of his kingdome by his chiefest nobilitie. And hee did not forget the fauours which he had receiued at Izates L hands, but did him all the honour that possibly he could imagine: For he permitted him to weare the straight Tiara, and to sleepe vpon a guilded bed, which is a priuiledge that belongeth only to the kings of Parthia. He gaue him also a goodly and great countrey which he had taken from the king of Armenia. This countrey was called Nisibis where in times past the Macedons Izates receiueth great honours and gifts at Artabanus hands. Antiochia and Mygdonia builded by the Macedons. Vardanes after his fathers death laboreth to perswade Izates to make warre against the Romanes, but he preuaileth not. had builded the Citie of Antioch by them called Mygdonia.
Presently after Izates was in this sort honoured, Artabanus died, leauing his kingdome to his sonne Vardanes who repaired to Izates, praying him to ioyne with him in that warre which he intended to wage against the Romans: but he preuailed not with him. For Izates knowing the Romans force and good hap, imagined that he vndertooke a matter beyond his power. Furthermore, he had sent fiue of his young sonnes to Ierusalem to learne our tongue and discipline, and M his mother likewise to adore in the temple, for which cause he the rather held backe and disswaded Vardanes from enterprizing against the Romans, whose power and puissant conquests he ordinarily reckoned vp vnto him, to the end he might dismay him, and by these his allegations cause him to giue ouer his purposed intent of war against them. But the Parthian was displeased with this his perswasion, and for that cause denounced a present warre against Izates. But this his enterprize had but a fruitlesse issue: for God cut off all his hopes. For the Parthians vnderstanding [Page 517] what Vardanes intent was, and how he was resolued to vndertake a war against the Romans, slew The yeare of the world. 4009. after Christs birth 47. After Vardanes was slaine the kingdome is com [...]ted to Gotarza. Vologelus king of Parthia. Monobazus and his kinred thinke to receiue the Iewes religiō. The Adiabenians conspire with the king of Arabia against Izates. A him, and gaue the kingdome to his brother Gotarza, whom not long after this, his brother Vologesus flew by treason, restoring to his two brothers by the mother side these prouinces, that is to say, the kingdome of Media to Pacorus who was the eldest, and Armenia to Tiridates who was the younger.
When Monobazus king Izates brother and the rest of his kinsfolke saw how happily all things succeeded to Izates▪ and how in respect of his pietie towards God, he was honoured and reuerenced by all men, they also resolued themselues to forsake their religion, and to serue God after the manner of the Iewes. But this intent of theirs was discouered. Whereupon the chiefest among them grew displeased; yet did they not manifest their despite, but kept it hidden in their hearts, seeking some fit occasion to reuenge themselues as soone as they might. They wrote B also to Abias king of Arabia, and promised him great summes of money, if he would take armes against their king, promising him that vpon the first charge, they would forsake him, for that they desired to be reuenged on him, who was growne in hatred of their religion. Hauing therefore confirmed their promise with an oath, they incited him to make haste. The king of Arabia performed that which they required, and marched foorth against Izates with a great power. And when as the first charge was ready to be giuen, and before they came to handy-strokes, all Izates souldiers forsooke him, and turning their backes to their enemies, fled in great disorder, as if they had been surprized with a Panique feare; yet was Izates no waies dismaied, but hauing discouered that it was the treason and conspiracie of his greatest peeres, he retired himselfe also into his campe, where he inquired of the cause that they pretended. After he knew that they had complotted C with the Arabian, he caused the conspiratours to be put to death: and the next day after went out to fight, and slew a great number of his enemies, and constrained the rest to betake them to flight. He pursued their king also into a fort called Arsam, which he battered and assaulted with such spirit and diligence, that he tooke the same with a great quantitie of bootie that was therein, and returned to Adiabena with great triumph: but he tooke not Abias aliue; for hee himselfe had preuented his captiuitie with his death. The Lords of Adiabena seeing themselues The Lords of Adiabena perswade Vologesus to kill Izates. frustrated of their former hopes, in that by Gods hand they were deliuered into the hands of their king, could not containe their displeasure, but practized further mischiefe: for they wrote their letters to Vologesus king of Parthia, desiring him to kill Izates, and to bestow an other king vpon them who was a Parthian, for that they hated their king, who had abolished their religion, D and had embraced a strange lawe. The Parthian vnderstanding hereof prepared himselfe for the warre, and hauing no iust colour or pretext to inforce the same, he sent a messenger vnto him to redemaund those honours which his father had giuen him; which if he refused, he denounced warre against him. Izates was not a little troubled in his minde, when he vnderstood this message: For he thought that if he should restore the gifts, he should offer himselfe great preiudice; for that it would be imagined that he did it for feare: knowing on the other side, that if the Parthian should recouer that which he redemaunded, yet would he not be in quiet; he therfore commended his cause to God, trusting that he would take care of him. And building vpon this, that the greatest good he might haue, was to haue God to helpe, he shut his wiues and children in a strong Castle, and his corne in his strongest towers: and afterwards burned all the hay and forrage; E and hauing after this manner prouided for all things, he expected the approch of his enemie. The Parthian came onward sooner then he was expected, with a great power of horsmen and footmen. For he marched forward in all haste, and encamped neere vnto the floud that separateth Adiabena from Media. Izates likewise encamped not farre from thence, hauing with him about six thousand horsemen. To whom the Parthian sent a messenger to giue him to vnderstand how great his power was, which extended from the riuer of Euphrates as farre as Bactria, recounting vnto him what kings he had vnder his subiection, threatning him to punish him very seuerely, in that he behaued himselfe so vngratefully towards his benefactors; yea in such sort as the god whom he adored, might not deliuer him out of the kings hands. Hereunto Izates answered, that he knew well that the Parthian farre exceeded him in power, but that he was farre Izates calleth vpon God, who sendeth the Dahans and Sacans into Parthi [...], vpon whose arriuall Volgesus returneth. F better assured that Gods power extended beyond all mens contradiction. And hauing returned him this answere he betooke himselfe to his prayers, and prostrating himselfe vpon the earth, and casting ashes on his head, and fasting himselfe, his wiues, and all his children, he called vpon God, and praied after this manner: O Lord Almightie, if I haue not vainly submitted my selfe to thy protection, but haue intirely chosen thee for mine onely and true God, be thou my helpe and assistance, and not onely deliuer me from mine enemies, but also abate and controule their [Page 518] pride, who haue not been affraid in their vnbridled language, to prophane thy holy and sacred G The yeare of the world 4010. after Christs Natiuitie. 48. name, and vtter blasphemous speeches against thy power. Thus praied he with sighes and teares, and God heard him: For incontinently and the verie same night, Vologesus receiued letters, by which he was certified that a great number of Dahans and Sacans taking opportunitie by his absence, were entred into the kingdome of Parthia, and spoiled the whole countrey; for which cause he returned backe into his countrey without any further trouble. And thus Izates by Gods prouidence was warranted from the Parthians threats.
Not long after this, at such time as he had liued fiftie fiue yeeres, and raigned foure and twentie, and left behinde him foure and twentie sonnes, he died, and appointed his brother Monobazus Izates deliuereth vp the kingdome to his brother Monobazus and d [...]eth. to succeed him in the kingdome, requiting hereby his faith and loyaltie, in that during the time of his absence, and after the death of his father, he had faithfully ruled and gouerned the H kingdome to his vse. His mother Helena hearing newes of his death, lamented verie grieuously as reason would, in that she being his mother was depriued of a sonne that so zealously honored and feared God. Yet notwithstanding she was comforted, when she vnderstood that her eldest sonne was to succeed him in the kingdome, and hasted her selfe with all diligence to go and meet him. As soone as she arriued in Adiabena, she liued not long time after her son Izates. Whereupon Monobazus tooke both her body and his brothers bones, and sent them to Ierusalem, commanding that they should be buried in three Pyramides which Helena had builded, some three stades or furlongs off of Ierusalem. But hereafter will we recite the acts and gests of Monobazus during his raigne.
But during Fadus gouernment in Iudaea, a certaine Magician called Theudas, who perswaded I a great number of the people to take all their goods and substance, and to follow him to the Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 5. al. 8. Theudas perswadeth the [...]eople that with a word he will cause Iordan to deuide it [...], & yeeld them passage, he with his followers are slaine. floud lordan; for he said he was a prophet, and told them that the riuer should deuide it selfe into two parts vpon his commandement, and yeeld them free passage. By these words of his he deceiued diuers of them. But Fadus would not permit that such a furie of theirs should breede them any commoditie, but he sent a troupe of horsemen who charged them on the sodaine, and slew a great number of them; and tooke diuers of them prisoners aliue, amongst whom was Theudas, whose head was stroken off, and was afterwards carried to Ierusalem. This is that which befell the Iewes vnder Fadus gouernment.
CHAP. III. K
The Gouernour Tiberius Alexander punisheth the sonnes of Iudas the Galilean.
AFter Fadus succeeded Tiberius Alexander, the sonne of that Alexander who had been gouernour of Alexandria; a man of as great riches as any one of his time and place, who Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 5. al. 8. Tiberius Alexander gouernour of Iudaea. surpassed likewise his sonne Alexander in pietie and seruice of God, who forsooke the religion of his forefathers. In that time there hapned a great famine in Iewrie, during which Q. Helena senthuge sums of money into Aegypt, and bought come and distributed the same to those that were in want, according as I haue forespoken. At the same time Iames and Simon the sons L of Iudas of Galilee, who had busied themselues to incite the people to resist the gouernment of Iames and Simon the sons of Iudas of Galilee crucified. the Romanes, were put to death at such time as Cyrenius valued each mans goods, as we haue heretofore declared. These did Alexander commaund to be crucified. Herode king of Chalcis tooke away the soueraigne priesthood from Ioseph the sonne of Camydas, and transferred it to Ananias the sonne of Nebedaeus. After Tiberius Alexander succeeded Cumanus. Then died Herod, who was brother to king Agrippa the Great, in the eighth yeere of Claudius Caesar. He left The yeare of the world. 4011. after Christs birth 49. behinde him three sonnes, Aristobulus whom he had by his first wife: Bernicianus and Hircanus by Bernice his brothers daughter. Claudius Caesar gaue the kingdome belonging to him, to Agrippa the younger. During the time that Cumanus gouerned, there hapned a sedition in Iudaea, whereby diuers Iewes miscarried. The cause of all which accidents I will rippevp from M the originall.
CHAP. IIII. A The yeere of the world. 4011. after Christs birth 49.
How a great number of Iewes were slaine about the Temple.
AT the time of the feast of Pascha (during which time we are accustomed to feede on Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 9. al. 10. vnleuened bread) a great number of people assembled themselues from all parts to the citie of Ierusalem. Whereupon Cumanus fearing least by this occasion there should arise some commotion, he gaue order that a company of his souldiers should be armed, and should keepe their guard in the porches of the temple, to the end that if any trouble should happen, they might represse it. Those gouernours, who had beene his predecessors, had done the like in In the feast of Pascha a certaine souldier shewing his priuie members moueth a sedition amōg the people, whereby twentie thousand Iewes lost their liues. such manner of assemblies. It came to passe on the fourth day of the feast, that a certaine souldier B discouering those priuities which were vndecent to be seene, shewed them before the people, wherewhith they that beheld the same, were sore displeased, and prouoked, saying, that the dishonour was not done vnto them, but to God, to whom it rightly appertained. And some of them of best resolution cast out certaine speeches against Cumanus, saying; that the souldier was set on by him. Which when Cumanus vnderstood, he was in like manner grieuously offended in regard of those iniuries: yet exhorted he those, whom he saw too forward in raising factions, to keepe the peace, for feare least a sedition should grow during the time of the feast; and seeing they would in no sort obey him, but contrariwise that they ceased not to iniurie and reuile him, he commaunded that all the forces he had should be in armes, and retire themselues into the fortresse of Antonia that was neere vnto the temple, as we haue heretofore declared. The C people seeing the armed souldiers were affraid, and began to flie: but because the places, thorow which they issued, were but narrow, they imagined that they were pursued by their einmies; so that they thrust on one another in their flight, & diuers of them were thronged to death. In this mutiny there died twentie thousand men: and after this in steed of a feast there was nothing but mourning; and without bethinking themselues of their praiers and sacrifices, all of them began to weepe and lament. So great a mischiefe sprang from the insolence of one souldiour. This first Stephen Caesars seruant robbed in his iourney, for which cause Cumanus spoileth the villages neere to the place where the robbery was done. A certaine soldier [...]eareth the bookes of Moses [...]aw, and therefore is beheaded by Cumanus cō maundement. lamentation was scarcely finished, before a second succeeded the same. For some of those who had a part in this mutinie, being about some hundreth stades off of the citie, robbed one Steuen that was Caesars seruant in the high way, and tooke from him all that which hee had. Which when Cumanus vnderstood, he presently sent some of his souldiers to spoyle those D villages; which were neerest to the place where the fact was committed, and to bring the chiefest inhabitants thereof in bonds vnto him. In this pillage a certaine souldier found a booke of the law of Moses in one of these villages, which hee tooke and brought, and before them all [...]ore it in peeces, with hainous blasphemies and vile speeches against the law and whole nation, The Iewes vnderstanding hereof, sodainly assembled themselues in great numbers, and ran to Caesarea, where Cumanus kept for that present, requiring him that he would reuenge not their cause, but Gods, whose law was on that sort dishonoured; signifying vnto him, that it was impossible for them to liue, so long as their law was thus contemned. Cumanus fearing least a second mutinie and vpore should be raised among the people, by the counsell of his friends cut off the souldiers head, who had committed that outrage against the law, and by this meanes appeased he E the sedition that was ready to take head.
CHAP. V.
The sedition of the Iewes against the Samaritanes.
THere hapned also an enmitie betwixt the Samaritanes and Iewes, vpon this occasion. Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 10. al. cap. 12. Certaine Samaritanes kill diuers Galileans in their way to Ierusalem. The yeare of the world. 4014. after Christs birth 52. They of Galilee, who resorted to the citie of Ierusalem at the times of our solemne feasts, were accustomed to passe thorow the countrey of the Samaritanes. And at that time it hapned, that their way lay thorow a borough called Nais, scituate in a great champion field, where a quarrell arising betwixt diuers inhabitants of the place, and certaine passengers, a F great number of the Galileans were murthered. Which when the magistrates of Galilee vnderstood, they resorted to Cumanus; requiring him to execute iustice on those that had murthered their countrimen: but he being corrupted with money by the Samaritanes, made no account of their complaint. The Galileans being prouoked by this contempt of his, perswaded the common people of the Iewes to betake them to their weapons; and maintaine their liberty; telling them that seruitude is of itselfe tedious; but that when it is accompanied with outrages, it is intolerable. [Page 520] But their gouernours laboured to pacifie them, promising them to deale so effectually G The yeare of the world, 4014. after Christs natiuitie, 52. The Galileans in reuenge of their iniuries burne certaine villages of the Samaritanes and spoyle the same. with Cumanus, that he should take punishment of the murtherers: but they gaue them no audience, but fell to armes, requiring Eleazar the sonne of Dinaeus to be their chieftaine. This Eleazar was a theefe, who for many yeeres made his abode in the mountaines: They therfore spoyled and burnt certaine villages of the Samaritanes. After that the report of all that which had passed, came to Cumanus eares, he tooke a company of the souldiers of Sebaste, with foure bands of footmen, and armed the Samaritanes likewise to go and make warre against the Iewes, whom they tooke, and slue many of them, and led more of them away prisoners. When the chiefest gouernours in Ierusalem saw into what an infinitie of mischiefs they were fallen, they cloathed themselues in sackcloth, and cast ashes on their heads, exhorting those that were mutinous to forethinke themselues of the ruine of their countrey, the daunger the temple was in to be burned, the H seruitude both of themselues, their wiues and children to prophane and straunge nations; and desired them to chaunge their aduice, and to lay aside their weapons, and cease to offer violence, to the end that they might hereafter liue in quiet, and that euery one of them would retire themselues peaceably to his owne habitation. By which words in the end they being perswaded, returned home, and betooke them to their busines. The theeues also retired themselues againe Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 8. al. 12. The Samaritanes accuse the Iewes before Numidius Quadratus. into their strong holds, and from that time all Iudaea was replenished with thefts. The gouernours of Samaria resorted to Numidius Quadratus gouernour of Syria, who dwelt at that time in Tyre to accuse the Iewes for that they had fired their villages, and spoiled them; telling him that their losse did not so much trouble them, as for that they saw the Romanes were contemned by the Iewes: who notwithstanding ought to appeare before them as their competent Iudges: yet naithelesse I that they assembled themselues in such sort, as if the Romaines were not their superiours. For which cause they addressed themselues to him, to the end they might haue redresse of those wrongs which they had receiued by them. This is that wherewith the Samaritanes charged the Iewes: who answered to the contrary, alledging that the Samaritanes themselues had beene the The Iewes lay the burthen of the warres on the Samaritanes and Cumanus. authors of that mutiny and vprore, and that Cumanus being wholy corrupted by their money, had smothered the matter, and done no iustice on the murtherers. When Quadratus heard this, he reserued the iudgement till another time, telling them that he would giue sentence in the matter at such time as he came into Iudaea, and had examined the truth of both sides; so that they returned without doing any thing.
Anone after Quadratus came into Samaria, where he heard that the Samaritanes had beene K the authors of the trouble: and on the other side, knowing that some Iewes likewise intended some insurrection, he caused them to be crucified, whom Cumanus had left in prison. From thence he transported himself to Lydda, which is a burrow of no lesse bignesse then a citie, in which place he sitting on his tribunall seat, heard the Samaritanes the second time, and discouered by the report of a certaine Samaritane, that one Dortus one of the principallest among the Iewes, and Dortus with foure other are crucified. foure other his confederates induced the people to rebell against the Romanes. These did Quadratus cause to be executed. As for Ananias, who was the high Priest, and the captaine Ananus, he sent them bound to Rome, to render an account to the Emperour Claudius of that which they had don. Moreouer he commaunded the chiefe gouernours both of the Samaritanes and Iewes, that they should speedily repaire to Rome; whither Cumanus and captain Celer should L Ananias, Ananus, Cumanus, Celer and some other are sent to Rome. conduct them, to the end they might be iudged by Caesar himselfe, vpon the information taken on both sides. And fearing least the common people of the Iewes should breake out into some rebellion, he repaired to the citie of Ierusalē, to giue order that the Iewes should attempt to raise no new stirres: but when he came thither, he found all in peace, & busied in the celebration of the feast, and offering sacrifices to God, according to their accustomed ceremonies. Being therefore assured that no man would innouate or rebell in that place, he left them to their solemnities, and repaired to Antioch.
But the Iewes that were sent to Rome with Cumanus, and the principall Samaritanes had a day assigned them by the Emperour to decide the differents that were betweene them: Cumanus and the Samaritanes laboured all that they might by the mediation of Caesars friends and freemen, Alias, cap. 13. M to haue the vpper hand of the Iewes, and indeed the day had beene theirs if young Agrippa Agrippa moueth Agrippina to intreat Caesar to heare the cause of the Iewes. had not beene in Rome. For he seeing that the matter was handled to the disaduantage of the Iewes, besought Agrippina the Emperours wife, that she would labour her husband in such sort, that he would be pleased to take full knowledge of that which was done, and that afterwards he should execute due iustice on those whom he found guiltie of that sedition. Claudius fauourably gaue eare to this request, and hearing the whole matter, he found that the Samaritanes were the [Page 521] first authors of all those mischiefes, and caused them to be put to death who came before him The yeare of the world 4015. after Christs birth 53. Hedio & Ruffinus, cap 9. al. 14. Claudius [...]oelix gouernour of Iudaea. A to pleade, and banished Cumanus: he gaue order also that captaine Celer should be sent backe to Ierusalem, and that there in sight of all the people he should be dragged about the Citie, vntil he died. Furthermore, he sent Claudius Foelix Pallas brother to gouerne Iudaea.
In the twelfth yeere of his raigne, he gaue Agrippa Philips Tetrarchy, with Batanea; and besides that, annexed thereunto Trachonitis and Abila, which in times past appertained to Lysanias Tetrarchy, taking from him the prouince of Chalcis, which he had gouerned for the space of foure yeeres. After that Agrippa had obtained this gift at Caesars hands, he married his sister Drusilla to Azizus king of the Emesenians, who consented to be circumcised, because Epiphanes Drusilla. king Antiochus sonne would not giue care vnto the marriage, for that he refused to entertaine the religion of the Iewes, although in times past he had promised his father no lesse. He gaue Mariamme. B Mariamme also to Archelaus Chelcias sonne, who by her fathers consent was before time promised him, on whom he begat a daughter called Bernice. A little after this, the marriage of Azizus and Drusilla was broken off, on this occasion following. At such time as Foelix gouerned Iewrie, he saw Drusilla and was surprised with her loue, for that she surpassed all other women in beautie. [...]oelix getteth Drusilla from her former husband. He therefore sent her a certaine Magician called Simon, who was borne in Cypris, and one of his greatest friends among the Iewes, who perswaded her to forsake her first husband, and to marrie with Foelix, giuing her to vnderstand that she should be happy, if she refused not this match. She vnaduised, and resolued to rid her selfe from the enuious affection, which her sister Bernice bare towards her (who hated her in regard of her beautie, and for this occasion ceased not to iniurie her) she condiscended to forsake the religion of the Iewes, and to marrie with Foelix, by whom C she had a sonne who was called Agrippa. His death hereafter will I declare, and how in the Emperour Tiberius time he died, and was burned in the fire of the mountaine Ve [...]ius with his wife. Bernice remained a widow verie long time after Herodes death, who was both her vncle and her husband, and the report was that she had the company of her brother. Finally she wrought so much, that Polemon king of Cilicia caused himselfe to be circumcised, to the end he might espouse Polemon king of Cil [...]cia marrieth Bernice. The yeāre of the world. 4018. after Christs birth 56. Mariamme scorning Archelaus, marrieth Demetrius. her, purposing by that means to make it knowne how falsely she had been accused. Wherunto Polemon gaue eare, because she was rich. But this marriage continued not any long time: For Bernice thorow her impudencie, as it is reported, abandoned Polemon, who giuing ouer that marriage forsooke also the religion of the Iewes. At the same time Mariamme hauing refused Archelaus her husband, married with Demetrius one of the chiefest Iewes that were in Alexandria, D both in regard of his descent, as also his riches, who at that time also exercised the office of Alubarcha, that is to say, the gouernour of Arabia. She caused the sonne she had by him to be called Agrippinus. But of all this, will I speake more exactly hereafter.
The Emperour Claudius died after he had raigned thirteene yeeres, eight moneths and twentie daies. Some say, that he was poisoned by Agrippina his wife, the daughter of Germanicus Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 10. al. 15. Claudius brother, which was first married to Domitius Oenobarbus one of the greatest men of Rome, after whose death and long widowhood, she was finally married to Claudius, into whose house she brought her sonne called Domitius, by his owne fathers name. Claudius had before time put Messalina his wife to death, for the iealousie that he had of her: although he had had children by her, namely Britannicus and Octauius. He had Octa [...]ia also by his first wife Paetina, Agrippina Mesla [...]na and Paetin [...] Cl [...]dius wiues. E which was elder then her brethren, and was married to Nero, whom Claudius so named, and adopted for his sonne. Agrippina, fearing least Britannicus, growing to mans estate, should succeed his father in the Empire, and desirous to make her owne sonne Emperor, as it is reported: she left nothing vnattempted that might bring her husband to his death, and presently sent B [...]rrus, who was generall of the army, with certaine other captains, and those of greatest power amongst his freemen, to bring Nero into the field, and to proclaime him Emperour. He being thus established Nero Emperour. in the Empire, caused Britannicus to be secretly poisoned; and not long after this he openly caused his mother to be put to death, yeelding her this recompence, not onely for that she had The yeare of the world. 4019. after Christs birth 57. Nero a tyrant. borne him in her wombe, but also for that by her pollicies he had obtained the Empire. He likewise murthered Octauia his wife, and diuers other noble men, vnder colour of some conspiracie F intended against him. But I will no further prosecute this matter, for that there are diuers who haue composed Neros historie, of whom some haue had no regard of the truth, but haue spoken Neros tyranny at their pleasure, for that he had been their benefactor: othersome transported with hat [...]ed and despite against him, haue not been ashamed to publish such impudent lies against his renowne, as they deserue to be condemned. Neither doe I wonder that they haue inuented so many lies against Nero, considering that in those histories which they wrote as touching the precedent Emperours, [Page 522] they haue not studied to speake truth, although they had not any occasion to hate them; G The yeare of the world 4019. after Christs Natiuitie. 57. considering that they liued a long time after their death. But let these contemners of truth write as them listeth, for that they seeme to take delight in that licence. For mine owne part I am intended to write nothing but the truth: neither stand I much on that which concemeth not the matter which I intreat of, purposing in all truth and diligence to declare that which hath befallen our nation of the Iewes, without omitting of either their misfortunes or follies, that haue proceeded with them. I will therefore returne to the discouerie of our affaires. Azizus king of Emesene being dead the first yeere of the Emperour Neros raigne, his brother obtained the kingdome: Aristobulus the sonne of Herode king of Chalcis, had the gouernment of the signiorie of the lesser Armenia from Neros hands. Caesar gaue Agrippa a certaine portion of Galilee, commanding those of Tiberias and Tarichaea to liue vnder him. Besides this, he gaue him Iulias scituate H beyond Iordan, with fourteene burroughs neere adioyning thereunto.
CHAP. VI.
The acts and gests of Foelix gouernour of Iudaea.
BVt the affaires of Iudaea grewe daily worse and worse. For the countrey was replenished Alias, cap. 16. Foelix punisheth yt theeues, and Magicians and other seducers of the people. Eleazar the sonne of Dinaeus sent to Rome. againe with theeues, and enchanters, who deceiued the common people. Foelix apprehended many of them daily, and caused them to be executed and put to death. He tooke Eleazar also the sonne of Dinaens, who was captaine of those outlawes and theeues that ranged in the countrey, and surprized him by a subtiltie. For Foelix had giuen him his word, that he I [...]hould in no sort be indangered: Whereupon he came and submitted himselfe, and was presently fettered and sent to Rome. And for that he had conceiued a displeasure against Ionathan the hie priest, who had diuers times admonished him to vse more circumspection in the gouernment of Iudaea, for feare he should be blamed by the people, for that he had required Caesar that Foelix might be admitted to the gouernment, he thought it not amisse to cut off Ionathan, who continually sollicited and vexed him. For this cause he perswaded and bribed a certaine man called Dora, who was borne in Ierusalem, and was one of those in whom Ionathan reposed his most trust, Foelix conspireth against Ionathas. to bring in certaine theeues to murther Ionathan, who willingly listned to his demaunds, and desirous to gratifie the gouernour, by this meanes that ensueth brought that to effect which he had intended. There were certaine theeues that came vp to Ierusalem, vnder colour to adore God, who carrying their swords closely hidden vnder their garments, accosted Ionathan and slew him. K Now for that this murther was let slip, and not punished; from that day forwarde the theeues resorted boldly to the solemne feasts, hauing their weapons hidden vnder their garments, and Butchery. thronging in among the people, slew some of those who were their aduersaries; and othersome to pleasure those, who had hired them with ready money to rid them of those they misliked. And these outrages committed they not onely in other parts of the Citie, but in the temple likewise, where they slaughtered some who little suspected that any impietie should be committed in that place. For mine owne part, I thinke that God hath destroyed our Citie in detestation of that impietie, and for that he accounted the temple for an impure mansion place, he hath sent vs the Romans, who haue set fire on the same to purge the Citie, and make vs slaues with our wiues and L children, intending thereby to teach vs wisedome by our owne miseries. Thus was the Citie filled with these thefts and murthers. And as touching the enchanters and deceiuers, they perswaded the common people to follow them into the desart, promising them to shew them signes The deceitfull Magicians. and miracles done by the power of God: whereunto diuers gaue eare, and at last suffered the penaltie of their folly. For Foelix recalling them backe againe, punished them.
At that same time there came a certaine man from Aegypt to Ierusalem, who tearmed himselfe a prophet, who incited the common people to follow him to the mount called Oliuet, scituate not farre off from Ierusalem, and onely distant some fiue furlongs from thence, telling them Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 12. al. cap. 17. A falle prophet draweth the Iewes to the mount Oliuet. from thence that he would make them see the wals of the Citie fall vnto the ground, by which way he promised them to giue them entrie. Which being reported to Foelix, he caused his souldiers M to arme themselues, and departing out of Ierusalem with great store of horse and foote, he set vpon them, and slew foure hundreth of them, and tooke two hundreth aliue: as for the Aegyptian he escaped out of the skirmish, and no man knew what became of him. The theeues also incited the people anew to make warre against the Romans, telling them that they ought not to yeeld them obedience; and they burned and spoiled diuers of those burroughs which opposed themselues against them. It chanced also that the Iewes, which inhabited Caesarea, mutined [Page 523] against the Syrians that were in the same Citie, in that they stroue to haue an equall authoritie The yeare of the world. 4019. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 57. Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 13. al 18. A broile in Caesarea betweene the Syrians and Iewes. A in the gouernment of the state, as well as they. The Iewes pretended the title of superioritie, because that Herode, who was a Iew, had builded the Citie of Caesarea: on the other side, the Syrians auowed the Iewes sayings to be true: but they replied also that Caesarea was in times past called the tower of Straton, and that at that time there was not one Iewe that inhabited the same. Which when the gouernours of that countrey heard, they laid hands on the authors of this sedition, as wel of the one as of the other partie, & gaue them the bastinado, pacifying by this means the trouble for a little space. For the Iewes once more being puffed vp with their riches, and contemning the Syrians iniuriously reuiled and prouoked them: on the other side, the Syrians being weaker in substance, but as great in heart (by reason the greatest number of those that beare arms with the Romans were Caesareans and Sebastens) at some times brake out into opprobrious B speeches against the Iewes, and at length the quarrell grew to that heate, that they cast stones one at another: so that on both sides diuers of them were both slaine and hurt; yet had the Iewes the The yeare of the world 4020. after Christs birth 58. vpper hand. Foelix perceiuing that this debate might breed a warre, came on betweene them, requiring the Iewes to desist from further violence, and commanding his souldiers to beat down those who should refuse to obey him: by which meanes a great number were slaine and diuers taken prisoners. Moreouer he gaue his souldiers libertie to spoile, and rob diuers verie rich houses. The other Iewes, who besides their authoritie were renowmed for their moderation, fearing least the like miserie should befall them, besought Foelix to sound a retreat, and to call in his soldiers, and to spare that which as yet remained, being sore grieued at that which had hapned: to which Foelix condiscended. At that same time king Agrippa gaue the priesthood to Ismael, the Ismael the son of Phabeus the high priest. The strife betweene the high priests & the priests. C sonne of Phabeus. There arose also a dissension betwixt the high priests, and the other priests and gouernours of Ierusalem, and each faction walked foorth accompanied with a troupe of proud and mutinous persons, who decided their debates with bitter words, and flinging of stones; so that no man might pacifie them. For all things were so out of order, as if there had been no Magistrates in the Citie: And the impudencie and audaciousnesse of the high priests permitted so much, that they sent their seruants into the granges to seaze the tenths that were due vnto the priests; whereby it came to passe, that some poore priests died of necessitie, and want: so much did the violence of the seditious at that time preuaile aboue all right.
CHAP. VII. D
The gouernment of Portius Festus: and of certaine murtherers.
AFter that Portius Festus had bin sent by Nero to succeed Foelix in the gouernmēt of Iudaea, Alias, cap. 19. Foelix acculed. the chiefest of those sewes that inhabited Caesarea, repaired vnto Rome to accuse Foelix, and without all doubt he had been punished for the iniuries he had committed against the Iewes, if Nero had not pardoned him vpon his brother Pallas submission Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 14. and intreaty, who importuned him, and was at that time in great reputation with him. Furthermore, two of the chiefest amongst the Syrians that wrought Berillus, who had sometimes beene Neros Master, and at that time was secretarie of estate in the Greeke tongue, by mightie bribes, to begge at Neros hand the reuocation of the right and title, which the Iewes enioyed in the gouernment E and administration of the common weale. For which cause Berillus sollicited the Emperour, and obtained a letter at his hands, which was the cause of those mischiefes that afterwards hapned in our nation. For the Iewes of Caesarea vnderstanding what commission the Syrians had gotten; were so much the more kindled and encouraged to make warre. As soone therefore as Festus was arriued in Iudaea, he found the countrey grieuously afflicted with robberies, and the lower countrey was spoyled by sword and fire. The theeues likewise at that time encreased The cutthro [...] among the Iewes. Festus discomfiteth a great deceiuer with all his [...]ollowers. wondrously, & they vsed short swords after the manner of a Persian Cymetre, and crooked like the Roman faulchion; with which they slew diuers men. For thrusting themselues into the presse of people that came in great multitudes on the festiuall daies to celebrate Gods seruice, they killed those verie easily whom they listed, and oftentimes repairing to their enemies F villages, they spoiled and burnt the same. But Festus sent diuers forces both of horse and foote against certaine Iewes, that were seduced by an enchanter, who had promised them security and repose from all their troubles and molestations, if so be they would followe him into the desart, Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 15. al. 10. who slew both the deceiuer and the deceiued that followed him. At that time king Agrippa erected a stately building, within the pallace at Ierusalem, neere vnto the porch. This pallace in times past appertained to the Asmoneans, & was scituate in a high place with a goodly prospect, [Page 524] from whence they that listed might with pleasure, behold the whole citie of Ierusalem, wherein The yeare of the world. 4020. after Ch [...]sts birth 58. The chiefest men of Ierusalem stop vp the prospect of Agrippa [...] house. G the king tooke great delight, and beheld from thence that which was done in the temple. The chiefest men of Ierusalem seeing this building, were sore displeased. For neither doth our custome or law permit that any one should looke on that which is done in the temple, and especially forbiddeth that no man should behold the sacrifices and oblations. They therefore builded a high wall vpon the gallerie, which was within the temple on the West side, which did not onely damme vp the sight of the royall chamber, but also that of the gallery without the temple on the West side, where the Romanes kept guard neere vnto the temple on the festiuall daies. Herewith was King Agrippa sore displeased, and the gouernour Festus farre more then hee, who commaunded them to pull downe the wall. But they besought him that he vvould giue them licence to send their Embassadours to Nero, to this intent, alleaging H Ioseph Cabi yt son of Simon made high priest. that it was impossible for them to liue, if any part of their temple should be beaten downe. Which being graunted them, they sent tenne of their chiefest nobilitie, and with them Ismael the high priest, and Chelcias the Treasurer of the temple vnto Nero: who no sooner heard their suit, but he pardoned them not onely for that they had done, but hee commanded that the building should remaine as it was. All which hee did in fauour of his wife Poppea, who was intreated by the Iewes, for that she was a deuout Princesse to sue for them. She therefore commaunded the tenne Embassadours to returne, and kept Chelcias and Ismael for pledges vvith her. The king vnderstanding how all things had past, gaue the high priesthood to Ioseph surnamed Cabi, vvhich was the sonne of Simon, who in times past had beene high Priest. I
CHAP. VIII.
The gouernment of Albinus.
CAesar being aduertized of Festus death, sent Albinus to gouerne Iudaea. But king Agrippa commaunding Ioseph to lead a priuate life, and aduanced in his steed a certaine Albinus gouernour of Iudaea. Ananus the son of Ananus the high priest Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 16. al. 21. Ananus had fiue sons that succeeded him in the priesthood. The [...]eare of the world, 4025. after Christs birth 43. Iames the brother of [...]ur Lord stoned. Ananus accused before Albinus. man called Ananus, the sonne of Ananus, who is reported to haue beene most happie. For he had fiue sonnes, al which supplied the place of the high priest, after himselfe had long time before them enioyed the roome: The like whereof hath neuer hapned to any of our high Priests. The younger Ananus, who, as we said, was aduanced to this place, was a rash and headstrong K man, that followed the sect of the Sadduces, who (as we haue alreadie declared) were amongst all other the Iewes the most seuere in executing Iustice: whereas therefore Ananus was of this disposition, he thought that he had a fit occasion offered him to do what him listed after Festus death, and during the time that Albinus was as yet vpon his way. He therefore ascended and sate down in the tribunal, assisted by the Iudges, and caused Iames the brother of Iesus, who was called Christ, to appeare before him, with certaine others; and accused them for transgressing the law and blasphemy against God, and caused them to be stoned to death. They that were men of vpright conscience within the citie, and diligent obseruers of the law, vvere verie much displeased with this act, and sent secretly vnto the king, beseeching him to prohibite Ananus, that hereafter he should commit no such like offence: for that his first action was not allowable. Some of them L also went to meet Albinus being on his vvay from Alexandria, to enforme him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble the councel without his licence. Albinus perswaded by these words, wrote a cholericke letter to Ananus, wherein he threatned to punish him. And for the same cause king Agrippa dispossessed him of the Priesthood, after he had held the same for the space of three moneths, and in his steed he established Iesus the sonne of Damneus. After that Albinus was arriued in Ierusalem, he employed all his care and studie to pacifie the countrey, by executing diuers Iesus the sonne of Damneus possesseth A [...]anus place. of the theeues.
But the high priest Ananias daily increased in honour and credit, and purchased the good will of the citizens by his liberalitie and great gifts. But he had certaine mischieuous seruants about him, who conuersed with those that were most intemperate and audacious, who repairing from M graunge to graunge, tooke vp many tenths that belonged to the Priests, and beat those that re [...]used to tender them. The priests vsed no lesse force then did their seruants, hauing no man that might restraine them: whereby it came to passe that the piests, who were before time maintained Some forcibly gather the tenths of the [...]riests. by the tenths, died at that time for want of victuals. And the theeues renewing their entrance into the citie by night, during the feast that was celebrated at that time, tooke the secretarie of captaine Eleazar aliue, who vvas Ananias sonne, who was the high. And hauing bound him, led him out [Page 525] of the citie, sending Ananias word that they would deliuer his secretarie, if he would labour so The ye [...]re of the world. 4026. after Christs birth 64. The theeues apprehend. Ananias kinred and seruants. A much with Albinus, as to deliuer them their tenne companions then prisoners, who were taken by him. To the performance whereof, Ananias perswaded Albinus by manifest reason: and by obtaining his demaund, encreased and begat a number of miseries. For the theeues vsed all the wilie meanes they could deuise in apprehending some one of Ananias house; and when they had taken any one of them aliue, they would not deliuer him except before they might haue one of their owne deliuered. So that increasing both in courage and number, they waxed more & more insolent to afflict the countrey.
At the same time king Agrippa enlarged the citie of Caesarea, surnamed Philippi, and in honour of Nero called it Neronias. He builded also to his great charge a Theater in fauour of Caesarea Philippi new builded by Agrippa, and called Neronias. The Berytian [...] receiue much kindnes at Agrippas hands the Berytians, wherein euerie yeere he spent diuers thousands of siluer in sports. He distributed B oyle and corne to euery one of the people, and garnished all the citie with most anticke and goodly counterfaited portraitures vpon the porches. Briefely, he welny transported into the citie all the ornamnts of the rest of his kingdom; for which cause his subiects began to hate him; seeing he depriued thē of their rare ornaments to adorn one strange citie. Iesus the sonne of Gamaliel succeeded in the priesthood, which the king had giuen him, and taken away from Iesus the sonne of Damneus: who resigned him his place against his will. Whereupon there arose a discord betweene them. For hauing assembled their resolutest followers, they grew from bitter words to fatall blowes and stones. But amongst all the rest Ananias was the richest in wealth, and by his Ananias, Costobarus and Saul prepared to spoile the weaker. bountie reconciled the more vnto him. Costobarus also and Saul gathered each of them a band of rascall and desperate men. These two were of the bloud royall, and by reason of their affinitie C and alliance with Agrippa, they were well beloued. [...]or which cause they were outragious and violent in spoiling and rauishing the fortunes of the weaker sort. From this time forward, the estate of our Citie grewe desperate, encrcasing daily more and more in wickednesse.
When Albinas vnderstood that Gessius Florus came to succeed him, desirous that they of Ierusalem should acknowledge some good turne at his hands, he called before him all those Hedio & Ruffinus. cap. 17. al. 22. Albinus executeth the hainous malefactors. Agrippa giueth them of the tribe of Leu [...]. leaue to w [...]are linnen garments. Agrippa permitteth the ministers of the temple to sing the sacred hymnes. prisoners that were notoriously guiltie of murther, and caused them to be executed. As for those that were imprisoned vpon any small or sleight cause, vpon paiment of their fines, he deliuered them: and in so doing the prison was cleansed of malefactors, and from that time the countrey remained full of theeues and Robbers. The Leuites, who were ordained to sing the hymnes vnto D God, sollicited the king to assemble the councell, and thereby to permi [...] them to weare the linnen Robe, which the priests were accustomed to vse, telling him that such an ordinance would dignifie his estate verie much, in that he would be alwaies famous in memory of this new establishment. This suit of theirs was easily respected and admitted: For the king after he had consulted with those, who were his assistants, suffered the Leuites that sung the hymnes, to lay aside their ordinarie Robe, and to apparrell themselues in linnen, as best liked them. He permitted also that another part of the Leuites, who intended the seruice of the temple, should learne to sing the hymnes and psalmes according [...]s they had required. All which he did contrarie to the ordinances of the countrey, which being broken there was nought else to be expected but punishment. E
At that time was the building of the temple finished: And the people perceiuing that more then eighteene thousand workmen should be idle, and depriued of wages, whereupon they The people of the Iewes beseech the king that it may be lawfull for thē to repaire the porch. were accustomed to liue in trauailing in the building of the temple: on the other side, being Ioath to reserue their money thorow the feare they had of the Romanes, to prouide that these workmen (in the intertainment of whom they resolued to employ their treasure: for if any one of them trauailed but one howre in the day, he was sodainly paide his wages) they requested the king that it might please him to repaire the Easterne gate on the outward part of the temple, scituate in a descent; the wals whereof were in height foure hundreth cubits, made of square stones of white marble, from the top to the bottome, and euery stone twentie foot long, and six foot thicke. This worke was first builded by king Salomon, who was the first that builded our F temple. But the king, to whom Claudius Caesar had giuen the commission of building the temple, thinking with himselfe that it was verie easie to breake it downe, but very hard to build it vp, and Matthias the sonne of Theophilus high priest. that to reedifie the porch it would cost much time and expence, he denied their request, permitting them neuerthelesse to paue their citie with broad stone. Hee tooke the priesthoode from Iesus the sonne of Gamaliel, and gaue it to Matthias the sonne of Theophilus. In whose time the warre betwixt the Romanes and Iewes grew to the first head.
[Page 526] But I thinke it not amisse, but verie answerable to the course of this present historie, to speake G The yeare of the world, 4026. after Christs natiuitie, 64 Hedio & Ruffinus, cap. 18. The succession and number of the hie priests among the Iewes. Aaron and his progenie. of the priests, and to shew how they had their beginning, and to whom this honour may be lawfully communicated, and how many they were in number vntill the end of the warre. The first of them was Aaron Moses brother, after whose death his children succeeded him, and from that time forward the honour hath continued with their successors. For it is a law obserued by our auncestors, that no man shall be admitted to the priesthood, except he be of Aarons posteritie: for albeit he were a king, if so be that he were of an other line, it was impossible for him to obtaine the priesthood. All the priests after Aaron, who (as we haue said) was the first, vntill Phanasus, whom the seditious created priest in the time of the warre, haue been in number 83. whereof 13 haue executed the office from the time that Moses erected Gods tabernacle in the desart, vntil such time as arriuing in Iudaea, king Salomon builded a temple to God. For in the beginning the hie priesthood H continued with the possessors for terme of life: but afterwards, although the priests were yet aliue, yet were there other successors planted in their roomes. These thirteene were of Aarons posteritie, and obtained this degree in succession the one after the other. Their first gouernment was Aristocratia, which is the gouernment of the nobilitie: afterwards a monarchy; and finally a royall gouernment. The number of yeers wherein these thirteene flourished, were sixe hundreth and twelue yeeres, from the day that our fathers departed out of Aegypt, vnder the conduct of Moses, vntill the edification of the temple that was builded in Ierusalem by king Salomon. After these thirteene high priests, there were eighteene others; who after Salomons time succeeded one after another, vntill the time that Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, hauing encamped before the Citie, tooke the same, and burned the temple, and transported our nation into Babylon, I and led away the high priest Iosedech prisoner. The time of the priesthood, and continuance of these eighteene was foure hundreth, sixtie six yeeres, six moneths, and ten daies: so long as the Iewes haue had the royall gouernment. After the surprisall of Ierusalem by the Babylonians, vntill such time as Cyrus king of Persia dismissed the Iewes, and gaue them leaue to returne from Babylon into their owne countrey, with permission to reedifie their temple, there are 70. yeeres: and at that time the captiues beeing returned, Iesus the sonne of Iosedech tooke vpon him the high priesthood, who with those of his posteritie to the number of fifteene, haue gouerned in a Democratie or popular estate, vntill the time of Antiochus surnamed Eupator, for the space of foure hundreth and fourteene yeeres. This Antiochus was the first, who with his generall Lysia, displaced Onias, surnamed Menelaus, of his priesthood; commanding him to be slaine at Beryth, K and after he had driuen his sonne out of the succession, he established Iacim high priest, who notwithstanding was of Aarons race; but not of his family. For this cause Onias the sonne of Onias, There were 83. high priests in all. and nephew to the deceased Onias retired himselfe into Aegypt, where growing familiar with Ptolomey Philometor and Cleopatra his wife, he perswaded them to build a temple in the confines of Heliopolis, not vnlike to that of Ierusalem, and to create a high priest in the same: of which temple in Aegypt we haue made verie oftentimes mention. After that Iacim had held the priesthood for the space of three yeeres, he died without successor. For the Citie remained seuen yerees without a high priest. Againe, the Asmoneans recouered the gouernment of their nation, and after they had warred against the Macedons, they established Ionathan hie priest, who exercised the office seuen yeeres: but afterwards he was slaine by an ambush, and treason conspired against L him by Tryphon, as we haue declared elsewhere. After him Simon his brother vndertooke the priesthood, who was not long after slaine treacherously by his sonne in lawe at a banquet. After him succeeded his sonne Hyrcanus, who enioying this dignitie for the space of thirtie one yeeres, died when he was verie olde, leauing behinde him Iudas surnamed Aristobulus; who dying by sicknesse, left his brother Alexander his heire both of the kingdome and high priesthood. After that Aristobulus had obtained the royal gouernment, he enioyed both dignities one whole yeere. For this Iudas surnamed Aristobulus was the first that set the diademe on his head, causing himselfe to be called a king. The which Alexander did continue: for he also ioyned the kingdome with the high priesthood, and raigned 27. yeers: and feeling himselfe draw neere to his death, he left it in Alexandras his wiues hands to dispose of the priesthood as she pleased. She therefore M bestowed it on Hyrcanus, and as touching the kingdome she kept it in her own hands nine yeers, & afterwards died. Her son Hyrcanus was high priest for so long time, for after Alexandras death his brother Aristobulus made warre against him, and hauing ouercome him, he tooke the kingdome from him, and not onely seazed the crowne, but the priesthood. After he had raigned three yeeres, and as many moneths, Pompey repaired to Ierusalem, and tooke it perforce, and laying hold of Aristobulus, sent him bound vnto Rome with his children. After which he restored [Page 527] the priesthood once more to Hyrcanus, committing the gouernment of the nation vnto his hands, The yeare of the world. 4026. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 64. A forbidding him in the meane space to weare the diademe. Besides the first nine yeeres, Hyrcanus gouerned twentie and foure, but Barzapharnes and Pacorus princes of the Parthians passed Euphrates, and made warre against Hyrcanus, and tooke him aliue prisoner, and made Antigonus Aristobulus sonne king. But after he had gouerned three yeeres and three moneths, Sosius and Herode tooke him aliue perforce, and Antonius sent him to Antioch where he was put to death. After that Herode was created king by the Romans, there was neuer any hie priest created Aristobulus slaine by Herode, supra lib. 15. cap. 3. of the posterity of the Asmoneans (for he gaue the hie priesthood to certaine men of obscure & base condition, who were of the order of the priests) Aristobulus onely excepted. This Aristobulus was Hyrcanus nephew, who was prisoner among the Parthians, and hauing giuen him the priesthood he married himselfe with Mariamme his sister, to the intent to continue himselfe in the B good liking of the people in remembrance of Hyrcanus: but afterwards fearing, least all of them should turne to Aristobulus side, he caused him to be slaine, by finding out a meanes to cause him to be stifled, at such time as he bathed himselfe in a fishpond neere to Iericho, as we haue declared before this. After him he bestowed the priesthood no more on any of the line of the Asmoneans. Archelaus his sonne followed his fathers steps in respect of the priesthood, and from that time forward the Romans haue enioied the soueraigntie ouer Iewry. All they then that haue exercised the priesthood from Herodes time, vntill the day that Titus tooke the Citie and the temple, haue been in all twentie and eight. All the continuance of their gouernment was one hundreth and seuen yeeres. Certaine of these gouerned during Herodes life, and in the daies of Archelaus his sonne, but after these two were dead, the gouernment was Aristocraticall, or of the C nobilitie, wherein the priests had the gouernment ouer the whole nation. Thus much haue we thought meet to speake at this time as touching the high priests.
CHAP. IX.
How Florus, Albinus successor, offered many iniuries to the Iewes, which constrained them to take armes.
GEssius Florus being sent by Nero to succeed Albinus, filled all Iudaea with many mischiefs and miseries. He was a Clazomenian borne, and was married to a certaine woman called The yeare of the world. 4028. after the birth of Christ. 66. Gessius Florus gouernour of Iudaea. Gessius Floru [...] worse then, Albinus. Cleopatra, no lesse mischieuous then himselfe: who being beloued by Poppea Neros D wife, obtained this dignitie for him. He behaued himselfe so outragiously and violently in all his gouernment, that thorow the great iniustice he committed, the Iewes praised Albinus as if hee had been their benefactor. For he concealed his mischiefe, taking care least it should wholy be conceited or discouered: but Gessius Florus behaued himselfe in such sort, as if he had been sent to make open shew and sale of his villanies, publishing his iniustice in the eares of our nation, without omitting either rapine or iniustice in execution and inflicting punishment on the innocent. For he was pitilesse and couetous, and made no difference betwixt noble and ignoble, and was not ashamed to be partaker with theeues: of whom there were diuers that made it their profession, to steale without any feare, in that they were assured of their safetie, because he was partaker with them. And in a word, there was no moderation in him, in sort as the poore Iewes E being vnable to endure the insolent rapines and spoilings of their goods that they receiued by The yeare of the world, 4030. after Christs birth 68. Florus the originall cause of the wars of the Iewes. The beginning of the warres. these theeues, were constrained to abandon their owne houses, and to flie their countrey, and remaine in some more commodious place of securitie, yea though it were among strangers. What neede I speake any more? He that constrained vs to raise our swords against the Romans, was Florus, who made his account that it was better for them to die all at once in great troupes, then to perish by little and little. In briefe, the warre began the second yeere of the gouernment of Florus in that prouince, which was the twelfth yeere of Neros Empire. But they that desire to know exactly all that which we haue beene constrained both to doe and suffer, may peruse my bookes as touching the Warres of the Iewes. For which cause in this place I will end this ancient historie, after which I haue begun to describe the historie of the Warre. F
This auncient historie containeth all that which hath been reported to be done since the first The Epilog of the Antiquitles of the Iewes. creation of man, vntill the twelfth yeere of Neros Empire, omitting nothing that hath befallen the Iewes, as well in Aegypt as in Syria, and Palestine. All that likewise, which we haue beene enforced to suffer vnder the Assyrians and Babylonians; as also our estate vnder the Persians and Macedons, and finally vnder the Romans. All this, as I suppose, I haue compiled and gathered togither with carefull diligence, and I haue enforced my selfe to recite the number of those, who [Page 528] haue been high priest for the space of two thousand yeeres. I haue also collected the succession G The yeere of the world. 4030. after Christs birth 68. Ioseph expert in the Greeke and Hebrew tongues. of kings, their actions, and gouernments, with the power of their monarchies, according as it is amply described in holy scriptures, as also I haue promised in the beginning of my historie. Furthermore I dare boldly say, that whatsoeuer I haue set downe, is so assured, that there is no man either Iew or of what nation soeuer, yea although he should haue employed the vttermost of his power, could more exactly communicate the same vnto the Greekes, then I haue done. For in their confessions and opinions who are of our nation, I haue such knowledge in that which concerneth our doctrine, as I surpasse them all: And as touching the Grecian disciplines, I haue studied and learnt the toung, although I cannot boast of the familiar and fit pronunciation of the same, for that I haue liued in the countrey. For amongst vs we make but slender reckoning of those, who are exercised in diuers tongues, for that this study is accounted prophane by vs, and H common not only vnto free persons, but also vnto slaues: and they onely are esteemed to haue profited in wisedome; who fully know the contents of the lawe, and who can expound the holy scriptures. For this cause although diuers haue trauailed in this exercise of writing histories, yet are there scarcely two or three of them that haue written successefully, and haue receiued the fruits of their labours. And it may be that it shall not be misthought of, if I freely speake somewhat of my progenie and life, considering that there are men at this day liuing, who can approue or reproue me in that I set downe. And in this place will I make an end of mine ancient historie, which I haue reduced into twentie bookes, containing sixtie thousand verses. And if God grant This volume was written The yeare of the world. 4057. after Christs birth 95. me life, I will shortly entreat of our warres, and the euents of the same that haue hapned hitherto, which is the thirteenth yeere of Domitianus Caesars Empire, and the fiftie sixe yeere of mine I age. Moreouer I am resolued to discouer in foure bookes the diuers opinions of the sects of the Iewes, as touching God and his essence, and our lawes, according to which certaine things are permitted vs, and othersome are forbidden.
THE LIFE OF FLAVIVS A IOSEPHVS THE SONNE OF MATTHIAS,
KNOW therfore that I am not basely but nobly descended, being Iosephus Ilnage. B both on the father and mothers side deriued from the line of the priests: & for as much as some are accustomed to draw the ground of their nobility, the one from this man, the other from that; so among our nation the marke of true nobilitie is to deriue a mans petegree from the priesthood. Touching my selfe, I am not only lineally issued from the priests, but I draw my original from them, who amongst the foure & twenty ranks or families of priests iustly chalenge the superioritie. Moreouer by my mothers side I am of the bloud royall. For the heires of the Asmoneans, from whom she is descended, haue for a long time exercised the priesthood and princely power among our nation. C I wil likewise make it knowne, how my predecessors haue succeeded the one after the other. My great grandfathers father was Simon, surnamed Psellus, that is, the stutterer, who liued at such time as Hircanus the high priest the first of that name, and the sonne of Simon the high priest, was in office. This Simon Psellus had nine sonnes: the one of these was Matthias, surnamed Aphlias. This Matthias tooke to wife the daughter of the high priest Ionathan, by whom he had one sonne, who was Matthias surnamed Curtus, who was borne in the first yeere of Hircanus priesthood. Matthias begat Ioseph the ninth yeere of Alexandras gouernment, and of Ioseph came Matthias Ioseph the son of Matthias was borne in the first yeere of Caius Caesars Empire, and the 4001. yeere of the world, and the 39. after Christs birth. the tenth yeere of the raigne of Archelaus; and Matthias begat me the first yeere of the Empire of Caius Caesar. I likewise haue three sonnes, mine eldest is Hircanus, who was borne in the fourth: my next Iustus, who was borne in the seuenth: and Agrippa my last was borne in D the ninth yeere of Vespasians Empire. This genealogie of mine do I in this manner propose, according as I haue found it written in the publike registers, to put them to silence who shal pretend to reproue or detract the same.
My father Matthias was not onely famous for his expresse nobilitie, but hath also beene praised by reason of his iustice and authoritie in Ierusalem, which is the mother citie of all the rest in our countrey. My bringing vp during my tender yeeres was with Matthias, who was my brother by the same father and mother, with whom I happily profited in all kind of sciences, hauing a good memorie and a quick apprehending spirit: so that being as yet a child of fourteene yeers of age, I was praised by al men in regard of the good affection I bare to learning, and the priests & noblest citizens alwaies assembled about me, to receiue certaine exact instructions from me in Ioseph from his infancy very studious, and addicted to learning. E any thing that concerned our ordinances. About the age of sixteene yeeres my desire was to haue a search and insight into the sects of our nation, which (as I haue said) are three: the first of the Pharisees; which is the chiefest. The second of the Sadduces. And the third of the Esseans. For I truly thought with my selfe, that I might easily choose the better of the three, at such time as I had beene exercised and acquainted with them all: for which cause with great abstinence and no lesse labour, I passed thorow them all: and not content with this experience; after I had heard that a certaine man called Banus liued in the desart, clothing himselfe with that which the trees brought forth, and feeding on no other kind of meat, but that which they willingly yeelded him, washing himselfe oftentimes by day and night in cold water to keepe himselfe chast: I began to imitate his course of life, and after I had liued with him for the space of three yeeres, and F satisfied my desires, at last I returned into the citie.
At the age of nineteene yeeres, I began to intermeddle with publike affaires, following the sect of the Pharisees, which very neerely resembleth that sect among the Graecians, who are called Stoicks. After I was sixe and twentie yeeres olde, it was my fortune to repaire to Rome vpon this Ioseph a [...]. occasion that ensueth: During such time as Foelix gouerned Iudaea, there were certaine priests my familiars, men of much honour & more vertue, who vpon some slight occasion were bound and [Page 530] sent to Rome by his commaundement, to aunswere to that which was obiected against them in G Caesars presence. Whereupon I being desirous to labour for their liberty, hauing especiall intelligence, that notwithstanding the torments wherewith they were martyred, they buried not in forgetfulnes that pietie which they ought to God, but liued on figs and nuts: and for this cause I departed for Rome, and was encountred with many great and grieuous hazards by sea. For the ship, wherein I sailed, was wrackt in the midst of the Adriatike sea, and there were about sixe Iosephs ship▪ [...]. hundreth of vs that swamme all night long, and vpon the day spring by Gods prouidence a Cyrenian ship came in sight, and both I and certaine others to the number of fourescore out swimming the rest, were taken vp into it and saued. After I had in this sort escaped: I came to Dicaearchia, which the Italians call at this day Puteol, and grew acquainted with Aliturus a Iew borne, who was a plaier, and in good reputation with Nero; by whose meanes insinuating my selfe into H Poppeas knowledge, whovvas Caesars wife, I determined to beseech her to procure those Priestes liberties, with all expedition: which done, I by her means recouered their present liberty: and being gratified likewise by her with many great gifts, I returned into my countrey. There found I the commonweale too much addicted to factions and troubles, and diuers too prone and readie to rebell and forget their alleageance to the Romanes. I enforced my selfe to represse the seditious, Ioseph obtaineth the priests liberties. The Iewes seditious. and exhorted them to chaunge their opinions, representing before their eies the qualitie of those, against whom they enterprised their warre, with whom they neither might compare in experience of warre, neither in good fortune: for this cause I aduised them not to hazard and ouerthrow their countrey by their rashnesse and rage, and with it their posterities and themselues. I
To this effect spake I vnto them, & instantly intreated them to forsake their vntamed resolution, for that I foresaw that the end of this warre would redound to our vtter ruine; but I preuailed nothing Ioseph dehorting the Iewes from sedition is suspected by them of treason. with them. For the furie of desperate & dissolute men preuailed aboue reason: for which cause fearing least by continuall inforcing of one thing, I should grow into hatred and suspition among thē, as if I fauored their enemies; fearing likewise least if they should lay hold on me, they should put me to death, seeing that the fort of Antonia was alreadie seazed vpon by the seditious; I retired my selfe into the inward part of the tēple. In processe of time after Manahem & the chiefest among the theeues vvere put to death, I came out again from the temple, and conuersed with the priests, and chiefest Pharisees, vvho were surprised with great feare. And grieuously vvere vve disma [...]ed, when we saw the people in armes, & being vncertaine what to do, & wanting the meanes K to pacifie these mutinies, and apparantly perceiuing their manifest daunger, both I and the Pharisees told them our opinion vvas answerable to theirs, & counsailed them to containe themselues in peace, and not to prouoke the enemie. For our hope was that Gessius vvould with al expedition draw out great forces, and chastice those peacebreakers. But as soone as he arriued, and had fought vvith them, he vvas ouercome, and a great number of his men vvere slaine: whereupon grew the vtter ruine of our vvhole nation. For such as desired the vvarre, vvere puffed vp vvith that victory, and conceiued an assured hope that in the end they should ouercome the Romans. Besides that, this ensuing occasion presented it selfe. The inhabitants of the cities that bordered vpon Syria, laid hands on those Iewes that dwelt amongst them, and slue both them, their wiues, and children, without any iust cause or crime committed by them. For they had not conspired L The Iewes are plagued both by straungers and their own co [...]imen. any waies or intended to reuolt from the Romanes, or to vse any hostilitie or any secret conspiracie against any of those, with vvhom they were conuersant. But among all the rest, the citizens of Scythopolis exceeded all other in impietie and wickednes. For being besieged without by certaine of the Iewes, they inforced those Iewes that inhabited amongst them to take armes, and to charge those of their owne nation (vvhich is both prohibited and vnlawfull by our lawes) vvho fighting against them discomfited them: but after this ouerthrow they in such [...]ort falsified and forgot their faith, that they had giuen to their associates and fellow citizens, that they slue euerie mothers sonne of them, to the number of many thousands. The like misfortune also fell vpon those Iewes that inhabited Damasco. But of this we haue more amply spoken in those our bookes, vvhich vve haue vvritten of the warres of the Iewes, and at this present I make mention M hereof, intending to signifie and certainly perswade the readers, that the warre which vvas vvaged vvith the Romanes, proceeded not of a resolute intent and purpose, but for the most part of an The Iewes constrained by necessitie to make warre. inforced necessitie.
After that Gessius vvas ouercome (as we haue heretofore declared) the chiefest men of Ierusalem perceiuing that the theeues making a partie among the seditious, and vvere strongly and plentifully armed and prouided, they began to feare least if they should be found disarmed; they [Page 531] should sodainly be ouerthrowne by their enemies (as in effect it fell out afterwards) and hearing A that all Galilee was not as yet wholy reuolted from t [...] Romans: but that a part thereof as yet entertained the peace, they sent me with two other priests Ioazar and Iudas, who were both vertuous and honourable men, to perswade the mutinons to lay by their armes, and to let them know that it was more behoouefull for the good of the nation, that such men as were in authoritie and reputation, should haue the keeping thereof. The resolution that was taken by them was, that they had them alwaies ready vpon all occasions, but that they expected vntill they were certified what the Romans intended to doe.
With this commission and such like instructions, I repaired into Galilee, where I found the Sephorites were in no small hazard in respect of their countrey, for that they of Galilee had resolued The daunger of the Sephorites. to forrage the same in regard of their league of friendship continued with the Romanes, B and contracted and ratified by Senius Gallus Gouernour of Syria. But I deliuered them all of that feare, and appeased the common people by permitting them, to send at all times when they pleased, their hostages to Gessius, who lay at Do [...]a a Citie of Phoenicia. I found likewise that the inhabitants of Tiberias were already in armes, vpon this occasion following. There were in that Sedition in th [...] citie of Tiberias. Three factions in the citie of Tiberias. Citie three different factions, the one of the nobilitie, whose chief [...]aine was Iulius Capella, and all those that accompanied him, that is to say, Herode the sonne of Miarus; Herode the sonne of Gamalus and Compsus the sonne of Compsus (for Crispus his brother, who in times past had been gouernour for Agrippa surnamed the Great, was amongst his possessions on the other side of Iordan) all these I say gaue counsell at that time to subscribe to the Romans authoritie, and to obey their king. But Pistus would no waies accord to this aduice, in regard of his sonne Iustus: C for naturally he was vainglorious. The second faction was of the common sort, who concluded vpon war. Iustus Pistus sonne, who was the ringleader of the third faction, carried himselfe very doubtfully as touching the warre; yet notwithstanding he sought and thirsted after innouation, hoping that by a change he should encrease his power. Presenting himselfe therfore in the midst of the multitude, he enforced himselfe to perswade the common sort, that their Citie had alwaies The oration of Iustus Pistus sonne to the multitude. belonged to Galilee; and that during the daies of Herode the Tetrarch, who founded the same, it was the chiefest Citie, whose pleasure it was that the Citie of Sephoris should yeeld obedience to that of Tiberias. Furthermore, he auowed that they had not lost that preheminence in the time of king Agrippa the father, but had continued the same till Foelix obtained the gouernment of Iudaea. But for the present wherein they had been giuen by Nero to the younger Agrippa, D they had fallen and lost their superioritie. For the Citie of Sephoris obtained the soueraigntie of Galilee, after that she acknowledged the Roman gouernment, who had abolished the table royall and publike registers. By these words and others of like nature, inforced against king Agrippa, he incited the people to rebellion, signifying vnto them that the opportunitie inuitedIustus inci [...]eth the people to rebellion.them to take armes, to the end that being associated with the Galileans, they might make themselues Lords, for that all of them would willingly ioyne themselues with them thorow the hatred they [...]are to the Sephorites, on whom they would reuenge themselues with great force, because they continued in their allegiance, which they promised to the Romans.
And by these words he woon the peoples hearts vnto him, for he was a man that was verie eloquent, Iustus the ofspring of warre and by his subtiltie and politike discourse, easily ouerthrew all that which his aduersaries E produced against him. For hee was not ignorant of those sciences that are knowne vnto the Greekes, but trusting to his wisedome and good discourse, hee began to discouer howe all things had past at that time, to the intent that by such colourable insinuations he might smother the truth. But in the processe of our discourse, we will declare that he was a man of a dissolute life, and that by his and his brothers meanes, he wanted little of vtterly ouerthrowing his countrey. When as therefore this Iustus had perswaded the Citizens of Tiberias to take armes, and had constrained diuers men likewise, who were of the contrarie opinion, to do the like, he issued out with them, and burned the villages of the Gadarenians and Hippenians, that are scituate in the confines of Tiberias and Scythopolis: In this estate was Tiberias: and as touching Gischala, their estate and affaires were brought to this issue. Iohn the sonne of Leui seeing some of the F Citizens waxen proud by meanes of their reuolt from the Romans, laboured to restraine them, and required them to continue in their allegiance: but notwithstanding all his perswasion and diligence, he could not containe them. For the nations round about them, as the Gadarenians, Gabaraganeans and Tyrians assembled a great army, and with the same assailed Gischala, and Gischala burned & spoiled. tooke it by force, and after they had consumed it by fire and vtterly destroied the same, they returned euerie one to their dwelling places. Iohn being sore displeased with this act, armed all [Page 532] those that were with him, and set vpon these abouenamed nations, and hauing obtained the victorie, G he reedified Gischala in farre better so [...] then it was before, inclosing it with a wal, to the intent it might be the better fortified against future inuasions.
But those of Gamala perseuered in their faith towards the Romans, for the occasion that ensueth. Philip the sonne of Iacim, who gouerned vnder king Agrippa, escaping beyond all opinion, Gamala faithfull to Rome. The daunger whereinto Philip Iacims sonne was fallen. and flying to the royall pallace in Ierusalem at such time as it was besieged, fell into another great danger, to wit, to be slaine by Manahem, and those theeues that were with him: but certaine Babylonians his kinsmen being at that time in Ierusalem, hindered the theeues from executing their purpose at that time. When as therefore Philip had soiourned there for the space of foure daies, on the fift he fled away, disguizing himselfe in a false haire, for feare he should be discouered: And as soone as he was arriued in one of those villages which was of his owne possession, H scituate neere vnto the mount Gamala, he sent for certaine of his subiects to make their repaire vnto him. But God would not permit it, but for Philips greater good, he crossed the scope of his intent, which otherwise had been the ruine of many, for being surprised by a sodain feuer, he committed certaine letters of his, written to Agrippa and Bernice who were yet but young, to one of his free-men, comman̄ding him to deliuer them to Varus, who was put in trust Varus iniustly executeth him that brought the letters. Varus tyranny in gouerning the countrey. Varus seeketh to conceale his power and tyranny. by the king and Queene, to administer the affaires of their kingdome, for that they were gone to Beryth to meete with Gessius. As soone therefore as he had receiued Philips letters, and vnderstood that he was escapt, he tooke it verie hardly, for that he thought it would be said that the king and the Queene had no vse of him since Philip was arriued. He [...]refore brought him that had the carriage of these letters, into the peoples presence, obiecting against him that he had forged I that writing, alleadging that he falsely lied in that he reported that Philip was in Ierusalem, making warre with the Iewes against the Romans: and for that cause he commanded him to be executed. Philip being ignorant of the cause why his free-man did not returne, sent another with letters, to the intent he might discouer what was become of his first messenger, and for what cause he staied so long. But Varus accusing this second messenger also verie falsely, commanded him to be executed, as he had done the first. For the Syrians that inhabite Caesarea, had made him proud, insomuch that he aspired to high and great matters, by telling him that Agrippa should be put to death by the Romans, in regard of those faults which the Iewes had committed; and that Varus, who was royally descended, should possesse his gouernment. For without question Varus was held to be of the bloud royall, for that he deriued his petigree from the Tetrarch Sohëmus K that gouerned the countrey that abutted on Lybanus. For these causes Varus grew proud, and retained Philips letters by him, hoping by these meanes that the king should haue no knowledge thereof; and he set watch in euerie passage, for feare least any man should flie and certifie the king of that which had hapned; and to giue the Syrians the better content, who dwelt in Caesarea, he put diuers of those Iewes that dwelt among them to death. He intended also to vndertake a warre against the Iewes of Bathanaea, who were called Babylonian Iewes, by confed [...] [...]ing himselfe with the Trachonites of Bathanaea. For which cause, sending for twelue of th [...] Iewes who were of most estimation among the inhabitants of Caesarea, he enioyned them to repaire to Ecbatane, to signifie vnto those of their nation that dwelt there, that Varus vnderstanding that they pretended to take armes against their king, and scarcely beleeuing it▪ had sent them vnto L them to perswade them to lay by their armes. And that this should be a certaine signe, by which they might perfectly expresse that he had no reason to giue credite to their reports, who had inforced and obiected so much against them. Furthermore, he commanded them that seuentie of the chiefest of them should be chosen out, to answere to those accusations wherewith they should be charged. These twelue arriuing in Ecbatane, and entertained by those of their nation, found that they neither imagined nor intended any commotion: for which cause they perswaded them to send their seuentie men: which they did, little suspecting that which would happen.
As soone therefore as these with the other twelue Embassadours came to Caesarea, Varus hauing Varus killeth the seuentie Iewes with the embassadours. The Iewes retire thēselues into ye fortresse of Gamala &. thither resorteth Philip also. inckling of their comming, met them on the way with the kīngs forces; and slew them altogither M with the foresaid Embassadours, and tooke his way towards the Iewes of Ecbatane. But one of the seuentie, who had escaped, resorted thither with all expedition preuenting Varus, and certified the rest of that which had hapned. Wherupon they incontinently fel to armes, and with their wiues & children retired themselues to the fort of Gamala, abandoning their villages which were stored with all kind of goods, and many thousand cattell. When Philip had tidings hereof, he repaired himselfe also to the fort of Gamala, where he no sooner arriued▪ but the people cried [Page 533] out with a lowd voice, exhorting him to take the soueraigntie, and to make warre against Varus A and the Syrians of Caesarea. For they had intelligence that the king was dead. But Philip moderated their fury, recounting vnto them what benefits the king had bestowed on them, and of what power the Romans were, against whom it was but a folly for them to take armes; and in the end he perswaded them to peace. The king vnderstanding that Varus was determined to kill and murther all the Iewes that were in Caesarea, with their wiues & children all in one day (who were many in number) he sent vnto him Equus Modius to supply his place, as it hath been by vs declared in an other place. Meane while Philip kept the fort of Gamala, and the countrey thereabouts, perseuering in their fidelitie and loyaltie to the Romans. As soone as I arriued in Galilee, Gamala still faithfull to the Romanes. Ioseph by the commaundement of the councell remaineth in Galilee. and had perceiued and learnt all occurrences that had hapned, by those who reported the same vnto me, I presently signified the whole estate by my letters, to the councel at Ierusalem, to know B what their pleasure was I should doe. Who gaue me this answere, that I should remaine where I was, and retaine those Embassadours that I had with me; if they thought good to take charge of Galilee. But they being verie wealthy, by meanes of those tenths and tit [...]es that were giuen them, and verie willing, because they were due, to gather them vp in right of their priesthood, resolued with themselues to returne to their owne houses. But for that I intreated them to remaine with me, vntill such time, as we had setled the affaires, they willingly consented vnto me. I therefore departed with them to the Citie of Sephora, and came into a burrough called Bethmans distant from Tiberias some foure furlongs, and from thence I sent a messenger to the councell of Tiberias, exhorting the chiefest among the people to come and speake with me: who comming foorth to visit me, accompanied with Iustus also, I tolde them that I was sent Embassadour vnto C them, with those other, by the communaltie of Ierusalem, to perswade them to deface that building that was erected by Herod the Tetrarch, wherin diuers figures of liuing creatures were painted; for that our lawe forbad them to allow or doe such things, and I exhorted them to suffer vs to doe that execution as soone as they might.
Capella and those of his partie, did for a long time refuse to consent thereunto, but in the end The Pallace set on fire that was in Tiberias. we inforced them so much, that they condescended. Now whilest we debated vpon this conclusion, Iesus the sonne of Saphias (of whom we haue spoken heretofore, declaring how he was the chieftaine and conductor of the faction of sailers and poore men) tooke with him certaine Galileans, and set fire on all the pallace, vnder hope to get great riches thereby (for that there were certaine roofes of the house couered with gold) who spoiled many things against our consent. D For after we had conferred with Capella, and the chiefest Tiberians, we retired our selues from Bethmaus into the higher Galilee. In the meane time Iesus men slew all the Greekes that remained there, and who before the warre had been their enemies. Which when I was certified of, I was grieuously displeased; and came down to Tiberias, and disposed of the kings moueables, for [...]re least they should be carried away by the robbers: and hauing recouered a candlesticke of [...]rinthian worke, princely tables, and no smal quantity of massiue siluer, I resolued with my selfe [...]eserue it to the kings vse. Calling therefore ten of the chiefest Senators and Capella Antyllus Ioseph procureth the safety of the kings goods. sonne vnto me, I deliuered the vessels into their hands, charging them to deliuer the same to no man, except it were to my selfe.
From thence; with mine associates I went vnto Iohn at Gischala, toknow what his mind and E resolution was, and I presently smelt out by him, that he affected innouation and tyrannie. For he besought me to grant him libertie, to transport Caesars wheat that was stored vp in the villages of higher Galilee, telling me that he would bestow the same in reedifying and repairing the wals of his countrey. But I smelling out both his drift and counsels, denied him that libertie. For I thought that that wheat would either serue the Romans, or my selfe, for that already I had the care of that countrey committed to my hands by the Citie of Ierusalem. When as therfore he could winne nothing at my hands, he appealed to my companions, who were improuident of those troubles that were to come, and greedy of rewards, and obtained at their hands thorow his [...]auish liberalitie a libertie to dispose of all the come that was in the prouince, in that I my selfe was vnable to contradict them both. After this Iohn vsed another subtiltie, for he said that those F Iewes, who inhabited Caesarea Philippi, being by the commaund of their king, to whom they were subiect, kept prisoners within their wals; being in want of pure oyle, desired to buy the same at his hands, for feare least contrarie to their custome, they should be compelled to vse that Iohns acts in Gischalis and his couetousnes. of the Greekes. But this spake he not in respect of religion or deuotion, but for his filthy lucres sake. For knowing that among the Caesareans, two sextaries were sold for a drachme, and that at Gischalis eightie sextaries were solde for foure drachmes, he sent all that oyle that was in that [Page 534] place vnto them, doing it (as he thought) by my permission. But I did not willingly condescend G thereunto, but for feare least if I should withstand the same; the people should stone me to death. As soone therefore as I had giuen him leaue, Iohn gathered a great summe of money by this cunning shift.
From this place dismissed I my companions, and sent them backe to Ierusalem, imploying my selfe wholy afterwards in preparing armor, and fortifying cities. After this, calling the stoutest Sosephsendeth backe his companions to Ierusalem. Ioseph president of Galilee theeues before me, when as I perceiued that I might not recouer their vveapons from them, I perswaded the multitude to hire them by rewards, telling them that it was more profitable for them to entertaine them in their seruice, then to suffer their countrey to be spoiled by their excursions. And thus hauing taken their oathes, did I dismisse thē vnder condition, that they should not come into our region, except they were called, or to receiue their due pay vnder condition, that they H should abstaine from spoiling either the Romans or the inhabitants of the countrey. But aboue all things my care was to keepe Galilee in peace. And whereas my desire was to get seuentie pledges of their loyaltie, chosen out amongst their nobilitie vnder pretext of friendship, as soone as they came vnto me in way of frienship, I made them my companions and fellow Iudges, and decreed many things according to their opinions, hauing an especiall care least thorow rashnes Ioseph ioyned seuentie of the nobilitie with him. Ioseph at thirtie yeeres of age offered no woman violence, and would not be bribed. I should iniurie Iustice, or thorow corruption of rewards distaine mine incorrupted honour. At such time therefore as I was thirtie yeeres olde, at which yeeres although a man bridle himselfe from vnlawfull affections; yet hardly can he escape from the poisoned sting of detraction, especially if a great authoritie be annexed to his greene yeeres: I neuer offered vaine and vnlawfull courting to any vvoman, neither could any man fasten bribe on me, in that I pretended want I of nothing: yea I refused those tenths which in right of priesthood I might haue receiued from those, that brought them me. Yet after the conquest of the Syrians, I tooke part of the spoile, which (as I freely confesse) I sent to Ierusalem to my kinsmen. And whereas at two times I had forcibly ouercome the Sephorites, the Tiberians foure times, and the Gadarenians once, and had brought Iohn vnder my subiection, who had oftentimes sought to entrap me; neither could Iosephs bountie towards his enemies. I endure to reuenge my selfe on him, neither on any of the aboue named people, as in the sequel of this storie I will make manifest.
For which cause I suppose that God, who is the trier and searcher of all iust hearts, both deliuered me at that time out of the hands of mine enemies, and afterwards, and that many times out of daungerous and seuerall misfortunes; as hereafter shall appeare in time and place. But so K The Galileans faith and loue towards Ioseph. great was the faith and beneuolence of the common people of Galilee towards me, that their cities being ouerthrowne, and their families led into captiuitie, they spent not so many teares for their owne calamities, as they bestowed cares for my perseruation and securitie. Which when Iohn perceiued, he began to enuie me, and besought me by his letters, that I would giue Iohn desireth that he might bath himselfe in the hotte b [...]thes of Tiberias. him licence for his health sake, to bath himselfe in the hot bathes of Tiberias: which I, suspecting no treason, willingly granted him that which he demaunded. Moreouer I wrote vnto those, t [...] whom I had committed the trust and administration of the citie, to prepare him a lodging, and furnish all his companions with victuals, and to prouide him also of all things necessarie for his diet and entertainement. In the meanespace, I my selfe past my time in a certaine village of Galilee called Cana. But after that Iohn came to Tiberias, he wrought the townsmen in such sort, L that forgetting both their faith and dutie, they reuolted vnto him; and many of them lent a willing Iohns treason. eare vnto his intreaties, especially such as reioycing in innouations were too prone to chaunge, and greedie of dissension: but in espec [...]ll Iustus and his father Pistus, willingly entertained this occasion to reuolt from my obedience, and to submit themselues to Iohn; yet was this conspiracy of theirs preuented by my speedie accesse. For a certaine messenger came vnto me from Silas, whom I had in former time preferred to the gouernment of Tiberias, who certified me of the citizens intent, and exhorted me in all haste to make my repaire thither, for that otherwise the citie would shortly fall into another mans hands. As soone therefore as I had perused Silas letters, I trauailed all night long with two hundreth chosen men, and sending a messenger before me, who might signifie my approch to the citizens, I lost neither time nor way: And M in the morning when I drue neere vnto the citie, the whole people came out to meet me, and The people of Tiberias came out to meete Ioseph. among the rest Iohn, who after he had beheld me and saluted me with a suspicious countenance, fearing least his treason being discouered, he should grow in daunger of his life, speedily retired himselfe into his lodging. And when as I drew neere the citie within a furlong, dismissing Iosephs exhortations to the Tiberians. all my guard but one, and retaining onely tenne armed souldiers with me, I began to expostulate with the Tiberians from a certaine high place, from whence I might be heard, and I counsailed [Page 535] them that they should not reuolt, least in so doing they might shortly repent them of their A mutabilitie and breach of faith: for that no man hereafter would giue them credit, being alreadie either suspected or guiltie of this their perfidiousnes. Scarcely had I spoken this, but that I heard one of my attendants, who perswaded me to descend, telling me that it was no time now to reconcile Iohn seeketh to betroy and murther Ioseph. the Tiberians, or to perswade them: but rather to seeke for mine owne securitie, and how I might escape mine enemies. For after that Iohn had learnt that I was destitute of followers, he sent a thousand of his chosen souldiers; commaunding them to kill me; who were at hand and readie to commit the murther, had I not speedily lept downe with my seruant Iacob, and being relieued by Herode the Tiberian had beene brought to the lake, where finding a barke by chance, and putting forth to sea, I escaped contrarie to mine enemies expectation, and came to Taricheas. B
As soone as the inhabitants of that citie vnderstood how perfidiously and traiterously the Tiberians had dealt with me, they were sore displeased, and betaking themselues to their weapons The Galileans require that they m [...]y inuade Tiberias. perswaded me to lead them forth against them, telling me that they would reuenge the iniurie that was offered vnto their gouernour, and they blased this treason of theirs thorow all Galilee. For vvhich cause a number of armed Galileans came vnto me; requesting me that I would inuade Tiberias, and entering it that I would spoyle the same, and in the ruines thereof that I would sell the inhabitants with their whole families vnder the speare. The like did my friends, who escaped vvith me out of the citie, perswade me. But I in no sort would admit their suit, supposing it to bee a matter vnworthy my discretion, to reuiue a cause of ciuill warre, imagining with my selfe that such a contention ought to proceed no further then words: yea C I protested vnto them that such reuenge vvould be preiudiciall to themselues also, if the Romans standing at gaze they should spend themselues in ciuill discords. By this meanes at length the Galileans wrath was appeased.
But when as Iohn perceiued that he failed of his purpose, he began to feare: for which cause taking with him those armed men which he kept about him, and forsaking Tiberias, he repaired Iohn excuseth himselfe to Ioseph. to Gischala, and from thence he wrote his letters vnto me, excusing the fact, as if he had beene no waies guiltie thereof, and he besought me that I would in no sort suspect him, and confirmed his words with execrable othes, whereby he might winne the more credit to his writing. But the Galileans who vvere gathered in great multitudes from all the parts of the region, knowing that he vvas a wicked and perfidious man, besought me that I would lead them forth against him, promising D me to ouerthrow both him, Gischala and all his countrey. After therefore I had giuen them thanks for their loue towards me, I promised them that mine offices of loue should be answerable to their kindnes. Yet besought I them to restraine themselues, and to grant me pardon for that I thought it better to appease then procure troubles. This request of mine the Galileans granted: Whereupon we presently came to Sephoris. But the townsmen, who vvere resolued to continue faithfull towards the Romane people; fearing my approch indeuoured themselues to distract me with some other affaires, whereby they might liue in more securitie. Whereupon sending their messenger to Iesus the captaine of the theeues, that kept vpon the confines of Ptolemais, they promised him a great summe of money, if with his army of eight hundreth men, Iesus captaine of theeues. who liued vnder his commaund, he vvould wage warre with vs. Hee allured by their promises, E bethought himselfe to assaile vs sodainly and vnawares: for which cause he besought me by a messenger that I would grant him leaue and libertie to come and salute me: which when he had obtained, for that I was wholy ignorant of his treason, taking with him a troupe of his theeues he hasted speedily towards me: yet failed he of his purposed treason; for when he was not farre off from me, a certaine fugitiue of his troupe discouered his intent towards me. Which when I heard, I went out into the market place, faining that I knew nothing of his secret fraud, attended with a multitude of armed Galileans, and among these with certaine Tiberians. Afterwards sending abroad certain spies, who should scoure the high waies, I commanded the keepers of the Iesus seeketh to betray Ioseph. gates, that they should onely suffer Iesus to enter with the formost of his company, and exclude the rest: and if they should attempt to break in by force, they should beat them off. Who fulfilling F that which was commaunded them, Iesus entered with a few: and being commanded by me presently to lay downe his weapons, except he desired to be slaine, he seeing himselfe inuironed with armed souldiers, obeyed. Whereupon they that followed him, and were excluded, perceiuing Iosephpolitickly surpriseth Iesus. that their captaine was apprehended, sodainly betooke them to flight: And I leading Iesus apart, tolde him that I was not ignorant of those treasons which he intended against me; neither by whose prouocation he attempted the same. Yet told I him that I would pardon him, if so be by [Page 536] changing his manners he would be faithfull vnto me hereafter. Who promising me all that G Iosephs bountie towards Iesus. which I requested, I dismissed the man, & gaue him leaue to depart with his weapons: yet threatned I to punish the Sephorites, except hereafter they desisted from their treasons. About the same time there came two noble men vnto me, who were subiect to the king of Trachonitis, bringing with them both horsemen, armour, and money: whom when the Iewes would haue constrained to be circumcised, if so be they would remaine amongst them, I would not permit them to be troublesome to the Trachonites, alleadging that euerie man ought according to his owne minde, and not by other mens impulsion, serue God: And that it was not to be suffered Iosephs care of religion. that they, who for their securitie sake were fled vnto vs, should repent themselues of their trust they put in vs. And thus hauing perswaded the multitude, I freely and aboundantly furnished these men with all things necessarie. H
In the meane space Agrippa sent out his forces vnder the conduct of Equus Modius, to take the Castle Magdala by force, which for that they durst not assault, they beset the waies, and the rather troubled Gamala. But Ebutius Decadarchus, who had the gouernment of the great champion, Ebutius against Ioseph. hearing that I was come to a certaine village called Simonias, scituate vpon the confines of Galilee, and distant from the same some sixtie furlongs, tooke with him by night one hundreth horse that attended him, and about two hundreth footmen, with certaine inhabitants of the Citie of Gaba their associates, whom he conducted by night, and assailed and beset the burrough where I was. Against whom after I had drawne foorth a valiant band of men, Ebutius laboured all that he might to toule vs into the champion, for that he trusted verie much in his horsemen: but he easily perceiued that we might not be woon. For knowing the aduantage which the horsmen I had, if we should encounter them in the plaine, considering that we were but footmen, I resolued to fight in the place where we were: and Ebutius charged vs for a while verie valiantly. At length perceiuing that he had no vse of his horsemen in that place, he sounded the retreat, and departed backe againe, with lost labour to Gaba, hauing onely lost three men in the battell. Ebutius departeth without performing any thing. But I presently pursued him with two thousand armed men, and when I came to Belara, which is scituate on the confines of Ptolemais, distant some 20. furlongs frō Gaba, where Ebutius encāped at that time, and besetting all the passages with courts of guard, whereby we might be more secure from the excursions of our enemies, vntill we had carried out the wheate, whereof there was a great quantitie stored vp in that place, which was gathered out of the townships therabout, belonging to Queene Berenice, and loading diuers Camels and Asses, which to that ende I had K brought with me, I sent the same corne into Galilee. And hauing finished this businesse, I offered Ioseph transporteth corne into Galilee. Ioseph against Neopolitanus. Ebutius the battell; and whereas he detracted the same, being terrified by our boldnesse, I tooke my course to encounter with Neopolitanus, who (as it was reported) was in the territorie of the Tiberians, and foraged there. Now this Neopolitanus was a captaine of horsemen, and had vndertaken to defend Scythopolis against their enemies: Hauing therefore driuen him from doing any wrong in the countrey belonging to the Tiberians, I prouided for the securitie of Galilee.
But Iohn the sonne of Leui, who (as we said) liued at Gischala, after he heard that all things sell Iohn maligneth Iosephs good successe. out fortunately with me, and that I was loued of my subiects, and feared by mine enemies, was fore aggrieued thereat: and supposing his owne fortune was embased by my felicitie, and being L touched with no small enuie, and in greater hope that he should hinder my good successe, if so be that he could bring me in hatred with my subiects; he sollicited those of Tiberias and Sephoris to forsake me, and supposed also that the Gabarenians would reuolt vnto him, which Cities are the chiefest in Galilee. For he told them that vnder his conduct the common weale should be The Gabarenians reuolt vpon Iohns perswasion. more discreetly gouerned: but among the rest the Sephorites gaue least eare vnto him, for that neglecting vs both they onely held for the Romans. As for the Tiberians, they would not consent to rebell: yet notwithstanding they promised him some friendship. But the Gabarenians wholy addicted themselues vnto Iohn, by the meanes of one Simon a principall Citizen, who was Iohns fellow and friend. Yet did they not openly seeme to allow him, for that they vehemently feared the Galileans, whose good will towards me, they were long time assured of, but priuily M they sought another meanes to entrap me. And truely I fell into great danger vpon this occasion. For when as certaine Dabarittenians being audacious young men, had intelligence that The Dabarittenians spoile Ptolomies wifet. Ptolomeis wife the kings steward, vnder the conduct of certaine horsmen should in great pompe trauell along the great plaine, out of the kings countrey into the Romans gouernment, they sodainly set vpon them, and putting the woman to flight, they spoiled all that which shee carried with her. Which done, they droue to Taricheas, a place where I then kept, certaine moyles loaden [Page 537] with apparell and houshold stuffe of diuers sorts; among which there were diuers siluer vessels, A and fiue hundreth pieces of gold. Intending therefore to reserue these things for Ptolomey, as being one of the same tribe, in that our lawe permitteth not to defraud, no not our enemies, if they be of the same tribe; I told those that brought the goods thither, that they must be kept to be solde, to the end that the price of the goods might be bestowed vpon the building of the wals of Ierusalem. This motion of mine, the young men interpreted verie hardly, in that they were cut off from the part of the pray which they hoped for. For which cause dispersing themselues in the streetes of Tiberias, they spred a rumour that I would betray that country to the Romans, alleadging that I onely fained that the pray was destinated toward the repairing of the walles of Ierusalem: whereas the truth was, that I kept the same to the intent I might restore it to the owner. In which matter they were no whit deceiued in their opinion. For after the departure of B the young men, I called vnto me two chiefe Citizens, Dassion and Iannaeus the soones of Leui intire friends to the king, and commaunded them that taking the houshold stuffe with them, they Ioseph laboureth to restore Ptolomey to his goods. should conuay it vnto the king, threatning them with death if they reuealed this secret vnto any man.
But when as the rumour was spred thorow Galilee, that I would betray the region into the hands of the Romans, and all of them being grieuously bent and intent against me to punish me, they of Taricheas also giuing credit to the young mens fained speeches, perswaded my guard, and the rest of the souldiers, that forsaking me whilest I was asleepe, they should come into the horse race, and consult with other in that place how to degrade me, and giue the honour vnto another. They being perswaded, came to the appointed place, where they found many others C there arriued, and all of them cried out with one consent, that it was meete to take punishment on a traytor, who hath sought the destruction of the common weale. But he that most of all incited them to these troubles was Iesus the sonne of Saphias, who at that time had the magistracie of Tiberias in his hands, a man giuen ouer to all wickednesse, and borne to breed troubles, and Sedition against Ioseph. Iesus the son of Saphias conspireth against Ioseph. stirre vp seditions. This man bearing Moses tables in his hands, and comming out into the midst of the assembly spake thus with a loud voice: ‘If (said he) you be touched with no care of your selues; yet at leastwise contemne not these sacred lawes, which this your chiefetaine Ioseph, a man worthy to be hated by all men, hath of long time dared to betray, and for that cause is worthy of extreame punishment.’
After he had spoken thus, and was applauded by the acclamations of the people, he leading D the armed men with him, hastily repaired to the house where I kept, with a certaine intent and Simon one of Iosephs guard awaketh him. purpose to put me to death. Meane while I suspecting nothing of all this tumult, and tired with labour and wearinesse, tooke my rest, when as sodainly Simon one of my guard, who at that time only remained with me, seeing the incursion of the people, came and awaked me: and certifying me of mine instant perill, he gaue me counsell likewise, that rather like a noble and vndaunted chieftaine, I should shorten mine owne life, then shamefully die by mine enemies direction. Whilest he gaue me this counsell, I committing my safetie to Gods hands, and changing my Ioseph moueth the people to compassion. garments, went foorth into the assembly, after a mournfull manner, and wearing my sword hanging about my necke, stealing by that way, by which I knew that none of mine aduersaries might meete me, and comming into the horse race, I offered my selfe to euerie mans eie, and lying prostrate E on my face, and watring the earth with my teares, I mooued al men that beheld me to compassion. And when I perceiued that the affections of the people were changed, I laboured all that I might to deuide them in opinions, before the armed soldiers returned from my house, and confessing my selfe that I was not wholy cleere of that which was obiected against me, I besought them to vnderstand to what vse I reserued that pray that was brought vnto my hand, after which if they list they might kill me. And whilest the multitude commaunded me to speake, the armed men returned backe, and beholding me, rushed in vpon me with an intent to murther me: but being restrained by the peoples exclamations, they moderated their furie, supposing that after my confession of treason, and reseruation of the kings money, they might haue a better occasion to finish my Tragedy. F
For which cause after silence, I began thus: ‘Men and brethren (said I) if in your opinion I deserue death, I refuse not to die, yet before my death will I certifie you of the whole truth: Truly Iosephs oration and confession before his aduersaries when as I perceiued that this Citie was most commodious and fit to entertaine strangers, and that I perceiued that many men forsaking their owne countries, were delighted with your conuersations, and willing to partake with you in all sorts of fortune: I was resolued to build vp your wals with this money; for which being thus destinated to doe you good, your indignation is prouoked [Page 538] against me.’ Vpon these words the Taricheans and strangers cried out, giuing me thankes, G and willing me to be of a good courage. But the Galileans and Tiberians continued in their hatred, insomuch as they grew to debate betwixt themselues, the one threatning me with punishment; the other contrariwise, willing me to assure my selfe of securitie. But after I had promised Ioseph escapeth from daunger. the Tiberians that I would reedifie their wals, and fortifie other conuenient Cities, they giuing credit to my words, repaired euerie one of them to their owne houses. And I beyond all expectation escaping from so great a perill, with certaine of my friends, and some twentie souldiers, returned to my house.
But once againe the theeues and authors of sedition, fearing least they should be punished for these their offences, begirt my lodging with six hundreth armed men, intending to consume Ioseph in an other daunger. it with fire. Of whose arriuall, as soone as I had intelligence, imagining with my selfe that it H would be much dishonour for me to flie, I resolued to vse valour and courage against them: for which cause commanding the gates to be shut, I required them from the top of the house, that they would send in some of them vnto me, to receiue that money, for which they had been drawn Iosephs stratageme. into this mutinie: whereby they might haue no further cause to be incensed against me. Which done, laying hold of one of the most troublesome fellowes, that with the rest came in vnto me, I caused him to be beaten with many grieuous strokes, and his hand to be cut off, and hung about his necke; and thus handled, we thrust him out of doores to returne vnto those who had sent him. But they being wondrously affraid herewith, and suspecting the like punishment if they should stay there any longer, for that they suspected that I had diuers armed souldiers in my house, they sodainly all of them fled away; and so by this stratageme escaped I the other dangers. I Yet wanted there not some, who incited the people once more against me, saying, that the kings seruants, who were fled vnto me for refuge, ought not to liue, except they submitted themselues to their lawes and customes, from whom they required protection. They likewise accused them, that they were of the Roman faction, and poisoners, and presently the people began to mutinie, Another sedition. being deceiued by their words, who laboured to flatter them. Which when I heard of, I once more enformed the people that they ought not to persecute those, who resorted vnto them for rescous, and I iested at their folly, who accused them of impoisoning, and that the Romans would not vainly nourish so many thousands of souldiers, if they pretended to make away their enemies with poison. Being by these words somewhat pacified, they had scarcely withdrawn themselues awhile, but that by certaine outcasts and wicked men, they were incited against the nobilitie, K so that with armed weapons they resorted to the houses of the Taricheans, intending to murther them. Which when I heard, I was sore affraid, that if this wickednesse should be committed, no man hereafter should dare to trust his life in my hands. For which cause being assisted by diuers others, I hastily resorted to their lodging, and shut vp the gates, and cutting a trench Ioseph priuately dismisseth the Taricheans. betwixt it and the lake, I called for a barke, and entring into the same with them, I crossed ouer into the confines of the Hippenians: and furnishing them with money to buy them horses, for that they could not transport their owne with them in that flight, I dismissed them, requiring them to digest their present misfortunes with a constant minde. For I my selfe tooke it verie heauily, that I was once more inforced to land those men in the enemies countrey, who had committed themselues to my trust: yet thinking that, if it should so fall out, that they should fal into L the Romans hands, they should be safer, then if by suffering them to remaine in my countrey, I should see them opprest: I aduentured them thus. Yet were they saued and the king gaue them pardon. And this was the end of this tumult.
But they of Tiberias wrote vnto the king, requiring him to send a garrison into their country, and promising him to reuolt and follow him. Which done, as soone as I came vnto them, they required me that I would build them those wals which I had promised them: for they had alreadie heard that Taricheas was inuironed with wals. Whereunto I condescended, and gathering stuffe from euerie place, I set the workemen to their taske. But some three daies after departing The Tiberians letters to Agrippa. Seuen stadia make almost a Germaine mile. Sedition and rebellion in Tiberias. from Tiberias towards Taricheas, which was thirtie stades distant from thence, by chance a troupe of Roman horsemen were discouered, not farre from the Citie, which made the inhabitants M beleeue that they were the kings army: Whereupon they presently began to vtter many things in honour of the king, and more in my reproch. And presently a certaine friend posted vnto me, and told me what their minde was, and how they intended to reuolt from me. Which when I vnderstood, I was wondrously troubled: For I had sent backe my men of warre from Taricheas to their houses, for that the next day was the Sabboth day: For I would by no means that the Citizens of Tarichea should be charged or troubled with entertaining souldiers. And at all [Page 539] times, when I remained in that citie, I tooke no care of the guard of mine owne person, hauing A had often proofe of the loyaltie of the inhabitants towards me. Being therefore at that time attended onely with seuen souldiers, and a few of my friends, I knew not what to do. For I thought it not fit to call backe my forces, for that the day was welny past; and although they should haue Ioseph in danger for the Tiberians takes. beene with me the next morning, yet they might not haue taken armes because our lawes forbad the same, how great soeuer the occasion be that is offered. And although I should haue drawen forth the Taricheans and the strangers that were retired thither, & if vnder hope of pray I had led them forth, yet saw I that they were too feeble to resist their forces. On the other side, I alreadie perceiued that if I staied ouer long, the armie which was sent by the king being alreadie entered the citie, would haue excluded me: I therfore determined to vse this stratagem. I presently therfore garded the gates of the Taricheans with my most trustie friends, suffering no man to passe out of B them; and assembling the chiefest of euerie family, I commaunded euery one of them to lanch their boats into the lake, and to follow me with the masters of their ships. After which both I and my friends, and seuen other souldiers, betooke vs to a barke and sailed toward Tiberias. But when the Tiberians perceiued that they had no forces come from the king, & that the whole lake was couered with barkes, amazed and fearing the ruine of their citie, for that they supposed the Ioseph saileth to Tiberias. ships to be loaden with souldiers, they chaunged their former opinion. For which cause laying by their weapons, they themselues with their wiues and children came forth to meete me, entertaining me with happie acclamations: for that they thought I had heard no inkling of their intents, beseeching me that for the safetie of their citie, I would enter the same. But I drawing neere the citie, commanded the masters of the barkes to cast anchor farre off the shore, least the C townsmen might perceiue that the ships were emptie, and I my selfe drawing neere with mine owne barke vnto them, accused them, for that contrarie to their oathes, they had beene so foolishly induced to reuolt. Afterwards I promised them assured pardon, if so be they would deliuer me tenne of their chiefest nobilitie: which when they had incontinently performed, I shipt them in a bark and sent them prisoners to Taricheas: and by this pollicie one after another, I at last got all the Senate of Tiberias, and many of the chiefest citizens, and carried them thither also.
At length the rest of the multitude, as soone as they perceiued in how great daunger they were, they besought me that I would punish the chiefe author of this conspiracie, who was Clytus the author of the sedition in Tiberias. called Clytus a bould and rash young man. But I, that held it a wicked act to kill one of the same D tribe, and yet was inforced to punish him, commaunded Leuias one of my guard to go vnto him, and cut off his hand: who not daring for that he was alone to enter into so huge a multitude, for feare least his cowardise should be discouered by the Tiberians, I called Clytus vnto me, and said vnto him. Since (said I) vngratefull and perfidious man, as thou art, thou deseruest to lose both thy hands, I charge thee to become thine owne executioner, for feare least thorow thy delay Clytus cutteth off his owne left hand. thou procure thy further punishment. And whereas with many praiers he besought me to grant him one of his hands, I hardly condescended: at length of his owne accord for feare least hee should lose both, hee tooke a knife and cut off his left hand: and thus was this tumult appeased.
As soone as I returned to Taricheas, and the Tiberians vnderstood what stratageme I had vsed E with them, they were all amazed seeing how I had punished their ingratitude & disobedience without any bloudshed or murther. After I had sent for those of the people of Tiberias that were in prison, amongst whom was Iustus and his father Pistus, I inuited them to sup with mee, and during the repast I told them that I was not ignorant, that the Romane army excelled all men of the world in power and force: notwithstanding that I kept my selfe silent in the respect of those theeues that were round about, and I counsailed them that they also would doe the like in expectation of some better daies; and yet that in the meane time they would not thinke amisse of my gouernment, because the time afforded them not a more affable and commodious gouernour. I admonished Iustus also that before I came from Ierusalem, the Galileans had cut off his brothers hands, accusing him to haue forged false letters before the warre, and that after Philips departure F the Gamalites, being at ods with the Babylonians; slue Chares Philips own kinsman, & had Ioseph dismisseth the Tiberians. moderately punished his brother in law Iesus, who had maried his sister. After this discourse during supper time, I dismissed Iustus and his friends earely in the morning, with their freedomes. But before this came to passe, it hapned that Philip the sonne of Iacimus departed from the fort Philip the son of Iacimus. of Gamala vpon this occasion that ensueth. As soone as he vnderstood that Varus was reuolted from king Agrippa, and that Modius Equus who was his friend, was sent to succeed him, hee [Page 540] certified him of his estate by his letters: which when he had receiued, he highly reioyced at Philips G safetie, and sent those letters to the King and Queene, who liued at Berytum. Whereupon the King vnderstanding the false rumour that ranne as touching Philip, that he was the chieftaine of the Iewes armie, who vndertook the warre against the Romanes, sent certaine horsemen to Philip to bring him to his presence: before whom he no sooner arriued but he embraced him very kindly, and shewed him to the Romane captains, telling them that that was Philip, of whom it Agrippas kindnes and humanitie toward Philip. Hedio, Gadara was commonly reported, that he was in rebellion against the Romanes. He therefore charged him, that taking with him certaine horsemen he should post in al diligence to the fort of * Gamala, and drawing his household seruants from thence, he should lead and reestablish the Babylonians in Batanaea, and trauaile to his vttermost power that the subiect should be continued in obedience and peace. After Philip had receiued this commaundement from the king, he hasted H to performe the same.
But Ioseph a certaine drougier or treacle seller, gathering togither a sort of bould young men, and inciting the nobilitie of Gamala, perswaded the people to fall from the king, and that betaking Ioseph stirred vp a sedition in Gamala. them to their armes, they should recouer their former liberty: and thus drewe they other into their opinion, killing those that durst contradict them. Amongst these died Chares and Iesus his kinsman, and the sister of Iustus the Tiberian, as we haue heretofore declared. After this they requested me by letters, that I would send them aide, and certaine labourers to begi [...] their town with a wall. To both which requests of theirs, I easily condescended. About this time the countrey of Ga [...]lonite, as farre as the borough of Solyma, rebelled against Agrippa. I also enclosed Seleucia and Sogan, which were two strong places vnaccessible, and fortified by nature, with I wals. I did the like also by Iamnia, Amerytha, and Charabe a borough of higher Galilee, although Many Iewes reuolt from the Romanes. they were scituated amongst the rocks. I fortified in like sort Taricheas also and Tiberias, and Sephoris, cities of Galilee; and the borough of the caue of the Arbalians, Bersobe, Selamen, Iotapata, Capharath, Comosogana, Nepapha, and the mountaine Itabyrium. In those places hoorded I vp great store of corne, and laid vp store of armour, and munition for defence.
Meane while Iohn the sonne of Leui, encreased his hatred daily more and more towards me, being greatly agrieued to see my fortunes happy, and the successe answerable: and whereas hee was wholy resolued to rid me of my life, after he had encompassed his country Gischala with wals, he sendeth Simon his brother with one hundreth souldiers to Ierusalem, to Simon the sonne of K Gamaliel, requiring him to labour the matter in such sort with the citie, that my authoritie might be disanulled, & that Iohn by the common consent of all might be ordained gouernour ouer the affaires of Galilee. This Simon was borne in Ierusalem, noble in birth, and in sect a Pharisee Iohn laboureth to supply Ioseph in his gouernment. (which sect of all other seemed most exactly instructed in the lawes of our countrey) a man of excellent wisedome, who by his counsaile was able to repaire the decaying ruines of his countrey, who of long time had made vse of Iohns friendship, because he was at that time mine enemie. This man solicited by the intercessions of his friends, perswaded the hie priest Ananus, and Iesus the sonne of Gamala and other of his line and faction, to cut off my increasing honours, and Simone counsaile against Ioseph. not to permit me to attaine the fulnes and content thereof. For it should be verie profitable for them also, if I were remoued from the gouernment of Galilee. Further, he told Ananus and the L rest, that they were not to delay the matter, least vpon the discouerie of their counsaile, I should inuade the citie with mine army. Thus spake Simon, yet Ananus the high Priest replied, that it might not easily be done, for that diuers priests and gouernours of the people bare witnesse for me, that I behaued my selfe honestly in that gouernment, and that it was ill done to intend an accusation against a man, who might not be touched with any misdemeanour. When Simon had heard what Ananus had said, he besought him and the rest also to speake nothing thereof; neither to make his motion knowen, certifying them that he had prouidently prouided, that I should be speedily driuen out of Galilee: And calling vnto him his brother Iohn, he charged him to send presents to Ananus. For (said he) in so doing they would so much worke with him, that they would make him change his opinion. In the end Simon obtained, that which he long time sought M after. For Ananus and his adherents were corrupted with money, and accorded to cast me from the gouernment of Galilee, without the consent or allowance of any other of the citizens. For which cause they thought good to send certaine noble men in birth, and no waies inferiour to Simons second counsaile against Ioseph. one another in learning, whereof two of them were of the common sort, and Pharises; the one called Ionathas; the other Ananias; the third was Iozarus of the tribe of Leui, who was also a Pharisee and of the race of the priests. But Simon was of the order of the priests, and the yongest [Page 541] of them all. These did they commaund, that calling togither a councell of the Galileans, they A should demaund why they loued me so well; commanding them that if they answered that I was a Galilean, they should likewise say, that Ierusalem was their countrey. But if they allowed in me the knowledge of the law, they were likewise willed to say, that they knew their country customes; Embassadours with souldiers sent to Ioseph. or if in regard of the name of priesthood, they should say they loued me, they should likewise auerre that two of them were priests. Being thus instructed, and receiuing fortie thousand siluer drachmes of the publike treasure, for their fellow and consort Ionathas, they sette forwardes.
And for that at the verie same time a certaine man called Iesus of Galilee, was come to Ierusalem with a band of six hundreth souldiers, they sent for him and hired him, and gaue him three moneths pay, commanding him to follow Ionathas and his companions; and to doe that which B they should commaund them: and to these annexed they three hundreth Citizens, whom they hired with reward. With this preparation the Legates set forward, being accompanied with Simon Iohns brother, who had one hundreth souldiers with him, who had commission from those that sent them, that if I willingly gaue ouer armes, they should send me aliue to Ierusalem: and if I resisted, by their authoritie they might lawfully kill me. They had letters also directed to Iohn, which incited him to make warre against me. Moreouer they charged the Sephorites, Gabarites, and Tiberians to maintaine Iohn against me. After that I had intelligence hereof, by my Iosephs father signifieth all these newes vnto him. fathers letters, who had intelligence thereof by Iesus the sonne of Gamala, one of those who were present at the deliberation, and who intirely and familiarly loued me: I was much grieued, seeing with how much ingratitude my countrimen required me, who of malice had decreed vpon my C death: and for that my father inuited me by most affectionate letters to draw my selfe homeward, telling me how much he desired to see me, who was his sonne, before he left this life; I imparted these things to my friends, and certified them that within three daies I would forsake their countrey; Ioseph resolueth to return home. and retire my selfe into mine owne. Whereupon they were altogither surprised with great sadnesse, and besought mee with weeping teares, that I would not forsake them, for that they should be vtterly ouerthrowne, if so be they were left destitute of my conduct. But whereas by no meanes they might perswade me, and the care of mine owne securitie preuailed verie much with me, the Galileans fearing least I should leaue them, and by that meanes the theeues should be encouraged to set vpon them, they sent messengers thorow all Galilee, to signifie vnto them the resolution of my departure. Whereupon diuers of them being made priuie to these newes, D resorted vnto me from all parts, bringing with them their wiues and children; not so much, as I suppose, for the sorrow they conceiued at my departure, as the feare that they had of their owne estates: For they perswaded themselues, that if I remained among them, there could no mischiefe befall them. They assembled therefore in a great plaine, called Aso [...]him, where I remained.
That night in my sleepe I had a wonderfull dreame: For lying in my bed, and being wholy Iosephs admirable dreame. disconsolate and troubled with the newes I had receiued, me thought that a certaine man from aboue spake vnto me after this manner: ‘Pacifie thou the passions of thy spirit, and be thou free from all feare. For that which discomforteth thee, shall be that which shall make thee great, and happy beyond thine expectation. For not onely these things shall turne to a fortunate ende or E issue, but also many other. Be not thou therefore dismaide, but remember thy selfe that thou art reserued to make warre against the Romans.’After I had this dreame, I awaked, and so prepared as I was w [...]nt I downe into the plaine: and as soone as I came thither, all the people of Galilee, with their wiues and children, humbling themselues vpon the earth, and weeping, besought me that I would not leaue them for a pray to their enemies: neither that I would abandon their countrey A number of Galileans besought Ioseph that he would not forsake them. to serue for a pray and mockerie to their aduersaries. But seeing that I made small reckoning of their praiers, they constrained me by oath to remaine amongst them, and vttered diuers iniurious outrages against the people of Ierusalem, that enuied them the peace and happines which they enioyed.
After I had heard these words, and seene the desolation of the people, my heart was broken F with compassion, and I resolued my selfe that in respect of so great a multitude, my life could not be better hazarded then for their contentment: I therefore gaue my consent to remaine with them. I gaue order that fiue thousand of their best souldiers, with their prouision, should attend Ioseph consenteth to stay in Galilee. me: as for the rest, I sent them backe euerie owne to his owne house. When these fiue thousand presented themselues, I annexed them to the other three thousand that I had with me, and drew out with them fourescore horsemen, and marched on towards Chabalon a burrough vpon the [Page 542] marches of Ptolemais, where I vndertooke to prepare them for the battell, expecting some assault G from Placidus, who was come with two companies of footmen and one of horsemen, sent Placidus against Ioseph. by Cestius Gallus to burne the countrey townes of Galilee, and other little burroughs that bordered on Ptolemais. And for that he was entrenched before the Citie of Ptolemais, I encamped mine army likewise not farre from the burrough Chabalon, some sixtie stades off: and diuers times drew I out my forces to bid him battell, but neuer would he offer any thing but skirmishes. For Placidus perceiuing my forwardnesse to fight, was abashed thereat, and retired himselfe: yet departed he not from Ptolemais.
About that time came Ionathan with the other Embassadours, who (as we haue heretofore declared) were sent by Simon, and the high priest Ananus, who laboured to entrap me by policie, for that they durst not assaile me in open field. They therefore wrote a letter vnto me to this H Ionathans letter to Ioseph. effect:
We are certified by the chiefest men of Ierusalem, that Iohn of Gischala hath oftentimes sought to betray you: for which cause we are sent to represse his malice, and to exhort him hereafter to submit himselfe vnto you: and being desirous to conferre with you, as touching that which concerneth the publike profit, we pray you to resort vnto vs as soone as you can, with some few attendants, because the burrough is not able to entertain many.
To this effect wrote they vnto A horseman brought the letters. me, hoping that one of these two effects would fal out, either that I comming disarmed, should be easily surprised by them; or that bringing with me a great companie, I should be condemned for an enemy of my countrey. The messenger that brought me this letter was a valiant young man, mounted on horsebacke, who had in times past borne armes for the king. The time wherein I he came vnto me, was two houres within night, and euen then was I banquetting with my friends, and the chiefest goue [...]nours of Galilee. After that one of my houshold seruants had certified me, that a certaine Iew on horsebacke came to speake with me, I commanded he should be brought in, who embracing me but coldly, and deliuering me the letter, said vnto me: They that are come frō Ierusalem, send you this letter; giue them a speedy answere: For I am commanded to make a speedy returne. They that sate at the table with me, were amazed at the souldiers boldnesse. But for my selfe, I willed him to sit downe, and to make merrie with me: but he refusing the same, I kept the letter in my hand in such manner, as I had receiued the same, and began Iosephs pollicy. to talke with my friends of other affaires: and not long after arising from supper, and dismissing the rest to their rest, I onely retained with me some of my most inward friends, and commanding K my page to fill me wine, I opened the letters before any man perceiued the same, and conceiting incontinently what they meant, I sealed them anew, and as if I had knowne nothing of the contents, hauing the letter in my hands, I gaue order that the soldier should receiue twenty drachmes for to beare the charges of his voiage. He hauing receiued the same, and giuing me thankes; I perceiued well that he was addicted to gaine, and might easily be wrought with money. Wherupon I said vnto him, if thou wilt drinke with me, thou shalt haue a drachme for euerie glasse thou drinkest. To this the souldier listned willingly, and hauing dranke good store of wine, to get him the greater store of money, he grew drunken; so that he was vnable any longer to conceale his secrets: but of his owne accord he declared the treason that was prepared, and how the sentence of death was giuen by them against me. Which when I vnderstood, I answered them L to this effect.
I am verie glad to Iosephs answer to Ionathan. heare that you are arriued in Galilee in good health; especially for that I may now redeliuer into your hands the gouernment of the affaires thereof, to the end (according as I haue long time desired) I might returne into my countrey. I will not onely therefore visit you at Xallon: but in anie further place also, notwithstanding you had neuer sent for me. Notwithstanding pardon me, though I come not at this present: for I am now at Chabalon to confront Placidus, who pretendeth to inuade Galilee. Resort you therefore vnto mee, vvho shall reade my letters.
Farewell.
After I had written this answere, and deliuered it to the souldier to carrie it vnto them, I sent by the same way thirtie of my most approoued friends of Galilee, commanding them to salute M Ionathans message and letter to Ioseph. them that were come, without anie further speech. I assigned also to each of these one of my most resolute and best souldiers, to take heede least any of those I sent should conferre with Ionathans men. They therefore set forward on their way: and Ionathan and the other seeing their first purpose failed them, they sent me another letter, after this tenour which ensueth:
We commaund you that within three daies, you make your appearance before vs, without anie of your souldiers, in the burrough of Gadara, to the end you [Page 543] maie answere to that which Iohn hath obiected against you.
As soone as they had written this, & A saluted those whom I had sent, they went to Iapha, which is the greatest towne of Galilee, defenced with strong walles, and peopled with manie inhabitants. Against these the people of that Citie, their wiues and children came forth, exclaiming against them with huge cries, charging The Embassadors of Ierusalem coldly entertained in Galilee. them to returne backe, and not to depriue them of the good gouernour they had. Ionathan and his companions were prouoked with these cries; yet durst they not make anie open shew of their displeasure, but without returning them any answere, they resorted to other Cities, where they met with no lesse effectuall exclaimes from the multitude, protesting with a loud voice; that no man should be able to disswade them from continuing Ioseph in authoritie in their gouernment. Whereupon Ionathan with his followers marched forth without any further speech, and came to Sephoris, the greatest Citie of Galilee. But the inhabitants thereof being addicted to the Romans, B came foorth to them: but for my part, they neither praised nor blamed me. Departing from Sephoris, they came to Asochim, where the Citizens sung the same song, that the Iapheans did. Whereupon they being vnable to containe their displeasures, commanded their souldiers to beate them with their truncheons, who exclaimed against them; and claimed me for their gouernour. And when they drew neere to Gabara, Iohn came out to meete them, accompanied with three thousand souldiers, and I hauing intelligence by their letters, that they were resolued to make warre against me, departed from Chabalon, accompanied with three thousand souldiers, and hauing committed the campe to the charge of my trustiest friend, I went to Iotapata, because I would be within foure stades of them, and sent them this letter:
If your will be that I must needly come vnto you, there are in Galilee two hundreth and foure Cities and burroughs, C Ioseph writeth againe to thē. I will meete you in anie one of them, which you please, except Gabara or Gischala: for that the one is the place of Iohns natiuitie, and the other is his associates and friends.
As soone as Ionathan had receiued this answere, he replied not any more, but sought the means to entrap me. Iohn was of the opinion to write vnto all the Cities and burroughs of Galilee, supposing The consultation of the embassadors against Ioseph. that without question there were one or two in them that were mine enimies, whom they might incense against me, a [...] against their common enimie. He gaue order also, that this his resolution should be sent to Ierusalem, to the end that those of the Citie vnderstanding that I was adiudged an enimie by the Galileans, might in like sort confirme that their decree by their opinion. For he said, that by this meanes it would come to passe, that the Galileans, who were well affected towards me, should forsake me for feare they had of them. This aduice of Iohns meruailosly D pleased them all, & was presently brought vnto me about the third houre of the night, by one [...]cchaeus, who flying from them, came and brought me the newes, & particularly related to me their intent. For which cause, perceiuing that the time req [...]ed no longe [...] delaie, and supposing that Iacob was one of my most assured and [...]rustiest seruants, I commanded him to take two hundreth men with him, and to belay the waies betweene Gabara and Galilee, and to send me Ioseph besetteth the wai [...] of Galilee. those whom he should surprise, that came that waie; and especially those that carried letters. I sent Ieremy also, who was one of my friends, to the marches of Galilee, with six hundreth men at armes, to keepe the passages that waie toward Ierusalem, commaunding him to laie hands on all those that carried letters, and to commit the men to prison, and to send me their pacquets. E
After I had in this sort instructed those whom I sent, I vvilled and commanded the Galileans the next daie following, to take their armes, and to furnish themselues vvith victuals for three d [...]es, and to attend me at the burrough of Gaba [...]th. Those sould [...]ers that I had I distributed Ioseph with [...] troupes resorteth to Gabara. in foure companies, and kept those with me in whom I reposed most confidence for the guard of my person, and ha [...]ing appointed captaines ouer them, and commanded them to be carefull, I cha [...]ged them to suffe [...]o vnknowne souldier to enter in among them: The [...]xt day I came to Gabaret, the fifth [...]ure of the daie, vvhere I found all the fieldes about the Citie full of men of vvarre, of those of Galilee, who resorted thither to assist me, according as I had commaunded them. Thither also came there a multitude of other men from other burroughs. As soone as I came to their presence, and was readie to speake vnto them, all of them began to crie out, call [...]g F me their benefactor, and maintainer of their countrey. Aft [...] I had solemnly giuen them thankes for this fauour they had shewed me, I charged them neither to offer war, or attempt anie [...]olle in the champion countrey, but to encampe amidst the fields, contenting themselues with that prouision they had brought with them. For I tolde them all in generall, that I would exting [...] those troubles without effusion of bloud. It hapned the same day that Ionathans messenger and letters fell into their hands, who had the guard of the passages by my appointment, and according [Page 544] to my direction the men were kept in securitie, as I gaue order: and finding the letters G that were brought me to be full of nothing but slaunders and lies written by the Embassadours; I said not a word to any man, but thought it best pollicie to set vpon them. But Ionathans souldiers hauing intelligence of my comming, retired both themselues and their goods, and with them Iohn also into Iesus house, which was a great tower, nothing different from a cittadell, in Iohn and the embassadors forces retire to Iesus house. which they hid a number of men of warre, and locked vp all the other gates saue one; expecting that I should come that way, to salute them. In a word, they had commanded their souldiers that when I should enter, they should suffer no man else to enter with me, but exclude all the rest. For they made no other account, but that by this meanes they might easily lay hold on me. But they were deceiued of their hopes: for hauing notice before hand of their intents, as soone as I came thither, entering into a lodging that was right ouer against theirs, I fained that I went to H take my rest. Whereupon Ionathans souldiers supposing that I was asleep, and that in troth I was safe; they came forth in all haste into the plaine, labouring to disswade my souldiers from their loue and alleagiance, and detracting my gouernment. But all things fell out contrarie to that they thought: for as soone as they were discouered, the Galileans gaue a great shout, testifying the good will they bare vnto me, who was their gouernour, and they blamed the Embassadours for that without any cause of iniury, they were come to disturbe the publike peace, willing them to be gone, for that they intended to admit no other gouernour. When these things were signified vnto me, I made no doubt to aduenture my selfe among them, for which cause I speedily went out to heare what these Embassadours could alledge against me. Vpon my arriuall the Ioseph presenteth himselfe among his enemies. whole troupe shouted for ioy, and applauded me with a loud voice, giuing me thanks for my I happie and peaceable gouernment.
Ionathan and his adherents hearing this were afraid, least if the Galileans should set vpon them, they should grow in daunger of their lifes, and began to bethinke themselues how they might escape. But perceiuing that they might not retire for that I required them instantly to stay, they were altogither dismaid, and past their senses. I therefore commaunded the people to surcease their shouting, and planted the souldiers of greatest trust in euerie passage, to preuent least Iohn should charge them vnawares. After this I exhorted the people to betake them to their weapons, to the end that if the enemie should sodainly assaile them, they might not be driuen into disorder. This done, I first of all beganne to rippe vp to Ionathans followers and fellowes, what letters they had written, and how they had certified him, that K they were sent by the communaltie and inhabitants of Ierusalem, to make an end of those Ioseph obiecteth treachery against the embassadors. debates that were betweene me and Iohn; and how they had incited me to come vnto them. Afterwards in sequell of my discourse I produced their letters in open view, to the end they might not denie any thing, seeing themselues conuicted by their owne hand writing, and spake thus vnto them.
‘If being accused by Iohn, I should produce two or three witnesses that were men of reputation, to testifie for my life, it were a matter most euident, that thou shouldest be compelled, O In the mouth of two or three witnesses consisteth truth. Ionathan and you my Lords Embassadours (after you had foreinquired of their liues) to acknowledge mine innocencie, and to acquit me of that whereof I am accused. But to the intent you may know that I haue faithfully gouerned the estate of Galilee, I suppose that three witnesses L are too little for an vpright man, for which cause I produce all these. Enquire of them how I haue liued, and whether I haue gouerned this countrie in all honestie and Iustice. I adiure you all therefore, who are my fellowes and friends of Galilee, that you hide nothing of the truth, but that before these men, as before your iudges, you professe, if I haue done any thing that is The Galileans testimony of Iosephs good guernment. contrarie to right.’ Whilest I spake after this manner, all of them with one accord called me their benefactor and defender, and gaue testimonie of my forepassed gouernment; and exhorted me to continue the same hereafter. And all of them affirmed by a publike oth, that I had carefully preuented, least any woman should be violated, or any man by my meanes should be drawne into any iniurie, or inconuenience. This done, I publikely red the two letters in the presence of all Ioseph openly readeth Ionathans epistles. the Galileans, which were taken from Ionathans messengers by those, who were appointed by M me to beset the waies, and were by them sent to me, which were full of iniuries and falshoods, alledging that I rather behaued my selfe like a tyrant then a gouernour towards them: and besides that, there were diuers other things written and vrged verie impudently. These letters (said I) were voluntarily offered me by those that caried the same. For I was vnwilling that mine aduersaries should know that I had beset the waies, fearing least they should forbeare to write hereafter.
The people hauing heard this, were displeased and animated against Ionathan and his followers, [Page 545] and flocked on to murther them; and they had surely done it, had I not pacified the displeasure The wrath and fury of the people against Ionathan and his fellow embassadors. A of the Galileans. As for the Embassadours that accompanied Ionathan, I told all of them that I pardoned whatsoeuer was past, if so be they would repent themselues of that which was done, and if vpon their returne into their countrey, they would truely report vnto those who had sent them, how all things had past vnder my gouernment. This said; I dismissed them, notwithstāding that I knew they would performe nothing of that which they had promised. But the whole multitude prosecuted their displeasure against them, requiring me to giue them leaue to punish those with all rigour, who had committed this slaunderous act. But I laboured all that I might to perswade them, to lay no hands vpon them, knowing full well that whatsoeuer mutinie it be, it cannot but breed preiudice to the common weale. This notwithstanding the multitude would by no meanes be satisfied, but all of them ranne in heapes with great furie to the lodging, where Ioseph pacifieth the sedition without bloudshed. B Ionathan and the Embassadours kept. Whereupon seeing that it was impossible to restraine their furie, I incontinently betooke me to my horse, and commanded the people to follow me to Sogan a borough of the Arabians, distant from thence some twentie stades. By this stratageme I brought to passe, that the beginning of the ciuill warre might not be imputed to me.
After I came neere to Sogan, I assembled the people, and told them that they should not violently submit themselues to their froward displeasures, nor entertaine their vnquenchable desire Ioseph sendeth one hundreth embassadors to Ierusalem. of reuenge: & I commanded them to pick out an hundreth of the chiefest & oldest men amongst them, who should make their repaire to the citie of Ierusalem: and there complaine vnto the people against those that had kindled sedition in their country. And I said vnto them, if the people be fauourable and listen to your discourse, you shall perswade them to write vnto me, that according C to their command I remaine in Galilee; and that Ionathan and his partners depart from hence. After I had giuen them this charge, and that they were furnished with all things necessarie for their iourney, in all expedition on the third day after the generall assembly, I dispatched them and sent fiue hundreth armed men with them. I wrote also to my friends in Samaria, so to further them that they might finish their iourney in all securitie. For Samaria was alreadie in subiection to the Romans, and it behooued my men of necessitie, who would make a short iourney to passe that way. For from Galilee by this meanes a man may in three daies arriue at Ierusalem. Furthermore I guarded the Embassadours my selfe as farre as the frontiers of Galilee, laying forces and guards vpon the waies, to the end that no man might easily discouer or know of their departure. Which done, I soiourned for a certaine time at Iapha. D
But Ionathan and his companions hauing failed of their purpose intended against me, dismissed Iohn to Gischala: as for themselues they went to Tiberias, hoping to bring the same vnder their obeisance. For that Iesus, who was President at that time, had written vnto them, and promised The embassadors hope to get Tiberias into their hands and possession. them to perswade the people to entertaine them, and take their part if they came: and vnder this hope they also retired themselues thither. Silas, who (as I declared) was left by me as mine Agent in Tiberias, certified me of all this by his letters, requiring me to vse all diligence: and I condescending thereunto, was brought in danger of my life vpon this occasion that ensueth. Ionathan and his followers being come to Tiberias, perswaded diuers who were mine enemies, to reuolt from me; but after they were certified that I was there in person, they were affraid, and came vnto me, and saluting me, told me that they reputed me happie, for that I had so wisely Ioseph falleth in daunger. E behaued my selfe in Galilee: and they reioiced also in appearance, for that I was returned with honour, telling me that the honour that was done vnto me was their ornament, for that they were my instructors and fellow citizens; and that the friendship which I bare them was more iust then that of Iohns: they therfore required me to repaire vnto my house, promising very shortly to deliuer Iohn into my hands: & these speeches of theirs they seconded with dreadful oaths, which Ionathan and his confederates pollicy. made me thinke that I had no cause to misbeleeue them. Furthermore they required me to take vp my lodging in another place, for that on the morrow was the Sabboth day, & it were an inconuenient that the citie of Tiberias should be drawne into trouble on that day. I that suspected nothing repaired to Taricheas, leauing notwithstanding certaine of my friends behind me in Tiberias, who might curiously obserue what the common talke was of me: and all along the way betwixt F Taricheas & Tiberias I laid certaine men in wait, who from one to another might certifie me of that which was discouered by them who remained in the citie. The next day therefore all of them The people assemble in the Proseucha. assembled in the Proseucha or Oratorie, which was an ample house wherein they prayed, and was able to containe a great multitude. When Ionathan was entred into this place, he durst not manifestly speake vnto them of a reuolt, but only told them that their citie had need of a better Gouernour. But the President Iesus without dissembling; spake plainly after this maner vnto them. ‘[Page 546] It were better for you (my friends) that you were subiect to foure men of nobilitie & great wisdome, G then to one: and therupon he shewed them those who accompanied Ionathan.’Hereupon Iustus arose and praised that which Iesus had proposed, and drew some of the people to his opinion. But the greater part tooke no pleasure therein, and there had presently followed a mutinie, The Iewes sixt houre is to vs eleuen or twelue a clock at noone. had not the assembly been dismissed, by reason it was midday, which is the ordinary hour amongst them to take their repast in. Thus did Ionathans consorts remit the determination of the matter vntill the next day, retiring themselues without any good done. Which being presently reported vnto me, I resolued with my selfe the next morning to repaire to the Citie of Tiberias, and on the morrow I arriued there in due time, for I found the people alreadie assembled in the place of praier, and they that were drawne to that conuocation, knew not the cause why they were assembled. Ionathans partners seeing me there in person contrarie to their expectation, were verie H sore troubled, and bethought themselues of this subtiltie. They tolde the multitude that a certaine Ionathans and his associates subtiltie. friend of theirs had informed them, that he had discouered certaine Roman horsemen vpon the frontiers of that territorie, some thirtie stades off of the citie, in a place called Homonoea: and that the newes being brought to them, those of Iohns faction had presently signified the same vnto them, to the intent they should not endure their countrey to be sackt by the enemy. They vsed this speech, supposing that vnder pretext of rescuing the countrey, they might driue me abroad, and strengthen the Citie for themselues.
Now although I knewe verie well what their intent was, yet gaue I ease vnto them least I should driue the Tiberians into an opinion, that I was negligent and carelesse of their securitie: I therefore road out, and came to the place of which they had spoken, where finding scarce a I footstep or appearance of an enemy, I returned speedily without delay to Tiberias. When I came there I found the whole councel assembled with a multitude of people, and Iohns partakers False accusations and Epistles produced by the embassadors against Ioseph. vrging against me a verie vehement accusation, that I made no account to relieue them in their warres, but that I studied nothing but mine owne pleasures. And whilest they spake these words, they produced foure letters, as being written vnto them by those who were vpon the marches of Galilee, requiring them to come and succour them, for that the Roman horsemen and footmen would within three daies forrage and spoile their countrey: for which cause they made haste, and would not neglect their suit who besought them. The Tiberians hearing these allegations, and supposing them to be true, cried out saying, that it behooued them not in that manner to dally time, but to go and succour their countrey men inuironed with great dangers. Whereunto I K answered, that I was readie to obey them, and promised to march foorth against the enemy with all expedition. Now knew I well the pretence of Iohns partakers, and was of the opinion, that since those letters said that the Romans gathered head in foure diuers places, it was requisite to deuide our power into fiue companies, appointing euerie one of them a chieftaine ouer them. Ioseph discouereth the subtiltie of the embassadours. For it is an honour for good men not onely to giue counsell, but also when need requireth to be the first and formost in the action: For I tolde them that it lay not in my power to leade any more then one companie. This my aduice was pleasing vnto all the people, who presently constrained these men to march out vnto the warre, whereby it came to passe that they were greatly confused to see that they might not finish that which they had imagined, because I crossed all their enterprises. Hereupon one amongst them called Ananias, a wicked and peruerse man, counsailed L the people to celebrate a solemne fast the next day in honour of God, and gaue direction at the Ananias one of the embassadors a wicked man. same houre that all of them should gather togither in that place in armes, to protest before God, that if they obtained not succours at his hands, they held all sort of resist vnprofitable. He spake this, not for anie pietie that was in him, but to the end to surprise both me and my followers vnarmed. To this aduice of his was I enforced to condescend, to the end it might appeare that I contemned not that which appertained to the seruice of God. As soone therefore as we were retired euerie one of vs to our seuerall lodgings, Ionathan and his partakers wrote to Iohn, to resort vnto them early in the morning with his men of warre, and all the power he could make: for that they might easily laie hands on me, and accomplish that which they had so long time longed after. Ionathas writeth to Iohn to come vnto him He receiuing this letter, willingly obeied. The next day I commanded two of my strongest M and faithfullest souldiers to hide their short swords vnder their gownes, and to attend me, to the end that if in any sort we were assailed by the enemie, we might defend our selues. I put on my curets also, and girt my sword by my side in such sort, as no man might perceiue the same, and came with them to the place of praier.
But Iesus as soone as I was entred with my friends, hauing the guard of the gate would not permit the rest of my followers to enter with me: and at such time as we were readie to begin our [Page 547] praiers, according to the custome of our countrey, Iesus arising demaunded of me what was become A Iesus talke with Ioseph. Iosephs debate with Iesus for twentie peeces of gold. of the houshold stuffe that was taken out of the kings pallace when it was burned, & where the bullion of siluer was, and with whom I had left the same: of all which he therefore made mention, that he might delay the time till Iohns approch. I answered, that Capella had all, and those ten of the chiefest nobilitie of Tiberias, and willed him to aske of them whether it were true that I spake: who confessed that they had it. What (said he) are become of those twentie pieces of gold, that you receiued by the sale of a certaine waight of massiue siluer, where are they? I answered him, that I had deliuered the same to the Embassadours, to defray their charges in their voiage towards Ierusalem. Hereupon Ionathans partakers said, that I had done amisse, in employing the publike treasure to the vse of priuate Embassadours. The people being displeased herewith; for I verie easily perceiued the wicked disposition of these men, and seeing that a sedition B was likely to arise, I thought it best to whet and animate the people the more against them: I said, that if I had done amisse in rewarding the Embassadours on the common stocke, they should need to take no further displeasure for that: for said I, I will repay those twentie pieces of gold out of mine own purse. Hereupon the people were incensed the more against them, in that The peoples loue to Ioseph they manifestly discouered what hatred they wrongfully bare vnto me. Whereupon Iesus fearing least some change might arise, commaunded the people to depart, and required the councel to stay, for that it was vnpossible to examine matters discreetly, where so much trouble and turmoile was. The people cried out, that they would not leaue me alone among them. Whereupon there came one vnto Iesus, who secretly informed him that Iohn with his armed men was at hand, who for that cause being vnable to containe and conceale his ioy, God so prouiding for C the conseruation of my life (for had their purpose taken effect, Iohn and his followers had vtterly ouerthrowne me.) Forbeare (said he) ye Tiberians to enquire of the twentie pieces of gold: for Ioseph almost sodainly surprised by the enemy is deliuered from perill. Ioseph meriteth not punishment for this matter, but because he affecteth the tyrannie, and that by his words he hath deceiued the people of Galilce, and gotten the soueraigntie to himselfe. Whilest they spake these words, they sought sodainly to lay hands on me, intending to murther mee. But those two whom I had with me, perceiuing their intent, drew their swords, threatning those who should dare attempt to offer me violence. The people likewise gathered stones to cast at Ionathans partakers, and puld me away violently from mine enemies: and for that if I should haue gone but a little further, I had met with Iohn and his army, thorow the feare I had I turned an other way. For crossing downe a priuie way that led me to the lake, I betooke me to a boate and D went by water to Tarichea, auoiding this danger beyond all hope.
Whereupon I incontinently sent for the chiefest men of Galilee, and told them how contrarie to all law and right I had almost been murthered by Ionathan and the Tiberians. For which Ioseph certifieth the Galileans how traiterously Ionathan and the Tiberians had dealt with him cause the Galileans were grieuously displeased against them, and willed me without delaie to make warre against them, or if I list not my selfe, to suffer them with all expedition to cut off both Iohn and Ionathan, with all their followers. Yet did I restraine them the best I could, and pacified their displeasure, and praied them to expect vntill such time as we knew what newes our Embassadours would bring that were gone to Ierusalem. For I told them that we ought to execute no kinde of thing without their approbation and consent: and by these means I perswaded them. But Iohn seeing at that time that his pollicie had but verie slender successe, returned backe againe E to Gischala.
Some few daies after our Embassadours, who were returned from Ierusalem, certified vs, that the people of Ierusalem were sore displeased with Ananias the high priest, and Simon the sonne The hundred embassadors returne from Ierusalē. of Gamaliel, for that without their common consent they had sent Embassadours into Galilee, and sought to displace me of the gouernment there, and their displeasure was so kindled that they were readie to set their houses on fire. They brought me also letters, by which the gouernours of Ierusalem vpon the instant request that the people had made vnto them, confirmed me in the gouernment of Galilee, commanding Ionathan and his associates to returne backe againe with all An assembly in Arbela. expedition. After I had receiued these letters, I repaired to the burrough of Arbela, where I assembled the Galileans: before whom I commanded the Embassadours to report how much the F people of Ierusalem were displeased and discontented, in regard of those things which Ionathan had iniuried me in; and how they confirmed me in the gouernment of this countrey, and had called and commanded both Ionathan and his confederates backe againe to Ierusalem, to whom I speedily sent that letter that was directed to them, commanding the messenger to obserue verie The councell held against Ioseph by Ionathan and his companions. carefully both their actions and acceptance. After they had receiued the letters, they were greatly troubled, and sent for Iohn and those of the councell of Tiberias, with the gouernor of Gabara, [Page 548] and consulted with them what they were best to doe. The Tiberians opinion was that they should G continue and maintaine their estates, and that they should not forsake the Citie which had alreadie subscribed to their authoritie, especially for that I would inuade them: for that I had so threatned them they were not ashamed to faine and imagine. This aduice not onely pleased Iohn, but he furthermore gaue this counsell, that some two Embassadours should be sent from them to the people of Ierusalem, to accuse me for that I had vniustly gouerned the common weale of Galilce, telling them that they might verie easily incense the people against mee, both in regard of their authoritie, as also for that the common people are by nature variable and inconstant. This counsell that Iohn gaue vvas allowed by them all: whereupon it was thought fit that Ionathan and Ananias should in person repaire to Ierusalem, and that the other two should remaine at Tiberias, and for their conuoye they gaue them a hundreth armed souldiers. H
The Tiberians had before this prouided for the securitie of their wals, and gaue commandement to all the Citizens to take armes, and afterwards sent for some supplies to Iohn to strengthen The Tiberians intend warre against Ioseph Ionathan with his followers taken and kept captiue. their garrison, if they should any waies be prouoked by mee. For Iohn kept at Gischala. Meane while Ionathan trauailing onwards of his iourney came to Dabaritta, a Citie scituated vpon the vttermost borders of Galilee in a great plaine; and there met he about midnight with some of my troupes that kept the watch, who commanded them to lay by their armes, and kept them safely bound, as I had commanded them. Hereof Leui, who had the charge of this quarter, certified me by his letters: for which cause dissembling the matter for some two daies, I sent letters to the Tiberians, by which I counselled them that laying their armes aside, they should I dismisse euery one to his own dwelling place. But they returned me an iniurious answer: for they supposed that Ionathan and his traine were alreadie arriued in Ierusalem. But I setting light by their iniuries, resolued to circumuent them by this cunning stratageme: For I thought it a dangerous matter to kindle warre against the Citizens. Being therefore verie willing to draw them out of their wals, I chose out ten thousand of my best souldiers, whom I distributed into three bands, and lodged one companie of them secretly at Dora, to lie there in ambush: I encamped also an other thousand in a certaine burrough scituate in a mountainous place, some foure stades distant from Tiberias; commanding them that as soone as I gaue them a watchword or signe, they should breake forth: as for my selfe, I withdrew my selfe and kept in the open field, and sate me downe on the grasse. Which when the Tiberians perceiued, they made continuall excursions The Tiberians scoff verie bitterly against Ioseph. K towards me, vsing many bitter and iniurious taunts against me: and so great folly possessed them, that they spred a magnificent couch in the open plaine, and marching round about the same, they scornfully seemed to lament me, as if I had lien therein, whilest in the meane time I tooke pleasure to laugh and looke vpon their follies.
But being verie desirous to surprise Simon by some pollicie, and Ioazar also with him, I sent vnto them, req [...]ring them that they would march forth a little without their walles, attended by their friends and guard for their securitie sake. For that I was determined to conferre with them vpon a peace, and to confirme the one halfe of the gouernment vnto them. Hereupon Simon deceiued by his follie, and ouercome and blinded with greedie desire, came forth with all expedition: but Ioazar suspecting some stratageme, would not aduenture without the wals. As soone as L I saw Simon attended by his friends and guard, I went out to meete him, and embraced him kindly, giuing him thankes for that he was come downe; anon after walking along with him, as if I Ioseph surpriseth Simon by [...]ilty, and leadeth him away prisoner. intended to communicate somewhat with him in secret, I withdrew him from his friends, and laying hands on him, I deliuered him to my friends to lead him into the burrough, and gaue a signe vnto my souldiers that they should come downe, and with them I assaulted the Citie of Tiberias. There was a sharpe skirmish on both sides, and the Tiberians had welnie gotten the victorie: For my souldiers began to flie; but perceiuing how the matter went I animated those of my companie, and with them gaue a valiant onset on the Tiberians, who almost had the better, and chased them into their Citie, and sent an other company by the lake to set fire on those houses which they should first fall vpon. Hereupon the Tiberians thought that their Citie was taken M by force, and cast downe their weapons for feare, praying me to haue compassion of their wiues and children, and to pardon their Citie. For this cause being mooued with compassion, I restrained Ioseph surpriseth Tiberias. the furie of my souldiers, and for that it was late I retired my selfe with my souldiers, both to the intent I might spare the Citie, and relieue my wearie and wounded souldiers. Hereupon I sent for Simon to come and banquet with me, and comforted him in his misfortune, promising him to send him to Ierusalem, and to assure him in his iourney homeward, and to furnish him for [Page 549] his ordinarie expences with all things necessary. The next day I assembled tenne thousand souldiers, A and presently made mine entrie into Tiberias, and hauing assembled the chiefest citizens in the horse race, I commaunded them to discouer vnto me who they were that were the authors of that rebellion: who hauing satisfied me, I laid hands on them and bound them, and sent them Ioseph sendeth the authors of the sedition to Iotapata. incontinently to Iotapata. As for Ionathan and his consortes, I set them at liberty, and gaue them money for their charges, and sent thē backe to Ierusalem with Simon & Ioazar, and fiue hundreth souldiers for their guard. Hereupon the Tiberians reassembled themselues before me, beseeching me to pardon their misdeeds, promising me to recompence by their future fidelitie their forepassed and foule faults: beseeching me also to restore those goods vnto the citizens, which in way of pillage were taken from them. Whereupon I gaue a present commaund, that all the pray should be brought and laid before me: and whereas the souldiers delaid to performe the B same, I spying one of those souldiers that stood by me, better apparelled then he was wont These goods that were taken from the citizens are restored. to be, asked him where he had gotten that garment: who confessing that he had taken it in the spoile of the citie, I chasticed him with strokes, and threatned a worser punishment to all those that would not restore that which they had taken away: whereby recouering a great part of the pray togither, I gaue euery citizen that which he knew to be his owne.
In this place I cannot chuse but in some sort I must reprehend Iustus, who wrote vpon this argument, and others, who promising a historie are not afraid in contempt of truth, either for fauour A reproofe of Iustus the historiographer that fal [...]ely accused Ioseph. or hatred, to commit lies to their posteritie. For they differ nothing from counterfaiters of euidences, and racers of records: But for that these men are more corrupted by impunitie. For he to the end he might seeme to imploy his time well, vndertaking to set downe the euents of C this warre, hath belied me in many things; and hath not beene ashamed to belie his owne countrey. For which cause I am necessarily inforced in this place to discouer that which hitherto I haue concealed, & to reproue that which he hath falsely testified of me: neither is it to be wondered at that I haue so long time deferred the performance therof. For whosoeuer writeth a historie ought of necessitie to speake the truth; yet is it not lawfull for him to inueigh against the wickedder sort too vehemently, not for that they are worthie of this fauour, but for his owne modesties sake.
Tell me therefore Iustus (for thou desirest to be held for the man of greatest note amongst all other historians, and art not ashamed to vaunt and boast thy selfe of that title) tell me I pray thee in familiaritie (for I must so talke with thee as if thou wert present before me) how I and the D Galileans haue beene the authors of that rebellion, which thy countrey began both against the Romans and their King. For before I was chosen gouernor of Galilee by the people of Ierusalem, both thou and all the Tiberians were not onely vp in armes, but had alreadie made warre against the ten cities of Syria. Thy selfe hadst burnt their villages, and one of thy seruants died in that encountrie: yet not I alone protest this, but it is extant also in writing in the records of the Emperour Vespasian, how the inhabitants of these tenne cities cried out to Vespasian in the citie of Ptolemais, requiring that thou mightst be punished, as the author of their mischiefes, and assuredly thou hadst beene punished by the Emperour, had not Agrippa, who had receiued commission to execute thee, vpon the instant request of his sister Berenice spared thee life, and kept thee bound in prison for a long time. Furthermore, thy politicke behauiours do sufficiently expresse E what the rest of thy life hath beene, and how thou hast caused thy countrey to rebell against the Romanes: whereof I will produce hereafter most euident arguments, and for thy cause will I vrge somewhat against those other Tiberians; and I will make it plaine to those that shal readTiberias Iustus countrey. Sephoris and Tiberias two chiefe cities of Galilee.these histories, that thou hast beene no friend to Rome, nor faithfull to thy king. And I enforce these my authorities from the greatest cities of Galilee, Sephoris and Tiberias, in which thou Iustus wert borne. For Sephoris scituate in the heart of Galilee, hauing round about it a number of villages, and being a citie sufficiently able in it selfe to attempt and execute anie noble action at their pleasure; yet notwithstanding the citizens thereof resolued to obserue their faith to the Romanes, and thrust me out of doores, forbidding euery man among them to beare armes for the Iewes. And to the end they might be more assured in my behalfe, the inhabitants deceiued F me in that they intreated me to incompasse their citie with a wall: and that done, they willingly entertained a garrison which was sent them from Cestius Gallus, who was generall of the Romane Legions in Syria in contempt of me, although at that time I had a great power, and terrified the countrey round abouts. But when our great citie of Ierusalem was besieged; and that temple which was common to all our nation, was in daunger to fall into the enemies hands, the Sephorites sent no succours, to the end it might not be said that they tooke armes against the Romanes: [Page 550] But thy country Iustus being scituate vpon the lake of Genazareth distant from Hippus thirtie G stades, from Gadara sixtie, from Scythopolis sixscore, in a countrey obedient to the king, hauing not any citie of the Iewes round about it; might haue verie easily kept their faith to the Romans, if they had listed. For both the citie and people were furnished with munition in all aboundance. But as thou saist, I was the cause at that time. And who afterwards? For thou knowest that before the siege of Ierusalē, I was in the Romans hands, & that Iotapata was taken by force, and diuers other castles; and that many other Galileans were spent in diuers battels. At that time shouldest thou haue deliuered thy self of that feare thou hadst of me, laying thine armes aside, & presenting thy selfe to the king & the Romans, when thou vndertookest armes not of thine own accord, but inforced. But the truth is, you expected Vespasians comming, euen vntil such time as he begirt your citie wals with a siege, & then laid you your armes aside for feare of danger: yea euen thē had your H citie bin ouerthrown, except the king in excuse of your folly, had obtained your pardon at Vespasians hands. It was not therefore my fault, but your offence, that behaued your selues like enemies. Do you not remember how often times I haue obtained the victorie against you, and how few times you could complaine of bloudshed? But you falling at dissension one with another haue beene the instruments of your owne ruine, & not for the loue you bare either to the King, or the Romanes, but of your owne malice slewe one hundreth eightie and fiue citizens, at such time as I was besieged by the Romanes in Iotapata. Nay more, is not this true, that during the siege of Ierusalem, whereof I haue made mention, there were more then two thousand Tiberians slaine, or otherwise taken prisoners? But perhaps thou wilt alledge; that at that time thou wert no enemie, for that thou wert fled to the King; but I tell thee that thou fleddest thither for the I feare thou hadst of me. I am a wicked man, as thou saist: but what art thou? whom King Agrippa, vpon many presents deliuered from punishment, at such time as thou wert condemned by Vespasian to lose thy head? For what cause hauing made thee prisoner twice, and hauing so Iustus condemned to death. many times past the sentence of banishment against thee, & hauing once commanded thee to be thine owne murtherer, hath he giuen thee life vpon the importunate sollicitation of his sister Bernice? And after so many crimes cōmitted by thee, hauing entertained thee for his secretary, when he found thy corruption in that office, he banished thee from his presence.
But I will not too exactly touch thee with these matters, yet notwithstanding I wonder at thine impudence, that hast openly protested that thou hast written more exactly and perfectly of this matter, then any man: whereas thou art vtterly ignorant of those things that were done K in Galilee. For at that time wert thou at Berytum with the king, and wer [...] no waies priuie to the Iustus knew nothing of the wa [...]es of the Iewes. siege of Iotapata; seeing thou didst not follow vs. Neither couldst thou be able to learne how I behaued my selfe therin, for that there was no one left aliue to giue thee certain intelligence. Thou wilt perhaps say, that thou hast carefully described that, which hapned during the siege of Ierusalem▪ And how may this be possible? For thou wert neither agent nor looker on in that warre; neither hast thou red the commentaries of Vespasian. But I coniecture hereby that thou hast not read them at all, forasmuch as thou hast written cleane contrary to that which is contained therein. And if thou art so confident, that thy historie is truer then other mens, why didst thou not publish it during Vespasians and Titus liues, who were the generals of that warre; neither before king Agrippa and those of his rate, who were all of them very expert in the Greek tongue? L For thou hast kept it written by thee aboue twentie yeeres, and mightst haue produced witnes of Iustus published his booke when Titus and Vespasian were dead. thine exact diligence before them, who were priuie to all things. But now when they are dead, & thou thinkest that no man liueth that may reproue thee, thou hast vndertaken this boldnes to publish thy work. But I haue vsed no such pollicy or feare in my bookes, but haue presented them to the Emperours themselues, who haue beene eie witnesses and actors thereof. For I knew in mine owne soule that I had set downe all things truely: Whereupon I obtained my expected approbation. Moreouer I communicated the same historie with diuers others, whereof some of them were present at the warre, as was king Agrippa, and some of his kinred. And Titus the Emperour himselfe was so desirous that men should search for the truth of that historie out of these bookes, that he placed them in a librarie, and caused them to be published, being M Manifest testimonies of the truth of Iosephus historie. The first Epistle. The second Epistle. subscribed with his owne hand. As for king Agrippa, he sent me seuentie two Epistles, testifying the truth of my bookes, whereof two of them are vnderwritten, to the end that the truth may appeare thereby.
I haue with great contentment ouer-red thy booke, wherein thou seemest in my opinion to haue handled this matter more exactly, then any other. For which cause I pray thee send me the rest.
Fare well my deere friend.
I perceiue by thine owne writing, that thou [Page 551] needest no intelligence from me, how matters haue passed from the beginning: yet when wee A meet next, I will betweene me and thee certifie thee of certaine things which thou knowest not.
Thus was he a witnesse of the truth of my accomplished historie, not flattering me, for it became Iosephus prosecuteth his historie, and leaueth to debate with Iustus. him not; neither deriding me, as you perhaps may obiect; for farre was it from so noble a minde to be subiect to so seruile a folly: but only to this end, that the truth of my writings might be commended to the reader by the worth of his testimonie. And thus much haue I thought good to set downe in way of answere to Iustus.
Now as soone as I had pacified these troubles in Tiberias, and had established a councell of such as were well affected towards me; I bethought my selfe of that which concerned me to doe in respect of Iohn. All they of Galilee were of the opinion, that I should arme them all, and that in battell array I should march against Iohn, and doe iustice vpon him, as he that had beene the B author of all this mischiefe. But for mine owne part, I misliked their counsels, for that my desire was to extinguish these troubles without bloudshed; and for that cause I incited them with all diligence that was possible, to learne the names of all those who serued vnder him: which being done, and I made priuie what they were, I published a proclamation, by which I promised both safetie and pardon to all those, that would forsake Iohn, assigning them the terme of twentie daies, to determine of that which seemed best for their owne securitie: and I threatned to set fire on Foure thousand of Iohns followers forsake him, and followe Ioseph. their houses, and confiscate their goods, except they gaue ouer their armes. They hearing these things, were greatly troubled, and forsooke Iohn: and after they had laid downe their weapons, they came vnto me to the number of foure thousand: so that onely fifteene hundreth men remained with Iohn or thereabouts, either of Citizens, or strangers of Tyre. When Iohn perceiued C that he was circumuented by this policie, he euer after remained quiet in his country in great feare.
At that time the Sephorites grew so bold, that they tooke armes vnder the confidence and strength of their wals, and for that they saw me distracted with other businesse. They therefore sent to Cestius Gallus gouernour of Syria, praying him to repaire vnto them, with all expedition, to take possession of their Citie, or to send them a garrison of men at the least. Gallus promised to come vnto them, but he set downe no certaine time of his approch: whereof when I was aduertised, I tooke the men of warre that I had, and marched against the Sephorites, and tooke their Citie by force. The Galileans verie glad of this opportunitie, and supposing the time was come wherein they might satisfie the insatiable hatred that they bare against that Citie, marched D on with that intent, as if they would haue wholy ruinated the Citie, with all the inhabitants. They therefore trauailed the streetes, and set fire on the houses, which they found wholy desolate: For the inhabitants were fled away for feare, and were retired into a fortresse. They therefore Sephoris spoiled. ransackt all things, and left nothing vnspoiled: neither was there any kinde of miserie which they inflicted not on their countrimen. Which when I sawe, I was sore griened, and commanded them to giue ouer, signifying vnto them that it was impietie in them, to shew themselues so sauage towards their countrimen. And seeing that neither by anie praier or commaund that I made, I could draw them to obedience, for that their hatred surpassed my counsels, I commanded those that were about me, and whom I most trusted, to spred a rumour that the Romanes charged vs on the other side of the Citie, with great force. All which I did, to the ende that by E this rumour I might pacifie the furie of the Galileans, and saue the Citie of Sephoris: and this policie took good effect. For when they heard this newes they were affraid, and forsooke their pillage, to trust to their heeles, in especial for that I who was their general did the like. For I made a shew, that I beleeued the rumour to be as true, as they belieued it: and by this stratageme the Citie Sephoris was saued beyond all hope.
And hardly escaped Tiberias from being spoiled by the Galileans, thorow this occasion which Tiberias in daunger of ruine. ensueth. The chiefest of their councell wrote vnto the king, that he should come vnto them, and take possession of their Citie. The king promised to satisfie them verie shortly, and answered them by his letters, and deliuered them to one of his chamber, called Crispus a Iewe borne, to carrie them to the Tiberians. The Galileans knowing this messenger, tooke him and brought him vnto F me: which when the common people vnderstood, of meere spleene they fell to armes, and the next daie diuers of them assembled themselues from all parts, and came to the Citie of Asoch where I made my aboad, and made huge exclamations, calling the Tiberians traitours, and the kings friends, and demaunding of me licence and libertie that they might repaire to Tiberias, and race it to the ground, being as much displeased against the Tiberians, as they were against the Sephorites.
[Page 552] Which when I heard, I stood in great doubt how I might deliuer the Tiberians from that G displeasure, which the Galileans had conceiued against them: for I could not denie but that the Ioseph consulteth with himselfe. Tiberians had written and sent for the king: for the answere which he made them, did euidently expresse the truth. And hauing a long while debated the matter with my selfe, I said vnto them, I know as well as you, that the Tiberians haue offended: neither will I hinder you from spoiling their Citie; yet must you proceede to the execution thereof with some iudgement. For the Tiberians alone doe not betray our libertie, but others also, who are more accounted of in the countrey of Galilee. Stay therfore vntil such time as I am thorowly informed, who they be that are authors of this treason; and then shall you haue them all vnder your hands, with all those amongst them, whom you may particularly thinke woorthy punishment. By these perswasions I The Galileans w [...]ath pacified conceiued against the Tiberians. woon the people, who departed from me wholy contented and pacified. As for the messenger H that was sent by the king, I caused him to be imprisoned, hauing respect to an vrgent necessitie of mine owne, which constrained me to depart out of the kingdome within a [...]ittle while. And calling Crispus secretly vnto me, I charged him to make those souldiers drunke, who had the charge of him, to the end that he might in all securitie flie back to the king. Thus Tiberias being ready to be destroied, the second time by my gouernment and prouidence, auoyded at that time a great and fatall danger.
At the same time Iustus, the sonne of Pistus, fled vnto the king without my knowledge: the cause of which flight of his, I will orderly expresse. As soone as the Romans had began their warre against the Iewes, the Tiberians concluded to obey the king, and in no sort to rebell against Iustus desireth to commaund Galilee. the Romans. But Iustus egged them on to take armes, thirsting after alteration, and hoping I both to obtaine the gouernment of Galilee, as of his owne countrey: but his hope failed him of a succesfull end. For the Galileans being enuiously bent against the Tiberians, for those iniuries they had suffered at their hands before the warre, could not allow Iustus to be their gouernour. My selfe also, whom the people of Ierusalem put in trust with the gouernment of Galilee, was oftentimes so much mooued, that I failed little of killing Iustus; so intolerable was his wickednesse. He therefore fearing least my displeasure should shorten his daies, went vnto the king, supposing that he might liue more freely and securely with him. The Sophorites beyond their expectation hauing escaped this first danger, wrote vnto Cestius Gallus the second time; requiring him to come vnto them, to the end that he might be the sooner seazed of their Citie; or that he should send them forces to withstand the incursions of their enemies: and finally they K wrought so much, that Gallus sent them store of horsemen, and after them footmen, who came by night, and were receiued into their Citie. But seeing that the countrey round about them was but in poore estate, by reason of the Roman horsemen, I tooke my souldiers, and came to Garizim, where I encamped some twentie stades off of Sephoris, and by night I approched the Ioseph assaileth the wals of Sephoris. same, and set ladders to the wall, with which I entred a number of my soldiers, and became master of the better part of the Citie; from whence notwithstanding we were afterwards constrained to retire, for that we knew not the place, killing before our departure twelue Roman footmen and to horsemen, with some Sephorites, to the onely losse of one of ours. Afterwards a fight hapning betweene vs and their horsemen in open field, we fought for a long time with disaduantage: For the Romans hauing inuironed me on all sides, my rereward thorow the feare L they conceiued, began to retire. In this skirmish I lost one of my guard, called Iustus, who in times past had serued in the verie same place vnder the king. At that verie time the kings forces both of horse and foote came thither, vnder the gouernment of Sylas captaine of the guard, who encamped some fiue stades off of Iulias, beset the high waies that bended towards Cana with men of warre, and the fort of Gamala, to hinder the inhabitants from receiuing any commodities Silas captaine of the kings guard. from the countrey of Galilee.
As soone as I receiued newes hereof, I sent out two thousand souldiers, with Ieremie their coronell, who shrouding themselues within a stade of Iulias, neere vnto the floud Iordan, offered nothing els but light skirmishes, vntill such time as I had gathered three thousand souldiers more, and was come vnto them. The next day hauing planted an ambush in a certaine trench M neere vnto the enclosure of their campe, I touled out the kings soldiers to skirmish, hauing first forewarned my souldiers to faine a flight, vntill such time as they had drawne their enemies as far as the ambush; which they cunningly executed. But Sylas supposing that our men fled for cowardize, set forward to follow them as fast as he might possible: but they that lay in ambush charged him on the backe, and discomfited his army: and I presently turning and making head Ioseph putteth the kings souldiers to flight. against them, constrained the kings forces to trust to their heeles. At that time the estate of the [Page 553] countrey was at a good point, had not some cursed spirit thwarted mine honest purposes, For A the horse whereon I roade, falling into a certaine bog, cast me on the ground: whereby mine hand being thrust out of ioint about the wrist, I was carried into a burrough of Cepharnom. My souldiers hearing hereof, and fearing least some more sinister misfortune had befallen me, then indeed had done, restrained themselues from pursuing the enemie any further, and turned their backes thorow the griefe they had conceiued by reason of mine accident. Hauing therfore sent for Physitions, and caused my selfe to be dressed, I staied there for that day; and being seazed with a feuer, I was carried by night to Taricheas, according to the aduice of my physitions.
Sylas and his souldiers hauing newes of mine accident, recouered their courages, and vnderstanding that we kept but slender watch in our campe, they laid an ambush by night on this side Iosephs misfortune animateth the enemy. Iordan, with their horsemen, and as soone as the day appeared, he drew out our soldiers to fight: B who willingly condescended thereunto, and being come into the plaine, they perceiued the men that lay in ambush, by whom they were put to flight, and six of our men were slaine. But they pursued their victorie no further: For hauing newes that certaine souldiers had past the water of Taricheas to Iulias, they were affraid and returned backe.
Not long after Vespasian arriued at Tyre, accompanied with king Agrippa. Against whom the Tyrians began to vtter many reproches, telling Vespasian that the king was both an enemy to Vespasian and Agrippa ar [...]iue at Tyre. the Tyrians and the Romans, alleadging that Philip his Generall had betraied the kings pallace and the Roman army in Ierusalem, and that by the kings commission. Which when Vespasian vnderstood, he reprooued this impudent boldnesse of the Tyrians, for blaming a king of that power, and a friend to the Romans: and aduised the king to send Philip to Rome, to yeelde account C of his actions. But notwithstanding that Philip was sent thither, yet presented he not himselfe The gouernors of Decapolis accuse Iustus. Of Vespasians arriuall, and the siege of Iotapata read Ioseph lib. 4. cap. 5. of the wars of the Iewes. before Nero; for finding him extreamly busied with troubles and ciuill warres, he returned vnto the king without doing any thing. When Vespasian was arriued at Ptolema [...]s, the gouernors of the ten Cities of Syria cried out against Iustus the Tiberian, accusing him for burning of their burroughs. Vespasian therefore deliuered him bound vnto the king; to the end that the subiects of his kingdome might haue him punished. But the king before that time, vnwitting to Vespasian, had kept him prisoner, as it hath been heretofore declared. The Sephorites also resorted to Vespasian, to salute him, and receiue a garrison from him, with their commander Placidus, who made many roades into the countrey; and I pursued them vntill such time as Vespasian arriued in Galilee: of which arriuall I haue amply spoken in my bookes of the Warres of the Iewes; how D he came, how he fought against me, the first time neere to the Citie of Tarichea [...]how I departed from thence to repaire to Iotapata, my taking, my deliuerance, and all my actions and fortunes during the warres of the Iewes, and the siege of the Citie of Ierusalem. But now me seemeth that it is necessarie, that I describe other things exploited by me during my life time in other places, then in the warres of the Iewes. After the siege of Iotapata was ended, I was prisoner with the Romans, and kept verie carefully: yet notwithstanding Vespasian did me much honour. For by his commandement I married a virgin, that was one of those that had been taken captiue in Caesarea. But she remained not long time with me: for after I was set at libertie, and that I followed Vespasian, she retired her selfe to Alexandria. After which, I married another woman in Alexandria, from whence I was sent to Titus to the siege of Ierusalem, where I was oftentimes E in danger of death. For the Iewes laboured what they might to take and punish me, and the Romans supposing that as many and oftentimes as they were repulsed, it was by my treason, The daungers that Ioseph past betwixt the Romans and Iewes. cried out continually to the Emperour to execute me for a traitor. But Titus well experienced in the changes of warre, pacified the violence which his souldiers intended against me, by his silence. And after the Citie of Ierusalem was taken, Titus often solicited me to take that which I liked among the ruines of Ierusalem, promising to giue it me. But I making but small account of any thing after the ruine of my countrey, besought him that he would giue me certaine free men, and the sacred Bible, which I receiued for a great consolation in my miseries. All which he gratiously granted me. Not long after hauing begd my brother and fiftie other of my friends, they were giuen me, and I was refused in nothing. Entring into the temple by Titus permission, F I found a great number of prisoners shut vp therein, and all those women and children of my friends and familiars, whom I knew, I deliuered them to the number of one hundreth and ninetie, Ioseph dischargeth a number of captiues. without paying any raunsome: and I rest [...]d them to their former free condition. Being sent with Cerealis and one thousand horse into the Citie of Thecoa by the Emperour Titus, to espie if the place were fit for a campe: in returning from thence I saw diuers prisoners, who were Ioseph deliuereth three frō the gibbet. on the gibbet, amongst which were three of my familiars; whereat I was grieued in my soule, [Page 554] and I came and signified the same vnto Titus with teares: who incontinently commaunded th [...] G they should be taken downe, and as carefully drest and cured as might be; two of which died notwithstanding the vtmost diligence of the Phisitions, and the third suruiued.
After that Titus had appeased the troubles of Iudaea, coniecturing with himselfe that the possessions which I had in Ierusalem, would yeeld me but little profit, by reason of the Roman garrison Ioseph repaireth with Titus to Rome, and is honourably entertained by Vespasian. that should be placed there; he planted me in a possession in a champion countrey: and intending to embarke himselfe to depart for Rome, he tooke me with him in his owne ship, and did me great honour. As soone as we came to Rome, Vespasian had great care of me, for he lodged me in his owne house, where he kept before he was Emperour, and honoured me with the title of a citizen of Rome, and gaue me an annuall pension in money; and as long as he liued, continued his good affection towards me, forgetting no kind of bountie which he might vse towards Ioseph enuied and slaundered. H me. Whereupon I was so much enuied, that I grew in daunger thereby to lose my life: For a certaine Iew called Ionathan, hauing stirred vp a sedition in Cyrene, & gathered about him some two thousand inhabitants of the countrey, was the cause of their ouerthrow: and as touching himselfe, being bound by the gouernour of that countrey, and afterwards sent vnto the Emperour, he said it was I that had sent him armes and money. But Vespasian knew his falshood, and condemned him to death, and commaunded him to be executed. After this mine enemies obiected diuers crimes against me in regard that I was in good reputation, but God so wrought that I escaped them all. Moreouer I receiued in gift from Vespasian an ample possession in Iudaea, and at that verie time I forsooke my wife, because her manners pleased me not, although she were Iosephs third wife. the mother of my three children, of whom two are deceased, and the third, who was called Hircanus, I is yet aliue. After this I maried a wife that was borne in Candie, and was by nation a Iew, and by birth noble, and one of the greatest reputation amongst the inhabitants, endowed with as laudable manners as any other vertuous woman whatsoeuer, as her after life most plainly expressed. By her I had two sonnes, Iustus, who was the eldest, and Simonides, who was also surnamed Agrippa. Thus farre as touching my domesticall affaires. That bountie which I receiued from the hands of the Caesars, hath alwaies continued mine. For after Vespasians death, Titus who succeeded him in the Empire, continued the same fauour which his father had shewed me. For although I were oftentimes accused, yet were not mine aduersaries beleeued. Domitian, who succeeded him, augmented mine honours. For he punished those Iewes that accused me, and gaue order that the Eunuch and slaue whom I kept to teach my sonne, and by whom I was accused, The perpetual fauour of the Caesars towards Ioseph. K should be punished. He granted me extemption also from all the tributes of Iudaea, which is one of the most greatest honours that a man may receiue. And as touching Domitia the Emperours wife, she alwaies continued her good affection towards me. Behold heere the short recitall of my whole life, whereby let each man coniecture of my manners, as him listeth. But O thrice excellent Epaphroditus, after I haue giuen and offered thee all this ancient history of our nation, I will for this present pause in this place.
[Page] THE LAMENTABLE AND TRAGICALL HISTORIE OF THE VVARS AND VTTER RVINE OF THE IEWES. Comprised in seuen Bookes by Flauius Iosephus, the Sonne of Matthias. And newly translated out of the Latin, and French into English by Tho. Lodge, D. M. P.
Printed at London on Bread-street hill, at the signe of the Starre, 1602.
TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFVL HIS esteemed friend M. Anthony Palmer Esquier.
SIR, my affection that had rather be an actor then an orator, doe well then speake well, hath pickt you out to be the patron of this tragicall historie of the wars of the Iewes. The reasons that draue me herevnto, are neither the expectance of worldlie benefits, nor the fruitlesse vp-shot of ostentation, but your virtue (which is not beloued respectiuelie but onely for it selfe) hath created this good conceit in me, which (if you so please) your acceptance may continue. Now since as the Philosopher supposeth it is an action worthy a good man, to do good vnto his friend; so is it no lesse commendable to accept an office of kindnes from a friend. For by giuing we bewray our well wishing; and by receiuing, we proportion and continue frendship: vpon this ground I praie you build the good entertainment of my present, and nourish this good custome in me (which was vsuall both amongst Grecians and Latins) I meane my translation, which if it please you, I haue my wish. As for my maligners, I expect no worse from them then Iason the Thassalian, who being assailed and wounded by an enemie (who had an intent to kill him) had an impostumation opened that saued his life: their stabbe and stroke of disgrace shall cure and heale the hidden and neglected infirmities of my minde, and notwithstanding I shall both Genio & ingenio liue to loue you, and lament their want of char [...]ie. Thus heartelie commending me, I hastilie take my leaue, being tied prentize of late to other mens importunities.
THE FIRST OF THOSE A B SEVEN BOOKES, WHICH WERE
THE PRAEFACE, In which the Author taxeth diuers Historiographers of vntruth: and declareth his intent, and specifieth the principall C points of this Historie.
FOr as much as the warre which was enterprised betwixt the Iewes and Romans, hath (amongst all other) beene the greatest that either hath beene attempted in our age, or heard of in any other; either between citie or citie; or nation against nation: there haue beene some, who (rather building their discourse on the vaine and The duty of [...] Historiographer; and how things that are past should be written. improbable report of others; then their owne iudgements) haue (according to the manner of orators) made a historie of their hearsay, and haue filled their discourses not only with vanitie, but D also with cōtradiction. Others there were (who for that they were eie witnesses or actors of the same) haue according to their own fancies preferred many lies; either to flatter the Romanes, or exercise their hatred against the Iewes: forging somewhiles accusations, otherwhiles breaking out into praises without any obseruation of Ioseph himself had a hand in the warres of the Iewes. historicall veri [...]e. For this cause, I Ioseph the sonne of Matthias, by birth an Hebrew, and a citizen and priest of Ierusalem: who in the beginning of these wars bare armes against the Romanes, and afterwards (being therunto forced by necessitie) was present at all those things, which were attempted and prosecuted in those warres; haue thought good to discourse in the Greeke tongue (in fauour of all those who acknowledge the soueraigntie of the Romane Empire) all that, which heretofore in my owne language I haue imparted to those Barbarians that inhabit the East. For at such E time (as I haue alreadie spoken) as these most bitter and busie warres tooke their beginning; the Romans were at ciuill warres among themselues: and as touching the Iewes (who were in yeeres valiant, and in wits turbulent) they being both strong in power, and rich in money, did so insolently abuse the time, that being animated by the greatnes of those seditions and troubles; haue somewhiles swamme in hope, sometimes sweltered in feare of possessing or losing certaine soueraignties in the East. For the Iewes hope was, that all those of their nation (euen they who inhabited the parts beyond Euphrates) would haue both followed them in their rebellion, and seconded their follies with their forces. Moreouer at that time the Frenchmen (who bordered vpon the Romans) suffered them not to liue in peace: and the Germanes also began to take armes. Finally, after the death of Nero, After Neros time all things full of trouble. seditions raigned euery where: so that by reason of the oportunitie of these times many men went about to make themselues kings, and the souldiers whetted on with the couetous desire of gaine, desired F nothing more then trouble and alteration. For which cause, I thinke it a matter both worthy reproofe, and ill beseeming my reputation, if in so waightie affaires, I should suffer the truth to be smothered in incertainties, and should permit the Parthians, Babylonians, and the furthest distant Ioseph had written this history in the Hebrew toung before. Arabians, and those of our nation inhabiting beyond Euphrates, togither with the Adiabenites, to obtain the true knowledge of those euents by mine industrie; whilest the Grecians, & diuers of those, who haue not born armes with the Romans, being distracted with factions, & deceiued by adulation, [Page 556] should be ignorant hereof. Yet some of these there be, who (notwithstanding their false informations) G stick not to write histories, not only void of all truth, but also no waies answerable to their subiect which they vndertake. For whilest they labour to dignifie and extoll the Romans, they altogither suppresse the fame and fortunes of the Iewes: yet cannot I coniecture by what meanes they maie be held great, who triumph in the conquest of men so obscure and abiect. Nay whilest they thus extol The glory of the Romans is diminished if you deroga [...] [...]rom their labou [...]s at the siege of Ierusalem. the Romans valour in conquering the Iewes, they nothing at all respect the continuance of the wars, nor the multitude of the Roman souldiers, nor the honour of their captaines, whose titles are much embased if they (hauing laboured so much to conquer Ierusalem) should haue any thing derogated from the honour and prosperitie of their attempts. For mine owne part I am not resolued to contradict those who shall enhance the glorie and noble actions of the Romans, neiher to extol and dignifie the deserts of mine owne nation, but my resolution is in all truth and sinceritie to set downe each occurrent, without respect or partialitie towards either part. In performance whereof I will fashion H my discourse according to the matter. I entreat of, and as my griefe and sorrow shall inuite me to lament the miseries of my countrey: For the ciuill dissension that dismembred the same, was the cause that brought it to confusion, and those tyrants that raigned amongst vs, were such, who forcibly drew the Romans with sword and sire to seeke the desolation of our holy temple. The truth whereof Titus Caesar himselfe can iustifie, who destroied the same, and who during all those warres still pitied the Titus his piety towards the Iewes. people, for that they (as he well perceiued) were kept in awe by [...]he seditious: And who oftentimes of his owne accord deferred the surprisall of the Citie, purposely protracting the siege, to the intent that in the meane time the authors of the sedition and bloudie wars might haue leasure to repent and submit themselues. Now if any man thinke that I write this, as one that exclaimeth against the tyrants and their the eueries, or that in bewailing the miseries of my lost countrey, I accuse their villanies, All calamities that hapned sithence the beginning of the world being compared with those the Iewes suffered are of no moment. and thereby transgresse the limits of a historie, let it be imputed to my griefe and so pardoned. I For amongst all the Cities that were euer gouerned by the Romans, our Citie onely attained to the top of felicitie, which now alas is brought into extreame miserie, captiuitie, and desolation. Nay if all the misfortunes & calamities which the world from the beginning hath seene, be compared with the infelicitie and fall of the Iewes, they are slight and of no moment.
And to increase our sorrow, no forrainers but our owne familiar friends and countrimen haue been the actors of our tragedie. This considered, if any man of too seuere and stoicall iudgement shall reprehend this my lamentation, let such a one attribute the deeds I recount, to the historie which I write; and reserue the lamentations and sorrowes therof to me, who am the historiographer: although in my mind I may iustly challenge the smoothe tounged Grecians, for that (notwithstanding these our so miserable, and so memorable warres hapned in their daies, in respect wherof all other former troubles The Grecian Historiographers ouerpasse the wars of the Iewes with silence. K were obscure and of no reckoning) they haue restrained their tongues & pens; and vndertaken an ouercurious silence, to the end they might carpe at those with greater libertie, who vndertake the publishing thereof: whom though in learning and eloquence they both exceede and outstrip, yet are they inferiour vnto them in the matter and subiect they intreat of. For they forsooth discipher and set downe the valiant acts of the Assyrians and Medes, as who should say the ancient writers had but coldly and scarce conceitfully handled the same: and yet God knoweth they come so far behinde those auncient authors in their writings, as they neither second them in sense, nor equall them in vnderstanding. For such as in times past published any worthy historie, endeuoured to write that which they themselues had seene: and for that each of them were eie witnesses of those affaires they committed to writing, they more effectually performed all that which they promised; the rather for that they L accounted it to be an act of dishonestie, to report and publish lies in steed of a historie. And truely in my opinion that man is both worthy commendation and praise, who striueth by his studious indeuours, to register not onely the occurrences of times past, but also those memorable euents that haue hapned in his daies: and he only and truely is to be accounted industrious, not that altereth and pr [...] neth at his pleasure an other mans works, but he that of himselfe compileth a historie; wherof no man hath before time written. For mine owne part (the rather for that I am a stranger) I haue beene inforced to my no small labour and expence, to refresh the memorie and truth of these euents in the Who may rightly be called a Historiographer. eares of the Greeks and Romans. For as touching their owne learned men, their mouthes are alwaies open to gaines and controuersies, and to this purpose their tongues still run on pattens: marie if they come to a historie wherein they should both tell truth, and with great labour enquire of those things that are past, here are they mum, the trauell is too tedious, the bit is in their teeth, so that they leaue M the matter to their performance, who are incapable and vnapt both in stile and studie, to register the noble actions of royall princes.
Since therefore the Grecians make no account of the truth of historie, it behooueth vs both to esteeme and honour it. Now to discouer vnto you the originall of the Iewes, what their estate hath been in times past, and after what manner they departed out of Aegypt, to shew what countries the [...] conquered, and what colonies they planted, were in my iudgment both impertinent and to little purpose; considering [Page 557] that diuers of mine own nation haue before my time made and written an exact historie of the A noble attempts of our auncestors: yea many Greeks also haue translated these mens writings into their owne tongue; and haue as truly, as rhetorically exemplified the same. I will therfore begin my historie in that time where these writers and our owne prophets ceased, and set downe at large all those warres that hapned in my time: and as for those things that exceede my knowledge and remembrance, I will onely touch them bri [...]ly, and in a word or two; First how Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes, tooke the Citie of Ierusalem, and possessed the same for the space of three yeeres, and six moneths: and finally how Antiochus Epiphanes the first author & fountaine of the warres of the Iewes. he was dri [...]en out of that countrey by the Asmo [...]eans. After this I will set downe the dissensions that hapned amongst Antiochus successors for the kingdome; and how by this meanes they drew Pompey and the Romans into the managing and medling with their affaires. How Herod likewise the sonne of Antipater, being assisted by Sosius, vtterly ouerthrew and canceld their felicitie & authoritie: and B how in Augustus Caesars time and after the death of Herod, and during the gouernment of Quintilius Varo, a sedition [...]s raised among the people: and how in the tw [...] yeere of Neros raigne the warre began to take head and continuance. That likewise which happened in Cestius time, and what The Epirom [...] of the warre [...] of the Iewes. warlike executions the Iewes performed in their first attempts and reuolts, how they strengthened the Cities and forts about them, and how Nero (hearing of the great [...]er throw which his army receiued vnder Cestius their Generall, and fearing least he should lose all) made Titus Vespasian the Generall of his army: who being attended by his eldest sonne, came into Iudaea accompanied with as great a company of Romans as he could possibly gather: what number of their allies inuaded & spoiled Galilee, what Cities they surprised in that place, e [...]r by forcible assault, or by any other composition. Besides all these things, I will expresse what order and discipline the Romans obserue in their wars, and wherein they C are accustomed to exercise their souldiers. I will note downe also the places and nature of the countrey of G [...]ee, and the description of Iudaea, togither with the mountaines, lakes and fountains thereof, with all the properties of the same; not forgetting those miseries which the captiue Cities suffered: neither how they were surprised. All which (togither with all those [...]ils and miseries which during those troubles befell me) will I discouer, and discourse with all truth and diligence; the rather in that I publish them in th [...]r eares, who are no waies ignorant of th [...]m. After this I will set downe how (vpon the decli [...]g and downfall of the Iewes). Nero died; and how (at such time as Vespasian had vndertaken the expedition to Ierusalem) he was withheld from the action, to receiue and enioy the imperial dignitie: How at that instant when he retired himselfe into Aegypt to establish that estate, the Iewes began to mutinie among themselues: how many tyrants arose amongst them, who hatched much ciuil discord and The signes and changes after Neroes death. debate in their gouernment. Againe, how Titus departing out of Aegypt, came the second time into D Iudaea, and ranged ouer the countrey, and how and where he leuied and encamped his armies. How and how oftentimes the city hath been vexed by sedition, especially at such time as he himselfe was present. What onsets he gaue, & how many mounts he raised in begirting the city with a treble walithe strength Titus besiegeth Ierusalem and prouision of the Citie, the scituation and platforme of the Temple, and the altars therein: the rites and ceremonies which were vsed vpon festiuall daies: the 7. purifications and offices of the priests: the garments also of the high priest; and the holy sanctuary of the temple. All which I wil recount without any dissimulation, or swaruing from the truth of historie. After this I will relate what cruelty the The manners and sacrifices of the Iewes. tyrants vsed against their own countrimen, & what humanitie the Romans shewed towards strangers, and how oftentimes Titus (who desired the safetie both of the Citie and Temple) prouoked and inuited the seditious to mutual amitie. Furthermore I wil report how the people of the Iewes (after these many The humanity of th [...] Romans towards the Iewes. E and grieuous wounds which they both suffered and suncke vnder, sometimes by warre, otherwhiles by sedition, and many times by hunger) were at length ouerthrowne to their vtter confusion. Neither wil I omit the slaughter of such as reuolted, neither the punishment inflicted on those that were captiue: but I will set downe how the temple was burned against Caesars will, and what an infinit masse of sacred treasure was deuoured by the fire. But to shut vp the historie, I will annex the surprisall of the Citie, The burning of the temple, and the ouerthrow of the citie. The Romans triumph ouer the Iewes. The cause why he wrote this historie. and what signes and wonders hapned before the same: the captiuitie also of the tyrants themsel [...]es, and the number of those that were led away into captiuitie: and what miserie euerie one of them end [...] red how the Romans continuing their wars vtterly raced the fortresses of their captiues: finally, how Titus in trauailing thorow the whole countrey, established a for me of gouernment therein; and afterward returning into Italy, triumphed with much honour. All these things haue I comprehended in seuen F bookes: indeuouring as much as in me lieth; to flie and auoide all occasion of reproofe and reprehension from those men; who knew these affaires and were actors in the warres. All which I haue done for their sakes, who rather affect truth, then follow their pleasure: and according to that order and for me I haue proposed, I will begin and prosecute my stile and Historie.
THE FIRST BOOKE G OF THE WARRES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 The destruction of Ierusalem by Antiochus.
- 2 The succession of Princes from Ionathan, vntill Aristobulus time.
- 3 Of Aristobulus, Antigonus, Iudas Essaeus, Alexander, Theodore and Demetrius.
- 4 Of the warre attempted betweene Alexander, Antiochus and Aretas, and of Alexandra and Hircanus.
- 5 Of the warre betweene Hircanus and the Arabians, and of the Expugnation of Ierusalem.
- 6 Of the warre of Alexander with Hircanus and Aristobulus. I
- 7 Of the death of Aristobulus, and the warre of Antipater against Mithridates.
- 8 How Antipater was accused before Caesar, and how Hircanus was high priest, and Herod beg [...] to make warre.
- 9 Of the dissension of the Romans after Caesars death, and of Malichus his deceits.
- 10 How Herod was accused and set free.
- 11 Of the warre of the Parthians against the Iewes, and of Herods flight and fortune.
- 12 Of Herods warre for the recouering of Ierusalem after his returne from Rome, and how he warred against the theeues.
- 13 Of Iosephus death, brother to Herod; and how Ierusalem was besieged by the s [...]e Herod, and how Antigonus was slaine. K
- 14 Of the treacherous practises of Cleopatra against Herod, and of his warre against the Arabians, and of a great earthquake.
- 15 How Herode was confirmed in the peaceable possession of the kingdome of Iudaea by Augustus Caesar.
- 16 Of the Cities and monuments repaired and builded by Herod, and of his felicitie and liberalitie towards strangers.
- 17 Of the discord betwixt Herod and his two sonnes Alexander and Aristobulus.
- 18 Of Antipaters conspiracie against his father Herod.
- 19 How Herod should haue been poisoned, and how the treason was discouered.
- 20 How Antipaters practises against Herod were knowne, and punished. L
- 21 Of the golden Eagle, and of Antipater and Herods death.
CHAP. I.
How Ierusalem was destroied by Antiochus.
AT such time as Antioch [...] surnamed Epiphanes, made warre against Sextus Pompeius for the whole gouernment of Syria, there arose a sedition among The yeare of the world, 3802 before Christs birth 162. Ant. li. 12. ca. 6. Antiochus being stirred vp by [...] so [...] inuadeth Iudaea, and surpriseth Ierusalem. Ant lib. 15. cap. 4. the Iewes; wherein euerie one indeuoured himselfe to haue the soueraignty ouer others; and those of chiefest authoritie and nobilitie amongst the rest, M disdained to submit themselues to such as were their equals. At that time a certaine man called Onias (who was one of the high priests) hauing gotten the vpper hand, did driue the sonnes of To [...]ias out of the Citie; who flying to Antiochus for refuge, besought him in all humilitie that he would leade his forces into Iudaea, offering themselues to be his guides in that expedition and voiage. Antiochus (who long before that time desired such an occasion) easily condescended to their requests; & leuying a great army, [Page 559] entred their countrey, and tooke the citie by force, and [...]ue the most part of them, who fauou [...]ed A The yeare of th [...] world. 3802. before the birth of Christ. 162. The high priest On [...] flieth to Ptolomey. Ant. lib. 1 [...]. cap. 7. Ptolomy and giuing his souldiers libertie to sacke the cit [...]e, he himselfe spoiled the temple also; and for the space of three yeres and sixe moneths, forbad al sacrifices and ceremonies, which before time were accustomed and vsed in that place: Whereupon: Onias the high Priest fled vnto Ptolomey, and hauing obtained a grant of a peece of ground from him, within the liberties and precinct of Heliopolis, he built a towne and temple in that place, resembling the citie and sanctuarie in Ierusalem.
But neither was Antiochus satisfied with the vnexpected surprise of the citie, nor with the pillage Antiochus altereth the customes of the Iewes. & slaughter of the citizens, but was so far transported by his passions, & incensed with the remembrance of those euils which he sustained during the siege of the citie, that he compelled t [...] Iewes to forsake the customes of their country; cōmanding them from that time forward to vs [...] no more B circumcision of their children, but that they should immolate swine vpon the Altar: which when al of them iointly refused to obey, the most constant among them were for that cause put to death. Bacchides being made chiefe of the garrisons by the appointment of Antiochus, what with Bacchides cr [...] eltie towards the Iewes. Ant. lib. 1. cap. 7. 8. his innated cruelty, & the impious commandement that was left him, omitted no occasion to further his wicked impietie, insomuch as he particularly tormented such as were of noble birth, and qualitie: so that each day for the most part; he represented vnto them the fresh face and memorie of the desolation of their citie, till all of them at the last being prouoked and whe [...]d on through the grieuousnes of that which both themselues and others indured, addressed themselues with confidence to prosecute the [...] reuenge. A [...] length Matthias the sonne of Asmoneus one of the Priests, who was borne in a village called Modin, accompanied with his fiue sonnes and his Matthias confederated with others maketh warre again [...] Antiochus. C owne household armed with swords, slue Bacchides: and fearing the power and multitude of the enemies garrisons, speedily retired himselfe into the mountaines. Thither resorted diuers of the people vnto him, for which cause he waxing more confident and couragious, came downe from the mountaines, and ouercomming the captaines of Antiochus, droue them out of the borders of Iudaea. At such time therefore as through his happie successe he became potent, and was by common consent of the people (for that he had deliuered them from the subiection of straungers) made their ruler: he died, leauing his eldest sonne, who was called Iudas to succeed him in the gouernment. Who fearing least Antiochus would stil continue warres against him, gathered togither an armie of his countrimen, and was the first amongst the Iewes that made a league with the Romans; and droue backe Antiochus Epiphanes at such time as he enforced himselfe D once more to inuade the borders of Iudaea, repulsing him with a great ouerthrow. And whereas the remembrance of this victorie was yet fresh in mens minds and memory, he assaulted the garrison of the citie: For as yet they were not destroyed (in which conflict he forced them to forsake the highest part thereof, which is called holy) and to betake themselues into the lower part: and hauing obtained the temple, he made euery place cleane, and compassed it with a wall, and made new vessels for the seruice of the temple, and planted them therein, because those that had beene before time consecrated there were prophaned. Hee builded likewise an other Altar, and began to renue the accustomed sacrifice, and obserue the rites of religion.
Scarcely was the citie brought to the former estate, but Antiochus died, who left a sonne and E heire behind him, who was not onely inheritor of his kingdome, but also of his hatred against Antiochus dieth, and leaueth the kingdome to his sonne Antiochus, who gathereth a huge power and inuadeth Iurie. Ant. lib. 12. cap. 14. 15. Eleazar dieth being slaine b [...] an Elephant. the Iewes, who hauing gathered togither fiftie thousand footmen, and almost fiue thousand horsemen, and fourescore Elephants, entred by the mountaines of Iudaea, and tooke a towne named Bethsara, neere which Iudas met him in a place called Bethzacharie, where the passage was something streight: and before the armies ioyned battell, Eleazar Iudas brother seeing one Elephant higher then the rest; bearing a great tower on his backe, and adorned with golden furniture, thinking Antiochus had beene there, ranne from his company, and breaking the rankes of the enemies, came vnto the Elephant; but he could not reach him (whom he deemed to be the king) he was so highly mounted; for which cause wounding the Elephant in the belly, the Elephant fell vpon him, and pressed him to death: which act of his had no other successe but this, that by attempting F so great a matter, he gaue manifest testimonie that he preferred his renowne, before his life. Now he that gouerned the Elephant was but a priuate person, and although by happe Antiochus Eleazar preferred honour before life. had beene there, Eleazar had atchieued nothing else in this his valiant attempt; but yet he aduentured his life vnder hope to performe some valiant exploit. And this act of his was a presage vnto his brother of the euent of the whole warre that ensued. For the Iewes fought stoutly, and a long time, but yet Antiochus armie (being both more in number and more prosperous) [Page 560] obtained the vic [...]rie; so Iudas therefore after the losse of many of his companie, fled vnto the Gophonites G The yeare of the world. 3802. before Christs birth 162. Antiochus departing from Ierusalem leaueth▪ sufficient garrison there. Ant. lib. 12. cap. 18. ludas fighteth with Atiochu [...] captains, and is slaine. with those of his side who escaped: And Antiochus went to Ierusalem, from whence after some stay he departed for want of necessaries, leauing a sufficient garrison; as for the rest of his armie, he led them for the winter time into Syria. Yet notwithstanding the kings departure Iudas rested not, but encouraged by many of his nation, who daily came vnto him, and gathering also togither those who escaped out of the former battell, at a village named Ada [...]a he fought with Antiochus captaines, where after much and many approbations of his valour in assaulting and slaughtering a great number of his enemies, he himselfe at length was slaine, and within a few daies after his brother Ioh [...] also was slaine and betrayed by their trecheries, who fauoured Antiochus.
CHAP. II. H
Of the succession of Princes from Ionathas vntill Aristobulus.
AFter him succeeded his brother Ionathas, who carefully studied for the peace and securitie Ant. li. 13. c2. 1. The yeare of the world 3805. befoer Christs Natiuitie. 159. Ionath as taken by Tryphons subtilue is slain of his people, and fortified himselfe by the friendship of the Romans, and was reconciled to Antiochus his sonne; yet did none of all these things profit him or acquit him from danger. For the tyrant Tryphon (who was tutour to Antiochus) laying wait for him, and seeking to spoile him of his friends, took Ionathas at such time as he came with a small company to Antiochus who was at Ptolemais, and binding him, lead an army against Iudaea: from whence. being repulsed by Simon Ionathas brother and ouercome by him, in displeasure and reuenge thereof, he slue Ionathas. I
But Simon valiantly bestirring himselfe in the gouernment and guide of the affaires of the common-wealth, tooke Zara, Ioppe, and Iamnia (which were bordering townes): and ouercomming Ant. lib. 15. cap. 9. The yeare of the world, 3823. before Christs birth 141. the garrison at Accaron, he destroyed the citie, and assisted Antiochus against Tryphon who besieged Dora, before that expedition which he made against the Medes. Yet would not the greedie mind of the king be satisfied, notwithstanding that Simon had thus faithfully serued and assisted him in the death of Tryphon; but that within short time after, he sent vnto Cendebeus (who was the generall of the army) commaunding him to sacke and spoile Iudaea, and to take Simon, Simon encoū treth with Cendebeus, & ouercommeth him. Ant. lib. 13. cap. 14. Simon by the treachery of his son in law Ptolemaeus is taken & slaine. Iohn otherwise called Hircanus the son of Simon. and make him a slaue. But Simon though aged in yeeres, fought both youthfully and valiantly, and sent his sonnes with the most resolute men he had, before against Antiochus, and himselfe with the residue of his army, assaulted another quarter of their enemies campe; and hauing laid many K ambushes euen in the mountaines, he in euery place was victorious: and after this his most famous victorie, he was proclaimed high priest, and deliuered the Iewes from the gouernment of the Macedonians, vnder which they had beene 270. yeeres. Finally by the trecherie of Ptolemaeus his son in law, he was murthered at a banquet, who imprisoning his wife and two sonnes, sent certaine men to kill the third sonne, whose name was Iohn, otherwise called Hircanus. But the yong man vnderstanding the successe of his fathers voiage, hasted vnto the citie accompanied with a great multitude; for he greatly hoped that the people would remember his fathers prowes, especially because Ptolemaeus iniquitie was hated of all men; Ptolemaeus also hasted to enter the citie at another gate: but he was speedily repulsed by the people who had alreadie receiued Hircanus. For which cause he presently retired himselfe into a Castle named Dagon scituate beyond L Iericho. The yeare of the world. 3831. before the Nati [...]itie of Christ. 133. Hircanus obtaineth the honour of the hie priesthood which his father had. Ptolemaeus cruelty against Hircanus mother & brethrē.
After that Hircanus had obtained the office of the high Priest, which was left him by his father, and had offered sacrifices vnto God, he led forth his forces with all speed against Ptolemaeus, hoping to helpe and deliuer his mother and brethren that were detained prisoners with him: and assaulting the Castle, notwithstanding that in all other things he had the better hand, yet was he ouercome by iust griefe and compassion. For at such time, and so often as Ptolemaeus perceiued himselfe to be in daunger, he brought Hircanus mother and brethren vpon the walles, and beat them where he might behold them in their torments, threatning to cast them downe from the wal except Hircanus would presently depart. For which cause Hircanus was more moued with compassion and feare, then with anger & wrath. But his mother being no waies dismaid with stripes M which she indured, nor with death wherewith she was threatned, lifted vp hir hands to her sonne, beseeching him that in regard of her miseries he would not be moued to spare so impious a person, for she esteemed her death threatned by Ptolemaeus, dearer then immortalitie it selfe; if so be he might receiue iust punishment for the villany which he had impiously committed against their house. But when Iohn had perceiued the resolute mind of his mother, and heard her intreatie, he was moued to assault the Castle, and straight way seeing her beaten and torne, he relented [Page 561] with compassion, and was euen filled with griefe. By which meanes the siege continued long, The yeare of th [...] world. 3831. before Christs birth 133. Ptolemaeus murthereth Hircanus mother and brethren. The ye [...] of the world. 3839. before Christs birth 125. Antiochus vpon [...]e paimēt of three hundreth talents raiseth his siege. A and the Iubilee yeere was come, which falleth out euerie seuenth yeere: wherein the Iewes cease from all affaires, as their wont is euerie seuenth day. Ptolemaeus [...]liuered from the siege by this accident and occasion, put Iohns mother and his brethren to death, and afterwards fled to Zeno the tyrant of Philadelphia, who was also surnamed Cotylas.
In the meane while Antiochus being grieuously vexed at that which Simon had done vnto him, sent his army into Iudaea, and besieged Hyrcanus in Ierusalem, who opening Dauids Sepulchre (who had been one of the richest among all the kings of Iudaea) tooke more then three thousand talents of money from thence; and wrought so much with Antiochus, that vpon the paiment of three hundreth talents of money, he made him raise his siege and depart the country. This Hyrcanus was the first of all the Iewes that with his owne goods maintained outlanders and B souldiers. But so soone as Antiochus had bent his power and forces against the Medes; he tooke handfast of that opportunitie he had offered him, to reuenge himselfe, and presently assaulted the townes of Syria, assuring himselfe he should finde them (as indeed they were) voide of souldiers to defend them. Whereupon he tooke Medaba and Samea, with the places thereunto adioyning, Sichem and Garizim, which border vpon the Chuthaeans, who inhabite the places adioining to the temple, that is made after the imitation of that which is at Ierusalem. Moreouer, he Ant. lib. 13. cap 15. Aristobulus & Antigonus besiege Sebaste. tooke many Cities of Idumaea, and amongst the rest Doreon, and Marisa: and comming into Samaria (where now Sebaste is scituate, which was builded by Herode) he besieged it on euerie side, and left his two sonnes Aristobulus and Antigonus, to continue the siege, who diligently besieged the place. There was such a famine in the Citie, that they were constrained to eate vnaccustomed C meates. For which cause, they required aide of Antiochus surnamed Spondius, who Sebaste ouerthrowen and spoiled. willingly assisted them, but he was ouercome by Aristobulus and Antigonus, and was pursued by the foresaid brethren vnto Scythopolis, whither he then retired himselfe: but they retiring again vnto Samaria, besieged the Citie, and at last taking it by force, destroied the same, and led away the inhabitants captiues. Whilest thus fortune fauoured them more and more, they cea [...]ed not to pursue their good successe, but led their armie to Scythopolis, and taking it, they deuided and spoiled all the countrey.
CHAP. III.
Of Aristobulus, Antigonus, Iudas Essaeus, Alexander, Theodorus, and D Demetrius.
THis felicitie and good hap of Iohn and his sonnes, was accompanied with the enuie of The seditios ouercome in warre. Iohn after he had happily gouerned the countrey for 30. yeeres space dieth. many of his countrimen, and this discontent of theirs was the cause of a mutinie. For diuers of the Iewes rising vp in armes against them, were so much ouerruled by their ambitious passion, that they could not containe themselues from the prosecution of an open and bloudy warre: wherein notwithstanding they were put to the worst. From that day forward Iohn passed the remainder of his life in all felicitie and happines; and after he had gouerned the common weale for the space of thirtie three yeeres, he departed this life, leauing behinde him fiue valiant sonnes. He was a man truely happy, and so fauoured by fortune, that he had no occasion The yeare of the world. 3861. before Christs birth 103. E to complaine of her niggardice in bountie. Finally he alone might iustly boast himselfe of three excellent endowments. First of all, that he was the Prince of his countrey: secondly, that he was high priest: thirdly; a Prophet, to whom God so spake, that he was ignorant of no future accidents: he foresaw and foretolde that his two eldest sonnes should not continue long in the gouernment (whose liues are worth rehearsall, although they much declined from their fathers felicitie) for the eldest sonne Aristobulus, after his fathers death translated the principalitie into a Ant. lib. 13. cap. 19. kingdome; and was the first that put a crowne on his head; foure hundreth, eightie and one yeeres, and three moneths after the deliuerance of the people from the captiuitie of Babylon. As for Antigonus (who was his second brother, and whom in appearance he seemed to loue most intirely) he made him partaker of his dignitie, and committed the refidue of them to prison. He Aristobulus sāmisheth his mother. Aristobulus loued Antigonus very deerly. F imprisoned his mother also, for that she had contended with him as touching the principalitie; (which Iohn had so [...]y committed to her dispose) and was so farre giuen ouer to all kinde of crueltie, that he not onely kept her prisoner in bonds: but also put her to death by famine. But the reuenge of this his impietie was this, that he slaughtered his owne brother Antigonus whom he intirely beloued; and made both a competitor and partner with him in the kingdome. For by reason of those scandalous slanders, which his enuious and malignant courtiers contriued and inuented [Page 562] against him, he commanded him to be put to death. Naithelesse vpon their first information The yeare of the world. 3861. af [...] Christs birth 103. G Aristobulus (ouermastered by brotherly affection) gaue them no credit, the rather for that he was certainly assured, that all things for the most part which were obiected against him, were rather enforced vpon enuie, then alleadged on good ground.
But when as Antigonus returned from the warre, attended with many testimonies of his valour and prowesse, vpon that festiuall time, wherein according to the custome of our countrey, we celebrate the feast of Tabernacles; it hapned at that verie time, that Aristobulus fell sicke and Antigonus in honour of his brother ascended vp into the temple. Antigonus falsely accused to his brother. was diseased. Antigonus therefore about the end of those festiuall daies being attended by his armed men, ascended vp into the Temple to offer sacrifice, and the rather resorted he thither in greater pompe and maiestie, because he intended to honour his brother. Hereupon certaine cursed and wicked detractors repaired to the king, buzzing in his eares, that this great guard of H souldiers which accompanied Antigonus, and that his hautie resolution and kingly presence was rather for a soueraigne, then a subiect: inferring hereby, that he entred the Citie in this Equipage, with an intent to murther him, not contenting himselfe to haue the onely honour of the kingdome, except he might reduce the power and possession thereof into his owne hands. Aristobulus though vnwillingly, yet at last being woon to beleeue them, desirous in seeming not to Aristobulus commandeth his guard that if Antigonus came armed they should kil him. suspect, to shew himselfe prouident, commanded his guard to hide themselues in a certaine obscure place vnder the ground: as for himselfe he tooke vp his lodging in a certaine Castle which in times past was called Bari, and afterwards Antonia; giuing his archers this commission, that if Antigonus came vnarmed they should let him passe, if otherwise, that they should kill him. He sent certaine messengers also to Antigonus, requiring him to repaire vnto him disarmed. But I the enuious Queene preuented this good intent of his, by a subtill stratageme complotted and The Queenes cunning Stratageme against Antigonus. acted by those, that with her conspired against him. For she perswaded those that were put in trust to discharge this message, to discouer nothing of that, which the king had commaunded them: but to signifie vnto Antigonus, that his brother hauing intelligence, that he had made himselfe many accomplished and compleat armours, with other faire and worthy furniture for the warre in Galilee (which by reason of Antigonus sodaine departure from that place and his owne instant infirmitie he might not behold) would count it no little fauour and felicitie to beholde and see him in his warlike ornaments. Which when Antigonus vnderstood (who by reason of his brothers disposition suspected no mischiefe) he armed himselfe, and resorted vnto him, intending to delight and content him with his musters. But no sooner arriued he in the streight which K Antigonus suspecteth not his brother. is called the tower of Straton, but the guard of Aristobulus set vpon him, and slaughtered him, yeelding by this meanes a demonstratiue and certaine testimonie, that detraction distracteth and destroieth all good nature and friendship, and that amongst all our most accounted affections, there is no one so defenced and fortified as may abate the edge of enuie.
At this time also who would not wonder at a certaine man called Iudas? who being by birth an Essean, was blessed with this felicitie in his prophecies, that his predictions were neither touched with mistaking, or tainted with lying. This man perceiuing how Antigonus passed thorow the temple, cried out to his familiars who attended him in no small number (for ordinarily diuers Iudas the prophet foretelleth Antigo [...] death. of his disciples did attend vpon him:) ‘Ah said he, how happy were it for me at this present if I were dead, since that truth dieth before me; and some one of my predictions are found faulty and L deficient? For behold Antigonus yet liueth, who should this day haue dwelt with death. The place which was destinated for his departure is the tower of Straton, which is distant from this place some six hundreth stounds, and yet notwithstanding there are but fo [...] hours of the day to be past: now therefore is the time wherein my diuination shall be falsified.’Hauing spoken to this effect, the olde man sate him downe being altogither disconsolate and pensiue, vntill such time as within a while after it was tolde him that Antigonus was slaine in a place vnder ground, which was called the tower of Straton, being of the same name with Caesarea which is scituate vpon the sea coast; which was the occasion that Iudas staggered in his diuination. The sorrow which incontinently seazed Aristobulus, for committing this hainous murther augmented, and increased Aristobulus thorow the griefe he conceiued at his brothers death falleth sicke. A seruant spilleth bloud in the same place where Antigo [...]us was slaine. his sicknesse in such sort, that his soule was continually troubled with the thought of his sin, M and his body thorow extreame heate of passion dried vp, and the griefe that he felt was so vehement, that his entrailes became exulcerate, so that he voided bloud in great abundance. And it so fel out by the diuine prouidence, that one of his seruants, who was deputed to that office, bearing out that bloud which came from him missed his way, and came vnto that place where Antigonus had been slaine, wherein as yet there appeared some signes and staines of the bloudshed of Antigonus, on which he powred out the bloud of the murtherer Aristobulus. Which when [Page 563] they perceiued who stood hard at hand, they began to crie out with a lowd voice, as if the seruant A The yeare of th [...] world. 3862. before the birth of Christ. 102. had purposely spilled the bloud in that place. Aristobulus hearing this crie, demanded the cause thereof, and the more that each man fled and feared to discouer the same vnto him, the more instantly sought he to vnderstand the truth; so that at length after he had vsed threats and violence, he was certified by some one of that which had past. Whereupon his eies were sodainly filled with teares, so that in vehement agonie of minde, he at last cried out and said: It is impossible, but that the great eie of the diuine maiestie should see my wicked acts, and the sodaine vengeance The eie of God discouereth euery sinne. of my brothers bloudshed should pursue and ouertake me. How long; O thou impudent body, wilt thou detaine a soule alreadie condemned and adiudged to my mother and dead brother? How long shall I thus lingeringly languish in spending a parcell of my bloud vnto them? Aristobulus dieth milerably. Let them take it all at once, and let not the diuine vengeance laugh any longer to see the effusion B of mine entrailes. This said, he died after he had scarcely raigned one yeere.
His wife after his death deliuered his brother Alexander from prison, & annointed him king, who was both the eldest and seemed to be the most staiedst among the rest of his brethren. Who growing by this meanes to be both proud and potent, put one of his brethren to death, for aspiring Ant lib. 13. cap 9. Alexander aduanced to the kingdome v [...]eth much cruelty. and hunting after the kingdome: as for the oth [...]r that remained aliue, in that he contented himselfe with a priuate and contemplatiue life, he kept him neere about him. He made warre also against Ptolomey that was called Lathyrus, who had surprised the Citie of Asoch, & put a great number of his enemies to the sword: naithelesse Ptolomies side obtained the victorie, who retiring himselfe into the countrey of Aegypt, by reason that his mother Cleopatra pursued him with open warre; Alexander forcibly entred the Citie of Gadara, and the fort of Amathunt (which Alexander is ouerthrowne by Theodore. C was one of the greatest of all those that were round about Iordan) in which place Theodore Zenos sonne had hoorded vp his chiefest and most precious mooueables, who sodainly setting vpon him recouered all that which was his, and furthermore laid hands on the kings carriage: in seazing which, he slaughtered many Iewes, to the number of ten thousand. But Alexander after he had recouered this losse, inuaded the frontier townes vpon the sea coast, and wan Raphia, and Gaza, and Anthedon, which afterwards by king Herod was called Agrippias. But after he had conquered and ouercome these places, the common sort of the Iewes raised a mutiny against him during The sedition of the Iewes against Alexander vpon a festiuall day. a certaine solemne and holy feast: for all mutinies & seditions are commonly raised at banquets: and it is thought that he could not haue preuailed against those treacheries, had he not been assisted by the Pisidians and Cilicians, whom he hired to helpe him; for the Syrians he refused to D hire them, by reason of their naturall hatred they bare against the Iewes. Hauing therefore slaine eight thousand of the rebels, he warted vpon Arabia, & ouercomming the Galaadites, and Moabites (and imposing vpon them a tribute) he returned to Amathunt: and wheras Theodorus was Alexander assaileth the castle of Amathunt and raseth i [...]. daunted with his prosperous successe, he finding the Castle without any to defend it, rased it vnto the ground. After this, he presently assaulted Oboda king of the Arabians, who hauing laid ambushments in the countrey of Galaad, in a place fit for such a purpose, discomfited him and his whole army being driuen thence into a deepe valley, where they were pestered with a multitude of Camels.
But Alexander escaped vnto Ierusalem, where the people who had conceiued a hatred against him being encouraged by his great losse and slaughter of men, began againe to rebell: but then E also he ouercame them, and in six yeeres space, at sundry battels he slewe aboue fiftie thousand Iewes; notwithstanding he neuer reioiced in his victorie, because the strength of his country was consumed thereby. For which cause giuing ouer his warres, he began to seeke the peoples fauour by sweete and milde speeches: but they so much hated his inconstant and variable manners, Demetrius commeth to helpe ye Iewes. that when he demaunded of them what he might doe to win their fauours, they answered; if he would die, for that scarcely they would pardon him if so be he were dead, who had committed so many hainous crimes. And thereupon the Iewes sent vnto Demetrius surnamed A [...]aerus for Ant. lib. 13. cap. 20. helpe, who in hope of great rewards came and ioyned his forces with the Iewes about Sichem: where Alexander met them both with a thousand horsmen and six thousand footmen, that were hired (hauing at that time ten thousand Iewes his fauourites) and of the contrarie part there were F three thousand horsemen, and for [...]ie thousand footmen. Before the fight began the two kings The warre betwixt Demetrius and Alexander, wherein Demetrius is conquerer. sent messengers one vnto anothers army, perswading one anothers men to forsake their colours and captaines: for Demetrius hoped that Alexanders hired men would haue forsaken Alexander and come vnto him, & Alexander hoped that the Iewes that followed Demetrius would haue left Demetrius and come to him. But when both parties perceiued that the Iewes continued obstinate in their purpose, and the Greekes kept their fidelitie, the two armies encountred; in which [Page 564] encounter Demetrius had the vpper hand (although Alexanders hirelings euidently shewed G The ye [...]e of the world. 3 [...]62. before Christs birth 10 [...] The Iewes reuolt from De [...]trius. strength and courage.) But the end of this victorie was such as neither partie expected, for they who sent for Demetrius, after his victorie did forsake him; and fortune chaunging her colours six thousand Iewes fled vnto Alexander into the mountaines, whither for saferie he had betaken himselfe. This reuolting much displeased & discouraged Demetrius, for he now thought that Alexander vniting his forces was able to bid him battel, & he feared that al the Iewes would at that present follow Alexander: for which cause he returned home. Yet the rest of the Iewes hauing thus lost the helpe of Demetrius, would not for all this desist from their rebellion; nay they so long warred with Alexander, till at last (the most of them being slaine) he droue the rest into the citie of Bemeselin, and when he had surprised and sackt the citie, he led them captiues into Ierusalem. But immoderate anger turned his crueltie into impietie, for hauing crucified eight hundreth captiues H Ale [...]āders immoderate wrath, who crucified eight hundreth captiues. Alexander ceaseth from warre. in the middest of the citie, he killed their wiues, and the children he massacred before their mothers faces: and this pitifull spectacle he beheld with pleasure, drinking and making merry with his concubines. Whereat the people were so terrified, that the night after eight thousand of the contrarie part fled out of the countrey of Iudaea, who staied in banishment during the life of Alexander. Thus, after he had by those actions sought for the tranquillitie of his kingdome, which he obtained not but with long time and great difficultie, he ceased to make warre against his countrey.
CHAP. IIII.
Of the warre of Alexander with Antiochus, and Aretas, and of Alexandra, I and Hircanus.
AFter this Antiochus (who likewise was called Dionysius the brother to Demetrius, who was the last of all the race of Seleucus) raised vp new broiles against Alexander, who Alexander feareth Antiochus Demetri [...]s brother. fearing him because he had prepared warre against the Arabians, drew a deepe trench along that ground which lieth betweene Antipatris, and the sea coast of Ioppe: and before the trench he builded a verie high wall, and raised towers of wood to hinder his enemies passage. But all this could not keepe out Antiochus, but that burning the towers, and filling vp the trenches, he entred and passed ouer them with his forces. And not tarrying at that time to reuenge himselfe of him who had thus forbidden him passage [...]he presently marched forward against K the Arabians. But the king of Arabia retiring himselfe into certaine places of his countrey which were fittest for defence; & returning sodainly to battel with his horsmen (who were in num ber The king of the Arabian [...] inuade [...] Antiochus souldie [...] vnawares. The king of Arabia putteth Antiochus forces to flight and killeth a great number of them. They of Damasco, and A [...]ctas against Alexander. ten thousand) rushed hastily vpon Antiochus souldiers, and found them vnprouided: so that a hotte skirmish began betwixt them, in which the souldiers of Antiochus, whilst he liued, shewed themselues valiant (though they were on euerie side massacred by the Arabians) but so soon as he was slaine (who was alwaies readie to assist those that were in danger) all of them fled: and the greatest part of them were slaine in the battaile and in flight: as for those that escaped, they fled into the towne of Cana, where they all (except a very few) died for hunger. After this the people of Damascus being incited by the hatred they bare to Ptolomey the sonne of Mineus, sent for Aretas, and established him King ouer Coelesyria: who warring against Iudaea, and ouercomming L Alexander in battell, retired him [...]lfe vpon composition. Alexander hauing taken Pella, resorted once more to the towne of Gerasa, in that he was desirous of Theodorus riches; and tooke the place, notwithstanding that it was fo [...]ified with three walles: and that vpon euerie wall there was planted a garrison. He tooke Gaulan and Seleucia, and that towne which is called the valley of Antiochus. Moreouer hauing taken Gamala, which was a most strong castle, and imprisoned the gouernour thereof who was called Demetrius, because he was a wicked person, he returned into Iudaea; after he had spent three yeeres in warr [...]s: where for his prosperous successe he was ioyfully receiued of his nation. But no sooner ceased he from warre but he fell sicke, and Alexander sick of a quartane feu [...]r. Ant. lib. 13. cap. 2 [...]. Alexandra Alexanders wife thorow the opinion of vertue obtaineth the kingdome. falling into a quartaine ague, he thought that he should driue away his sicknes, if he employed himselfe in some busines: for which cause being not rid of his disease, he applied himselfe to M warre, and labouring aboue his strength, amids those tumults yeelded vp the ghost in the seuen and thirtith yeere of his raigne: leauing the kingdome to Alexandra his wife, fully acou [...]ting that the Iewes would in all things obey her, because that she alwaies by misliking and seeking to hinder his crueltie and iniquitie had woone the hearts of the people. Neither was he doceiued, for she being admired for her pietie amongst them obtained the principalitie: the rather for that she was well acquainted with the customes of her countrey, and euen from her childhood [Page 565] detested them, who violated the holy law. She had by Alexander two sonnes, the eldest was called A The yeare of th [...] world. 3862. before Christs Natiuitie. 102. Hyrcanus first made high priest, and afterwards king. The Pharisees getting in fauour with the Queene are made her chief gouernours, and enjoy all honours. Alexandra willingly obeieth the Pharisees. The Pharisees by their enuies and acculatiōs are the death of many good men. Hircanus, whom by reason of his yeeres she proclaimed high priest; and because of his dull nature she thought that though he were in princely authoritie, yet he would molest no man: and therefore also made him king. As for the yongest son Aristobulus, because he was of a hot spirit, she was willing that he should liue a priuate life.
Now there was a certaine sect among the Iewes which were called Pharisees, who ioyned themselues with the Queene: these people were thought to be of the godliest sort, and to be more skilfull then other in interpreting the scriptures: and for that cause Alexandra fauoured them the more, because she was superstitiously giuen to religion. These hauing by little and little insinuated themselues into the fauour of a simple woman, now did domineere at their pleasure, displacing, deposing, imprisoning, and restoring to libertie whom they pleased, for no other purpose, but B that they might enioy the profites and commodities of the kingdome; and Alexandra bare all charges. This Queene was alwayes desirous of high attempts, and dayly studied to encrease her wealth: she leuied two armies, and hired a great many strangers, whereby shee did not onely strengthen her owne countrey, but also made her selfe to be feared of other nations. She ruled others, but her selfe was ruled by the Pharisees, who at last killed Diogenes, who was a gallant man, and highly in fauour with king Alexander; affirming that through his counsell the king commanded those eight hundred before mentioned to bee crucified: and further, they perswaded the Queene Alexandra, that she should put to death all others, through whose counsell Alexander her husband had beene incited against those eight hundred. The Queene being blinded with superstition, thought it vnlawfull to denie any thing which they requested: so tha [...] they put to death C whom they pleased, till such time as the chiefest of those, who were in this danger, in humble wise Aristobulus expostul [...]teth with his mother. came to Aristobulus, who perswaded his mother to spare them for their dignitie, and banish others, whom she thought had deserued punishment: who hauing obtained their liberty, dispersed themselues through the whole country. Now Alexandra sent an armie to Damascus, and because Ptolomeus daylie vexed the citie, she tooke it without doing anie thing worthy of memory: she did solicite Tigranes king of Armenia with gifts and promises (who with an armie had besieged Ptolemais, wherein Cleopatra was) but he for feare of troubles in his owne countrey, in Aristobulus proclaimeth himselfe king. Alexandra imprisoneth A [...]stobulus wife and children. The yeare of the world. 3873 before the Nati [...]itie of Christ. 95. Alexandra dieth, and Hyrcanus succeedeth her in the kingdome. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 1. The brethren contending for the kingdome are accorded vpon certaine conditions. Ant. lib. 14. ca. 2. 3. 4 that Lucullus had entred into Armenia, withdrew himselfe from thence.
In the meane time Alexandra being sicke, her youngest sonne Aristobulus with his seruants (which were manie in number, & all trusty for the heat their yong yeares) got all the castels, and D hiring soldiers with the money he found in those castles, he proclaimed himself king. But Alexandra (pitying the complaints of Hircanus) imprisoned the wife and children of Aristobulus in a castle neere vnto the North part of the temple, which in olde time was called Baris (as wee said before) afterwards Antonius being Emperour, it was called Antonia, as in like manner Sebaste and Agrippias other cities, were named of Augustus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could reuenge Hircanus of the wrongs which Aristobulus had done him. This Queene reigned nine yeeres, & left Hircanus in possession of al, whom during her life time she had aduanced to the kingdome. But Aristobulus being both stronger in power, and more esteemed in authoritie, encountred with his brother about Iericho, where many of Hircanus souldiours forsaking their king fled vnto Aristobulus: for which cause, both he & the remnāt of those that followed him, were forced E to flie into the castle called Antonia, where he found hostages to redeem him. For (as we haue already said) Aristobulus wife and children were imprisoned in that place: and least any worse mishap should betide him, he concluded a peace, vpon condition that Aristobulus should bee king, and that he as brother to the king, would content himselfe with other dignities. Vpon these conditions they were made friends in the Temple, where in the presence of all the people, they in most friendly sort embraced each other: which when they had done, they changed houses, and Aristobulus went into the kings pallace, and Hircanus vnto Aristobulus his house.
CHAP. V.
Of the warre betweene Hircanus and the Arabians, and of the taking of Antipater perswadeth Hyrcanus to flie to Aretas king of Arabia, and to craue his assistance to recouer his kingdome. F Ierusalem.
NOw a sodaine feare inuaded all the enemies of Aristobulus when they saw him (contrarie to all expectation) made king; and especially Antipater aboue all others, whom Aristobulus a long time had hated. This Antipater was an Idumaean borne, and for his nobilitie and riches was the chiefest and best reputed of his nation. This man perswaded Hircanus to [Page 566] flie vnto Aretas king of Arabia, and craue his helpe to set him in his kingdome. Furthermore he G The yeare of the world, 3873 before Christs birth 95. Antipater with Hyrcanus flie from Ierusalem by night to Aretas king of Arabia. Aretas furnisheth Hyrcanus with 50000 souldiers. Scaurus captaine of the Romans. perswaded Aretas likewise to receiue Hyrcanus, and to helpe him to recouer his kingdome, speaking much against the manners of Aristobulus, and praising Hyrcanus: adding that he being king of so famous a nation ought to assist those who were vniustly oppressed; and that Hyrcanus had manifest iniurie offered him, being forced to forsake his kingdome, which by the right of succession was due vnto him. After he had thus made his way, he in the night time tooke Hyrcanus and fled with him foorth of the Citie: and making all haste possible, they arriued at a towne called Petra, with safetie (which is a towne where the kings of Arabia were accustomed to keepe their court) there he deliuered Hyrcanus into the kings hands, and through many gifts and intreaties obtained the fauour that he might be conducted into his kingdome. And to the effecting of the same, Aretas gaue him an army of fifty thousand horse and foote: which power since Aristobulus H was not able to resist, he was ouercome vpon the first onset, and was forced to flie vnto Ierusalem: and he had been surely taken, if Scaurus a captaine of the Romans by taking opportunitie at those troubles, had notraised the siege. For Pompey the Great (who warred againg Tigranes) sent him out of Armenia into Syria, who comming to Damascus, found it newly taken by Metellus and Lolius, who dismissing them from thence, and finding how matters stood in Iudaea, The yeare of the world. 3899. before Christs birth 65. hasted thither in hope of a bootie. So soone as he entred into the confines of the countrey both of the brethren sent embassadours vnto him, desiring him to take their parts: but Aristobulus hauing sent him three hundreth talents he neglected to doe Iustice; for hauing receiued that sum, Scaurus sent messengers vnto the Arabians and Hyrcanus, threatning the displeasure of the Romans Scaurus receibeth 300. talents from Atistobulus and commandeth the Arabians and Hyrcanus to depart out of the countrey. Antipater and Hyreanus seek for Pompeies helpe. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 6. 7. and Pompey, except they would presently raise their siege: for which cause Aretas being I much abashed, returned out of Iudaea vnto Philadelphia, and Scaurus repaired vnto Damascus. Yet sufficed it not Aristobulus, that he had escaped from being taken, but that gathering all his forces togither, he pursued his enemies: and ioyning battell with them about Papyron, he slew six thousand of them, in which number was Cephalon Antipaters brother. But Hyrcanus and Antipater being destitute of the Arabians helpe, were driuen to hope for succour euen at their aduersaries hand. For which cause, as soone as Pompey after he had entred Syria came to Damascus, they in humble manner came to him, and giuing him many giftes protested vnto him that which before they had done to Aretas; earnestly requesting him, that he would consider the violence offered by Aristobulus: and restore Hyrcanus to the kingdome, to whom both by yeeres and manners it was due. K
Meane while Aristobulus slept not, but hauing corrupted Scaurus, came in as royall pompe as he could; but not abiding to debase himselfe, and thinking it a disparagement in more abiect manner then beseemed a king to seeke his owne commoditie, returned from Diospolis. Wherat Pompey furnished both with the Syrians and Romane army, setteth forth against Aristobulus. Pompey commaundeth Aristobulus to descend. Aristobulus resorteth to Pompey. Pompey being angrie at the request of Hyrcanus and his followers, he went against Aristobulus, accompanied both with the Roman army and the Syrians, who assisted them. When they had passed Pella and Scythopolis, and came to Corea (where the confines of Iudaea begins) as they passed thorow the midst of the countrey, they vnderstood that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandriū (which was a Castle richly built and scituate vpon a verie high hill.) Pompey arriuing in that place sent messengers vnto him, commanding him to descend; but he because he was called in question about the kingdome, determined rather to hazard himselfe, then obey. But when he saw L that the people began to feare; and that his friends willed him to thinke of the power of the Romans, whose strength he was no waies able to resist; he allowed their counsaile and came vnto Pompey: where hauing alleadged many reasons to shew that he had iust title vnto the crowne, he returned againe into the Castle. And afterward being vrged by his brother to come & plead his title, he came and returned thither againe, without any contradiction from Pompey. Thus wandred he betwixt hope and feare, and doubting how the matter would go with him, he came to Pompey as it were to entreat him to pardon all, and returned againe vnto the mountaine, least he should seeme to derogate any thing from the maiestie of a king; yet because Pompey willed him to depart from his Castles and to warne his gouernours thereof to do the like (whom he had commanded to disobey, except they receiued letters written by his owne hand) in this he fulfilled M Pompeies minde: yet being angrie and discontented, he departed into Ierusalem, and now fully determined to fight with Pompey. But Pompey not thinking it best to let him haue time to prepare Aristobulus intendeth to fight with Pompey. Hedio * Idumaea. himselfe, followed him with all speede, and so much the willinger, because that neere vnto Ierico he had newes of Mithridates his death, euen in the fruitfullest place of * Iudaea, where there are great store of palmes and balme. This balsome is a shrub whose stem being cut with sharpe stones droppeth balme out of the wounds thereof, which men gather as it droppeth from the [Page 567] wounds thereof. After he had rested there that night, he in the morning hasted to Ierusalem: The yeare of the world, 3903. before Christs birth 61. Pompey besiegeth Ierusalem. Aristobulus humbly presenteth himselfe to Pompey. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 7. 8. Pompey vieweth the citie which way it might most easily be battered. Sedition within the citie betwixt Hircanus and Aristobulus friends. Pompey & his enter the citie and search the kings house. Aristobulus with his friēds flie to the temple. Pompey filleth vp the trench, and obserueth the seuenth day. Pompey buildeth towers vpon his platformes. A At whose sodaine arriuall Aristobulus being daunted, in humble manner came vnto him, and promising him money, and to yeeld himselfe and the Citie into his hands, he by this meanes appeased Pompeies anger. But he performed no part of his promise; for Aristobulus his associates would not suffer Gabinius (who was sent for the money) to enter into the Citie: For which cause Pompey being mooued to displeasure, put Aristobulus in hold, and comming neere the Citie, he tooke a view at what place it might be easiliest entred, for he did not lightly perceiue how he might batter the walles, they were so strong. Moreouer, there was a huge ditch before the wall, and hard by he beheld the Temple so strengthened, that although the Citie were taken; yet it might be a second refuge for the enemy. Whilest thus he long deliberated what to doe, there arose a sedition within the Citie, wherein Aristobulus confederates thought it meete to fight, B and deliuer the king out of prison: but those that fauoured Hyrcanus woulde that the gates should be opened to Pompey. At last Aristobulus friends hauing the worst, fled into the temple, and to the end that they might fight it out to the last, they cut downe the bridge, by which men go out of the Citie, into the temple. When the rest had receiued the Romans into the Citie, and deliuered vnto them the kings pallace, Pompey sent a captaine called Piso with souldiers to seaze the same; who leauing agarrison in the towne (seeing he could perswade none of them that were in the temple to peace) prepared all places about it to batter it. All which time Hyrcanus and his friends shewed themselues ready to helpe them with counsell, and to doe whatsoeuer they were commanded. Pompey at the north side filled the ditch and valley with all kind of matter which his souldiers carried, although that by reason of the huge depth, and for that the C Iewes made resistance, it was a thing hard to be done: and it had been left vndone, had not Pompey (obseruing the seuenth day, wherein the Iewes religion forced them to abstaine from all labour) caused it to be filled vpon those daies; forbidding the souldiers to fight at that time, to the intent he might fill the ditch more conueniently (for it is lawfull for the Iewes onely to fight for their bodies vpon the Sabboth.) At last when the ditch was filled, and the towers were built vpon the rampire, he beat the walles with those engines which he brought from Tyre; but they were beaten backe by those who resisted from the top of the wals, who darted diuers stones at them. Against the violent power whereof, the towers that were builded in that quatter, being of a great and goodly building, resisted as valiantly and as long as they possibly could. But the Romans found but hard measure in this place, and Pompey admired the constancie of the Iewes; who being D amongst the thickest of their enemies darts, yet omitted not any ceremonie: but (as though they had had firme peace) they euerie day obserued their ceremonies, offered sacrifices and offerings, The Iewes intermit not sacrifice in the midst and heat of the siege. and most diligently obserued all honour and diuine seruice: yea in the verie taking of the place, although euerie day they were killed at the altar, yet did they not cease from the lawfull rites of their religion. At last in the third moneth of the siege, whereas scarcely one tower was beaten downe, they brake into the temple, and the first that attempted to climbe ouer the wall was Faustus Cornelius Sylas sonne, and after him two Centurions Furius and Fabius with their regiments; who compassing the temple about (while some sought to hide themselues, and other some resisted) they slew them all. There were many priests also among the rest; who, although they saw the enemies with naked swords rushing vpon them, yet being nothing at all dismaied E thereat, continued still their sacrifices; and were slaine euen whilest they offered and incensed in the temple: preferring the duetie they ought to religion euen before their owne safetie. Many also were slaine by their owne countrimen that fauoured the aduerse part: and many cast themselues downe headlong vpon the rockes; othersome in their furie hauing desperately fired all things vpon the walles, burned themselues for companie. So that there twelue thousand Iewes Twelue thousand Iewes slaine in the temple. Pompey & his followers enter the sanctuary. were slaine, but verie few Romans: yet many were hurt, and amongst all that massacre there was nothing so lamentable, as that the holy sanctuarie (which neuer any man saw before that time) was reuealed to strangers. Finally Pompeius accompanied with his followers, came into the temple, where it was lawfull for none but the high priest to come, and saw the candlesticks, lamps, table, censors, and all the golden vessels, and whatsoeuer was within the temple. Moreouer; he F beheld the great quantitie of odoriferous drugges which were kept in store in that place, and two Pompeies continencie. thousand talents of holy money: yet did he not take away these things, nor any thing els belonging to the temple. But the day after it was taken, he commanded the Sacristans to purge and make cleane the temple, and to offer solemne sacrifice. He likewise proclaimed Hyrcanus high priest (who had in all things shewed himselfe verie forward, and especially at the time of the Hyrcanus made hic priest siege:) as also for that he hindred a multitude of swaines (who were addressed for warre) from [Page 568] ioyning themselues with Aristobulus: and therefore like a good captaine got he the good will of G The yeare of the world. 3903 before Christs birth 61. Pompey causeth the chiefest conspirators to be beheaded. Pompey deliuereth many goodly cities from the subiection of the Iewes. the people more by loue, then by feare.
Amongst others that were captiues there was Aristobulus father in lawe, who was also his vncle: as for those that had been the chiefe cause of these wars; Pompey caused them to be beheaded. He rewarded Faustus likewise, and those who fought-valiantly with him, with verie rich gifts, and imposed a tribute vpon Ierusalem, and tooke from that nation the Cities which they had gotten in Coelesyria: and appointed them to be gouerned by him who then was president for the Romans; making them keepe within the bounds of their owne countrey. And in fauour of Demetrius of Gadara (a libertine of his) he reedified Gadara, which the Iewes had destroied: he deliuered the Mediterranean Cities from their gouernment (for they had not as yet destroied them, because they were sodainly preuented) namely, Hippon, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and H Samaria, and Marisa, and Azotum, and Iamnia, and Arethusa. The townes also vpon the sea coasts, Gaza, and Ioppe, and Dora, which before was called Stratons tower, and afterward by Herode was altered, who builded most sumptuous buildings in that place, and called it Caesarea. All these Cities he restored vnto the inhabitants and made them vnder the rule of Syria. And of this place and Iudaea, and of all places from the borders of Aegypt vnto Euphrates, hee made Scaurus gouernour, leauing him two legions of souldiers. Which done, he tooke his iourney to Rome by Cilicia, leading Aristobulus and his family captiues, who had two daughters Aristobulus & his family caried to Rome. and two sons, the elder whereof called Alexander escaped in the way; as for the younger whose name was Antigonus, he with his sisters was carried to Rome.
CHAP. VI. I
Of the warre of Alexander with Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus.
AT that time Scaurus tooke his iourney into Arabia, but by the difficultie of the place he was so hindred, that he could not come to Petra, yet wasted he all the countrey adioyning Ant. lib. 14. cap 9. The Arabian is reconciled to Scaurus. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 10. to Pella; although whilest he staied to doe this, he endured much euill: For there arose agreat famine in his army, notwithstanding that Hyrcanus by Antipaters meanes sent them victuals. Scaurus also sent the same Hyrcanus as his familiar friend vnto Aretas, to perswade him that by disbursing some sum of money, he should worke his peace: Vpon whose motion Aretas condescended and gaue him three hundreth talents, and so Scaurus with his army departed out K of Arabia.
In the meane time Alexander the sonne of Aristobulus (who in the way to Rome escaped Alexander Aristobulus son gathereth a great power gainst Hyrcacanus. The yeare of the world. 3904 before the Natiuitie of Christs 60. Alexander gathereth 10000 footmen and 1500. horsmen Antipater with his forces goeth out to meet Alexan [...]nder. from Pompey) gathered togither a great army, and desperately set vpon Hyrcanus, wasting all Iudaea, which he hoped quickly to winne; yea the wall which was destroied by Pompey at Ierusalem had been builded vp againe as he hoped, had not Gabinius (who was sent into Syria to succeede Scaurus) who had oftentimes before shewed his valour, at that time also with an army come against Alexander. Who fearing the worst, assembled all the forces that he could to make resistance, so that he had ten thousand footmen, and a thousand and fiue hundreth horsemen: he fortified also the commodious places of the country, to wit, Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, and Machaerunt, which were neere vnto the mountaines of Arabia. Gabinius sent Marcus Antonius before L him with part of the army, and followed after with the rest; and certaine chosen men out of Antipaters companie, and other companies of the Iewes, wherof Malichus and Pitholaus were made chiefe, ioyned themselues with Marcus Antonius; and presently after them followed Gabinius, with all his companie, who all went to meet Alexander.
But Alexander perceiuing himselfe vnable to encounter with all their vnited forces, fled: but drawing neere vnto Ierusalem, he was constrained to hazard the fight; where losing to the number of six thousand (whereof some three thousand were taken aliue, and other three thousand Alexander fighteth with his enemies, and loseth sixe thousand men. Marcus Antonius a captain. slaine) he escaped with the rest. But Gabinius as soon as he came to the castle called Alexandriū, vnderstanding that many had forsaken their places, he by promising them pardon sought to vnite them vnto him before the warre began: but when he perceiued that they hammered on no abiect M resolution, he slew the most of them; as for the rest he shut them vp in the Castle. In this battel captaine Marcus Antonius did many things worthy of renowme, and although he had alwaies and at all times shewed himselfe valiant, yet there especially his valour appeared. Gabinius leauing some to winne the Castle went vnto the Cities, and strengthened those that were not yet assaulted, and reedified those that were destroyed, and by his commaundement Scythopolis and What cities the Iewes receiued to inhabite. Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia, and Iamnia, and Raphia, and Marisa, and Dora, and [Page 569] Gadara, and Azotus, and many more began to be inhabited; so that their inhabitants ioyfully The yeare of the world 3804. before Christs Natiuitie. 60. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 11. Alexanders mother striueth to pacifie Gabinius with rewards. The change of ye gouernment of the Iewes. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 12. Aristobulus escaping from Rome raiseth new troubles. A peopled and dwelt therein. Which when he had done he returned to Alexandrium, and began a more vrgent siege: whereat Alexander being terrified and made desperate, he sent Embassadors to him, beseeching him to pardon his offences, promising to render vnto him the castles of Macherunt and Hyrcanium, which were in his power, & besides them Alexandrium: All which Gabinius by counsell of Alexanders mother destroied, least they might be occasion of new wars. This woman accosted & flattered Gabinius, for that she feared least her husband & the rest of the captiues at Rome should be any waies indemnified. After this Gabinius caried Hyrcanus to Ierusalem, & committing the temple vnto his charge, he made others of the nobility rulers of the cō monwealth, & deuided the whole natiō of the Iewes into fiue parts & gouernments, wherof one was established at Ierusalem, another at Doris, the third at Amathunt, the fourth at Iericho, the B fift at Sephoris a citie of Galilee: and the Iewes being deliuered from the gouernment of one man only, willingly suffered themselues to be ruled by the nobility. But shortly after Aristobulus escaping from Rome raised new troubles, who gathering a great army partly of those that desired a change, partly of them that loued him before, tooke Alexandrium; & began to compasse it again with a wal: but hearing that Gabinius had sent Sisenna, Antonius, & Seruilius against him with an army, he went to Macherunt; and forsaking those that were not fit for warre; he tooke with him almost 8000. armed men, amongst whom was Pytholaus gouernor of them that were reuolted, who Aristobulus fighteth with the Romans. with 1000. men fled out of Ierusalem. But the Romans followed & pursued them, and ioyning battell with them; Aristobulus with his men fought valiantly, till being by force ouercome, the Romanes slue fiue thousand of them, and almost two thousand fled into a mountaine; and the other C thousand breaking the ranks of the Romans with Aristobulus, vvere forced to Macherunt; where the king hiding himselfe the first night amongst the ruines, hoped that hauing respite he The Romans obtaine the victory, and cary away Aristobulus and his son to Rome. might gather another army, & fortifie the castle: but hauing for two daies sustained the forces of the Romans although vnable to do it; at last he was taken, & with his son Antigonus, who had bin imprisoned with him at Rome, he was carried to Gabinius, & from thence to Rome, and the Senate put him in prison: but his sonnes they sent into Iudaea, because Gabinius writ that he had so promised Aristobulus his wife vpon condition the castles might be yeelded. Now Gabinius being prepared to warre against the Parthians, Ptolomaeus hindred him, who returning from Euphrates wēt into Aegypt, leauing Antipater & Hyrcanus his friends to dispose of al things belonging to the vvar: for Antipater helped him vvith mony, vveapons, corne, & men, and he perswaded the Iewes D vvho kept the vvaies that lead vnto Pelusium, to suffer Gabinius to passe. Now in the other part of Syria, at the departure of Gabinius there began a commotion, & Alexander Aristobulus son once Alexander Aristobulus son once more prouoketh the Iewes to rebellion. more incited the Iewes to rebellion, & hauing gathered a mightie power purposed to destroy all the Romans that vvere in that country: vvhich Gabinius fearing (vvho vvas returned out of Aegypt at the beginning of these tumults) he sent Antipater before, who perswaded some of the rebels to be quiet, yet 30000. remained with Alexander. For which cause he was very forward to fight, and went out to battel; the Iewes came against him, & neere vnto Itabyrium they fought, where 10000. were slaine, and the rest were put to flight: and Gabinius returned to Ierusalem through the counsell of Antipater: who hauing established that estate, went from thence and ouercame the Nabathaeans in battel: he likewise permitted Mithridates & Orsanes priuily to depart; who were The Iewes ouercome by the Romans. Gabinius ouercommeth the Nabathaeans in battell. Ant. lib. 14. cap 13. Marcus crassus taketh away the rest of the gold of the temple. E fled from the Parthians, saying that they had escaped from the souldiers. In the meane time Crassus who was appointed to be his successor, had Syria deliuered him, who toward the maintenance of the Parthian wars tooke all the gold that was in the temple of Ierusalem, and the 2000. talents which Pompeius had forborne to do: who passing ouer Euphrates was both himselfe and his whole army vtterly ouerthrowne: of which thing it behooueth vs not to speake in this place. After the death of Crassus, the Parthians endeuored themselues to enter Syria; but Cassius who succeeded him in the gouernment, repulsed them: and hauing gotten the vpper hand he speedily resorted into Iudaea, and taking Tarichea; he caried away about 3000. men captiues; and put Pytholaus to death, for gathering a company of seditious people vnto Aristobulus his part. He that caused and consailed his death was Antipater, who was maried vnto a noble woman of Arabia F called Cypris, by vvhom he had foure sons, Phasaolus & king Herode, Ioseph, and Pheroras, and one daughter called Salome, vvho sought the friendship of al potentates round about him by courtesie and hospitalitie, and especially he got the good vvill of the king of Arabia by affinitie, vnto whose Antipaters wife a noble woman of Arabia. fidelitie he committed his sonnes, because he had vndertaken the wars against Aristobulus. But Cassius made a truce vvith Alexander, and in the meane time went to Euphrates to hinder the passage of the Parthians, of which we vvill speake hereafter.
CHAP. VII. The yeare of the world, 3917 before Christs birth 47. G
Of the death of Aristobulus, and the warre betweene Antipater and Mithridates.
AFter that Caesar had forced the Senate and Pompey to flie beyond the Ionian sea, and by that means made himselfe sole Master of all at Rome, he set Aristobulus at libertie; Ant lib. 14. cap. 14. Caesar deliuereth Aristobulus from his bonds. Aristobulus & his son slain by Pōpeies friēds and with two legions of men sent him in haste into Syria, hoping through his means speedily to winne both it and also all places adioining to Iudaea: but both the hope of Caesar and the forwardnes of Aristobulus was ouerthrown through enuie: for he was poysoned by Pompeies fauorites, and euen in his owne countrey his bodie lay vnburied, which notwithstanding H was preserued from putrefaction with hony, till such time as Antonius sent it vnto the Iewes commaunding them to burie it in the kings sepulcher. His sonne Alexander also was beheaded at Antiochia by Scipio, being first according to the tenour of Pompeies letters accused before the tribunall seat of such things as he had committed against the Romanes. Ptolemaeus the sonne of Minaeus, who ruled Chalcis which was vnder Libanus, hauing taken his brethren sent his sonne Ant. lib. 14. cap. 15. Ptolemaeus son marieth Antigonus yonger daughter, and for that cause is slaine by his father. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 16. Philippio with them to Ascalon, and he violently taking away Antigonus and his sisters from the wife of Aristobulus brought them to his father, and falling in loue with the yongest, tooke her to his wife: for which cause he was afterward put to death by his father. For Ptolemaeus hauing slaine his sonne, married Alexandra; and for that affinitie sake, was more carefull for her brethren. After the death of Pompey, Antipater sought all meanes to get Caesars fauour, and when Mithridates I of Pergamenus was hindred by the garrison at Pelusium to passe any further, with an armie into Aegypt, and was by that meanes staied at Ascalon, he perswaded the Arabians to assist him the rather, because he was but a straunger, and he himselfe also seconded him with almost three thousand armed Iewes.
Moreouer he incited the potentate of Syria, and Ptolemaeus who inhabited Libanus, and Iamblicus and another Ptolemaeus to assist him; for whose sakes the cities of that countrey did willingly vndertake the wars. And now Mithridates strengthned by Antipaters meanes came to Pelusium, Mithridates goeth to Pelusium, & therby obtaineth Antigonus helpe. and because they would not suffer him to passe, he besieged the citie; in which siege Antipater shewed his valour: for making a breach on that side of the wall, where his quarter was, he first of all with his company brake into the citie, and so Pelusium was taken. But the inhabitants K of Onias countrey who were Aegyptians and Iewes, suffered him not to passe any further: yet did Antipater handle the matter so discreetly with them, that they did not only suffer him to passe, but also prouided victuals for his army. Whereupon the citizens of Memphis would not fight, but Mithridates victory against the Egyptians. yeelded of their own accord vnto Mithridates, so that passing through Delta, he fought with the other Aegyptians in a place called the tents of the Iewes, & being with all his cōpany in danger, he was rescued by Antipater, who marching along the riuer side, set vpon & discomfited the left wing of the enemies battel, & rushing vpon them that pressed vpon Mithridates, he slue many, & pursued the rest that fled till he got their tents, and al with the losse of fourescore men. But Mithridates Antipater performeth many noble exploits and exposeth himselfe to all daunger for Caesars sake. Caesar maketh Antipater a free citizen of Rome. flying lost eight hundreth men, & being against all hope preserued out of those wars, was without all enuie a true witnes before Caesar of al that vvhich Antipater had both done & deserued. Wherupon L Caesar redoubled his courage vvith praise and promises vnto him, and made him forward to hazard himselfe for him. In a word, he proued & shewed himselfe a stout vvarrior, & hauing many vvounds in euery part of his bodie he bare a badge & testimonie of his valour and vertue. Afterward when the state of Aegypt was quiet he returned into Syria, where he made him a citizen of Rome, and granted him the immunities thereof: and did so honour him in other things and vse him so friendly, that he made him a patterne for all to imitate: and for his sake he confirmed Hyrcanus in the high Priesthood.
CHAP. VIII.
How Antipater was accused before Caesar: of the Priesthood of Hyrcanus: and how Herode made warre. M
AT the same time Antigonus the sonne of Aristobalus repairing to Caesar, against his will Antigonus Aristobulus son commeth to Caesar to accuse Pompeies friends for his fathers death. was a cause of Antipaters greater felicity: for comming to complain of his fathers death, (who was as it was thought through Pompeies enuie poisoned) and to accuse Scipio of crueltie which was vsed against his brother; whereas he should haue abandoned all passion which moued him to mingle hatred with his miseries, contrariwise he accused Hyrcanus and Antipater [Page 571] as though they had vniustly driuen him and his brethren out of their natiue soile, and grieuously The yeare of the world. 3917. before the birth of Christs. 47. Antigonus fallely accuseth Hyrcanus and Antipater. A iniured the people, to obtaine their intent. Alleadging that they had sent aide into Aegypt to Caesars forces, not for good will; but for feare of auncient enmitie, and that hereby they might acquite themselues of the good will they bare to Pompey. At these words Antipater (casting away his vesture) shewed the number of his wounds, saying, it was not needfull to vse words to proue what affection he had borne to Caesar, for his verie body would shew it, although hee himselfe held his peace: adding, that he admired the impudent boldnesse of Antigonus, who being sonne to an enemie of the Romans, and a fugitiue from the Romans, and still continued his Antipater casting off his garment sheweth his many woundes. fathers purpose of noueltie and sedition, should dare to accuse others before the Roman Emperour; demaunding of him how he durst hope to obtaine any good thing, who ought to be contented with his life onely: alleadging, that hee craued not maintenance for that he wanted, B but that he might raise a rebellion amongst the Iewes, and against them who should bestow any thing vpon him.
Which when Caesar heard, he said that Hyreanus was most worthy to be high priest, and bid Caesar createth Hyrcanus hie priest, and to Antipater he giueth the gouer [...]ment of Iudaea. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 16. Antipater repaireth ye wals of his country. Antipater chargeth his subiects to obey Hyrcanus. Antipater wish what dignitie he would haue: who leauing that to the pleasure of the giuer, he was made gouernour of all Iudaea. And moreouer, he obtained to reedifie the rased wals of his countrey, and Caesar commanded that those honours should be engraued in the Capitoll, that it might be a token in time to come of Antipaters Iustice and vertue. Antipater hauing attended Caesar out of Syria, first of all repaired the ruined walles of his countrey which Pompey had raced: and going thorowout all the countrey, he threatned the obstinate, and perswaded the seditious to obedience, admonishing them, that if they obeied Hyrcanus, they might liue in wealth and C peace, and enioy happinesse and an vniuersall selicitie: but if they suffered themselues to be led with the vaine hopes of those, who for their priuate commodities sought for alteration, that then they should find him in steed of a Procurator, the Lord of all, and Hyrcanus in steed of a king, a tyrant, and the Romans and Caesar in steed of friends, deadly enemies: for that they would not suffer his power to be ouerthrowne, whom they themselues had established for king. But notwithstanding he spake these words, yet (because he saw Hyrcanus more dull, and not of so seruent Phasaelus and Herode Antipaters sonnes, Herodes fortitude. Herod banisheth ye theeues out of Syria. a spirit as the care of a kingdome required) he himselfe setled the estate of the countrey, and made Phasaelus his eldest sonne gouernour of the army, and the Lord of Ierusalem and of his owne liuing, and sent Herode his youngest son to gouerne Galilee (although he was very young:) who being by nature of a valiant courage, found out a present occasion to shew his braue minde: D for he tooke Ezechias which was captain of theeues, who as he vnderstood was woont to pray vpon the confines of Syria with a great multitude; and put him to death with many other theeues: which thing was so gratefull vnto the Syrians, that in all townes and villages they made songs of Herod, as though he had restored them to peace, and to their possessions.
At length the glorie of this fact came to the eares of Sextus Caesar, who was Caesar the Emperours kinsman, who then ruled Syria. Phasaelus also did striue to ouercome the towardnesse and Phasaelus obtained the fauour of the people of Ierusalem. good reputation of his brother, by daily increasing and winning to himselfe the good wils of the inhabitants of Ierusalem: so that during the time he gouerned the Citie, he did nothing insolently through might or power; for which cause the people honoured Antipater as their king, and reuerenced him as Lord of all, yet was his fidelitie and good will neuerthelesse towards Hyrcanus. E (But it is impossible that any man that liueth in prosperitie, should not be enuied.) For Hyrcanus, although before time he were mooued something at the glorie of these young men, Hyrcanus animated by enuious men against Antipater and his sonnes. and especially with the prosperous successe of Herod, being often annoied with frequent messengers; who spred his praise for euerie thing he did: yet in particular he was stirred vp by many enuious persons, who are woont to haunt the courts of Princes, who were grieued that Antipater and his sonnes ruled without offence. These men tolde Hyrcanus that he onely enioyed the bare name of a king, and that Antipater and his sonnes ruled all, and that he so long would permit & winke at them, til that at last they would make themselues kings; for they now did no more so much as pretend themselues to be procurators. But leauing that title, they took vpon them the dignities of Lords and maisters, without any regard or reuerence toward him: for Herod had put F to death a great multitude of Iewes against the law, whereas neither by word of mouth nor by writing the king had giuen him any such authoritie: and that Herode if he were not a king, but a Herode called to his answere before the councell. priuate person, was to be brought into iudgement, there to answere the matter and shew the king a reason, and satisfie the lawes of his countrey; which permitted no man to be put to death before by law he was conuicted. By these perswasions Hyrcanus grew angrie: so that not concealing his wrath he caused Herode to be sent for to answere the matter: who both for that his father aduertised [Page 572] him thereto: and because he trusted to the equity of his cause, first leauing a garrison in Galilee, The yeare of the world. 3922. before Christs birth 24. G he repaired vnto the king; & came accompanied with a strong guard, least either he should seeme to derogate from Hyrcanus dignitie, if he should lead forth many; or that for want of defence he should expose himselfe to the enuie of his aduersaries. Sextus Caesar also fearing the young man least any euill should betide him amongst his enemies, sent vnto Hyrcanus manifestly Hyrcanus absolueth Herod warning him to free Herode from the crime of murther. For which cause Hyrcanus who loued Herode, and was willing so to do of his owne accord, did acquite him. Whereupon, he supposing that he had escaped against the kings will went to Damascus vnto Sextus, purposing not to obey, if hereafter he were sent for. Naithelesse, Hyrcanus was once againe incited by bad people against Herode, who certified him that he was gone away in a rage, and that he would enterprise Hircanus once more incited by the wicked. something against him: which Hyrcanus beleeuing, knew not what to doe, seeing his enemie H more potent then himselfe.
Shortly after Sextus Caesar proclaimed him Generall of the army, both in Syria and Samaria: so that now he was greatly to be feared, not onely for that he was highly in fauour with the comminaltie, but also for the forces which he commanded. So that hereupon Hyrcanus fell into an extreme feare, verily perswading himselfe that Herod with his whole army would presently come Herode gathering a great army commeth to Ierusalem to depose Hyrcanus. Herode disswaded by Antipater from attempting against Hyrcanus. against him. Neither was his suspition in vaine, for Herod angrie at the pretended crime wherof he was accused, came with a great army to Ierusalem intending to depose Hyrcanus; which he had effected, had not his father and his brother gone forth to meet him, and pacified him, entreating that he would account that terror (wherein he had put his enemies) and his owne indignation for a sufficient reuenge, and that he should spare the king, by whose fauour he came to be so potent: I adding moreouer that he should not thinke it a disdaine that he was called to answere his accusations, but seeing that he was acquited of them, he should shewe himselfe gratefull to the king. Neither ought he so to reuenge the discontent he had taken, that he should shew himselfe vnthankfull to him who had saued his life. Moreouer, he was to consider the fortune of warres, togither with the cause thereof, and thinke that the warres he now pretended, were very vniust; bidding him not to be too confident of the victorie, being to fight against his owne king, who had alwaies been gratious vnto him, and neuer cruell; only being as it were vrged thereunto by some of his councell, who being meerely enuious, rather to satisfie their owne mislikes, then in regard of his disgraces, framed a shadow of an accusation. Herode pacified herewith, supposing it to be sufficient for him to obtaine the thing he hoped for, to haue shewed his forces vnto his K nation.
At this time began Ciuill warre among the Romans neere vnto Apamia, for Caecilius Bassus Bassus murthereth Sextus Caesar by treason. Marcus Sextus successor. for the loue he bare to Sextus Pompey slew Sextus Caesar at vnawares, and made himselfe gouernour of his army, and other captaines of Caesars to reuenge his death, made after Bassus with all their forces, vnto whom Antipater by his two sonnes sent aide both for Caesars sake that was slain, as for Caesars sake that was yet aliue: for he was an entire friend & welwiller vnto them both, and these warres continuing long, Marcus came out of Italy to succeed Sextus.
CHAP. IX.
Of the dissension amongst the Romans after Caesars death, and of the treacherie L of Malichus.
AT this time arose great and bloudy ciuill warres amongst the Romans, at such time as Caesar was traiterously slaine by the treason of Cassius and Brutus, after he had ruled the Empire 3. yeers and seuen moneths. By reason of which murther their troubles daily increased, Ant. lib. 14. cap. 2. Iulius Caesar sla [...]ne by Brutus & Cassius. Cassius leuieth money in the cities. and the nobilitie being at variance amongst themselues, euerie one followed that course, that they thought most expedient for themselues. Whereupon Cassius presently marched into Syria to take possession of the gouernment of the army which was about Apamia, where hee made Marcus and the legions that were at variance, and Bassus friends: and raised the siege from Apamia, and leading the army in his owne person, he forced euerie citie to be tributarie: so that M he grew to exact without measure. Whereas therefore he commanded the Iewes to contribute seuen hundreth talents; Antipater, who feared his displeasure, appointed his sons and other of his friends presently to gather the money; and especially among the rest he gaue this charge to one Malichus a friend of his, being by necessitie inforced thereunto. But Herode first of all got Cassius Herode Cassius friend. Cassius seuere in his exactions. his fauour, who brought a hundreth talents which he had collected out of Galilee, which was his part or prouince: for this cause Cassius accounted him as a deare friend. As for the rest he accused [Page 573] them of negligence, and was angrie at the other Cities: So that for that cause he destroied The yeare of the world, 3922. before Christs birth 42. Malichus forgetfull of Antipaters kindnes. A Gophna and Ammauntes, and other two of the basest cities, marching onward as if he intended to kill Malichus, for that he had been so carelesse and negligent in gathering the tribute mony. But Antipater presently (disbursing vnto Cassius a hundreth talents) saued both him and all the rest of the Cities. Yet Malichus after Cassius was departed, did no more remember how beneficiall Antipater had been vnto him, but oftentimes did treacherously lie in waite for to murther Antipater, who hindred and withstood his villanous pretence; notwithstanding that himselfe had often confessed that Antipater had saued his life. Antipater fearing both his power and subtiltie passed ouer the riuer Iordan to gather an army that he might reuenge those treacheries. But Malichus being discouered, by his impudencie ouercame Antipaters sons: for through many oths and Antipater gathereth an armie against Malichus. excuses he woon Phasaelus chiefe of the garrison in Ierusalem, and Herod also who was master of B the armorie, that they should be a meanes to reconcile him to Antipater. Whereupon Antipater entreating Marcus (who was Generall of the army in Syria, and had determined to kill him) he was saued. The reason that Marcus would haue put him to death, was because Malichus sought to make an alteration.
Now Caesar being young, and Antonius warring against Cassius and Brutus; Marcus and Cassius hauing gathered an army in Syria, in consideration that Herode had stood them in steed where Octauius Augustus succeedeth after Caesar. Cassius promiseth Herode after the warre to make him king of Iudaea. Antipater poisoned by Malichus. need required, they made him Procurator of all Syria; giuing him a band of horsemen and footmen. Moreouer, Cassius promised him that if the warres had a happy end, he would make him king of Iudaea. But it so came to passe, that the power and expectation which all men had of Herod, was the cause of Antipater his fathers death. For Malichus being hereby put in feare, hired C one of the kings officers for a certaine sum of money to poison Antipater, by which means he died, being thus vniustly rewarded for his good will toward wretched Malichus. He was a worthy man and fit to gouerne, who had recouered the kingdome being lost, for Hyrcanus. Malichus (who perceiued that the people were incēsed against him, because they suspected that he had poisoned Antipater) pacified and moderated their displeasure by denying the fact; yet to the intent he might be stronger, he gathered about him a guard of armed men, for he thought that Herod Herode intendeth to reuege his fathers death. would not let the matter slip so, but that he would presently come with an army to reuenge his fathers death. But by the counsell of his brother Phasaelus (who sent him word that he should not openly be reuenged vpon Malichus, least a sedition might arise amongst the people) he patiently permitted it so to be, and suffered Malichus to purge himselfe, and permitted him to be freed from D suspition, and celebrated a most solemne funerall for his father: which done, he went vnto Samaria, and appeased the sedition, wherewithall the Citie was disquieted. After this he returned to Ierusalem, intending in that place to celebrate the festiuitie, sending certaine of his armed men before him, and appointing the rest to accompanie him. But Malichus who feared this approch of his, had sollicited Hyrcanus to giue order that no strangers should intermingle themselues among the people who were at that time purified.
But Herod contemning both him that commanded and his commission, entred the Citie by night: whereupon Malichus once more came vnto him, and wept for Antipater. Herod although Malichus ioyneth with Hyrcanus. Cassius chargeth Herode by letters to reuenge his fathers death. he could verie hardly bridle his displeasure, yet dissembled he the same: and sent letters vnto Cassius, wherein he complained of his fathers death: the memorie of whose hate being refreshed by E this offence, he writ againe vnto Herod, willing him to reuenge his fathers death: which that he might the better effect, he secretly commanded the captaines of his regiment that they should assist Herode. Now for that after the surprisall of Laodicea, all the best of the Citie came to Herod bringing gifts and crownes, he appointed this for a fit time of his intended reuenge. Now Malichus suspecting that Herod would worke reuenge at Tyre, purposed secretly to get away his sonne, who was there a pledge, and he himselfe purposed to flie into Iudaea: But despaire of his owne safetie vrged him to greater matters; for he hoped to incite the Iewes to take armes against the Romans, for that Cassius was now busie in the wars against Antonius: so that he thought he might easily depose Hyrcanus, and so make himselfe king. But he was preuented by the destinies: for Herode suspecting his purpose, inuited him and Hyrcanus to supper: at which time he made a F shew as though he had sent one of his seruants to cause a banquet to be prepared, but indeed he The decree of fate laugheth at human hope Herods tribunes murther Malichus. sent him to the captaines to foretell them that they mightlie in waite for Malichus: who remembring what charge Cassius gaue them, came foorth of the Citie vnto the shore next adioyning vnto the towne, all armed with swords; where compassing Malichus round about, they killed him with many wounds. Hyrcanus hereat astonished, fell in a swoun, & being scarcely come to himselfe, he demaunded who killed Malichus? One of the captaines answered, that Cassius gaue [Page 574] that commandement: whereupon he answered, truly Cassius hath preserued me and my countrey, G The yeare of the world. 3923 before Christs birth 41. in killing him who was a traitor to vs both: but whether herein he spake as he thought, or that for feare he approued the fact, it is vncertaine. And thus was Herod reuenged vpon Malichus.
CHAP. X.
How Herod was accused and reuenged.
AFter Cassius was departed from Syria, there arose another sedition amongst them in Ierusalem: for Felix came with an armie against Phasaelus, thinking so to be reuenged Ant. lib. 14. cap. 20. Foelix commeth with an army against Phasaelus. Phasaelus ouercommeth Foelix & toucheth Hyrcanus with ingratitude. vpon Herod for killing Malichus. It chanced that Herod at that time was at Damascus with Fabius a Romane Captaine, who comming to assist Phasaelus, by the way fell sick; so that he could not succour him: but it so fel out that Phasaelus without any helpe, did of himselfe ouercome Felix, and therewithall reproued Hircanus as vngratefull, who had both fauoured Felix, H and suffered Malichus his brother to take and keepe his castles (for alreadie had he seazed many of them, and especially one of greatest strength called Massada) yet all these did not protect him from the violence of Herod, who was no sooner recouered of his sicknesse, but presently tooke all the rest, & Massada: and at Hircanus humble suit, permitted him to depart from thence. He also chased Marion the tyrant of the Tyrians out of Galilee, who occupied three castles in that country: as for all the Tyrians that he tooke, he spared their liues, & sent some away with rewards, whereby he got the good will of the citie, and the hatred of the Tyrant. This Marion was made Tyrant of Tyria by Cassius, who through the means of such like instruments had gotten into his hand all Syria: & Marion for the hatred he bare to Herod, tooke with him Antigonus Aristobulus his son, & by Fabius his means whom Antigonus had gained vnto himselfe for money, he also got I Ptolomaeus to assist him in this expedition. Now Ptolomaeus who was father in law to Antigonus, furnished him with al necessaries: Herod likewise preparing himselfe against them, gaue thē battel Antigonus Aristobulus son put to flight by Herode. in the entrance into Iudaea, & got the victory: & hauing put Antigonus to flight, he returned into Ierusalē, where he was honoured by all men for his desert in that victory, so that euen they that before despised him, by reason of his affinity newly contracted with Hyrcanus, sought his friendship and familiarity. This Herod long before this time had a wife which was a noble woman of that countrey named Doris, & had by her a son named Antipater: but he thē maried Mariamme Alexanders daughter who was Aristobulus his son, & Hyrcanus his neece, by reason whereof he came to Doris Herods first wife of good birth by whom he had Antipater. be familiar with the king. But when Cassius was slaine neere vnto Philippi, Caesar departed into Italy, & Antonius into Asia, at which time the chiefe of the Iewes came & accused Phasaelus and K Herod, alledging that they by force got vnto themselues the rule & disposition of the country, and left Hyrcanus only the bare name of a king. But Herod being thē present, so woon & wrought himselfe into Antonius fauour by a great sum of mony, that he permitted not his enemies to speak one word more; who thereupon returned home. Afterward a hundreth men of the most honorable amongst The chiefest Iewes repaire to Caesar to accuse Phasaelus and Herod. Ant. lib. 14. cap 21. the Iewes, repaired to Daphne neere Antiochia vnto Antonius (now doting on the loue of Cleopatra) who being chosen from amongst the rest, because of their eloquence & nobility of birth, propounded an accusation against the two brethren. Messala presented himselfe to returne them answer, being assisted by Hycanus by reason of the affinitie that was between him & Herod. Antonius hauing heard both parties demanded of Hyrcanus whom he thought to be fittest to gouerne their commonwealth? who answered, Herod & his brethren. Whereat Antonius was exceoding L glad (for he had bin their fathers guest, and was most courteously entertained by Antipater, when he came with Gabinius into Iudaea) & thereupon he made them both Tetrarchs, leauing vnto them the rule of all Iudaea: which when the Iewes Embassadors misliked, he tooke fifteen of thē and put them in prison, where he almost killed them, and reiected & derided the rest: wherupon there arose greater tumults amongst them in Ierusalem. At last the Iewes sent another embassage The Iewes once more cō plaine against ye two brothers. Antonius maketh the two brothers Tetrarches. Antonius cō mandeth in Tyre. Sedition in Ierusalē against the brethren. Antonius slue the captiues. of a thousand men vnto Tyre, where Antonius soiorned with an intent to come to Ierusalem with violence. Antonius hearing their exclaimes, sent out the Magistrates of Tyre against them, commanding them to kill all they could catch of the Iewes, charging them also to confirme their authoritie, whom he himselfe had constituted Tetrarchs. But Herod & Hyrcanus went before them toward the sea shore, admonishing thē earnestly to be contented, least they by this their indiscreet M proceedings should become not only the cause of their owne deaths, but also of war against their country: but for that they would not be reclaimed by these admonitiōs, Antonius sent out certaine armed men, who killed many of them, & wounded the rest. Hyrcanus after this desaster both caused the dead to be buried, & the wounded to be cured: notwithstāding all this, they that escaped would not containe themselues in peace, but they so troubled the citie, that Antonius in his displeasure slue those that he had in hold.
CHAP. XI. A The yeare of the world. 3923. before the birth of Christ. 41.
Of the warre of the Parthians against the Iewes: of the slight of Herode and his fortune.
TWo yeeres after this Barzapharnes gouernour of the Parthians, accompanied with Pacorus the kings sonne, seased vpon Syria; and Lysanias who succeeded his father Ptolemaeus Ant. lib. 14. cap. 21. Lysanias persuadeth Batzapharnes to depose Hyrcanus and enstate Antigonus. sonne of Minaeus, promising a thousand talents and fiue hundreth women, perswaded him to put Antigonus in possession of the kingdome of Iudaea, and depose Hyrcanus. Pacorus induced by these promises went himselfe along the sea coast, giuing commaundement to Barzapharnes to passe through the midst of the countrey; but amongst the rest of the places B bordering on the sea, the Tyrians would not receiue Pacorus (notwithstanding that the citizens of Ptolemais and Sidon had giuen him entertainment) wherefore he gaue part of his horsemen vnto one, who was the kings butler, called Pacorus as himselfe was; commaunding him to passe into Iudaea, and learne what their enemies ment to doe, and to helpe Antigonus where neede required. Who as they vvasted the countrey about Carmelus, many Iewes came of their owne accord and ioyned with Antigonus, shewing themselues verie prompt to fight; for vvhich cause he sent them before to take a place called Drymos, where hauing fought vvith his enemies and put them to flight, he pursued them with all speed as farre as Ierusalem: and his number being augmented; he came vnto the kings house. But Hyrcanus and Phasaelus met them with a strong A sore fight in the market place betwixt Antigonus and Hyrcanus. Daily slaughters in Ierusalem. company, and fought vvith them in the market place: where the enemies were forced to flie, and C part of them vvere by Herode shut vp in the temple; and he appointed sixtie men to keepe them, vvhich he placed in the houses next adioyning: but the people bearing a grudge to the two brethren, burnt them vvith fire: vvhereat Herod being angrie (for that his men vvere consumed with fire) set vpon the people and killed a great many of them; and euery houre one laid wait for another; so that euery day some was murthered.
Now the feast of Pentecost drawing nigh, all places about the temple and all the vvhole citie vvas filled with people of the countrey, whereof the most part was armed, and Phasaelus kept the walles, and Herode vvith a small company kept the kings pallace, who assaulting their enemies vpon a sodaine as they were in the suburbs, killed a great many of them, and put al the rest to flight. Phasaelus entertaineth the Parthians, and with him fiue hundreth horse. part of them he couped vp in the citie, others he shut in the temple, and the rest betweene the D vttermost Rampire. Whereupon Antigonus requested that Pacorus might come and conclude a peace betwixt them. Phasaelus moued by these his praiers receiued the Parthian into the citie, & entertained him into his house accompanied with fiue hundreth horsmen, vvho came vnder a pretence to make peace; but in effect he resorted thither to helpe Antigonus: he craftily conspiring against Phasaelus, perswaded him to repaire vnto Barzapharnes as an Embassador to treat a peace; notwithstanding that Herode altogither disswaded him, vvilling him to kill the traitor, and not to Pacorus treason and subtiltie. The yeare of the world. 3924. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 40. trust his subtiltie: adding that the Parthians were naturally vnfaithfull. Pacorus departing out of the citie, tooke Hyrcanus with him that he might be the lesse suspected, and leauing some horsemen with Herode named Or free. Eleutheri, he followed Phasaelus with the rest. When they came neere vnto Galilee, they found the inhabitants at variance and vp in armes, and met with Barzapharnes E (vvho craftily with pretence of courtesie and friendship hid his trecherie) who after he had bestowed gifts vpon them, and that they were retired, laid an ambush for them: vvhereof they had intelligence at such time as they came vnto a place of the sea coast named Ecdippon. For in this place they vnderstood of the thousand talents that vvere promised, and how that Antigonus Herode in Ierusalem, and Phasaelus in the camp are in danger of their liues. had giuen the Parthians more then fiue hundreth vvomen of those that were amongst them, and that oftentimes they had beene laid wait for, and that they had beene lately taken, but that delay was made till such time as Herode vvas surprised in Ierusalem, for feare least he hearing vvhat vvas become of them might prouide for himselfe. Now they might perceiue that these vvere not only vvords: for they might behold their keepers not farre off; yet vvould not Phasaelus forsake Hyrcanus, notwithstanding that Offilius often exhorted him to flie (vnto vvhom Saramalla the richest F amongst the Syrians had declared all the platforme of their treason:) but he chose rather to go vnto Barzapharnes, & to vpbraid him to his face that he had trecherously laid vvait for him: but especially for that in regard of mony he had suffered himselfe to be corrupted, vvheras he himself vvould haue giuen more for his life and liberty, then Antigonus had done for the kingdome. At these words the Parthian with oaths & protestations craftily freed himselfe from suspition, and no sooner repaired he to Pacorus but presently the Parthians, who stayed behind, and had charge so [Page 576] to doe, laid hands on Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who openly exclaimed against their falsehood G The yeare of the world. 3924. before Christs birth 40. Herod is laid for to be betraied. and periurie.
In the meane time a butler was sent out for that purpose, who sought to surprise Herod, and by some stratageme to toul him out of the Citie, who wrought by all the meanes hee could, according as he was instructed. But Herod who was alwaies woont to mistrust the perfidious practises of barbarous nations, being certaine that those letters which discouered the treasons, were fallen into the enemies hands, would not go foorth; though Pacorus pretended a iust cause, inciting him to ride out and meete them that brought the letters: wherein was contained neither the taking of Phasaelus, nor the treasons, but onely what Phasaelus had done. But long before this Herod by others vnderstood, that his brother Phasaelus was taken, and Mariamme a very wise woman Hyrcanus daughter, with many entreaties perswaded Herod not to go forth: but that he H should beware how he trusted himselfe to the mercie of that barbarous people, who did now as it were openly assault him. Whilest Pacorus was consulting with his accomplices how he might priuily effect his treasons (seeing it was not possible openly to circumuent a man of so great wisdome) Herod in the night time whilest his enemies neither knew nor suspected his intent, tooke Herode in the night time flieth into Idumaea. his neerest kinsfolke and fled into Idumaea: which being once knowne, the Parthians followed him. For which cause he made his mother, his brethren, and the young maiden despoused, and her mother and youngest brother to keepe on their iourney, and he with his seruants warily assaulted the Parthians; and hauing in euerie assault killed a great number of them, he hasted towards Herod more hotely pursued by the Iewes then the Parthians. Herods victory Herodium. the Castle of Massada, and in his retreat sustained more harme by the Iewes, then by the Parthians: who as they had been alwaies troublesome, so now some threescore furlongs from the I towne, set vpon him; where Herod obtaining the victorie, killed a great many of them, and in remembrance of that valiant act, he builded vpon that place a most rich pallace for the king, and erected there a most strong tower, which by his owne name he called Herodium. And when he fled many ioyned vvith him, but vvhen he came to Thresa a towne of Idumaea his brother Ioseph met him, and perswaded him to lessen the number of his followers: for Massada vvould not receiue such a multitude (for the number of the multitude vvas aboue nine thousand:) for Massada. vvhich cause Herode according to his counsell dismissed those that were vnfit for his turne, and sent them into Idumaea, giuing them necessaries for their iourney. As for those that were chosen men and fit for his purpose, he retained them with him, and so was he receiued into the Castle, vvhere leauing eight hundreth souldiers to defend the women, and prouision sufficient for those K that were within, he himselfe vvent vnto Petra a Citie of Arabia.
Now the Parthians at Ierusalem began to sacke the houses of them that were fled, and the Petra, a citie of Arabia. The yeare of the world. 3925. before Christs birth 39. kings pallace; they onely abstained from Hyrcanus money, which did amount to more then three hundreth talents: as for other mens goods, they found not so much as they expected; for Herod long before that time suspecting the infidelitie of the Parthians had carried all his riches and iewels into Idumaea; and euerie one of his followers did the like. When the Parthians had taken the spoile, they were so impious that they left no place of the whole countrey free from their tyrannous warre. They destroied the Citie Marsa also, and bound Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, and deliuered them to Antigonus to be scourged, who presently with his teeth bit off Hyrcanus eares, to the end that if by some alteration he chanced hereafter to get loose, he might be no more high L Antigonus [...]weth off Hircanus eares. priest: for none might offer sacrifice that wanted any member of his body. But Phasaelus his fortitude preuented the cruelty of Antigonus, who hauing neither weapon nor his hands at libertie, beat out his owne braines against a stone and died, demonstrating himselfe by that act, to be the true brother of Herode, and that Hyrcanus had degenerated: he died manfully by a woorthy death, and answerable to so famous a life. Yet some reported that he recouered after that hurt, and that Antigonus sent a Chirurgion vnder pretence to cure the wound, who filled the lame with venemous medicines, and so killed him. Well, be it as it was, it was in him a gallant resolution. It is reported likewise, that vnderstanding before his death by the meanes of a certaine woman that Herode was escaped, he spake these words: Now I shal die with a courage, who leaue behinde me one that will take vengeance of my enemies, and so he died. Although the Parthians M Phasaelus words before he died. The Parthians establish Antigonus king. had not yet receiued the women (which was the chiefe thing they looked for) yet leauing them, they established Antigonus in Ierusalem, and lead Hyrcanus prisoner into Parthia. But Herode with all speede hasted into Arabia, as if his brother had beene yet aliue, to the intent he might borrow money of the king of Arabia, wherewith onely he hoped that the crueltie of those barbarous Parthians might be mitigated towards Phasaelus: for his opinion was, that although the Arabians had now forgotten his fathers friendship and were hard harted, yet at least he would lend [Page 577] him money seeing it was to redeeme his brother, whose sonne he meant to leaue in pawne for it. The yeare of the world 3925. before Christs Natiuitie. 39. A For Herode tooke with him a sonne of his brothers into Arabia that was seuen yeeres olde, and purposed to haue giuen three hundreth talents for his raunsome, and had made the Tyrians intercessors for him to the Parthians: but fortune preuented his endeuours, so that his loue and care for his brother preuailed nothing. He found also that the Arabians had now cast away the league of amitie: for Malichus their king sent to him as he was yet in the way, charging him with all speede to depart out of his dominions, framing an excuse that the Parthians had sent Embassadours vnto him, to request him to driue him out of his countrey; but indeede the cause was, that he would not repay that which Antipater had deserued, nor recompence his sonnes now comfortlesse, for those good turnes that he had receiued at their fathers hands: and those who counselled him to this, were such as offered to forsweare those summes, which Antipater had put them B in trust with, who were the chiefest men about him. For which cause, Herod perceiuing the Arabians Animaters to impudence. Herode perceiueth the Arabians to be his enemies. to be his foes, for that which he thought would haue procured him friendship, answered the messenger according as griefe mooued him, and tooke his iourney towards Aegypt: and the first night he lodged in a countrey temple, to the intent that those of his companie that were behinde him might ouertake him. The next day comming to Rhinocolura, his brothers death was tolde him; where after he had there mourned his fill, he went forward.
Now the king of Arabia (though too late) repented himselfe of that which he had done to Herod, and sent speedy messengers after him, to will him to returne, repenting himselfe that hee had so iniuriously entreated him. When Herod was come to Pelusium, the watchmen of the Citie would not permit him to passe: for which cause he himselfe in person went to the gouernors, who C reuerencing the fame & dignitie of the man, conducted him to Alexandria; whither he no sooner resorted, but Cleopatra receiued him verie honorably, intending to make him the generall of her army which she was preparing at that present. But he neither regarding the offers and request of the Queene, nor yet discouraged by the hard winter season, nor the dangers of the seas, tooke his iourney towards Rome; and being in great danger of shipwrack neere vnto Pamphilia, both hee Herod in great dangers repaireth to Rome. & the rest of the passengers were inforced to cast away the most part of their loading: with much adoe he arriued safe at Rhodes, vvhich had been sore molested by Cassius vvarres; there was he entertained by certaine of his friends Ptolomaeus and Saphinius, and although his money grew scant, yet there he builded a great galley vvith three rankes of oares, and in it (being accompanied with his friends) he sailed to Brundusium, and from thence went presently to Rome. Where first of D all (in regard of familiaritie betweene his father and him) he went to Antonius, declaring vnto him both his owne calamitie, and the miserable desolation of his vvhole countrey; and howe leauing his dearest friends besieged in a Castle, himselfe in humble manner through the stormie Herod repairing to Rome, hath conference with Antonius. vvinter seas was come vnto him, humbly crauing succor at his hands: VVherupon Antonius compassionating his calamitie, and remembring his familiaritie with Antipater, and contemplating the vertue of Herod vvho stood before him, determined vpon the present to make him king of the Iewes, vvhom before he himselfe had made Tetrarch: for he loued not Herode so vvell, but he hated Antigonus as much: for he held him both for a seditious person, and for an enemie to the Ant. lib. 14. cap. 13. Herod [...]ndeth both Caesar and Antonius fauourable vnto him. Romans. Now to the accomplishing of this, he found Caesar farre more ready then himselfe, who called to minde the seruice that Antipater did in Aegypt vnder his father, and his entertainment E and friendship in all things: and beside all these, he vvas wrought and vvoon by Herods courage and valour. For vvhich cause, he procured the Senate to be assembled, at vvhich time Messala and after him Aratinus in the presence of Herod recounted his fathers deserts and fidelitie towards the Romans, declaring Antigonus to be an enemy, not onely because that not long before he had Herode praised before the Senate. Herode made king by the [...] Romane Senate. reuolted, but for that now lastly in despite of the Romans he had by the assistance of the Parthians vsurped the kingdome. Vpon vvhich considerations the Senate being mooued, and Antonius affirming it to be expedient for the Roman vvarres, that Herod should be created king, the vvhole Senate condescendéd: and after the Senate vvas dismissed, Antonius and Caesar went forth with Herod betweene them, and the Consuls went before accompanied with other Magistrates to offer sacrifice, and to register the decree of the Senate in the Capitoll. And Antonius feasted Herod F the first day of his raigne.
CHAP. XII. G The yeare of the world, 3925 before Christs birth 39.
Of Herods warre after he returned from Rome to recouer Ierusalem, and against the theeues.
AT this time Antigonus besieged those that vvere left in the Castle of Massada, vvho had great store of victuals and wanted nothing but vvater. For vvhich cause Iesophus Herods Ant. lib. 14. cap. 23. Antigonus getteth Massada. brother purposed to flie vnto the Arabians with two hundreth of his dearest friends, for that he had intelligence that Malichus repented him that he had giuen Herod no better entertainment. Yea he had forsaken the Castle had not great store of raine fallen that verie night, wherein he intended to flie: for the vvels and cesternes being now filled vvith water, there vvas no cause H to flie: so that voluntarily issuing out of the Castle, he assaulted Antigonus souldiers, and killed The wars between Antigonus soldiers & Ioseph Herods brother. verie many of them; sometime in open war, and sometime by pollicie: yet fought they not alwaies vvith fortunate successe, but returned sometimes vvith losse. In the meane time Ventidius (vvho was Generall of that Roman army vvhich was sent to expulse the Parthians out of Syria) after he had repulsed them resorted into Iudaea, vnder pretence to succour Ioseph and the rest that vvere Ventidius the Romane generall taketh money from Antigonus. besieged, but in effect to get Antigonus money. When as therefore he drew neere vnto Ierusalem and had receiued the money he looked for, he departed vvith the greatest part of his army, leauing Silo behinde him vvith a few to colour his pretence: and Antigonus hoping for a second supply from the Parthians, feed Silo not to molest him for the present, seeing he vvas in great possibilitie. By this time Herode hauing sailed from Italy to Ptolemais, and gathered a I great army of strangers and his owne countrimen togither, came into Galilee against Antigonus, being assisted vvith the forces of Ventidius and Silo, vvhom Delius vvho was sent from Antonius, Ant. lib. 14. cap. 24. Herod against Antigonus. perswaded to establish Herod in his kingdome. But Ventidius vvas busie in appeasing the broiles that the Parthians had made in the Cities, and Silo vvas corrupted by Antigonus: yet did not Herod vvant aide, for euerie day the further he marched into the countrey, the more his army encreased, for all Galilee (a verie few excepted) yeelded vnto him. Wherupon he purposed first of al to go to Massada, to deliuer his friends that vvere there besieged, but Ioppe hindred his purpose; Herod intendeth that after he hath taken Massada and Ioppe to besiege Ierusalem vvhich for that it vvas an enemy towne, he thought it best to take it before he vvent further, least that vvhilest he was going to Ierusalem, his enemies should haue a place behinde him to flie vnto. Now Silo ioyned armies vvith Herod, reioycing that he had found occasion to resist, because K he vvas persecuted by the Iewes; vvhom Herod with a loose wing of his army and a small companie of men, terrified, and presently put to flight, and saued Silo also vvho had much adoe to make resistance against them. This done and Ioppe taken, he hasted to Massada, and the people of the countrey (some of them for his fathers sake, othersome for his owne, and many for both) ioyned themselues vnto him: many also came vnto him for hope, because he vvas now king; so that nowe he had a verie puissant army: but Antigonus hindred his iourney by planting certaine ambushes in places conuenient vvhere Herode was to passe, and yet for all this he little harmed him.
Herod hauing easily taken Massada, and rescued his friends from thence, he vvent to Ierusalem, vvhere both Siloes souldiers, and many of the Citie came and followed him, being nowe L Herod begirteth Ierusalem with a siege, & proclaimeth the cause of his comming. terrified vvith the greatnesse of his forces: there pitching their tents at the west side of the town, they that guarded that part assaulted them with dartes and arrowes; and others issuing by troupes foorth of the Citie, assaulted the forefront of the army. Whereupon Herode caused one to go about the wals of the Citie, and to proclaime how that he was come for the good of the vvhole Citie, and that he would not take reuenge of any, though he were his open enemy; and that he would pardon euen them that had been most seditious. But when Antigonus his followers with lowd exclamations hindred the criers voices from being heard, least any man should alter Siloes subtiltie being corrupted by ye Iewes. his minde: Herod presently commaunded his men to beat the enemies off of the wall, who with their arrowes speedily forced all that were in the towers to flie. At this time Silo was detected to haue been hired with money: for he solicited many souldiers to crie out, that they vvanted all M things; and to aske money and victuals, and to craue to be dismissed and sent into some place of opportunitie, there to abide during the vvinter, nay he himselfe sought to be gone. But Herode went vnto the captaines that serued vnder Silo, and called many of the souldiers togither, requesting them not to forsake him at that exigent, whom Caesar, Antonius, and the whole Senate Herod gathereth great store of prouision. as they knew had sent thither, promising them that within one day he vvould relieue all their necessities. When he had thus entreated them, himselfe went about the fields, and brought them [Page 579] so much prouision that he cut off all Siloes excuses: and forecasting least hereafter there should The yeare of the world, 3925. before Christs birth 39. A be any want, he sent letters to Samaria (for that citie about this time had rendred it selfe vnto him) willing them to bring victuals; and wine and oyle, and cattell vnto Iericho. Antigonus hearing this, presently sent certaine of his men to lie in ambush in the fields, and sodainly to set vpon those that came for prouision and kill them, & so hinder them from carying any victuals to the campe: who obeying his commandement, went with a great number of souldiers to Iericho, and placed themselues vpon the mountaines, with an intent to espie if any body carried prouision Herod accompanied with ten troupes commeth to Iericho. to the armie. In the meane time Herod rested not; for taking with him ten companies (fiue of the Romanes, and fiue of the Iewes, amongst whom were mixed three hundred that were hired, and besides them a few horsmen) he came to Iericho, where he found the citie without inhabitants, and fiue hundreth with their wiues and families had placed themselues vpon the tops of B the mountaines; whom when he had surprised, he permitted them to depart. But the Romanes brake into the citie, and sacked it, where they found the houses stored with al maner of riches: and The Romane got a great pray. the King leauing a garrison at Iericho, returned. He sent likewise the Romane souldiours to the cities which were on his side, to wit, Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria, that they might abide there till winter was past. Antigonus also through Silo his meanes (whom he by money had made his friend) obtained that a part of his armie might (during the winter time) abide at Lydda, for Antonius sake, and the Romans being now discharged from warres, abounded in all things.
All this time Herod was not idle, for accompanied with two thousand footmen & fiue hundreth horse, he went about Idumaea, and sent also his brother Ioseph, least by Antigonus his means the people should rebell. And he himselfe hauing carried his mother and the rest of his kindred, C whom he tooke from Massada, into Samaria; and hauing placed them where no danger might betide them; himselfe went into Galilee, to subdue that part of the country, which as yet was not in his hands, & to expell from thence the garrisons left by Antigonus. And when hee was come to Sephoris, notwithstanding it snew mightily, he easily tooke it; for the garrison before he assaulted Ant. lib. 14. cap. 24. Herod taketh the citie of Sephoris. it fled; and finding there great store of prouision, he refreshed his souldiers, which now with winter weather were sore tired, and then sent them against the theeues, that lay lurking in dennes and caues, who making often incursions vpon the countrey, molested the inhabitants no lesse then if they had beene an armie of enemies. And sending before three companies of footmen, and one troope of horsemen, into a village called Arbela, himselfe fortie dayes after came thither with the whole armie. For all this the theeues feared him not, but arming themselues, came Herode setteth forth against the theeues. D to meete him, trusting to their experience in warlike affaires, and their owne desperate courage: and ioyning battel, the right wing of their battell put the left wing of Herods to flight: but he with his right wing presently succoured them, and recalled his men that fled; and rushing violently vpon his enemies, he a little asswaged the forces of the enemy, till at last the forefront of their battell, not able to stand any longer, fled. Herod pursued them euen vnto Iordan, and killed manie of them; those that escaped fled ouer the riuer; & thus he freed Galilee from that feare, saue that yet hee had left some lurking in the caues, and therfore he was constrained there to make a longer abode. Wherfore first of all he gaue the souldiours the fruit of their labours, and distributed to euerie one of them an hundreth and fiftie drachmes of siluer, and vnto the Captaines more, and so sent them where they should passe the winter. Also he writ vnto his youngest brother E Pheroras to prouide necessaries for them in the market; and to build a wal about the castle of Alexandrium, which he performed.
In the meane while Antonius passed the time about Athens, and Ventidius sent for Silo and The yeare of the world. 3926. before Christs birth 38. Ant. lib. ca. 25. The description of the caues where the theeues kept. Herod to assist him in the warre against the Parthians, charging them, that before their comming they should settle the estate of the Iewes. Now Herod gladly and willingly sent Silo vnto Ventidius: and in the meane time he with his armie went against the theeues in the caues. These caues were in verie steepe mountaines, so that there was no way to come vnto them, saue onely by crooked & verie narrow passages and these moūtains were all rocks of stone cleane throughout, hanging ouer the valleyes; so that the king a great while was doubtfull what to doe, seeing the place was so difficult to come to. At last Herod deuised a way scarsly heard of before; for he put F the valiantest of all his men into coffers, & so let them downe into the edge of the caues, and they killed the theeues and their families, and cast fire at them that resisted. And Herod seeking to saue some of them, caused a crier to bid them come vnto him: but there was not one that willingly came vnto him, and those that were forced chose rather to die, then to be his captiues. So that an old man hauing seuen sonnes and a wife, who all requested that they might go forth to the king, and saue their liues, killed them all after this maner: Himselfe stood before the doore of the caue, [Page 580] and bad them come forth one by one, and alwaies as one of them came forth he killed him. And G The yeere of the world. 3926. before Christs birth 38. Herod being in a place where he might behold this spectacle, being moued with compassion stretched forth his hand & requested him to spare his children but he being nothing moued to compassion by Herodes words, vpbraided Herodes base mind, and hauing butchered his sonnes, he also killed his wife, and casting the dead bodies downe into the vallies, finally he cast himselfe likewise downe headlong.
Herod hauing thus taken the caues, and slaine those that were in them, leauing a part of his armie, so much as he thought might suffice to represse any that should attempt any rebellion, and making Ptolemaeus chiefe ouer that part; returned into Samaria, carying with him three thousand footmen, and sixe hundreth horsemen against Antigonus. After whose departure those that Ptolemey captaine of Herods souldiers slaine. were accustomed to trouble Galilee, and molest it, hauing now (as they thought) opportunitie, H assaulted Ptolemaeus at vnawares and killed him: and waste'd the countrey, retiring themselues into marish grounds & secret places. Which when Herod vnderstood, he presently came to succor the countrey, and killed the most part of the enemies; and hauing taken all the castles by force, he exacted a hundreth talents for recompence of that reuolt to be paid by the cities. Now the Parthians being put to flight, and Pacorus slaine, Ventidius being willed thereto by letters from Antonius, sent vnto Herod a thousand horsemen, & two legions of footmen to assist him against Antigonus. Now Antigonus writ letters to the generall of the foresaid company named Machaera, desiring him to helpe him, and complaining that Herod iniuried him, promised him a summe of Machaeras iniquitie. mony. But he thinking it not best to forsake him that he was sent to succour, especially seeing that Herod would giue more, would not be suborned by him: yet counterfaiting himselfe to be Antigonus I his friend, meaning vnder that pretence to creepe into the knowledge of his secrets, which not regarding Herodes counsel, he went to discouer, notwithstanding that Herode disswaded him from it: But Antigonus perceiuing his intent, shut him out of the citie, and like an enemie droue him away from the walled till such time as Machaera vvas ashamed of that he had done; and so returned to Amathunt vnto Herode. and being in a rage that things fell out against his expectation, he killed all the Iewes he found, not respecting whether they fauoured Herode or Antigonus Herode hereat was moued, and thought to be reuenged vpon Machaera as vpon an enemies yet he brideled himselfe and hasted to Antonius to let him vnderstand Machaeras crueltie. Machaera remembring how he had offended; followed the king, and with many entreaties besought him to be friends and obtained it. Yet Herode kept on his iourney to Antonius, and hearing that he was K The yeare of the world. 3927. before Christs birth 37. Antonius admireth Herods valour. now with a great army besieging Samosata (vvhich vvas a very strong citie neere vnto Euphrates) he made the more haste; thinking it now a sit time to shew his vertue, and that hereby he might vvinne Antonius fauour the more. So soone as he came to Antonius he ended the siege, killing a great number of enemies, and has for his labour a great part of the spoile: and Antonius though before that he admired his vertue; yet then was his opinion encreased; so that he had a greater hope of his honour and attaining to the kingdome. So Antiochus was constrained to render the Citie.
CHAP. XIII.
Of the death of Ioseph: how Herode besieged Ierusalem: and how Antigonus L was slaine.
IN the meane season Herodes affaires in Iudaea went backward: for he left his brother Ioseph gouernour of all, commaunding him to doe nothing against Antigonus till his returne. For he little trusted to Machaeras helpe, because of the parts he had plated before. But Ioseph vnderstanding his brothers to be farre off, not regarding what charge was left him, went to Iericho accompained with fiue companies which Machaera sent with him, thinking now in haruest time to haue taken away their come: but being assaulted by the enemie vpon the mountaines and in difficult places, himselfe was there slaine, shewing himselfe in that fight a worthy and valiant man: and there was not one left aliue of all the Romanc souldiers; for they were all M newly gathered out of Syria, and they had no olde souldiers amongst them to assist them who were ignorant in warfare. Antigonus not contented with the victory became such a tyrant, that hee caused the dead corps of Ioseph to be scourged, and hauing the dead bodies in his Antigonus cruelty against Iosephs care as power, he cut off Iosephs head, although Pheroras his brother offeted fiftie talents to redeeme the same.
After Antigonus had obtained this victorie, there was such a change in Galilee, that those [Page 581] who fauoured him, tooke the chiefest of Herods fauourites, and drowned them in a ponde. Also The yeare of the world 3927. before Christs Natiuitie. 37. A there arose a great change in Idumaea where Machara repaired the wals of a certaine Castle called Githa. All this while Herode heard nothing of this newes; for after Samosata was taken, Antonius made Sosius gouernour of Syria, leauing order with him, that he should helpe Herode against Antigonus, and so he departed into Aegypt: Sosius sent two companies of souldiers with Herode into Iudaea to helpe him, and he himselfe with the rest of the army followed. When Herode was at Antiochia neere Daphne, his brothers death was manifested vnto him in a dreame: Herode certified of his brothers death in a dreame. And whilest he was troubled thus, so that he leapt out of his bed, euen at the same instant the messengers who brought tidings of his death, entred into the house: and weeping a little for griefe, as it were deferring his sorrow till another time, he went towards his enemies; so that he hasted aboue his strength. When he came vnto Libanus; he tooke eight hundreth inhabitants B of that mountaine to helpe him; and ioyned vnto them one of the Roman legions, and not expecting the day time, with them he entred into Galilee, and meeting with his enemies, he forced them to flie vnto the place from whence they came: and euerie day he assaulted their Castle: But before he could take it; being wearied with a cruell winter, he was constrained to leade his army into the next village. Within a few daies his number being increased by one other legion which Antonius sent, he put his enemies in such a feare, that they in the night time fled and forsooke the Castle. And now he hasted to Iericho to be reuenged vpon those that killed his brother, where there befell him a most strange accident, from the which being against all hope deliuered, he perswaded himselfe that God bare an especiall loue vnto him. For when many nobles that night had supped with him, supper being ended, and euerie one being gone forth, incontinently C the house wherein he supt fell downe: Herode tooke this as a Praesagium both of the dangers and prosperous successe he was to haue in his warres. And the next morning early he remooued Herods dining roume fell after he had forsaken it, and gone to bed. from thence, and about six thousand of the enemies descending from the mountaines assaulted the vaunt guard, but they durst not ioine battell with the Romans, but molested them standing a farre off with stones and darts, and they wounded many: so that also Herode himselfe passing along, was wounded in the side with a darte. Antigonus desirous to shew himselfe most potent, as well in multitude of men, as also in courage, sent Pappus a friend of his with an army into Samaria, who there got the victorie of Machaera. Herod went about the enemies countrey and tooke there fiue townes, and destroied two thousand of the inhabitants, and firing the houses, he returned to his army neere vnto a village called Cana. D
Euerie day there came flocking vnto him a verie great number of Iewes, both from Iericho and from other parts of the countrey, some of them hating Antigonus, other some louing Herode for his valiant deeds: for many without any reason desired an alteration. Whilest thus he hasted to fight, Pappus with his men neither fearing the multitude, nor strength of their [...]nemies, came fiercely vpon them, and offered battell. The battell being begun, the others awhile abstained, only Herod remembring his brothers death ventured more then the rest, to the end to be reuenged vpon them that were the authors thereof: and so he easily ouercame the enemies army; and still assaulting the fresh men; he put them all to flight. There was a mightie slaughter: for many being forced to flie into the village from whence they came, he pursued them and slew an infinite number. Lastly; rushing amongst the enemies that fled, he brake into the village, where E all the houses were full of armed men, and euerie house toppe full of men to defend it; and because he easily ouercame those that were abroad, he ouerthrew the houses, and so forced them that were within to come foorth. Others he killed in companies with the ruines of the houses wherein they were; and if any one chaunced to escape, the same the souldiers that were ready armed with swords killed him: so that there were such heaps of dead bodies, that they who had the victorie could not passe thorow the streets for them. The enemies were so discouraged with this ouerthrow, that the whole multitude of them (seeing those that were slaine in the village) fled away: and Herod by the benefit of his good fortune had euen then come to Ierusalem, had not The number of the carcasses hinder the souldiers passage. winter stormes hindred him, which was the onely cause that he at that time got not a full conquest; and that Antigonus was not vtterly ouerthrowne, who thorow feare and desperation was F purposed to leaue the Citie. But Herode towards night hauing giuen his friends leaue to depart to rest their wearie bodies, being himselfe heated with his armour, after the manner of souldiers went to wash himselfe, accompanied onely with one page. And before he came to the bath, one of his enemies met him hauing a sword drawne in his hand; and then another; and afterwards a third; and after them more: and these escaped out of the battell, and came to the bath to hide themselues, and seeing the king there, they were sore affraid, and sought to hide themselues, [Page 582] and so passed by him being astonished and amazed, although the king at that time was naked and G The yeare of the world, 3928 before Christs birth 36. Herode beheadeth Pappus Antigonus captaine. weaponlesse, in so much as none were present there to surprise them; they escaped; and Herode was verie well contented that he had no harme by them. The next day after he beheaded Pappus who was the Generall of Antigo [...]s his army, and sent his head to his brother Pheroras, who was ruler of his army, in reuenge of his brother that was slaine: for Pappus was he that slew Ioseph.
The winter being past, he with his army came to Ierusalem, and besieged it, pitching his tents before the temple, where it was easiest to take the Citie, and where before time Pompey had entred Ant. lib. 14. cap. 1 [...]. Ierusalem besieged. it (which was about the third yeere after Herod was made king in Rome.) Now when he had quartered his army as he thought best for his purpose, and cut off the suburbs, he caused three rampiers to be raised, and towers to be builded vpon them, and leauing there his trustie friends H that would not slacke their businesse, he went into Samaria to visit his betrothed which was the daughter of Alexander, who was sonne to Aristobulus, who (as we before made mention) was despo [...]sed vnto him, & he wedded her euen in the time of the siege, as who should say, now he contemned his enemies: after his marriage rites were performed, he returned to Ierusalem with a far greater army: Sosius also seconded him with a great army of footmen and horsemen, whom he sent before him through the middest of the countrey; and he himselfe came after by Phoenicia; Now when all his whole army was assembled togither, to the number of about some 11. legions of footmen, and six thousand horsemen, beside the Syrians that came to helpe him, which were no small number, he laid his assault and batterie to the northermost wall; and the rather because he thought himselfe warranted by the decree of the Senate, whereby he was declared to be king. I Sosius also was warranted by Antonies letters, whereby he commanded him to helpe Herode with all the army that was vnder his gouernment▪ Meane while those Iewes that were within the The yeare of the world. 3929 before Christs birth 35. Citie▪ were diuersly troubled: for a multitude of the weaker sort gathering themselues togither about the temple, grew to this resolution; that whosoeuer should fortune to die in this attempt should be most happy and beloued by God. But those who were hardiest amongst the [...], ioyning themselues togither, robbed and tooke away from the rest what they could, but in especiall The Iewes valiantly defend themselues. they tooke victuals from that part that was next the Citie: so that they neither left meat for horses nor men, and the valiantest of them all being set to defend the wals against those that besieged them, hindred the aduersarie from erecting their rampiers; so that they still found some new deuice to hinder the force of their engines: neither did they any waies preuaile so much as by their K mines which they made. As for the theeues; the king sought to represse their excursions by placing an ambush of men to intercept them, by which meanes he relieued the want and scarcitie of victuals, by fetching prouision from places farre distant: But notwithstanding they in their fight fai [...] in no sort to expresse their incredible [...]lour; yet did that militarie experience which the Romans had, ouermaster them by ods. Naithelesse notwithstanding the imminent danger wherein they were plunged, they fought with them in open field: but where it chanced that the Romans by digging two seuerall mines, brake all at once into the midst of them; yet sodainly repaired they the breach that was made in the wall, and fortified the other part thereof. In a word; they neither spared hands, nor engines, but were all of them determined to fight it out euen vnto the last cast: and although they were besieged with so huge an army, yet they defended the town L from them fiue moneths, till such time as certaine of Herodes chosen men valiantly scaling and Herods souldiers after fiue moneths siege enter the citie Slaughter in Ierusalem. clearing the wals, brake into the Citie; and a [...]er them Sosius his Centurions. Those places that neerest adioyned the temple were the first of all that they intercepted, & the whole army entring the citie, it was lamentable to see how in euerie corner ye people were massacred: for the Romans being displeased that the siege continued so long time, became more cruell, and Herods army endeuoured to let no one of the aduerse part escape. By which meanes many were slaine, both in the narrowest places of the streetes, as also in their owne houses: yea euen then also when they fled into the temple, without respect of age or womanhood. For although the king intreated the souldiers to spare the people, yet for all that they neuer restrained their cruell hands, but like mad men they raged against all men, women, and children. At that time also Antigonus, neither M respecting his former condition, nor his present estate, came and prostrated himselfe at Sosius hi [...] Sosius taketh Antigonus. feete, beseeching him to be mercifull vnto him; but Sosius nothing compassionating his calamitie, cruelly derided him, and called him Antigona: yet did he not permit him to depart free as a woman, but put him in prison.
Now when Herode had conquered his enemies, he endeuoured to the vttermost to appease the furie of the souldiers; for all the whole multitude were desirous to see the temple, and the [Page 583] holy vessels therein: but he resisted them, appeasing some by threatnings, reclaiming others by The yeare of the world. 3929. before the birth of Christ. 35. A force, and the rest by entreaties, supposing that it had been better for himselfe to haue been conquered, then by obtaining the victorie, to minister a meanes whereby those things should be discouered which were not lawfull to bee reueiled. He therefore presently repressed the souldiers from sacking the citie, inueying much against Sosius, and obiecting against him, that the Romans would desolate the Citie both of men and money, and leaue him king of a place without subiects: adding further, that he esteemed not the empire of the whole world to be a recompence for such a massacre of his Citizens. Hereunto Sosius replied, that in equitie the souldiers were to haue the sacking of the towne, in recompence of that labour they had spent in the siege. But Herode gaue him this answere, that he had rather recompence euerie man out of his owne treasurie; and by this means he redeemed as it were the reliques of his desolate countrey: and in the end performed B that which he had promised. For he bountifully rewarded euerie souldier and captaine, according to his merit, and gaue Sosius a kingly reward: so that no man went away without money Herode liberally bestoweth mony vpō the souldiers. Antigonus beheaded. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 1. This done, Sosius dedicated a golden crowne vnto God and so departed, leading Antigonus captiue with him, to the intent to present him vnto Antonius. This man desirous to continue his life, and entertaining himselfe with this cold hope euen vntill the last, receiued in the end that reward which his faint heart desired, and was beheaded.
Herode being now king, made a distinction betweene the Citizens; and those who had fauoured him, he vsed verie honourably; and put those to death, who had followed Antigonus: and when money failed, he distributed all his kingly ornaments, and sent them to Antonius and his companie. Yet did not he quite redeeme himselfe from all annoiances: for Antonius being now C captiuate through Cleopatra her loue; in all things yeelded vnto her desire: and Cleopatra hauing raged so against her owne kindred, that she had not left one of them aliue, now turned her furie vpon strangers, and accusing the nobilitie of Syria vnto Antonius, she perswaded him to put them Cleopatras cruelty against her kinred. to death, that she might thereby the easier obtaine their possessions. Afterward her couetous minde sought to effect the like against the Arabians, and the Iewes also, in so much as she secretly went about to cause the kings of those places, Malichus and Herode to be put to death. Antonius made a shew as though he would haue granted her request, yet he thought it great impietie to kill good men and so great kings: yet notwithstanding he no more accounted them his friends, but tooke a great quantitie of ground from the limits of both their countries, and a vineyard in Iericho where balme grew, and gaue her all the Cities on this side the riuer Eleutherus (Tyre and D Sydon onely excepted.) Now when she had obtained the dominion of these Cities, she followed Antonius vnto Euphrates, who set forward to make warre against the Parthians, and afterward Cleopatras couetousnes. by Apamia and Damascus she came into Iudaea: where Herode (hauing something pacified her angrie minde with great gifts) obtained to pay her yeerely two hundreth talents for that part of his countrey; which Antonius had giuen her, and seeking by all meanes possible to get himselfe an interest in her fauour, he conducted her vnto Pelusium: and not long after Antonius returned out of Parthia, and brought Artabazes the sonne of Tigranes captiue, and gaue him vnto Cleopatra: for all the money and riches which he had got and the captiue likewise, were bestowed on her.
CHAP. XIIII. E
Of the treacherous practise of Cleopatra against Herod▪ of Herods warre against the Arabians, and of a verie great earthquake.
ABout such time as the Actiacum war was on foot, Herode prepared himselfe to attend Antonius; for that for the time present all troubles were pacified in Iudaea: and he had The yeare of the world. 3934. before Christs birth 30. Ant. lib. 15. cap. 5. Clapatras subtill treason against Herode. already gotten the castle of Hyrcanion, which Antigonus sister had in her possession. But Cleopatra c [...]aftily preuented him in this his iourny; so that he could not go with Antonius: for she desiring the ruines of both the kings (as was before mētioned) perswaded Antonius that he should F [...]se Herod to make warre against the Arabians; whom if he ouercame, then she should be made Queene of Arabia; and if so be he himselfe were ouercome, then she should be Queene of iudaea: intending hereby that one of these potentates should ruinate the other. But this practise of hers was greatly to Herods gaine: For first of all making head against those of Syria that were his enemies; with all the power of horsemen he could make, which was verie many, and meeting them at Diospolis he ouercame them, although they valiantly resisted: who hauing the ouerthrow stirred [Page 584] vp a mightie armie of the Arabians to helpe them, so that an infinite company was gathered G The yeare of the world. 3934. before Christs birth 30. Ant. lib. 15. cap. 6. togither about Coelesyria, expecting the Iewes neere vnto a citie called Canatha. Where king Herode meeting them, purposed not to fight vnaduisedly, but to compasse his owne armie round about with a wall: but his armie remembring their former victorie, would not be counselled, but violently assaulted the Arabians, and at the first onset put them to flight. Herode pursuing his enemie was greatly endaungered by the treason of the inhabitants of Canatha (who were set on by Athenio, that vvas one of Cleopatras captaines, vvho had alwaies borne him ill vvill) for the Arabians encouraged by their helpe, returned againe to battel, and they two ioyned their forces togither, and set vpon Herode in stonie and difficult places, and put his armie to flight, and The Arabians defeat Herods army. The Actian warre between Antonius and Augustus. killed many of them; & those that escaped fled vnto a little village hard by called Ormiza; vvhere the Arabians compassing them about, took both the men & their tents with al their furniture. Not H long after this ouerthrow of Herods souldiers, he came and brought helpe, but too late and to little purpose: but the cause hereof was, for that the captaines of his army would not obey his commaundement: for if they had beene obedient, Athenio had not had the opportunitie to worke him that iniury; yet was he reuenged vpon the Arabians; and daily made incursions vpon their borders, and ceased not to inuade and spoile them, vntill by many he cried quittance with them for their one victory.
While thus he pursued his enemies; a great calamitie befell him in the seuenth yeere of his raigne, and in the midst of the Actian warre: for about the beginning of the spring time, there Another calamitie of Herodes. chaunced a great earthquake, vvhich slew an infinite multitude of beasts, and thirtie thousand people: yet the army had no harme, for it lay in an open place. With the report hereof the Arabians I were highly encouraged (for such as report an euill occurrent do alwaies redouble the miserie thereof in relating it) for which cause the Arabians making account that all Iudaea was ouerthrowne, and that there was no man left aliue to resist them, entred into Iudaea, assuring themselues to conquer the countrey, and before their comming they slew the Embassadours of the Iewes that were sent vnto them. Herode perceiuing his countrimen terrified by the sodaine approch of their enemies, and not onely broken, but wearied with the greatnes and continuance of Herodes oration to his dismaied souldiers. their calamities, rowsed vp their drouping spirits that were tired with suspect, & encouraged them after this manner. ‘I see no reason of your present feare, neither do I admire, that you were terrified with the punishment of Gods indignation: but it is a cowardly mind to be daunted by the comming of your enemies, who are but men, and whose violence, if your selues please, ye may K represse. For mine owne part I am so farre from being discouraged by the approch of my enemies, that I rather thinke that God hath of his prouidence sent this earthquake as a bait to allure and incite the Arabians to inuade vs, to the end that through our meanes he may punish them: for the cause that moueth them to assault vs is not the trust they repose in their owne valour and great armie, but it is our miserie that inuiteth them. Yet who knoweth not that the hope is frustrated that is founded not vpon a mans priuate vertue, but vpon another mans misfortune. There is nothing assured in humane affaires, in respect either of prosperous successe, or aduerse fortune, which a man may perceiue to alter vpon all occurrents: as we our selues may witnes by our owne experience. For in the first conflict you ouercame; in the second ye were ouercome; and now the third time (for ought I can coniecture) they thinking themselues sure of the victory, shall by vs L be ouercome: for they who misdoubt nothing, are rash in their proceedings, whereas they that are fearefull and timorous, prouidently seeke to preuent their daungers: so that I am encouraged to hope for victorie euen by your feare. For when as you were too confident, and against my will and direction rushed in vpon your enemies, Athenio found opportunitie to hurt vs: but now since Feare giueth confidence. I perceiue in your minds a certaine remisnes and a forecast, it is an euident token vnto me of assured victory. It behooueth you therfore not only before the conflict to continue your accustomed minds, but also in the conflict, to shew that ye are men, armed both with hearts & [...]dines, to [...] end that our impious enemies may wel see, that neither any humane calamity, nor diuine punishment can daunt the courage of the Iewes, whilest the breath is in their bodies: and that neuer a one of you all will suffer the Arabians to domineere ouer your goods and possessions, whom many M times you haue almost made your slaues. Be not therefore terrified with this motion of a bo [...] that hath no soule, neither yet perswade your selues, that the earthquake portendeth any massacre; for euen the elements themselues by their own nature are subiect to such defects, and portend no other mishap, but that which they bring with them. Perhaps the plague and famine, and earthquake haue some tokens demonstrating them before they come, but when they are once come, they signifie nothing else, but at last end, and cease of themselues. But say we should [Page 585] be ouercome, can warre enforce more ha [...]e against vs, then the earthquake hath done? Truly Th [...] y [...]re of [...] world, 3934. befo [...] Christs birth 30. A it is an euident token of our enemies ruine, and that by their owne cause, who most cruelly contrarie to the law of all nations, butchered our Embassadours, offering to God such sacrifice for the good successe of their warres. They cannot hide themselues from the slight of God, and from his mightie power, but presently they shall feele punishment for their offence, if filled with the Herodes peroration. couragious spirit of our nation, we be stirred vp to reuenge that impious violating the law of all nations, and so euery one march on to fight, not for his wife and children, or countrey; but to reuenge the murther of our Embassadours who will lead our army, and know better then we that are aliue to direct the same. For mine owne part (if you will be ruled by [...]e) I will be the first that will lead you, and will hazard my selfe for you: for you know full well that if your valour be not eclipsed by some headlong rashnes, there is nothing that may make head against B you.’
After he had by these or such like perswasions sounded his souldiers, and found them in some Herode sacrificeth to God before the battell. Herode assaileth the enemie. sort encouraged thereby, he offered sacrifice to God. And presently after with all his army, hee passed ouer Iordan, and pitching his tents at Philadelphia, not farre from his enemie, he made a shew to assault a castle that was between them and him, and so skirmished with them a farre off, desirous to draw them to the battell: for the enemies had sent to intercept the castell, but Her [...]s forces gaue them the repulse, and in despite of them kept the hill. Thus euery day made he an offer to fight, brauing the Arabians, and s [...]eing that they would not come to the shocke (for they were in a great feare, and Athemus their generall for very feare was ready to giue vp the ghost) he assaulted them in their trenches; and cast downe their rampier, so as they were constrained to C come forth to battel, without any order; & their horsemen and footmen were confusedly mixt togither. And although the Iewes in number were inferior vnto them, yet they were inferiour vnto the Iewes in courage; yet they became now more hardy, because they despaired of the victory: & so long as they stood to it, they had no great losse, but when they [...]urned their backs; then many were slaine by the Iewes, & many perished being trode [...] on by their fellowes. Those that escaped were forced to retire thēselues into the [...] trenches, where Herod besieged them: & although they were alreadie to be put to the sword, yet was there such pen [...]e of water, that for drink they were all like to perish. For which cause they sent Embassadors to the king, offering him fiftie talents to let them go: but he contemned thē, & so much more [...]est was he by reason that their want of The Arabi [...] thorow extreame thirst are inforced to yeeld to th [...] Iewes. water was so great, that cōming out by flocks of their own accord, they offered thēselues to the D Iewes: so that in this sort there came [...]orth foure thousand [...] daies, & the sixt day the whole multitude (despairing of their liues) came out to fight, with whom Herod conflicting slew about seuen thousand. Hauing in this sort weakned the Arabians; that he had now extinguished all th [...] strong men, the countreymen admired him, and were so much daunted at his puissance, that they wished him for their ruler.
CHAP. XV.
How Herode was exalted vnto the kingdome.
INcontinent after this his prosperous successe, there did betide vnto him a sea of cares and Ant. lib. [...] cap. 7. E griefes, in respect of the loue which he bare vnto Anto [...]s, whom Caesar had now lately ouerthrown at the battel which was fought at Actium: yet was he more a [...]aid then hurt by this his suspition: for Caesar accounted not Antonius fully conquered, so long as Herode and he kept togither. For which cause the king timely foreseeing those dangers that might ensue, went to Rhodes where at that time Caesar abode, in which place in the habit of a pri [...]te man, and without a crown, but with a kingly courage, he presented himselfe before him, and with vnfained constancy spake vnto him in such maner as followeth.‘I was (O Caesar) made king of Iudaea by Antonius his means, and I must confesse that I haue beene a king, who what in mee lay haue serued his turne, and sought his profit: yea I must not denie but that (had nor the Arabians Herods oration to Augustus, Caesar. hindred me) I had with all the power I could haue made, seconded and assisted Antony against F thee: yea although personally I could not go, yet did I what I could to helpe him, and sent him many thousand measures of corne. Nay though he had the ouerthrow at Ac [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] sake him; who had deserued wel at my hands: & although I was not able to assist him with [...] Herode speaketh. freely before C [...]. of armes, yet. I confirmed him by my co [...] the best I could, in [...]cating often times vnto him▪ that there was one onely way to redresse his adue [...]itie, to wit, by the death of Cl [...]ra, whom if he killed, I promised him to assist him with money, strong holds, and an army; yea and with [Page 586] mine owne person against thee: but the loue of Cleopatra and God who had already designed G The yeare of the world. 3934. before Christs birth 30 Caesars an [...] to Herod. the victorie vnto thee, stopped his eares. For which cause, O Caesar, I am conquered with Antonius, and haue forsaken my crowne and dignitie with his fortunes: and am come vnto thee hoping that at thy hands I may obtaine pardon. To this Caesar answered: Liue in safetie, and raigne now with greater securitie then before; for thou deseruest to rule others, who with such constancie didst defend and maintaine thy friendship. At this time endeuour thy selfe to continue faithfull toward them that are more fortunate then Antonius was: for, for my part I haue conceiued a great hope and expectation of thy valour and prowesse; yet did Antonius well, in that he rather obeied Cleopatra then thee: for by his follies, haue we now purchased thy friendship. That thou hast begun to doe well, it thereby appeareth, because Ventidius hath signified vnto me, that thou hast sent him succours against his enemies. For which cause by this my present decree, be thou H established in thy kingdome, and I will shortly let thee know that I will be beneficiall vnto thee: so as thou shalt haue no cause to bewaile the losse of Antonius.’By this speech he exhorted the king not to misdoubt of his friendship, and withall put a crowne vpon his head, and made a decree, and sealed it, testifying how he had remitted all things done by Herod, and confirmed him in his kingdome, and rehearsed many things therein, greatly tending to Herodes praise. Herode (hauing first pacified Caesar with many gifts) requested him to pardon Alexander, one of Antonius his friends, who earnestly and in humble manner desired the same: but Caesar being verie angrie, answered, that he for whom he entreated, had greatly and many times offended, and so repeld Herod with this answere.
Afterward Caesar trauailing into Aegypt through Syria, was entertained by Herode with all I royall pompe possible, and that was the first time that he shewed himselfe to take part with Caesar, when neere vnto Ptolemais he tooke a view of the soldiers with Caesar, & made a banquet for him and all his friends, & feasted the whole army likewise. And inasmuch as they trauailed to Pelusiū through drie grounds, when they returned againe, he prouided water for them, and furnished the Herods gratulation toward Caesar. army with all necessaries: so that both Caesar and the souldiers thought the kingdome a small recompence for his deserts. For which cause after he came into Aegypt, and that Antonius & Cleopatra were now dead, he did not only increase his honor, but also restored vnto him that portion of his countrey which was taken away, and giuen to Cleopatra: and beside that, Gadara, and Hippon, and Samaria, and other cities, about the sea coast, to wit, Gaza, and Anthedon and loppe, Caesar increaseth Herodes Dominion. and Stratons tower: and moreouer gaue him foure hundreth Galathians, which before were Cleopatra K her guard: and there was nothing that so much mooued Caesars liberalitie, as the couragious minde of him vnto whom he was so liberall: after the first Actian solemnitie, he added vnto Herodes dominion Trachon, and Batanaea, and Auranitis bordering vpon it. For this cause Zenodorus (who for mony hired Lysanias his house) continually sent theeues out of Trachon to rob the people of Damascus, who in humble manner went to Varus (who was at that time gouernour of Syria) entreating him to informe Caesar of their calamitie. Caesar vnderstanding therof, writ backe againe, commanding him to extinguish all the theeues: whereupon Varus with an army went to those places which were most suspected, and ridde the countrey of the theeues, and tooke the territorie from Zenodorus, and Caesar (least it should againe be a refuge for theeues to spoile Damascus) gaue it to Herode, and made him ruler ouer all Syria. And ten yeeres after returning Herode made gouernour of Syria. L to his owne countrey, he commanded the gouernours to doe nothing without Herodes counsell, and after Zenodorus his death he gaue him all the countrey betweene Trachon and Galilee. But that which Herod esteemed aboue all the rest, was that Caesar loued him best of al next vnto Agrippa: and Agrippa loued him most of all men next vnto Caesar. Thus nowe he touched the verie toppe of felicitie: and so encreasing in high minde, he employed himselfe chiefly to pietie.
CHAP. XVI.
Of the Cities and buildings reedified and built by Herod, and of his liberalitie towards strangers, and of his felicitie. M
IN the fifteenth yeere of his raigne he repaired the temple, and enclosed twise so much The ye [...]re of the world. 3947. before Christs birth 17. Ant. lib. 15. cap. 10. 12. 13. 14. Herodes buildings. ground as was before about the temple with a strong wall, whereon he bestowed great costs and charges to beautifie it: as the great porches will testifie, which he built about the temple, and a Castle on the north part thereunto adioyning, which he builded euen from the foundation. The Castle was so rich and sumptuous, that it was equall vnto the kings pallace, and [Page 587] in the honour of Antonius, he named it Antonia. He builded himselfe a pallace also in the vpper A The yeare of the world. 3947. before the birth of Christ. 17. part of the Citie, and in it two houses, huge, and richly adorned: so that the temple was not to be compared vnto them. And calling them by his friends names, he tearmed one of them Caesarea, and another Agrippa; vvhose names and memories he did not onely solemnize, and write in his priuate houses, but also throughout all the vvhole countrey, and in euerie part of the Citie. For in the countrey of Samaria he compassed a towne with a wal, which was about twentie stounds, and called it Sebaste; and he sent thither six thousand inhabitants, giuing them a most fertile soile and demeasnes. There also amongst other buildings, he erected a verie huge temple, and dedicated it to Caesar, and gaue the inhabitants of that place especiall priuiledges. About the temple was there a piece of ground containing three stounds and a halfe. For this monuments sake, Caesar added vnto his dominion another countrey; for vvhich cause he erected B another temple vnto him neere vnto the head of Iordan, of vvhite marble, in a place called Panium, vvhere there is a mountaine rising an infinite height into the ayre, at the side whereof there is an obscure valley, vvhere there are high rockes, that (by droppes of water falling on them) are made hollow: so that the water standing in their concauitie till they run ouer, falleth downe with a streame of such a length as is admirable. At the foote of this valley on the out side, there spring The fountaine head of Iordan certaine fountains, and many thinke this to be the head of the riuer Iordan, which whether it be true or no, vve will declare hereafter.
At Iericho also (betweene the castle of Cyprus, & the other auncient kings houses) he erected other buildings fairer, and more commodious for them that came thither, calling them after the names of his friends. Finally there was no conuenient place in the vvhole kingdome, vvherein C he erected not some thing in the honour of Caesar: and hauing in euerie place of his owne kingdome, deuised and dedicated temples vnto him, he in Syria also where he ruled did the like, founding in verie many cities temples, vvhich he called by the name of Caesar. And perceiuing that amongst the cities of the sea coast, there was one called Stratons tower, the which being verie old was ruinated; and for the scituation thereof, deserued reparation and cost, he repaired it all with vvhite stone, and built a verie roial pallace therin, vvherin chiefly he shewed a mightie mind. For this citie standing in the middest betweene Dora and Ioppe, there was no port nor hauen in that coast: so that whosoeuer sailed from Phoenicia into Aegypt, vvere in great danger, by reason of the violent windes that blew from Africa, vvhich blowing but a verie easie gale, enforce the water with such a violence against the rocks on the shore, that the waues rebounding backe againe D a good way vvithin the sea, make the whole sea tempestuous. But the king vvith his liberalitie and cost ouercomming nature, builded a port or hauen in that place far bigger then that of Piraeum, Herod maketh a greater port then that of Piraeum. and vvithin it made most safe stations for ships. And although the nature of that place was altogether contrarie to his intent, yet he so ouercame that difficultie, that the sea could doe that building no harme, and it was so gallant and beautifull to behold, as though there had been no let any way to hinder the adorning thereof. For hauing measured out such a place (as we haue spoken of) for the port, he laid a foundation in the bottome twentie elles deepe of stone, vvhereof most of them were fiftie foote long, nine foote thicke, and ten foote broade, and some bigger; An apt description of a hauē. and all the bottome of the hauen vvhere the water came was laid with these stones. Which done, he raised a wall of two hundreth foote; vvhereof a hundreth foote was builded to breake E the violence of the waues, and had a name according to the vse it serued for. The other hundreth foote serued for a foundation of the wall, vvhereof the hauen was compassed, vvhich was replenished with many goodly towers; the greatest and fairest whereof, he named Drusius after the name of Caesars kinsman. There were verie many vautes also to conduct such things into the towne as were brought into the hauen, and about them a paued place for them to walke in, that came out of the ships: The entrance thereunto was on the north side; for by reason of the scituation of the place, the northwinde there is the calmest. Before the entrance, were three great colossus held vp on euerie side with pillers: they which are on the left hand are propt vp by a tower which is a solid rocke of stone. But at the entrance on the right hand were two huge stones ioined togither, which make a greater tower then the other. There is also a house adioyning vnto F the hauen builded of white stone: the streetes of the Cities comming to that place, are of one bignesse and proportion. Vpon a hill opposite vnto the mouth of the hauen, was there builded a temple verie beautifull and exceeding great, which he dedicated vnto Caesar, wherein was placed Caesars colossus, fully as great as Iupiters at Olympus: for it was made after that example, equall to that at Rome, and that of Iunoes at Argos. The Citie he builded for the inhabitants of that prouince, and the port or for hauen to seafaring men. The honour and credit he attributed to [Page 588] Caesar, and by his name called it Caesarea. He also made other buildings, as the Market, the G The yeere of the world. 3947. before Christs birth 17. Caesarea in time past called the tower of Straton. Ant. lib. 15. ca. 10. 12. & lib. 17. cap. 5. Agrippium, Antipatris. Cyprus. Phasaelus tower. Theater, and the Amphitheater, which are worth the memorie. And he euerie fift yeere ordained certaine sports, & called them after the name of Caesar. And himselfe first proposed very ample rewards in the 192. Olympiade; insomuch that he not only gaue royall gifts to the victors, but also to the second and third after them. Hee repaired Anthedon also, which was destroyed by the warres, and called it Agrippium, and louing Agrippa verie dearely, he caused her name to be engrauen ouer the portall that he builded in the temple. Neither was he vnmindfull of his parents, for in the richest soile of the whole kingdome, he built a Citie for a monument of his father: and by his name called it Antipatris, being a verie rich soile, both for trees and riuers. At Iericho also he built a verie gorgious and strong Castle, and called it Cyprus in honour of his mother. He likewise builded a tower in memorie of his brother Phasaelus at Ierusalem, and H called it Phasaelus his tower (of the compasse & beautie of this tower we wil speake hereafter.) He also called another citie Phasaelus, which is scituate in a valley beyond Iericho toward the north.
Hauing thus eternized the memorie of his friends and kinsfolke, he did not forget to doe the like to himselfe, for he built a Castle on a mountaine neere Arabia, hauing on one side a strong Herodium. place of defence, and this Castle he called Herodium after his owne name. By the same name also he called a tomb, which he builded sixtie stounds from Ierusalem, artificially made in maner of a womans dug, which he richly adorned: for within compasse of the top of it, he caused round turrets to be placed: and round about it he builded princely houses, gallantly adorned both within Herodium a castle resembling a citie. and without. He also brought water from a great way off, with great cost and charges, and made a paire of staires of pure white marble, to go vp, which had two hundreth steps. For the I whole hill was made by arte, and it was of an exceeding height: at the foote thereof, likewise he builded another pallace and houses to receiue his friends, and their carriage: so that this castle for the abundance of all necessarie places, seemed a citie; and yet was it all the kings pallace. Hauing erected thus many buildings, he shewed his braue minde in strange Cities likewise; for at Tripolis, and Damascus, and Ptolemais he builded publike bathes, which are called exercises. Herods bountie to all men. He builded the wall of Biblus; and seates, porches, temples, and markets at Berytus and Tyre: at Sidon and Damascus he builded a Theater, and a water conduit at Laodicea a sea towne. At Ascalon he builded fountaines or lakes very sumptuous, and baths with pillers, that for greatnes and gallant worke were miraculous. To other places he gaue woods, and ports: and vnto many cities he added fields, as though they had been fellow cities of his kingdome. Also toward the K maintenance of the bathes, he gaue a yeerely annuitie for euer: as namely to those at Cous, to the intent he might be an eternall benefactor. Moreouer, he gaue all poore people corne; and he often and in sundry places gaue the Rhodians money to built a nauy of ships. At his owne proper cost he repaired Pythium, which was burnt with fire. What should I say of his liberalitie, Herod famous thorow the world. which he extended vnto them of Lycia and Samia? or the magnificent gifts which he vsed toward all the people of Ionia; yea all things which their hearts could desire: whereby he relieued all their necessities? Nay, both the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolites, and the Citizens of Pergamus in Mysia receiued very many benefits at his hands. He paued also a large The yeare of the world. 3954 before Christs birth 10. streete in Antiochia of Syria, which was in length twentie stounds, and that with faire marble. This streete before that time was so full of durt, that no man could goe thorow it; and all along L it, he builded galleries, that people might go drie thorow it in rainy weather. Some one may say, that these benefits that he thus bestowed, were done for the proper vse of those people, on whom he bestowed them: but no man can denie, but that which he did for the citizens of Elis, was not onely common to those of Achaia, but vnto all the world, where the games called Olympica Certamina were solemnized. For Herode seeing them decay onely for want of maintenance, and that this was the only remainder of all the ancient monuments of Greece, he not only in his own person at that time became one of the proposers of rewards in that Olympiade which he assisted when he went to Rome; but also gaue a yeerely stipend to maintaine the same, least for want it should be left off. It is not to be told what debts and tributes he remitted; for he deliuered the Phasaelites and Balaneotes, and other townes of Cilicia, from the paiment of a yeerly tribute: M yet was he not so liberall vnto them as he would haue been, fearing least the enuy of some might accuse him of some further meaning, if he should be more bountifull vnto the cities then those that were the owners thereof. He exercised his body likewise in exercises fit for so valiant a minde: for he was a verie skilfull hunter, wherein he had alwaies his purpose, by reason of his skil in riding; so that in one day he killed fortie wilde beasts. That countrey hath many bores, but it hath most store of Harts and wilde Asses. He was such a warriour as no man was able to encounter Herode a great hunter. [Page 589] withall; so that many were astonished to see him exercise himselfe, who admired him The yeare of the world. 3954. before Christs Natiuitie. 8. Herod besides the vertue of mind and body had the blessings of fortune. A for casting a dart, and shooting an arrow. Beside the vertue both of his mind and bodie he had also good fortune; for very seldome the euent of warre was otherwise then he expected: which if it sometime chanced, it was not through his fault, but through the rashnes of his souldiers, or else through treason.
CHAP. XVII.
Of the disagreement betweene Herode and his sonnes Alexander and Aristobulus.
BVt his priuate and domesticall sorrowes seemed to enuie him his publike felicitie, and Ant. lib. 15. cap. 3. 8. & lib. 16. cap. 13. B most aduerse fortune befell him through the meanes of a woman, whom he loued as himselfe. For being now made king, he put away his wife, which he first maried (which was a Ladie borne in Ierusalem, whose name was Doris) and maried Mariamme the daughter of Alexander, who was Aristobulus sonne, which caused troubles in his house, both before, but especially after he returned from Rome. For he banished his eldest sonne Antipater, whom he had by Doris, out of the citie, onely for his childrens sake that he had by Mariamme; licensing him Herod expelseth Antipater out of the citie, and killeth Hyrcanus his wiues grandmother onely at festiuall times to come vnto the citie in regard of some suspicion of treason intended against him. And afterward he slew Hyrcanus his wiues vncle, notwithstanding that he returned out of Parthia vnto him, because after he suspected that he intended some treason against him; whom Barzapharnes, after he had taken all Syria, tooke away prisoner with him. But his own countrimen C that dwelt beyond Euphrates in commiseration redeemed him from thraldome, & had he beene counselled by them and not come vnto Herode, he had not beene killed: but the mariage of his neece caused his death: for, for that cause, and especially for the loue of his natiue soyle, he came thither. That which moued Herode to kill him was, not for that he sought the kingdome, but because he had right vnto the kingdome. Herode had fiue children by Mariamme, two daughters, Herods children by Maririamme. and three sons. The yongest was sent to Rome to studie, where he died. The other two he brought vp like Princes both for their mothers nobilitie sake, & for that they were borne after he was king. But that which aboue al other was most forcible, was the loue he bare to Mariamme, which from day to day tormented him more violently in such sort, that he felt not any part of those griefes which this his best beloued enforced against him. For Mariamme hated him as much as he loued Mariamme hatefully vpbraideth Herode with Hyrcanus death. D her: and hauing a iust cause and colour of discontent, & moreouer being emboldened by the loue which he bare her, she euerie day vpbraided him with that which he had done vnto Hyrcanus her vncle, and vnto her brother Aristobulus. For Herode spared him not, although he was a child; but after he had made him high Priest in the seuenteenth yeere of his age, he presently put him to death; after he had so honoured him: who when he came to the Altar clothed in sacred attire vpon a festiuall day, all the people wept: and the same night was he sent to Iericho, and drowned in a lake by the Galatheans, who had receiued commission to performe the murther. These things did Mariamme daily cast in Herodes teeth, and vpbraided both his mother and sister, with verie sharpe and reprochfull words: yet he so loued her, that notwithstanding Herods mother and sister do falsely accuse Mariamme to him. all this he held his peace. But the women were set on fire, and that they might the rather E moue Herode against her, they accused her of adulterie, and of many other things which bare a shew of truth: obiecting against her that she had sent her portraicture into Aegypt vnto Antonius; and that through immoderate lust, she did what she could to make her selfe knowen vnto him, who doted vpon womens loue, and was of sufficient power to do what wrong he pleased.
Hereat Herode was sore moued, especially for that he was iealous of her whom he loued, bethinking himselfe vpon the crueltie of Cleopatra, for vvhose sake king Lysanias and Malichus king of Arabia were put to death; and now he measured not the daunger by the losse of his wife, but by his owne death which he feared. For which cause being drawen by his affaires into the countrey, Herod secretly chargeth Ioseph to kill his wife. he gaue secret commaundement vnto Ioseph his sister Salomes husband (whom he knew to F be trustie, and one who for affinitie was his well-willer) to kill his wife Mariamme, if so be Antonius should haue killed him. But Ioseph not maliciously, but simply to shew her how greatly the king loued her, disclosed that secret vnto her: and she when Herode was returned, and amongst other talke with many oaths sware that he neuer loued woman but her; indeed (quoth she) it may Herodes suspition betwixt Ioseph and his wife. well be knowne how greatly you loue me by the commaundement you gaue to Ioseph, whom you charged to kill me. Herode hearing this which he thought to be secret, was like a mad man, and [Page 590] presently perswaded himselfe that Ioseph would neuer haue disclosed that commaundement of G The yeare of the world. 3954. before Christs birth 10. Herode commandeth both Ioseph and Mariamme to be slaine. Mariammes sons inheritor, of her displeasure. his, except he had abused her; so that hereupon he became furious, and leaping out of his bed, he walked vp and downe the pallace: vvhereupon his sister Salome hauing fit opportunitie, confirmed his suspition of Ioseph. For which cause Herode growing now raging mad with Iealousie, commanded both of them to be killed. Which done, his wrath was seconded by repentance, and after his anger ceased, the affection of loue was presently renewed: yea so great was the power of his affection, that he would not beleeue she was dead, but spake vnto her as though she were aliue, vntill in processe of time being assertained of her funerall, he equalled the affection he bare her during her life, by the vehemencie of his passion for her death. Mariammes sonnes succeeded their mother in her wrath, and recogitating what an impious act it was, they accounted their father as a mortall enemie, both before and after they went to studie at Rome, and especially after H they came againe into Iudaea. For as they encreased in yeeres, so did the violence of their The yeare of the world. 3956. before Christs birth 8. mind encrease. And they being now mariageable, one of them maried the daughter of their aunt Salome, who accused their mother; the other maried the daughter of Archelaus king of Cappadocia. And now to their hatred was there ioyned a libertie to speake more freely against them, and by this occasion of their boldnes many were animated to calumniate them: so that some did openly tell the king that both his sonnes sought to worke treason against him, and that the one of them prepared an army to helpe the other to reuenge the death of their mother; and that the other (to wit, he that was sonne in law to Archelaus) purposed to flie, and accuse Herode before Herods debate with those sons he had by Mariamme. Ant lib. 16. cap. 4. Caesar. Herode giuing eare vnto those calumniations, sent for Antipater whom he had by Doris, to the end he might defend him against his two sons, and sought to aduance him aboue them. But I they thought this alteration intolerable; seeing one, whose mother was but a priuate woman, so preferred: and they moued with their owne noblenes of birth could not containe their indignation, but vpon euerie occasion shewed themselues offended; yet were they euery day lesse accounted of. As for Antipater, he wrought himselfe into fauour: for he knew how to flatter his father, and raised many slaunders vpon his two brethren, partly inuented by himselfe, partly diuulgated by some of his fauorites, whom he set a worke about that matter, till that at last he put his Antipater by disgracing his brothers, is declared his fathers heire. brethren out of all hope of hauing the kingdome. For he was now by the kings Will and Testament declared king, so that he was sent as a King vnto Caesar in a kingly habit and pompe, only he wore no Crowne: and in time he so preuailed, that he wrought his mother into Mariammes steed; and with flatteries and calumniation so moued the king, that he began to deliberate about K the putting to death of his sonnes. For which cause he conducted his sonne Alexander with him to Rome, and accused him before Caesar, that he had giuen him poyson. But he with much Herod accuseth Alexander before Caesar. adoe hauing obtained libertie to plead his owne cause, and that before an vnskilfull Iudge, yet more wise then Herode or Antipater, he modestly held his peace in all things that his father had offended in: and first of all he purged his brother from daunger of that crime, and taking the vvhole matter vpon himself, he in verie good sort acquited himselfe therof. And afterwards he inueighed against Antipaters subtiltie, & complained of those iniuries which had been offered him, hauing besides the equitie of his cause sufficient eloquence to acquit himselfe: for he was a vehement orator; and knew wel how to perswade. Last of al, he obiected that his father hauing a desire to put both him and his brother to death, had laid an accusation vpon him: where at the whole audience L wept, and Caesar was so moued, that not regarding the accusations that were laid vnto A reconciliation betweene Herode and his sonnes. them, he presently made Herode and them friends, vpon these conditions, that they in all things should be obedient vnto their father; and that their father should leaue the kingdome to whom he pleased.
Hereupon Herode returned from Rome, and though he seemed to haue forgiuen his sonnes; yet laid he not his iealousie and suspition aside. For Antipater stil vrged his argument to make Herod hate his other two sonnes, though for feare of him that reconciled them, he durst not openly shew himselfe an enemie vnto them. Afterward Herode sailed by Cilicia, and arriued at Elaeusa, Archelaus kindly entertaineth Herod and his sonnes. where Archelaus receiued him verie courteously, thanking him for the safetie of his sonne in law, and verie ioyfull for that they were made friends: for he wrote vnto his friends at Rome with all M speede possible, that they should be fauourable vnto Alexander, when he came to plead his cause. And after this entertainement, he conducted Herode vnto Zephyrius, giuing him gifts to the value Herods worthy oration to the people, wherein he distributeth honours to his three sonnes. of thirtie talents, and so tooke his leaue of him. Herode so soone as he came to Ierusalem assembled the people togither, & being assisted by his three sons, he shewed vnto them the cause of his going to Rome, and blessed God, and thanked Caesar, who had appeased the discord of his house, and that had made his sons friends which he esteemed more then his kingdome: and I (quoth he) [Page 591] will make their friendship firme. For Caesar appointed me king, and gaue me leaue to chuse whom The yeare of the world. 3956. before the birth of Christ. 8. A I pleased for my successour, for the which I giue him heartie thanks. ‘And now I here constitute al three of my sons kings: which purpose of mine first I beseech Almightie God, and secondly you to fauour: for the one of them for his yeers, the other for their nobilitie of birth, haue right to the crown & kingdom; which is so large, that it may suffice many: so that you for your parts reuerēce them whom Caesar conioyned, and I their father ordained, giuing them not vnfit, nor vnlike honours, but such as they haue deserued. For a man cannot do a greater pleasure vnto him whom he honoureth aboue his yeeres, then he shall giue discontent vnto him whom he dishonoureth. For which cause I will constitute to euery one of them such friends & welwillers, as with whom they be most conuersant, and of them I will require pledges of a concord and vnitie amongst them. For I know that discords and contentions arise by malice of those who are conuersant B with Princes, and that if they be well disposed, they will encrease friendship. And I request that not onely these, but also all such as beare rule in my army, that they hope in me onely for the Herod giueth not the kingdome to his sons, but the honours of the kingdome. present: for I giue not my sonnes the kingdome, but the honour and dignitie thereof; and they shall haue pleasure as though they were kings themselues, yet I my selfe will beare sway, although I am vnwilling to do it. Let euery one of you consider my age, my course of life, and pietie: for I am not so olde that any one may quickly despaire of me, nor I haue not accustomed my selfe to such kind of pleasure, as is wont to shorten young mens daies; and we haue beene so religious that we are in great hope of long life. But if any one despise me, and seeke to please my sonnes, such a one will I punish. I doe not forbid them to be honoured, whom my selfe haue begotten, for that I enuie them: but because I know wel that such applauses nourish pride and arrogancie C in the fierce minds of young men. Wherefore if all they that apply themselues in their seruice, consider that I will be readie to reward the good; and that those who are seditious, shall find their malice to haue an vnprofitable euent at their hands, whom they so flatter: I easily perswade my selfe that all men will be of my mind, that are of my sonnes mind. For it is good for them that I raigne, and that I am friends with my sonnes. And you O my good sonnes, retaine in your minds that sacred nature, which maketh the very brute beast to entertaine naturall Herode conuerteth his speech to his sonnes. affection: then reuerence Caesar who rconciled vs: and last of all obey me who request, and entreat that at your hands, which I might commaund, namely that you remaine brethren. And I will now giue you both kingly attire and honour, and I pray God that if you will continue and remaine friends, I may continue in this mind. D’
After he had thus spoken, he saluted them verie louingly, and dismissed the people, some praying that it might be as he had said: others (who desired alteration) made as though they had Herod by his words did not vtterly extinguish the hatred between [...] his sonnes. heard nothing. Yet for all this, the dissension amongst the brethren was not appeased; but each of them mistrusting worser euents, departed from one another. For Alexander and Aristobulus stomached the matter, that Antipater had his desert confirmed: and Antipater was grieued that his brethren should haue the second place after him; yet he could craftily so carrie himselfe, that no man could perceiue his hatred towards them. And they deriued of a noble race spake all they thought, and many endeuoured to set them on, and others as friends insinuated themselues into their companie, to learne what newes: so that Alexander could not speake a worde, but presently it was carried to Antipater, and from him to Herod with an addition; so that when Alexander E spake any thing simply, meaning no harme, it was presently interpreted in the worst sense possible: and if hee chaunced at any time to speake freely of any matter, presently it was made a great thing. Antipater suborned men to set him on, that so his lies might be shadowed with a colour of truth: and that if he could prooue any one thing true, all lies and tales els diuulgated might thereby be iustified to be true. Now all Antipaters familiars were either naturally secret, or els he stopped their mouthes with bribes, least they should disclose his intents: so that Antipaters treason against his brother Alexander. one might iustly haue termed his life a secrecie of malice. All Alexanders friends were either corrupted by mony, or flattering speeches, wherwith Antipater ouercame al, & made thē theeues and proditors of such things as were either done or spoken against him: and himselfe doing all things he dealt so warily, that at last those calumniations came vnto Herodes eare: and he counterfeited By whatmeans Antipater corrupted his brother Alexanders friends. Anupater whet [...]eth Herode and his courtiers against Alexander. F his brothers person, and suborned other tale carriers, telling what they could against Alexander, & pretēding good will towards his brother, at first fainedly reproued thē, & afterward seriously alleadged their sayings as accusations: so that hereby Herod was verie wrath, but turned all as though Alexander went about treason, and sought to kill his father, and nothing made so much credit be giuē to these calumniations, as that Antipater colorably excused his brother. Herod incēsed herat, euerie day withdrew his affection more & more frō the two brethren, & daily [Page 592] encreased his loue towards Antipater. The nobilitie also were inclined after the same manner, G The yeare of the world, 3956 before Christs birth 8. partly of their onwe accord, and partly for that they were so commanded: so did Ptolemaeus the chiefest of all the nobilitie, and the kings brethren, and all his kinred; for all mens expectation was vpon Antipater. And that which grieued Alexander the more, was, that all these mischiefes wrought to his ouerthrow, were done by the counsell of Antipaters mother; for she being a step mother, was cruell, and hated them being borne of a Queene, farre more then a steppe mother doth her sonnes in lawe. And although all men followed Antipater for the hope which they had of him, yet were they also compelled thereunto by the kings commaunde, who gaue an especiall charge to their dearest friends, that none should follow Alexander or his brother: so that he did not only terrifie those of his owne kingdome, but also those of other forraine nations. For Caesar had giuen no such authoritie: for he gaue him licence to take any one that was a fugitiue from H him, out of any Citie, although it were not vnder his dominions. And the young men were ignorant of the offences laide vnto their charge, and so were more easily entrapped being vnawares of them: for their father did not openly tell them of any matter, but they euerie day perceiued their fathers good will towardes them to decay, which so much the more encreased their griefe. In like manner Antipater by little and little mooued Pheroras their vncle and Salome their aunt against them, daily consulting with his wife, whom he should incite against them.
Now Glaphyra Alexanders wife encreased their malice euery day, recounting her owne nobilitie & bearing her selfe aboue all that were in the whole kingdom: for she deriued her petigree by Glaphyra Alexanders wi [...]e increased his conceiued suspition by her words. the fathers side, from Timenus; by the mothers side from Hystaspis his sonne called Darius: inueying I verie much against the basenesse of Herodes wiues, and his sister, who were chosen for their beautie, and not for their nobilitie of birth. For Herod (as we haue said) had many wiues, both for that it was lawfull by the custome of their countrey, and because Herode delighted in many; and all of them hated Alexander, for Glaphyras pride and contumelious speeches. And Aristobulus made Salome his enemy, although she was his wiues mother: for she was before mooued by Glaphyras speeches, and he often vpbraided his wife with her base birth, still telling her that he had married a priuate woman, and his brother Alexander a Queene. And his wife often Aristobulus obiecteth to his wife her base birth. Ant. lib. 16. cap. 7. with weeping teares told this to her mother: adding moreouer, that Alexander and Aristobulus threatned, that if they got the kingdome, they would make their other brethrens mothers weaue with their maids; and that they would make them notaries of villages, deriding that they K applied themselues to learning. Salome mooued hereat, could not containe her selfe, but tolde all to Herod, who easily beleeued her, because she spake against her sonne in law. Moreouer, another accusation was laid to their charge, whe [...]eat the king was greatly mooued: for he was enformed that Alexander and Aristobulus did often bewa [...]le their mother, and lament her hard happe with Alexander and Aristobulus often times bewaile their mother, and by that meanes prouoke their father. sighes, and cursed him: and that often when he bestowed some of Mariammes cloathes vpon his latter wiues, they threatned that in short time in steed of princely attire, they should weare a black habite. Whereupon Herod, though he feared the constant mindes of the young men, yet because he would not take away all hope of amendment, he called them vnto him (for he was to saile to Rome) and as a king threatned them in few words, and like a father gaue them many admonitions, and requested them to loue their brethren, promising them forgiuenes of their former L offences, so that hereafter they amended all: But they beseeching him not to beleeue accusations forged against them vpon malice, and aunswering that the effect of matters would easily acquite them, requesting him not so easily to beleeue tales, but refuse to giue malignant The two brothers excuse themselues before their father Herod. people opportunitie and recourse vnto him: for that there would alwaies be some that would maliciously inuent tales to tell, whilst there was any one that would giue them the hearing and beleeuing thereof. For they knew that Salome was their enemie, and Pheroras their vncle, and both of them bare cruell minds, and were hard hearted; and especially Pheroras; who was fellow with his brother of all, sauing onely the crowne, and had his owne reuenues amounting to a hundreth talents a yeere, and receiued all fruits of the whole countrey beyond Iordane, which was giuen him by his brother. Herode also had obtained of Caesar to make him Tetrarch, and bestowed M vpon him a princesse for his wife, despousing vnto him his wiues sister, after whose decease he despoused vnto him his eldest daughter, and gaue him three hundreth talents with her for a dowrie. But Pheroras fell in loue with his maid, and forsooke a princesse: whereat Herode being angrie maried his daughter vnto his brothers sonne, who was afterward slaine by the Parthians; but Herode presently pardoned Pheroras offence. Diuers before this time were of opinion that in the life time of the Queen, he would haue poisoned Herode; and Herode although he loued his brother [Page 593] verie well; yet because many who had accesse vnto him told him so, he began to misdoubt: and so The yeare of th [...] world 3956. before Christs Natiuitie. 8. A examining many that were suspected, lastly he came to Pheroras friends, & none of them confessed it: yet they confessed that he was determined to flie vnto the Parthians with her whom he was so in loue withall, and that Costabarus Salomes husband was priuie thereunto, vnto whom the king maried her after her first husband for s [...]pition of adultery was put to death. Salome her selfe also was not free from accusation: for Pheroras accused her that she had contracted matrimony with Syllaeus, who was procurator to Oboda king of Arabia, who was a great enemie of the kings, and she being conuicted both of this and all things else, whereof her brother Pheroras accused her, yet obtained pardon as likewise Pheroras did: so that the whole tempest of all their family was turned against Alexander, and light vpon his head.
The king had three Eunuches whom he loued dearly, and euery one knowne by their offices: B for one of them was his butler; the other was his cooke, and the third got him to bed, and lay with him: these three Alexander with great gifts ouercame. Which the king vnderstanding, by torments Alexander corrupteth his fathers Eunuches, and telleth them [...]e [...] to succeed in the kingdome. forced them to confesse it, and declared with what promises they were therto by Alexander induced, and how he had deceiued them: affirming that there was no trusting to Herode, who was a shamelesse olde man; and that he died his haire, to make himselfe seeme young: and that he in despite of him would be his successor, and then he would be reuenged vpon his enemies, and make his friends happie, and especially them: and that the whole nobilitie did secretly obey him, and the captaines of the army and gouernours did priuily come vnto him. Hereat Herode was so terrified that he durst not presently diuulgate their confessions, but night and day he sent spies to learne what was said or done, and whom he suspected, them he presently killed: so that C his whole kingdome was full of iniquitie. For euery one as his malice moued him fained calumniations, and many desirous of bloudshed abused the kings wrath as they pleased against their Herod seareth his sonne Alexander. enemies, and credit was giuen to euerie lie, and no man was so soone accused, but presently he was punished; and he who presently before accused others, was now accused himselfe, a [...]d carried to be punished with him whom he accused. For the kings perils shortned the time of triall for their liues, and he became so tyrannous, that he afforded not a good looke vnto them that were not accused, and shewed himselfe most fierce and violent euen to his deerest friends: so that he banished many out of his kingdome, and railed against such as he had no power ouer. Antipater increased Ant. lib. 17. cap. 8. Hrods cruelty. this mischiefe more and more, and gathering togither a great company of his friends, he omitted no kind of calumniation. The king likewise was terrified by the rumours & tales of Herode casteth Alexander into priso [...] and tortured his friends. D pickthanks, that he thought alwaies that he saw Alexander before him with a drawen sword: For which cause he sodainly tooke him and cast him in prison, and tortured his friends, many of which died in torments, because they would not confesse more then in conscience was true: others not able to endure the torments, were forced to confesse that Alexander and his brother Aristobulus thought to haue wrought treason against their father, & that they expected their time till he went a hunting; resolued in themselues that hauing killed him, they would presently flie to Rome. Although these and such like calumniations were nowaies probable, yet extremitie of paine forced men extempore to inuent them, and the king willingly beleeued them, as it were comforting himselfe thereby in that he might not be thought to haue imprisoned his sonne vn [...]stly. Alexander perceluing that it was vnpossible for him to abolish his fathers suspition, E thought it better to yeeld hi [...]selfe guiltio: and so wrote foure bookes against his aduersaries, and confessed the treason: affirming that he had many partakers therein, namely Pheroras, & Salome, who were the chiefe; auouching that before that time he had had the vse of her body in the night time: and how though he himselfe was vnwilling, yet she forced him thereunto. Now the bookes came vnto Herods hands, which charged the greatest amongst the nobilitie with most hainous matters. Archelaus fearing his son in law and daughter to be in great danger, Alexander during his imprisonment wrote [...]oure bookes against his enemies speedily came into Iudaea, and ingeniously appeased the kings wrath: for, so soone as he came vnto Herod, he cried, ‘where is that wicked son in law of mine, or where may I see the face of that wre [...]h that goeth about to murther his father, that I may teare him in peeces with mine own hands, & marrie my daughter anew to a better husband? for although she be not priuie to his cou [...]sell, F yet is she defiled for that she was wife to such a man. Nay I admire thy patience who art in such daunger, and sufferest Alexander yet to liue: for I came thus hastily out of Cappadocia, thinking he had beene put to death, to talke with thee concerning my daughter, whom I maried to him for thy sake and honour. Wherefore now let vs take counsell what to do with them both, and seeing thouart too father like and not able to punish thy sonne, thy [...]echerous sonne; let vs chaunge Archelaus king of Cappadocia. roumes, and let me be in t [...]y place to reuenge thee: with such like inuections he deceiued Herode [Page 594] (though otherwise firme in his purpose.) Then Herode shewed him the bookes that Alexander G The yeare of the world. 3956. before Christs birth 8. had writ, and reading euery chapter with deliberation, Archelaus tooke occasion fit for his purpose, and by little and little laid al the fault on Pheroras, and those that were accused in the booke. And perceiuing the king to giue eare vnto him, let vs (quoth he) consider whether the young man was not circumuented by the trechery of so many lewde persens, and not thou by the yong Archelaus and Herode consulte vpon Alexanders bookes. man: for there appeares no cause why he should fall into such wickednes, who now enioyed the kingdome and hoped to succeed thee therein, had he not beene perswaded thereto by other men, who seeing him a young man, entised him vnto such naughtines. For we see that through such men, not onely young men, but also olde men, and most noble families, yea and whole kingdomes are ruinated.’ Herode vpon these speeches began somewhat to relent, so that he appeased his wrath toward Alexāder, & encreased it towards Pheroras; for he was as it were the subiect H of the whole booke. Who perceiuing the king so to trust vnto Archelaus friendship, that he was lead by him to do what he pleased, leauing Alexander, he in humble manner came to Archelaus, Herode is incensed against his brother Pheroras. seeking impudently for succour at his hands, of whom he had not deserued any fauour. Archelaus answered him, that he knew no waies to obtaine his pardon, who was guiltie of so hainous crimes, and conuicted manifestly to haue practised high treason against the kings owne person, and to be the cause of all these miseries that had now befallen the young man, except that he would lay aside all subtle dealing, and denying of his fact, and confesse the crimes wherof he was accused; and so in humble wise go vnto his brother who loued him dearely, and craue pardon; promising him that if he would so do, he would do him what good he could. Hereupon Pheroras obeyed Archelaus his counsell, and putting on a blacke attire, he in pitifull maner and with teares I Pheroras attired in a mourning garment with teares falleth before Herodes [...] and craueth pardon. Pheroras by Archelaus meanes pacifieth Herode. prostrated himselfe at Herodes feete, and crauing pardon obtained it, confessing himselfe to be a most wicked and vile person, and to be guiltie of al that which was obiected against him, and that the cause which moued him to do al those things, was the franticke and madde fits he fell into for the loue of that woman. Now when Pheroras became his owne accuser, & a witnesse against himselfe, then Archelaus endeuored to mitigate Herodes wrath towards him, and excuse his faultes with fit examples: for he alleaged that his brother attempted greater matters against him, whom notwithstanding for natures cause he pardoned: adding that in euery kingdome as in mightie bodies, alwaies some part began to swell, which notwithstanding was not presently to be cut off, but to be cured by easie means.
Archelaus vsing many speeches vnto Herod to this purpose, at last quite appeased his wrath K toward Pheroras, still counterfaiting himselfe to be angrie with Alexander, affirming that he would take his daughter away with him, till at last he forced Herode of his owne accord to entreat for the yong man, requesting him again to despouse his daughter vnto him. Archelaus after much entreatie answered, that he was willing the king should bestow his daughter vpō any saue Alexander: for he greatly esteemed the law of affinity. Herod replied, that if he did not diuorce his daughter from Alexander, he should thinke that he bestowed his sonne vpon him: for they had no children, and his daughter was dearely loued of the young man; so that if he would permit her to stay still there, for her sake he would pardon all Alexanders offences. Heereto Archelaus with much ado agreed, and so was reconciled vnto his sonne in law, and he vnto his father. Yet Herode Archelaus compelleth Herode of his owne accord to be intreated for Alexander. Herod dismisseth Archelaus and his friends with great presents. Ant. lib. 16. cap. 11. Eurycles the Lacedemonian secretly accuseth Alexā der to his father, and is the cause of his death. affirmed that he must needs be sent to Rome to speake with Caesar, for he had written the L whole matter vnto Caesar. Thus Archelaus craftily deliuered his sonne in law from daunger, and after this reconciliation was made, they spent the time in feasting and mirth. Vpon Archelaus departure, Herode gaue him seuentie talents, and a throne of pure gold adorned with precious stones, and Eunuches, and a concubine named Pannychis; and rewarded euery one of his friends according to their deserts. And all the kings kinred by the kings appointment and consent, bestowed rich gifts vpon Archelaus, and both he and all his nobilitie accompanied him to Antiochia.
Not long after there came one into Iudaea far more subtil then Archelaus, who both disanulled the reconciliation made for Alexander, and caused his death also. This man was a Lacedemonian borne named Eurycles, who by money sought to haue obtained the kingdome. This man M brought vnto Herode rich gifts as it were for a bait of that he intended; he had so behaued himselfe in Greece that it could no longer tolerate his excesse: and Herode againe rewarded him with farre greater gifts then those were that he gaue him: but he esteemed his liberality as nothing, except he bought it with the bloud of Princes. For which cause he circumuented the king, partly by flattering him, partly by praising him fainedly, and especially by his owne craft and subtiltie: and quickly perceiuing his inclination, he both in word and deed sought to please him [...] [Page 595] so that the king accounted him amongst his chiefest friends. For both the king and all the nobilitie A The yeare of the world, 3956. before Christs birth 8. honoured him the more for his country sake, in that he was a Lacedemonian. But he very easily perceiuing the feeble stay of Herodes house, and the hatred betweene the brethren, and how the king was affected towards euery one of them, he first of all entertained himselfe at Antipaters house, making a shew in the meane while of good will towards Alexander, pretending & protesting Eurycles by fained friendship deceiueth Alexander. that in times past he had beene Archelaus companion, & by this means he quickly crept into fauor with him as an approued friend: which was the cause that he was sodainly entertained for a faithful man. He presently likewise brought him into friendship with Aristobulus, & hauing sounded euery mans disposition, he accommodated himselfe vnto all humours: and to begin withal he became Antipaters pensioner, and a traitor to Alexander. And he often vsed hot words to Antipater, as it were childing him, that he being eldest of the brethren so slenderly looked after them, B who pretended to put him besides the crown which was his right. He many times likewise vsed the like words to Alexander, admiring him who was borne of a Queen & husband to a Queene, & yet would permit such a one who was descēded of a priuat woman to succeed in the kingdom, especially seeing he had such occasion & opportunitie to effect the contrary: for he might assure himself of Archelaus his helpe in any thing. Alexander supposed he had spoken as he thought, because he counterfaited friendship with Archelaus, so that he misdoubting nothing disclosed vnto him all his mind concerning Antipater, saying, that it was no wonder though Herode disinherited them of the kingdome, since before time he had slaine their mother.
Eurycles counterfaiting himselfe both to pitie them, and to be sorrowfull for their mischance, entised Aristobulus to speake the like: and hauing animated them both to complaine in this sort against C their father, he presently went to Antipater and disclosed to him all their secrets, forging also the trechery which those two brethren intended against him, which was to dispatch him with their swords. For this cause Antipater gaue him a great summe of money, and commended him to his father, and being hired to effect the death of Alexander and Aristobulus, he himselfe became their accuser: Whereupon he came vnto Herode and told him how in regard of those benefits which he had receiued at his hand, he would now bestow his life vpon him, and the light of this world for recompence of his hospitalitie; affirming that Alexander had lately stretched forth his hand with his sword drawne to kill him, and he onely was the cause that he performed it not by staying his hand, and promising him to assist him in the matter: adding that Alexander vsed these speeches. That Herod was not contented to enioy a kingdome which was another D mans right, nor yet as it were to dismember his kingdome after Mariammes death, but he would also leaue the kingdome belonging vnto their ancestors, vnto a pernicious bastard Antipater: and for that cause hee would reuenge Hyrcanus and Mariammes death: And that it was not conuenient to receiue the kingdome from such a father without bloud; and euery day he had occasion giuen him so to doe: for he could speake nothing without calumniation. For if any mention were made at any time of any ones nobilitie, presently he was vpbraided without cause, for his father would presently say, there is none noble but Alexander, whose fathers base birth is a shame and discredit vnto him. And that going a hunting if he held his peace, his father was offended; if he praised, then it was said he mocked: so that in euerie thing he found his fathers affection turned from him, & that he was only fauourable to Antipater: so that he would E die with all his heart if he failed of his purpose; if he killed him, his father in law Archelaus would worke his safetie, to whom he might easily flie. And after he would go to Caesar (who as yet knew not Herods manners) for he would not stand before him then, as he did before being terrified because his father was present: neither would he only speake of his own wrongs, but of the wrongs of the whole nation, who were oppressed by exactions euen vnto death. And then he would lay open in what pleasure, and after what sort the money gotten with bloud was consumed; and who and what kind of men they were that were thereby enriched; and what was the cause of the affliction of the citie: and that there he would bewaile the death of his vncle, and his mother, and vnfold all Herodes wickednes: which being once made manifest vnto the world, no man would account him a murtherer of his father. Eurycles hauing falsely reported this of Alexander, fell F presently to praise and extoll Antipater, affirming that he onely loued his father, and hindered such practises.
The king yet not throughly appeased for that which had past, grew into an exceeding agony, Another false accusation of Alexander & his brother moueth Herod to indignation. and Antipater once againe suborned other false witnesses against them, who affirmed that they were wont to haue secret talke with Iucundus and Tyrannius, who sometime were generals of the kings horsemen, who were then displaced for some offence they had committed. Whereupon [Page 596] Herod being verie angrie, presently tortured them: and they affirmed that they were ignorant of G The yeere of the world. 3956. before Christs birth 8. all that which was laid to their charge. But there was found and brought vnto the king a letter, as though it had beene written by Alexander, vnto the Gouernour of the Castle of Alexandriam; requesting him, that he would receiue him and his brother Aristobulus into the Castle, when he had killed his father, and to assist them both with weapons and other necessaries. Alexander affirmed that this letter was counterfeited by Diophantus the Kings Secretarie, who was Diophanrus the kings notary writeth fained letters in Alexanders name. both bold, and could counterfeit anie ones hand; and hauing counterfeited manie, was at last for the same put to death. Herod caused the Gouernour of the castle to be tortured, but he confessed nothing that was laid against him: and although he had no good proofe of any thing, yet he commaunded his two sonnes to bee kept in hold. He likewise called Eurycles (who was the bane of his house, and the breeder of all the mischiefe) author of his safetie, and one who had H well deserued at his hands, and gaue him fiftie talents: who departing from Iudaea before matters were well knowne, went to Archelaus, and faining that he had reconciled Alexander and Herod, he receiued there a peece of money. From thence he went into Achaia, and spent that which he had euilly gotten in as bad manner as he got it. Lastly, he was accused vnto Caesar, that he had caused dissension in all Achaia, and spoyled the Cities: for the which cause hee was banished. And this was the punishment which was inflicted vpon him for Alexanders and Aristobulus troubles.
It is not amisse here in this placeto compare Euaratus of Cous vnto this Eurycles; who being a deare friend vnto Alexander, and arriuing about the same time that Eurycles did, being Cous Euaratus put to his oath, sware that he heard the young men say nothing: yet his oath nothing preuailed I nor profited them, poore soules. For Herod would onely heare and giue eare vnto accusatitions; and hee highly esteemed them that would beleeue them with him, and shewe themselues moued thereat. Moreouer, Salome encreased his crueltie towards his sonnes: for Aristobulus minding to bring her into the same trouble with himselfe, who was his mother Ant. lib. 16. cap. 12. in law and his Aunt, sent vnto her, willing her to looke to her selfe, as though the King was minded to put her to death. Who being now called into question for the matters whereof she was before accused, to wit, that she purposed to marrie with the kings enemie Syllaeus the Arabian, to whom she priuilie reuealed the Kings secrets: and this was the vtter ruine of the young men, wherewithall they were ouer throwne as it were with a violent tempest. For presently Salome went vnto the King, and told him what Aristobulus had admonished her of: K and he being now outragious, caused both his sonnes to be bound and imprisoned in seuerall Herode by Salomes counsaile imprisoneth his sons. The yeare of the world. 3961. before Christs birth 3. places. Then sent he Volumnius, who was the Generall of his Armie, and Olympus one of his familiar friends, vnto Caesar, to carie him the informations against his sonnes in writing: who sayling to Rome, after their arriuall deliuered the Kings letters. And Caesar was verie sorie for the young men, yet hee permitted the father to doe what hee would with his children: and so wrote vnto him, that he should haue licence to do what he thought good yet he signified vnto him, that he should do better to cal his Nobles together, and let them make enquirie concerning the treasons; and then if he found them guiltie of these things whereof they were accused, to put them to death.
Hereupon Herod according to Caesars letters and appointment, came vnto Berytum, and L there gathered an assembly to sit in iudgement; the chiefe in that iudgement were the Gouernors Ant. lib 16. cap. 13. Herode gathereth a councell against Alexander & Aristobulus. that Caesar in his letters appointed, Saturninus and Pedanius Ambassadors, and with them Volumnius. Procurator next the kings kinred, and Salome and Pheroras: and then the nobilitie of Syria, Archelaus onely excepted; who because he was father in law to his sonne, Herod suspected him to be partiall. But hee suffered not his sonnes to come into iudgement for he knew that the verie sight of them would haue moued all men to compassion. And moreouer, if they were permitted to speake for themselues, that then Alexander would easily haue acquited them both: for which cause they were kept in Platane, in a Castle of Sidonia. The king beginning his oration, was as vehement, as though they had beene present against whom he spake; and he was halfe afraid Herode accuseth his sonnes in open iudgement. to obiect anie treason against them, for that he had no proofe thereof: and therfore he prosecuted M their opprobrious words, iniuries and offences which they had committed against him, the which he affirmed to be more grieuous then death.
At last (when no man contradicted him) he began to lament, as though by ouercomming in such sort, himself was also ouercome, & thereupon requested euery one to giue their vedict. And first of all Saturninus condemned his sonnes; but not to die saying, that he had three sonnes present, Herodes sentence against his sonnes. and he thought it not lawfull to adiudge other mens sons to death. The two Legats also affirmed [Page 597] the same, and many followed their aduise: But Volumnius was the first that pronounced The yeare of the world. 3961. before the birth of Christ. 3. A the sorrowfull sentence: after whom all the rest followed, some to flatter Herod, some for hatred they bare him, but none for anie indignation against the young men. Then all Iudaea and Syria expected an end of this tragedie; yet no man thought Herod to be such a Tyrant, as that he would haue put his two sonnes to death. Herod caused his sonnes to be brought to Tyre, & from thence by ship he conueyed them to Caesarea, bethinking himself what death he should put them to. In the meane time there was an old souldiour of the kings named Tyro, who had a sonne belonging Tiro an olde souldier exclameth against Herodes crueltie. to Alexander, and highly in his sauour, and he himselfe greatly loued the two young men: who being verie much grieued in mind at that which had past, went about crying, ‘that iustice was troden vnder foote, truth opprest, that nature was confounded, and the life of man full of iniquitie; and whatsoeuer else griefe put into his mind, who nothing esteemed his owne life. B At last this Tiro came boldly vnto the king, and sayd vnto him: O king, thou seemest to me most vnhappie, who doest giue credite vnto wicked and vile persons against thy dearest sons. For Pheroras & Salome thou beleeuest before thy owne children, whom notwithstanding thou hast often found to haue deserued death; and thou dost perceiue that they do this to the intent to make thee want lawfull successors, and leaue thee none but Antipater, whom they with all their harts would haue king, because they can rule him as they list. But bethinke thy selfe (O king) how all thy souldiours will hate him for the death of his two brethren; for there is no man that doth not pitie the two young men, and many of the Nobilitie are displeased hereat.’After he had spoken this, he named them who were displeased: whereupon the king presently commaunded them, and him, and his sonne to be laid hold on; and presently one of the kings Barbers named Tryphon, Tyro with his sonne are by the kings command laid hands on. Ant. lib. 16. cap. 13. C shewing himselfe to be in I know not what furie, came forth, and said vnto Herode: Tiro perswaded me to kill thee with my razour, promising me, that if I would so do, Alexander would giue me great rewards. Herod hearing this, caused Tiro, and his sonne, and the barber to be tortured, and they denyed all, and the Barber affirmed nothing more then hee had already said. Then he commaunded Tiro to be more tormented. Whereupon his sonne moued with compassion towards Another false accusation against Tyro. Herode commaundeth his sonnes to be strangled, and to be buried with Alexander their mothers vncle. his father, promised to disclose all the matter vnto the king, so that he would pardon his father: who being released of his torments, presently declared how his father through Alexanders means and procurement, was purposed to haue killed him. Manie that were present thought this was a deuise of the young man, to free his father from torments: and yet others were perswaded that it was true. Vpon this Herod made a speech vnto the people, wherein he inueighed D against the Gouernours of his armie, and Tiro, and made the people arme themselues and kill both them and the Barber with staues and stones. Now he sent his sonnes vnto Sebaste, which was not farre from Caesarea, and there he caused them to be strangled: and hauing quickely dispatched the matter, he caused them to bee brought into the Castle Alexandrium, there to be buried with their mothers vncle. And this was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus.
CHAP. XVIII.
Of Antipaters conspiracie against Herod his father.
BVt Antipater now hoping without all controuersie to succeed in the kingdome, was E generally hated of the whole nation: for it was openly knowne that he by false calu [...] niations Ant. lib. 17. cap. 21. had caused his brethrens deaths. And on the other side, he stood in no little feare of his brothers children, whom he perceiued now to begin to grow to yeares: for Alexander had by Glaphyra two sonnes Tigranes and Alexander: and Aristobulus had by Berenice daughter to Salome, fiue children, to wit, three sonnes, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus, and two daughters, Herodias and Mariamme. Herod, after hee had put Alexander to death, sent away Glaphyra with her dowrie into Cappadocia, & married Berenice Aristobulus his wife vnto Antipaters vncle: For Antipater deuised this match to become friends with Salome, whom he before time hated and enuied. He also by his great gifts sought to get Pheroras fauour, and the friendship of such as were friends vnto Caesar, sending to that end great summes of money to Rome. He Anupater striueth by gifts and bribes to creepe into mens fauours. F gaue Saturninus and all the rest great riches in Syria. But the more he gaue, the more he was hated of all men; for euery one iudged that he did not consume such wealth, for that he was liberall, but that he lauished it out for feare; so that he got not the loue of them, vpon whom he bestowed it, and they to whom he gaue nothing, were so much the more his enemies. Yet he became euerie day more bountifull, seeing against his expectation, Herode made much of their children whose parents he had slaine, intending to shew how much hee repented their deaths, by the pitie [Page 598] and compassion he tooke vpon their children. For assembling together his friends, he caused the G The yeare of the world, 3961 before Christs birth 3. Herode grieuously bemoned his sons, expressing the same by his [...]ation toward their children. Herode betrotheth his nephewes. children to be placed by him, and the teares standing in his eyes, he sayd: Hard, cruell, and sinister fortune tooke away from me the fathers of these children but I pitie to see them orphans, and naturall affection commendeth them vnto me. Wherefore I will endeuour, that seeing I haue beene an infortunate father, I may be a wiser and happier grandfather, and leaue them who are most deare vnto me, to raigne after me. Wherefore brother Pheroras, I betroth thy daughter vnto Alexanders eldest sonne, that for that cause thou maist be carefull to prouide for him, and assist him: and vnto thy sonne Antipater I assure the daughter of Aristobulus, that so thou maist be a father to her who wants a father; and my son Herod, whose mothers vncle was high Priest, shall marrie with her sister. And this is my will and pleasure touching this matter, and let no man who loueth me seeke to alter this. And I beseech Almightie God, for the good of my countrie, H and of these my Nephewes, to prosper these mariages, and to looke vpon these children with a more fauourable eye, then he did their fathers. Hauing thus spoken, he wept, and ioyned the childrens hands, and curteously saluting euerie one, he dismissed the Councell.
Vpon this Antipater was amazed, and all the Orphans well perceiued how sorrowfull hee was. For now he thought himselfe dishonoured by his father, and that his good fortune was endangered, seeing that Alexanders, sonne was like to haue both Archelaus and Pheroras the Tetrarch to assist him. Moreouer he considered how he was hated, and how the people did compassionate the children, for that they were fatherlesse, and affected them, remembring their fathers who were dead, & were terrified at his wickednes. Wherfore he attempted all means possible to breake off the marriages, yet he feared to insinuate anie thing to his father cunningly, I who was now verie seuere, and warie, and mistrustfull. And therefore went openly vnto him to make his humble suit, & request him, that he would not leaue him without honour, nor depriue him of that dignitie, which before time he had iudged him worthy of, giuing him onely the bare title of a king, and leauing the substance of the kingdome in other mens powers. For it would be impossible for him to obtaine the kingdome, if Alexanders sonne (beside Archelaus his fauor) were by marriage made sonne in law vnto Pheroras. Wherefore he earnestly besought him, that seeing he had a great manie daughters, to change the marriages: for the king had nine wiues, and by seuen of them hee had children: Antipater by Doris, Herod by Mariamme daughter of the high Priest, and Antipas and Archelaus by Malthace the Samaritane, and his daughter Olympias, Herodes children by his seuen wiues. whom his brother Ioseph married; and by Cleopatra of Ierusalem Herod and Philip; and K by Pallas Phasaelus: he had two other daughters also, Roxane and Salome, one of them by Phaedra, and the other by Elpis. Hee had likewise two wiues by whom he had no issue, his cousin, and his neece: and beside these he had two daughters by Mariamme, sisters to Aristobulus and Alexander. Wherefore Antipater seeing his father had such choise of daughters, he requested the mariages to be altered.
The king well perceiuing his mind and purpose towards the Orphans, was verie angrie: and calling to remembrance the misfortune of his sonnes, whom he had put to death, he greatly feared Herode is perswaded by Antipaters flatteries to breake off the mariages. least Antipater by some false accusations should ouerthrow them, and so with sharpe words did driue him off for that time; yet afterward he so flattered Herod, that he got the mariages to be altered. And first of all he ioyned Aristobulus daughter with Antipater himselfe, and his sonne L to Pheroras daughter. Here one may see what Antipater could do by flattering speeches: for Salome in the like matter could not speed although that she was his sister, and procured many times Iulia Caesars, wife to speake for her, that shee might marie with Syllaeus the Arabian: yet was not she permitted so to do. But Herode sware that he would account her as an vtter enemie; except she would desist from that purpose, and afterward against her will he maried her vnto one Alexas a friend of his: and one of her daughters to Alexanders sonne, and the other to Antipaters vncle. As for Mariammes daughters, one of them was maried to Antipater his sisters sonne, the other vnto Phasaelus his brothers sonne. When Antipater had quite ouerthrowne the hope of Ant. lib. 17. cap. 3. Antipater buildeth vpon the kingdome. the Orphans & ioyned affinitie, as he thought good, he now held himselfe on a sure ground; and adding confidence to his malice he became intolerable to all men. And seeing he could not auoid M their hatred, he now sought by feare to worke his owne safetie, and so much the more because Pheroras now assisted him, as one that was confirmed and established for king. Also the women in the court fell at variance, and raised a new broyle: for Pheroras wife with her mother, and Adeba [...] betwixt the Ladies in yt court. her sister, and the mother of Antipater did vse themselues verie insolently in many things, abusing also two of the kings daughters verie contumeliously: to which matter she was chiefly set on by Antipater who hated them, hauing the others at his commaund, onely Salome hindred their [Page 599] agreement who went vnto the king, and told him that their meetings were not for his The yeare of the world, 3961. before Christs birth 3. A profit.
The women vnderstanding how she had enformed the king & that Herod was offended thereat; they came no more together openly, and abstained from their wonted familiaritie, and in the kings hearing fained themselues to fall out one with another. Antipater also made the same shew, so that he stucke not openly to offend Pheroras: notwithstanding they had meetings and banquets in the night, and the vnitie was the more confirmed because they perceiued themselues to be noted: for Salome knew all this, and told it vnto the king. The king was verie angrie, and especially against Pheroras wife, whom chiefly Salome blamed: and hauing called togither his kinred and friends, he laid many accusations against her before them; and told them how contumeliously Ant. li. 17. ca. 4. she had behaued her selfe toward his daughter, & that she hired the Pharisees against B him, and that by her poyson she had made his brother his enemie. And turning himself vnto Pheroras, he asked him whether he had rather haue him for his brother, or haue his wife. And he answering, that he had rather die then lose his wife: Herode doubtfull what to do turned him to Antipater, and commaunded him neuer to talke with Pheroras, nor his wife nor any one belonging Herode forbiddeth Antipater of his brothers company, or to haue conference with his wife. vnto them after that time. But he obeyed his fathers commaund openly in shew, but secretly lay in their house: and fearing that Salome should perceiue it, he by his friends in Italy caused himself to make a voyage to Rome, by letters brought to Herod, wherein it was commaunded that shortly after the receite thereof Antipater should be sent to Rome vnto Caesar. Wherefore Herode vsing no delay sent him presently, furnishing him with all things necessarie, and a great summe of money: giuing him likewise his last Will and Testament to carie with him to Caesar, wherein was C written that Antipater should be king; and after him Herod the sonne of Mariammes daughter of the high Priest. But Syllaeus the Arabian neglecting Caesars commaundement, at the same time failed to Rome there to contend with Antipater about matters, which were before in controuersie between him and Nicholaus. He had also a great contention with Aretas his king, whose friends he had slaine, and also Soemus the most potent in all the towne of Petra: and seeing Fabatus Caesars procurator, he vsed his fauour also against Herode. But Herod giuing Fabatus a greater summe of money alienated him from Syllaeus, and by his meanes dispatched that which Caesar commanded: and because Fabatus restored nothing vnto him, he accused him that he was procurator, not Fabatus Caesars gouernor discouereth Syllaeus secrets. for Caesar but for Herod: wherewith Fabatus was moued, and being as yet in great estimation with Herode, he did disclose Syllaeus his secrets, and signified vnto the king how that Syllaeus corrupted D Corinthus one of his guard, whom he vvilled to be taken and kept in hold. And the king followed his counsel: for this Corinthus though he vvas alwaies brought vp in the kings court, yet was he borne in Arabia. Wherefore he presently tooke him and two other Arabians that were found with him; one of them was Syllaeus friend; and the other Phylarchus, who vpon their examination confessed that Corinthus for a great summe of money was hired to kill the King. After this they vvere sent vnto Saturninus the gouernour of Syria, and from him to Rome.
CHAP. XIX.
How Herode should haue beene poysoned, and how it was knowne.
HErode still vrged Pheroras to forsake his wife: for he knew not how to punish her, hauing Herod banisheth his brother Pheroras and and his wife. E many matters against her: at last he was so moued that he banished his brother and her. Pheroras taking this iniurie patiently departed into his Tetrarchie, taking an oath that his banishment should endure so long as Herode liued, and that whilst he liued he would neuer come any more at him. Insomuch as he would not come at this brother to visite him when he was sicke, notwithstanding he was often sent for, when (as he thought) he lay now on his death bed, and would gladly impart something vnto him: but contrarie to all hope he recouered, and afterward Pheroras fell sicke. At which time Herode shewed his patient and humble mind: for he went vnto him, and verie kindly sought helpe for him, but he was too farre spent, for a few daies after he died: and although Herode loued him vntill his dying day, yet was it bruted abroad that he poysoned F Pheroras died and was buried in Ierusalem him. Herode caused his bodie to be brought vnto Ierusalem, and commaunded all his nation to mourne, and buried him with a sumptuous funerall. And thus one of the murtherers of Alexander and Aristobulus came to his end: but shortly after the reuenge of that wicked fact did fall vpon Antipater, vvho was the chiefe author thereof: it did but begin with Pheroras. For certaine that belonged to Pheroras came in mournefull wise vnto Herode, and complained vnto Ant. lib. 17. cap. 5. him how that his brother Pheroras was poysoned, and that one of his wiues gaue him meat that [Page 600] was not seasoned after the accustomed maner: which vvhen he had eatē, he presently fell sick. And G The yeare of the world. 3961. before Christs birth 3. A witch of Arabia. that two daies before his death there came a witch out of Arabia, who was sent for by his mother and his sister to giue Pheroras a loue potion, and she in steed thereof through Syllaeus inducements gaue him poyson, for she was of Syllaeus acquaintance.
The King daunted with so many suspicions caused diuers of Pheroras maids and libertines to be put to torments, and one of them impatient therein, exclaimed in this vvise: O thou God ruler The confession o [...] the women in their tortures. of heauen and earth, reuenge vs vpon Antipaters mother, vvho is the cause of these our euils! When the king vnderstood thus much, he ceased not to search out the truth; and then the woman disclosed Antipaters mothers familiarity vvith Pheroras, and his women, and their secret meetings: and that Pheroras and Antipater after they came from the king vsed to drinke with them all night long, not suffering any seruant nor maid to be in the roume with them; and one of the Libertines H vviues reuealed this. And vvhen euery one of the maids were tortured apart, all their examinations agreed; so that now it was euident wherfore Antipater had compacted to go to Rome, and Pheroras beyond the riuer Iordan. For they were often wont to say, that Herode hauing killed Alexander and Aristobulus, now he vvould come to them and their wiues: and that it was vnlike that he would spare any one, who spared not Mariamme and her sonnes: and therefore it was best to flie as farre as it was possible from such a beast. And that Antipater was wont often to complaine vnto his mother, that now he grew gray-haired, and his father waxed young and lustie; and that it might so chaunce, that hee should neuer liue to bee king, or if euer his father died, he should enioy the pleasure of the kingdome but a short time. And moreouer, the heads of Hydra, that is to say, Alexanders and Aristobulus sons began to spring vp againe: and that his I father had iniuriously cut off all hope from his sonnes, appointing none of them to succeed him, but the sonne of Mariamme: wherein he was perswaded that he doted, if so be hee thought his wil should be of force; for he would take such an order, that he would leaue none of all his progenie aliue, and that Herod was the greatest hater of his sonnes of any father in the world: and was not therewithall contented, but he also hated his owne brethren. Furthermore, that he not long ago gaue him an hundreth talents that he should haue no conference with Pheroras: and when Pheroras asked wherein they hurt him, Antipater answered, I would to God that he would take away all men else, and leaue onely vs two naked, so that he would grant vs life: but, quoth he, it is impossible to escape this dangerous beast, who will not suffer men openly to shew friendship to one another. Lastly, though we now secretly meete, yet if we beare the hearts and hands of men, the K time will be when we may talke and meete openly. The maides in torments disclosed these speeches, and that Pheroras was determined to fly with them into Petra. Herod beleeued all their saying [...], and the rather for that which was said concerning the hundreth talents. For he said nothing of them to any one but to Antipater.
And first of all he bent his furie against Doris Antipaters mother: and taking from her all the ornaments which he had bestowed vpon her, and bought with many talents, he banished her. Doris Antipaters mother is spoyled of her Iewels, and thrust out of the pallace. When his wrath was somewhat appeased, he released Pheroras maids from torments: and now he became timorous and feareful, and prone to any suspition, torturing many that were innocent, for feare he should let any escape that were guiltie. Hereupon he set vpon Antipater the Samaritane, who was procurator for his sonne Antipater; who through torments confessed that L his sonne Antipater had procured poyson out of Aegypt to kill him, by the meanes of a friend of Antiphilus, which poyson Theudion Antipaters vncle tooke of him, and deliuered to Pheroras: whom Antipater charged to dispatch Herod whilest he was at Rome, far from suspition, and that Pheroras gaue his wife the poyson to keepe. Wherefore the king calling for her, commaunded her to bring forth that which was deliuered vnto her. And she making as though she would haue gone forth to fetch it, cast her selfe downe from a house top, thereby to preuent the torments, which if she were connicted, they would inflict vpon her. But by the prouidence of God (as it should seem) it came so to passe that she fel not on her head, but vpon her side, & so escaped death to the end that God might inflict punishment vpon Antipater. And being brought vnto the king, so soone as she began to come to her selfe (for she was amazed with the fall) the king demanded M of her, wherefore she had done so, and sware vnto her that if she would truly disclose all, he would pardon her for all; but if she told an vntruth, her bodie should be tome in peeces with torments and not be buried. She a while held her peace, and at last sayd: Wherefore should I keepe any thing secret, seeing Pheroras is dead, to saue Antipater, who hath caused all our ouerthrowes? Pheroras wife freely confesseth what was become of the poyson. Heare O king and God be witnesse of the truth hereof, who cannot be deceiued. When I sate weeping by Pheroras as he lay a dying, he called me vnto him and said, see wife how much [Page 601] I am deceiued concerning my brothers loue towards me, for I hated & sought to kill him, who The yeare of the world 396 [...]. before Christs Natiuitie. 3. A thus loueth me, and sorroweth so much for me, though I am not yet dead: but truly I am iustly rewarded for my iniquity. And now (wife) bring me hither the poison which was left by Antipater in thy keeping for my brother, & make it away before my face, that I carrie not with me to hell a guiltie conscience for that crime. So I brought it as he willed me, & the most part of the poison I cast into the fire, where it was [...]onsumed, & kept a little therof to my self, for feare of mischances, and of thee: And hauing thus said, she brought forth a box which had in it a very little of the poison. And then the king tortured the brother & mother of Antiphilus, and they also confessed that Antiphilus brought a boxe out of Aegypt, and that he receiued poison from his brother, who practised physicke at Alexandria. The ghosts also of Alexander and Aristobulus went all about the whole kingdome, and became as it were spies, to giue notice of such things as were vncertaine; B who also caused those that dwelt in the vttermost parts of the kingdome, to come and giue euidence of such things as were suspected. At last it was proued that Mariamme the daughter Gods iustice leaueth nothing vnpunished. of the high Priest was acquainted with these conspiracies, for her brethren being tortured, did confesse it. Wherefore the king reuenged the mothers fault vpon her child: for hauing writ in his will, that Herod her sonne should succeed Antipater in the kingdome, now for her fault he blotted that out.
CHAP. XX.
How Antipaters malicious practises against Herod were knowne and reuenged. C
AFter all this Bathyllus ioyned himselfe with Antipater, as it were to adde the last hand vnto all his practises. This Bathyllus was one of his libertines, who brought another sort of poyson, to wit, of Aspes, and the poison also of other serpents, that if the first proued too weake and tooke not effect, that then Pheroras and his wife should make an end of the King with these. And beside these shamefull practises of his against his father; hee also had letters which he had counterfeited against his brethren. For Archelaus and Philip, two of the kings sonnes were at that time at Rome to studie, who were verie toward young men: and for that Antipater feared they might be some hinderance to him, in that which he expected, hee hasted by all meanes possible to make them away. And the better to effect his purpose, he counterfeited D Antipaters treasons against Archelaus and Philip his brothers letters in his friends names that were at Rome, and hee for money got others to write, that these two young men vsed in taunting wise to raile against their father, and openly to complaine of the death of Alexander and Aristobulus: and that they tooke it in bad part that they were sent for home (for their father sent word that they should come away) and thereat Antipater was m [...]st troubled. For he before his departure from Iudaea to Rome procured such like letters to be forged against them at Rome; and so deliuering them to his father, that he might auoid all suspicion; seemed to excuse his brethren, affirming some things that were written to bee lies; other things to be offences, whereunto yong men were prone. At which time he gaue great summes of money to them in whose names he had counterfeited the letters against his brethren: hereby as it were hiring them to be secret. He gaue them also rich apparell, and Tapistrie of curious E worke [...] also siluer and golden cups, with many things more, to the end that by the precious gifts Antipater giueth a great summe of money to those that counterfait letters against his brothers. and rewards which he bestowed, he might haue all things kept close: so that at his returne hee made his father account that he had spent two hundred talents, the greatest portion whereof was consumed in following the law against Syllaeus. Antipaters small faults were all hid by a greater: for all they that had beene tortured gaue euidence against him, how that hee practised his fathers death, and the letters witnessed how againe he went about to make away other two of his brethren: and yet for all this, none of those who came out of Iudaea to Rome, bare him so m [...]ch good will as to giue [...] intelligence what troubles were in the court at home, although it was seuen moneths after [...] was conuicted, before he came to Iudaea from Rome. Peraduenture they who were minded to tell him all, were forced to hold their peace by the ghosts of F them who were put to death: At last he sent letters from Rome to his father, that now he would Ant. lib. 18. cap. 8. Antipater is solicited By Herode with many kind words to hasten his returne. shortly returne home, and that Caesar had dismissed him very honorably. The king desired greatly that the Traitor were in his power, and fearing that if he had an inckling of any matter, that hee would looke to himselfe, fained great kindnesse towards him, and sent backe againe vnto him verie louing and familiar letters, willing him to hasten his returne: for if he made hast, it might be he should obtaine pardon for his mothers offence for Antipater vnderstood that she was banished.
[Page 602] About this time he receiued a letter at Tarentum, wherby he vnderstood the death of Pheroras; The yeare of the world, 3961, before Christs birth 3. G and greatly lamented it, which diuers thought well of. Yet as farre as one may coniecture, the cause of his griefe was, that his treason went not forward as hee wished; and hee did lament Pheroras so much, as though he had lost one to effect his treacherie. Moreouer he feared least that which had passed should come to light, and least the poison should be found: yet when he came to Cilicia, and there receiued his fathers letters, which before we mentioned, he then made great hast homeward: yet when he came to Celenderis, hee began earnestly to thinke vpon his mothers mishap, his mind as it were presaging some sinister fortune. And the wiser sort of his friends about him counselled him not to go to his father, till such time as hee were certaine for what cause his mother was banished and diuorced. For it was to be feared, that he should be accused also of the same that was laid to his mothers charge. But the vnwiser sort being more H desirous to see their countrey, then to bethinke themselues what was expedient for Antipater, admonished him to make hast, least that his long delay should breed any suspition in his father, and least thereby he should giue occasion vnto malignant people to raise vp slanders. For (said they) if any thing hath passed against you, it was in your absence, & were you in presence no man durst do nor speake against you; and it were a verie vnwise part, for vncertaine suspitions to depriue himselfe of certaine felicitie, and not to returne speedily vnto his father, and receiue the kingdome at his hands, who had him in whom onely his hope was. This counsell (for fortune would haue it so) Antipater followed, & so arriued in the hauen of Cesarea passing Sebaste, where contrarie to his expectation, he fell into a great sorrow and admiration: for all men eschewed his Antipater hated in Caesarea companie, and no man durst come neere him. For although that he was alwayes hated of them, I yet then they had libertie to shew their hatred. Manie abstained from comming to him for feare of the king: and now the rumour of those things which Antipater had done was knowne in euerie Citie, and to euerie man, only Antipater himselfe was ignorant thereof. For there was neuer any man brought thither with more maiestie then he, when hee was to saile to Rome, nor neuer any man more basely entertained at his returne. And now vnderstanding of the massacre at home, he craftily made himselfe ignorant thereof; and notwithstanding that he was almost dead for feare, yet in his countenance he counterfeited confidence. For hee could not now possibly make anie escape, nor rid himselfe out of those present daungers: and yet he heard no certaine newes of matters at home, nor there: for the king by an edict had forbidden all men to giue him notice thereof: So that manie times he comforted himselfe thus, that either all matters concerning K him were yet secret, or if any thing was come to light, that he by policie and impudencie could acquite himselfe thereof; for these two were his refuge and hope. Being thus determined, he went into the kings pallace alone without anie of his friendes and followers; which at the verie first gate were most contumeliously repulsed. And by chaunce Varus the ruler of Syria was there within: then he boldly going in to his father, came neere vnto him, as though hee would haue saluted him. But Herode stretching forth his hand and shaking his head, cried out, O thou that hast attempted to murther thy father, darest thou yet presume to offer to embrace me, Antipaters entertainment at his fathers hands. who art guiltie of so manie treacheries! God confound thee, wicked wretch, and come not neere me till thou hast cleared thy selfe of all that which is laid against thee: for thou shalt haue iustice, and Varus shall be thy iudge, who is by good fortune now here. Go and premeditate how to acquite L thee against to morrow, for I will giue thy subtill and craftie braine some time to do it.
Hereat Antipater was astonished with feare, that he was not able to reply anie thing but so went his way. Presently his mother and his wife came vnto him, and told him all the proofes of treasons against him. Then he calling his wits together, be thought himselfe how to answere euerie point. The next day the king caused an assemblie of his friends and kinsfolks, and to them admitted Antipaters friends: and he and Varus sitting in iudgement, commanded all proofes to be Antipater is iudged before Varus. brought, and witnesses to appeare: amongst whom were certaine of Antipaters mothers seruants, lately apprehended, who had letters from her to carie vnto him, to this effect. For asmuch as all those things are now knowne vnto thy father, beware that thou returne not vnto him before thou hast obtained some warrant of thy safetie from Caesar. These and others being brought in, M Antipater also came in with them, and prostrating himselfe before his fathers feete, he said: I beseech thee, O father, beare no preiudicate opinion against me, & lend me an open eare whilst Herods accusation against Antipater. I purge my selfe: for if you please to giue me leaue, I will proue my selfe guiltlesse. But Herod with a vehement voice commanding him to hold his tongue, spake thus vnto Varus. ‘I know Varus, that both thou, or anie other iust and indifferent Iudge, will adiudge Antipater to haue deserued death: and I feare me least you also should disdaine me for my bad fortune, and thinke me worthy [Page 603] of all calamitie, who haue begotten such sonnes as you see. And yet this should moue thee so The years of the world, 3961. before Christs birth 3. Herodes kindnes towards his children. A much the more to pitie me, who haue beene so mercifull and carefull for such wicked caitifes. For I had alreadie appointed those young men that are dead to be kings, and brought them vp at Rome, & gotten them Caesars fauor: but they whom I had so much honored, and exalted vnto the crowne, became traitors against mine owne life, whose death was much auaileable to Antipater. For his securitie I sought therein, because he was a young man, and the next that should succeed me: but this cruell beast being more then full gorged with my sufferance & patience, hath emptied his stomacke euen vpon my selfe, and thinketh my life too long, & is grieued that I liue to be old, & hath attēpted to make himself king, not any other way but by murthering his father. And Herode loued Antipater aboue the rest, and bestowed many benefits on him. for what cause did this come so to passe? for that I recalled him out of the field, where he was contemptible, and casting them off, whom I had begotten of a Queene, appointed this to be heire B of my kingdome. I confesse vnto thee, Varus, my errour: for I incited them against mee, because that for Antipaters sake I depriued them of their right. For wherein had I so well deserued of them, as at this mans hands? vnto whom, being yet aliue, I committed the sway and rule of my kingdome, and openly in my will and testament declared him to be my heir and successor: whole charges I with mine owne money haue still supported, notwithstanding that I had bestowed vpon him the yeerely reuenues of fiftie talents. And lately, when he was to saile to Rome, I gaue him three hundred talents, and commended him vnto Caesar, as the onely man of all my house, who had preserued his fathers life. And what was their offence, if it be compared with Antipaters? and what proofe vvas there of that, for vvhich they suffred? none but that vvhich this fellovv trecherously inuented. Nay, I may boldly say so of him, vvho hath attempted to murder his father, C and novv doth hope to colour all againe vvith craft and deceit. Beware Varus, that he deceiue not thee: for I knovv this beast, and I euen novv see by his fained teares hovv probable a tale he vvill tell. This fellovv once vvarned me, that vvhilest Alexander liued I should bevvare of him, and not put euerie one in trust vvith my person. This is he vvho vvas vvont to go before me into my bedchamber, and looke about in euerie corner, least some should haue lyen in vvait to haue effected any treason against me. This is he vvho vvatched me in my sleepe, and through vvhom I thought my selfe secure: vvho comforted me vvhen I mourned for them that vvere put to death. This is he vvho censured the good vvil of his brethren vvhen they vvere aliue. This vvas my defender & chā pion. O Varus, vvhen I remember his crafts and subtilties, and all his counterfeitings, I scarcely thinke my selfe aliue, admiring how I escaped the hands of such a traitor: and seeing that Fortune D stirreth vp those of mine owne house against me, and that those whom I most esteeme of, are my greatest enemies, I will bewaile mine owne fortune, and alone lament mine owne desolation; and not one that hath thirsted after my bloud shall escape, although proofe be brought against euerie one of my children.’ And thus his heart being surcharged with sorrow, hee was forced to breake off his speech: and presently he commanded Nicholaus, one of his friends, to shew all the proofes and euidences.
All this while Antipater lay prostrate at his fathers feete, and lifting vp his head, he cryed aloud: ‘Thou thy selfe, O father, sufficiently purgest me. For how should I be one who sought to Antipaters answer and excuse. murther thee, when thy selfe dost confesse, that I alwayes haue preserued thee from all dangers? Or if, as thou saist, I did it fainedly, was it probable that I wold be so circumspect in other affaires, E and at other times, and now in so waightie a matter play the part of a foolish & sencelesse man: nay I might well thinke; that although such a thought might haue beene kept secret from men, yet it could not be hidden from God, who seeth all things. Was I ignorant what befell my brethren, whom God so punished for their wicked intents towards thee? Or what should cause me to enuie at thy life? The hope of the kingdom: Why, I had the kingdome. Or a suspition of thy hatred towards mee? I knew thou louedst mee. Or anie feare which I had of thee? Nay in obeying thee I was feared of others. Perhaps want might cause mee thereto? Much lesse. For who might spend more then I? Truly, if I had beene the wickedst person in the world, or the cruellest beast vpon the earth, yet should I haue relented, being ouercome by the benefits of so louing a father, seeing, as thy selfe hast said, thou didst recall and preferre me before so many sonnes.F And thou yet aliue, didst proclaime me king, and made me a spectacle to all men for to emulate, through the benefits thou bestowedst vpon me. O wretch that I am! O vnhappie time of my absence Antipater calleth Rome and Caesar to witnesse. out of my country! what an head did I giue to enuie, & what oportunitie to malicious & deceitfull people? Yet, O father, it was for thy sake, and about thy affaires that I went to Rome, that Syllaeus might not triumph ouer thy old age. Rome can witnesse my pietie, and Caesar the Prince of the whole world, who did often call me a louer of my father. Receiue here, O father, his letter, [Page 604] farrer [...] then these fained calumniations against me: let these plead my cause, let these shew my G The yeere of the world. 3 [...]61 before Christs birth 3. affection towards thee: remember how vnwilling Iovas to saile to Rome knowing I had here in thy countrey many secret enemies. Thou like an vnwise father hast cast me away: thou force [...] to giue enuie time to frame accusations against mee but now I vvill come to the proofes of th [...]se matters. Behold here I am, vvho notwithstanding a murtherer of my father, yet did I neuer suffer any misfortune by sea nor land: is not this O father, a sufficient argument of my innocencie? For I know father, that before God and thee I am condemned: and being condemned, I beseech thee, giue not credit to reports extracted by torments: let me be bumed, inflict all torments vpon me, spare not my wicked bodie [...] For if I be a murtherer of my father I must not die without torments:’ crying out aloud after this manner, and vveeping he moued all that vvere present, and Varus also to compassion; but Herode onely abstained from teares, for his anger gaue attention HNicholaus by the kings commaund beginneth a most hainous and bitter accusation against Antipater.to the truth. And presently Nicholaus at the kings commaundement making a long speech of Antipaters craft and subtiltie, tooke away all hope of mercy, and began a verie bitter accusation, ascribing all mischiefe vvhich had befallen that kingdome vnto him, and especially the death of the two brethren; who through his calumniations vvere made away: affirming also that he vsed trecherous practises against those, vvho vvere yet aliue, fearing least they should seek to succeed in the kingdome: for he vvho had prepared poyson for his father, would much lesse spare his brethren. And then comming to the proofe of his pretence to poyson his father, he declared in order all euidence thereof, aggrauating his offence by Pheroras; as though Antipater also were the cause why he purposed to murther his brother; and how he had corrupted the kings deerest friends; and so filled the wholecourt with wickednes. And when he had accused him of many other I things; and brought proofe thereof, he ended his speech.
Then Varus when he had commaunded Antipater to make aunswere vnto those things; and Nicholaus peroration. that he said nothing more, then God is a witnesse of my innocencie, he called for the poyson and gaue it to one that was condemned to die, who hauing drunke thereof presently died. Then Varus The venome tried vpon a condemned man. talked secretly with Herod, and what was done there in that councell he wrote vnto Caesar. Yet notwithstanding when Herod had sent Antipater to prison, he sent messengers vnto Caesar to shew him his hard fortune and calamitie. After this it was proued that Antipater wrought treason against Salome. For one of Antiphil [...]s seruants came from Rome and brought letters in the name of Acmes, who was one of Iulia her maides, which she writ vnto the king, telling him that she found a letter of Salomes amongst Iulias letters, and so for good will she had K sent it him [...]the letter which she affirmed to be Salomes contained many bitter inuectiues against Herod, and many accusations. But these letters were written and fained by Antipater, who for money had perswaded Acmes so to do, as we haue said: for the letter which she writ to Antipater An other proofe against Antipater. euidently shewed it to be so, for she wrote as followeth. I haue written vnto thy father as you requested me, and sent also other letters and I assure my selfe he will not spare his sister, if he doe but read the letters: and you may do wel, seeing I haue performed all your requests, that now you would be mindful of your promise. This letter against Salome and others being found to be counterfaited, the king began to doubt that Alexander was made away by such counterfaited letters: and he was verie angry that he had almost put his sister to death, through Antipaters deuise. Wherefore he no longer delaied to punish him for all, yet he was hindred by a great sicknesse L Herod intendeth Antipaters punishment, & therefore blotteth his name out of his Testament. from accomplishing his purpose. He also sent letters vnto Caesar concerning Acme the maid, and Salomes false accusation, and changed his testament, and blotted out the name of Antipater, and in his roome vvrote Antipas, leauing out Archelaus and Philippus who were the elder brethren, because Antipater had accused them. And he bequeathed vnto Caesar a thousand talents beside many other rich gifts: and to his wife and children, and kinred, and libertines about fiue hundreth, and gaue euery one a great gift either in ground or money, and honoured his sister Salome with most rich gifts. And thus he corrected his will.
CHAP. XXI.
Of the golden Eagle, and of Antipaters and Herodes death. M
HErods disease encreased, partly through age, and especially for his g [...]ese and sorrow: for he Ant. lib. 17. cap. 8. was now three score and ten yeeres olde, and his mind was so troubled by the death of his children, that though he were in health; yet he tooke no pleasure in any thing: and his sicknes was so much the more grieuous vnto him, because that Antipater was yet aliue; for he purposed to put him to death when he was recouered of his sicknes. To encrease his calamitie, [Page 605] there arose a tumult amongst the people. For there were in the citie two sophisters, who made The yeare of the world 3963. before Christs Natiuitie. 3. A a shew as though they were very skilful in their country lawes, & for that were renowmed all ouer the countrey. One of them was named Iudas who was sonne vnto Sepphoraeus: the other was called Matthias sonne vnto Margalus. These two were followed by a great many yong men, so that when they expounded the law they had an assembly like a great armie, all young men. These two hearing that the King partly by griefe, and partly by his disease was verie like to die, spake vnto their acquaintance, saying, that it was now a fit time vvherein God might be reuenged, and those Iudas and Matthias perswade the people to pul downe the golden Eagle. things which were made against their countrey lawes taken away: for it was a great offence to God to permit the Images or shapes; or likenesse of any liuing thing to be in the temple. This they said, because the king had set a golden Eagle vpon the chiefest porch of the temple, which the Sop [...]sters now willed the yong men to take away, saying that it was meritorious, although danger B might ensue thereon, yea euen to die for their countrey lawes. For they that died for such a cause should haue their soules immortall and enioy euerlasting blisse: and that many vnwise men ignorant of that doctrine so loued their liues, that they chose rather to die by sicknesse then to spend their liues in a vertuous quarrell. Whilest they said thus, there was a rumour spred that the king was now at the last cast: whereat the young men being incouraged, about noone when many were walking in the temple, they let themselues downe from the top of the temple with great ropes, and so with hatchets cut downe the Eagle: Whereof the captaine of the souldiers being aduertised, accompanied with a great many soldiers, went speedily to the temple, and tooke almost fortie of the young men, and caried them to the King. Who first of all asked them if they were so bold as to cut down the golden Eagle: and they confessed they had done it: then he demaunded C The yong men that puld downe the Eagle are brought before Herod; and are examined. by vvhose commaundement? they answered by the commaundement of their country lawes. After this it was asked them why they who were presently to die were so ioyfull? they answered, for that after death they hoped to enioy many good things and eternall blisse. The king hereat greatly moued with anger, ouercame his disease and vvent forth and made a speech to the people, vvherein he inueighed against them as Church-robbers, and that vnder pretence and colour of their country lawes and religion they attempted great matters, and adiudged them as impious The yong men with the ringleaders condemned to die. people worthie of death. The people fearing that he would torture many to learne who fauoure that act, requested him that first the authors of that crime, & then those that were found guilty therein should receiue punishment: & that he would remit the offence to all the people besides. The king with much ado entreated, caused the yong men that let themselues down in cords, D and the Sophisters to be burned, & the rest which were taken in that act to be beheaded. After this the kings sicknesse spred ouer his whole bodie, and he vvas afflicted with most grieuous paine: The king trobled with many diseases. Ant. lib. 17. cap. 9. for he had a vehement ague, and an itch ouer all his whole bodie, which was intolerable, and a daily colicke; and his feete were swollen, as though he had the dropsie: his belly was swollen, and priuie members putrified, so that vvormes bred in the putrified places. He was also short winded, and he vvas grieuously tormented with difficultie of breath, and a conuulsion of the whole body: so that some said that this was a punishment laid vpon him for the death of the two Sophisters. Herod notwithstanding he was afflicted with so many & grieuous sicknesses, yet was he desirous to liue, and sought remedie whereby he hoped for health. At last he passed ouer Iordan, where he Herod seeketh remedie in his sicknes at the hot bathes. vsed the vvarme vvaters of Calliroe which runne into the lake of Asphaltites, and are so sweet that E men vse to drinke of them. There the Physitions caused his bodie to be bathed in hot oyle, and it was therewith so dissolued that his sight failed, and he was as though he were dead: wherea [...] those that were about him being troubled, with their cries caused him to looke vp, & now despairing of life he willed fiftie Drachmes to be distributed vnto euery souldier, and great summes of money to the captains and his friends.
As he returned, when he came to Iericho, he was in verie great likelihood to die of melancholie, and there he deuised a wicked fact: for he caused the chiefe men of euerie towne and village in all Iudaea to be assembled together, and then he shut them vp in a place called the Hippodrome: Herod full of melancholy. The embassadors signifie Acmes death, and bring letters that authorize Herod to punish Antipater. and calling vnto him Salome his sister, and Alexas her husband. I know, quoth he, that the Iewes will make feasts for ioy of my death, yet if you will do my command, I shall be mourned F for, and I shal haue a princely funeral. Therefore so soone as I haue giuen vp the ghost, cause souldiours to compasse these men, whom I haue here in hold, and kill them all: for so all Iudaea, and euerie houshold thereof shall against their will bewaile my death. As thus he commanded this to be done, the Legates came which he had sent to Rome, bringing him letters, wherein was shewed how Acmes Iulia her maid, was by Caesars command put to death, and Antipater condemned to die: yet Caesar writ, that if his father had rather banish him, he would condiscend thereunto [Page 606] also. Herod with this newes was something refleshed, yet presently with paine he was ouercome: The yeare of the world, 3963 after Christs birth 1. G for he both was troubled with a vehement cough, and almost pined with fasting, to that he thought to hasten his owne death; and taking no apple in his hand, he called for a knife for hee was accustomed to cut the meat which he did eare; and then looking about him, least any standing by might hinder him, he lifted vp his arme to strike himselfe. But Achiabus his cousin ra [...] hastily vnto him, and stayed his hand: and presently there was made great lamentation throughout Herode ouercome with paine would haue slaine himselfe. Ant. lib 17. cap. 16. the kings pallace as though the king had beene dead. Antipater hauing speedy newes hereof, was glad, and tooke courage, and promised the keepers a peece of money to let him go. But the chiefest of them did not only denie to do it, but also went presently to the king, and told him all what Antipater requested. Herod hearing this, lifted vp his voice with more strength then was meete for a sicke man, and commaunded his guard to go and kill Antipater, and burie him in the H Castle called Hyrcanium. And then againe he altered his testament, and writ Archelaus his eldest Antipaters death. sonne, who was brother to Antipas, for king, and appointed Antipas for Tetrarch. Fiue dayes after the death of his sonne Antipater, Herod died [...]hauing reigned thirtie and foure yeares after he slew Antigonus, and thirtie seuen yeares after that the Romans had declared him king. And in all other things he was as fortunate as any man: for he being but a priuate person, got the crowne Ant. lib. 17. cap. 12. and kept it, and left it vnto his posteritie: but in his houshold affaires hee was most infortunate. Salome before it was knowne that the king was dead, went forth with her husband, and released all those that were in hold, whom the king commanded to be slaine, saying, that the kings mind was now altered, and therefore he gaue them all licence to depart: and after their departure the kings death was made known to the souldiers, who together with the other multitude were assembled I in the Amphitheater at Iericho. Where Ptolemaeus keeper of the kings seale made a speech vnto them, and began to say that Herod was now happie; and comforted the multitude, and so Herodes death signified to the souldiers. he read vnto them a letter which the king left, wherein he earnestly requested the souldiers to fauour and loue his successour. After the Epistle read, he recited the kings testament, wherein Philip was appointed heire of Trachon, & the places therunto adioyning; Antipas designed Tetrarch, and Archelaus king. Him also he commanded to beare his ring vnto Caesar, and withall notice and intelligence of the estate of the kingdome, whereof he had beene gouernor, fast sealed in writing: for he appointed Caesar to be ouerseer of all his ordinances, vnto whose pleasure he left the performance of his testament.
This was no sooner reade, but presently the skies were filled with the voyces and cries of K Archelaus proclaimed king after his fathers decease. the people, who did congratulate Archelaus, and the souldiers and the people came in companies vnto him, promising their fauor and furtherance, and desired God alwayes to assist him. This done, euerie one was busied about the kings funerals, where Archelaus spared no cost, but buried the King with all royall pompe possible. The Beere wheron he was carried was adorned with gold and precious stones: vpon it lay a bed wrought with purple, whereupon was laid the dead corps of the King couered also with purple, with a crowne on his head, and a diademe of pure gold; and a scepter in his right hand. About the Beere were his sonnes and kinsfolke: and the guard, & bands Herodes pompous funerall. of Thracians, Germans, and Gauls all went before in order, as though they had gone to warres. The rest of the souldiers in warlike order did follow their Captaines and leaders, and 500. seruants and libertines carried perfumes. And thus the corps was carried the space of two hundreth L furlongs into the Castle named Herodion, where, as himselfe had appointed, it was interred. And this was the end of king Herode. M
THE SECOND BOOKE A OF THE WARRES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Of Herods successour Archelaus, how he entred into the Temple, and the mutinie that arose for the reuenge of those that were executed for taking away the golden Eagle.
- 2 Of the fight and massacre in Ierusalem betweene the Iewes and Sabinians.
- 3 Of Varus his deeds concerning the Iewes that were crucified.
- 4 How the Iewes had an Ethnarcha constituted ouer them.
- 5 Of the false supposed Alexander, and how he was taken.
- 6 Of the death of Archelaus. C
- 7 Of Simon the Galilean, and the three sects of the Iewes.
- 8 Of Pilates gouernment.
- 9 Of the pride of Caius, and of Petronius the President.
- 10 Of the raigne of Claudius the Emperour, and the raigne and death of Agrippa.
- 11 Of diuers tumults in Iudaea and Samaria.
- 12 Of the tamults in Iudaea vnder Foelix.
- 13 Of Albiuns and Florus Presidents of Iudaea.
- 14 Of Florus crueltie towards the Iewes of Caesarea and Ierusalem.
- 15 Of another opperession of those of Ierusalem through Florus his meanes.
- 16 Of Politianus the Tribune, and Agrippa his oration to the Iewes, wherein he exhorted them to D obey the Romans.
- 17 Of the beginning of the rebellion of the Iewes against the Romans.
- 18 Of the murther of Ananias the high Priest, Manahemus, and the Roman souldiers.
- 19 Of a great slaughter of the Iewes in Caesarea, and throughout all Syria.
- 20 Of another grieuous slaughter of the Iewes.
- 21 Of the massacre of the Iewes at Alexandria.
- 22 Of the massacre of the Iewes by Cestius.
- 23 Of the battell of Cestius against Ierusalem.
- 24 Of the besieging of Ierusalem by Cestius, and the massacre there.
- 25 Of the crueltie of them of Damascus towards the Iewes, and of Iosephus his practises in Gablee. E
- 26 Of Iosephus his dangers and euasion, and the malice of Iohn Giscaleus.
- 27 How Iosephus recouered Tiberias and Sephoris.
- 28 How the citizens of Ierusalem prepared themselues to warre, and of Simon Gioras tyrannie.
CHAP. I.
Of Herods successour Archelaus, and how he entred into the Temple, and the mutinie that arose for the reuenge of those that were executed for taking downe the golden Eagle.
ARchelaus being appointed successor in the kingdom of Herod late dead, necessitie The yeare of the world. 3964. after the birth of Christ. 2. Ant lib. 17. cap. 11. The lamentations and banquets Archelaus ma [...]. constrained him to go to Rome, which iourney gaue occasion of new F broyles. For after that for seuen dayes space hee had celebrated his fathers funerals, and largely feasted the people (for this is a custome amongst the Iewes, which bringeth manie of them to pouertie, yet he that doth not so is reputed impious) he went vnto the Temple attired in a white garment, where he was with great ioy receiued of the people; and he himselfe sitting in a tribunall seat & a throne of gold, did verie curteously admit the people to his presence: and [Page 608] thanked them for their diligent care vsed in his fathers funerals, and for that they exhibited honour The yeare of the world. 3964. after Christs birth 2. G vnto him, as though he were alreadie king. Yet he said that he would not take vpon him the authoritie nor name of a king, till such time as his succession was approued by Caesar, who by his fathers testament was Lord and maister of all: and for that cause he withstood the souldiers at Iericho, when they would haue crowned him. But he promised, that if he were confirmed king by those who were in authoritie, he would largely recompence both the souldiers and the people Archelaus promiseth his subiects all fauour. for their good will; and that he fully purposed to be better vnto them then his father was. The multitude hereat greatly reioyced, and made present triall of his mind and purpose; for some cried out, requesting that the tribute might be no more exacted. Others desired that the yearly paiments might cease. Others requested to giue all prisoners libertie. Archelaus in fauour of the people graunted all their requests: & then offering sacrifices, he banquetted with his friends: H when sodainly after the noone time of the day a great multitude desirous of alteration (the common lamentation for the kings death being ceased) began a priuate mourning, bewailing their Asedition about the pulling downe of the Eagle, and the agents thereof. Ant. lib. 17. cap. 12. Archelaus bountie towards the seditious. mischance, whom Herod had put to death for pulling down the golden Eagle from off the porch of the Temple. This sorrow was not secret, but the whole citie did resound with laments for them, that were thought to haue lost their liues for the temple and their countrie lawes. They also cried that reuenge was to be taken vpon them, whom Herod for that fact rewarded with money. And that first of all, he who by Herod was constituted high Priest, was to bee reiected, and another more holy and deuout to be put in his place. Archelaus, although he was hereby moued to reuenge, yet because he was presently to take such a iourny, abstained frō it, fearing least that if he brought the multitude into hatred of him, they might hinder him. Wherfore he sought rather I by admonishing them, then by force to reclaime those that were seditious, and sent the Gouernour of the souldiers to request them to bee pacified. But the authours of that sedition so soone as he came to the temple, before he spake one word, threw stones at him: and in like manner they vsed others sent after him to appease them (for Archelaus dispatched many messengers vnto thē) whom they spitefully intreated, making a shew that if they had beene more in number, they would not haue beene appeased. Therefore when the feast of vnleauened bread drew nigh, which the Iewes call Easter, wherein an infinite number of sacrifices were appointed; an innumerable The feast of Easter solemnly kept and much sacrifice offered. multitude of people came out of all villages thereabout for deuotion sake to that solemnitie, and they who so lamented the death of the Sophisters, remained in the Temple, seeking by all meanes to nourish their sedition. Which Archelaus fearing, sent a band of souldiers and a K Tribune with them, to take the chiefe of the seditious, before such time as they had drawne vnto them the multitude of the people: against whom the whole number being stirred vp, slewe a great many of them with stones, and the Tribune himselfe being sore hurt, had much ado to escape. And when they had so done, they presently went and offered sacrifice, as though that no hurt had beene done. But Archelaus perswaded himselfe that the multitude would not be appeased without slaughter: wherefore he sent vnto them the whole armie, the footmen into the citie, and the horsmen into the field, who inuading the seditious people as they were sacrificing, Three thousand of the Iewes slaine at the feast of Easter. slew of them almost three thousand, and scattered the residue into the mountaines neere adioyning. There were also criers who followed Archelaus, and proclaimed by vertue of his commaund, that euerie one should depart home to his house: so euerie one notwithstandinding the L holinesse of the day departed. But he accompanied with his mother Popla, Ptolemaeus, and Nicholaus his friends, went vnto the sea coast, leauing Philip for Gouernour of the kingdome, and ouer his houshold: with them departed Salome and her children, and the kings brethren and kinred, vnder pretence to assist Archelaus to the crowne, but indeed it was to informe Caesar of that which was done in the Temple against the law.
When they came to Caesarea, they met with Sabinus Gouernour of Syria, who was comming toward Iudaea to take into his custodie Herods treasure: whom Varus forbad to go anie further, Sabinus commeth into Iudaea to sease ye fortresses, and keepe the treasure. Ant. lib. 17. cap. 13. Antipas elected king by Herodes former testament striueth with Archelaus for the kingdome. being sent for by Archelaus, and Ptolemie requesting him thereunto. And so Sabinus for the loue of Varus, neither entred the Castles, nor shut vp Herods treasure from Archelaus, but promised that he would let all alone till Caesar vnderstood thereof. But so soone as one of them M that hindered him was gone to Antiochia, and the other, to wit Archelaus, to Rome; he still remaining at Casarea, now hasted vnto Ierusalem and tooke the kings pallace, where calling for the chiefe of the guard, and the Purueyors, he exacted of them an account, and sought to take into his custodie the Castles and strong holds. But the Captaines of the garrison, mindfull of the charge which Archelaus gaue them, kept vnto themselues the custodie of all, affirming that they kept them more for Caesar then Archelaus. At this time Antipas made a claime to the [Page 609] crowne alleaging that Herods first testament was of more force then the last, and that he in the The yeare of the world, 3964. after Christs birth 2. A first was declared king; and both Salome and many more of his kinred, who sayled with Archelaus, promised him their aid. He tooke with him his mother, and Ptolemaeus brother vnto Nicholaus, perswading himselfe that they for their trustinesse and loyaltie vnto Herod, would stand him in great steed: for this Ptolemaeus was Herods dearest friend. He had also great confidence in Irenaeus Antipas accuseth Archelaus by letters to Caesar. his orator, because he had an excellent grace in pleading, in so much as he refused the counsell of them who sought to perswade him to yeeld vnto Archelaus, both for his age, and for the last testament of his father. Now he was well beloued of all his kin [...]ed at Rome, because they hated Archelaus, and especially those that desired to liue at libertie, and either to be gouerned by the Romans, or else to haue Antipas for their king. And to further him the more, he vsed, Sabinus letters vnto Caesar, wherein Archelaus was accused, and Antipas commended. Therefore Salome, B and the rest of their accomplices brought the accusations vnto Caesar. And after them Archelaus deliuered all that which he had done in writing, & withall his fathers ring by Ptolemeus; & the reasons of that which he had done he sent inclosed vnto Caesar. Caesar pondering with himself what both parties alleaged, and the greatnesse of the kingdome and large reuennes, and number of Herods children, reading also the letters of Varus and Sabinus, he called the chiefe of the Romans to councell. Wherein Caius the sonne of Agrippa and his daughter Iulia, by his assignment, Caesar calleth a councell of Romane nobilitie. sate in the first place (this Caius was Caesars adopted sonne) and so he licensed the parties to plead their rights. Then Antipater Salomes sonne being the most eloquent of all Archelaus aduersaries, offered himselfe to be his accuser, for that Archelaus seemed now in words to contend for the kingdome, which he had alreadie possest himselfe of: and that hee did now trouble C Caesars eares with vaine cauillations, whom he would not wish to iudge of his lawfull succession. Antipaters vehement accusation against Archelaus. For after Herods death he suborned some to put a diademe vpon his head, and then sitting in a throne of gold in kingly maner, he partly changed, partly aduaunced the orders of the souldiers, and granted vnto the people their requests, which could not be effected but by a king. He had also set at libertie maniemen, who for great crimes were imprisoned by his father: and hauing done all this, he came now vnto Caesar, to craue the shadow of the kingdome, the substance and bodie whereof he already occupied: so that herein he left nothing vnto Caesar but a bare title. Moreouer, he alleaged that Archelaus did but counterfeit sorrow for his fathers death, faining himselfe to mourne on the day time, and in the night he would be drunke and rioted. Finally, he said, that the sedition of the people came by hatred thereof. But the force and drift of his speech Antipater spareth no vehemency in accusing Archelaus. D was altogether bent to declare the multitude slaine about the Temple: for he said, that they only came against that festiuall day to offer sacrifice, and that they themselues were sacrificed, as they were offering their sacrifices which they brought; and that there were such heapes of dead bodies in the Temple, as neuer by anie forraine warres were slaine the like. Therefore Herod foreseeing his crueltie, neuer iudged him worthy of the kingdome, till such time as his memorie fayled him: and that now being more sicke in mind then body, hee knew not whom he named his successour in his last will, especially for that he had nothing wherein he could blame him, whom in his former will he appointed his successour, when he was in health both of mind and bodie. Yet (quoth he) put case Herod in his extremitie knew what he did, yet (said he) Archelaus hath depriued The will changed during Herods sicknes Antipater against Archelaus Nicholaus defendeth Archelaus. himselfe of all kingly dignitie, hauing committed manie things against the lawes. For (said he) E what will he be after he hath receiued authoritie from Caesar, who before hee receiued any, hath murdered somanie? Antipater hauing spoken much to this effect, and at euerie accusation taking witnesse of his kinred that stood by, ended his speech.
Then Nicholaus stood vp, and first of all he shewed that the slaughter of them in the Temple was necessarie. For they, for whose death Archelaus was now accused, were not only enemies of the kingdome, but also of Caesar: and for other crimes obiected, he shewed how that they were done euen by the counsel and perswasion of the aduersaries. He also requested that the second testament might be of force, for that therein Herod requested Caesar to be a confirmer of his successour. For he who had such remēbrance, as to leaue the performance of his will to the discretion of him who was Lord of all, did neither mistake himself in appointing his heire, nor yet was depriued F of his senses, seeing he knew by whom he should be established. When Nicholaus had ended his speech, and declared all that he thought might make for Archelaus; Archelaus comming into Archelaus humbleth himselfe at Caesars feete. Caesars bountie and humanitie towards him. the middest of the Councell, prostrated himselfe at Caesars feet, whom Caesar curteously taking from the ground, shewed that he was worthie to succeed his father. Yet did he not pronounce a definitiue sentence: but the same day the Councell being dismissed, he deliberated with himselfe, according to the euidence he knew, whether anie of those nominated in the two wils should succeed [Page 610] their father in the kingdome, or that the kingdome should be distributed amongst the whole G The yeere of the world. 3964. after Christs birth 2. family: for he thought that they for number wanted succour.
CHAP. II.
Of the fight and massacre at Ierusalem betweene the Iewes and the Sabinians.
BEfore such time as Caesar determined any thing concerning this matter, Malthace the mother of Archelaus fell sicke and died; and many letters came out of Syria, signifying Ant. lib. 17. cap. 14. Sedition in Ierusalem. that the Iewes had rebelled. Which Varus foreseeing after the departure of Archelaus H from thence, went vnto Ierusalem to represse and resist the authors of that sedition: and because the multitude would not be quiet, he left one legion of the three which he brought out of Syria, in the citie, and so hee returned vnto Antiochia. But Sabinus comming afterward to Ierusalem, was the cause that the Iewes beganne a new broyle. For one while he forced the garrisons to render to him the Castles, another while he rigorously made search for the kings treasure; and he was not onely assisted by those that Varus left there, but also he had a great multitude of his owne seruants all armed to further his auarice. And in the feast Sabinus seazeth the kings treasure, and laboureth to get possessiō of his fortresses. of Pentecost (so called because of the number of seuen weekes) the people assembled themselues togither not for religion sake, but for anger and hatred: so that there was an infinite multitude of people which came out of Galilee and Idumaea, and Iericho, and the countries I beyond Iordan. Yet the Iewes which were inhabitants of the Citie surpassed the rest both in number and courage: and they therefore parted themselues into three bands, and made three campes: one vpon the North part of the temple; the other on the South part neere vnto the Castle called Hippodromus, the third on the West-part neere the pallace, and so they besieged Three campes of the Iewes. the Romanes on euerie side. Sabinus greatly fearing them, both for their multitude, and for their courage, sent many letters vnto Varus earnestly requesting him with all speed to bring succour: for if hee did not, the whole legion would be extinguished. Hee himselfe got Sabinus getteth into the highest tower of the strongest castle. A skirmish betweene the Iewes and Romanes. him into the highest tower of the Castle Phasaelus, which is so called by the name of Herodes brother, whom the Parthians killed: and from thence hee gaue a signe vnto the souldiers to issue out sodainly vpon their enemies: for himselfe was in such a feare that hee durst not come K downe to the souldiers of whom he was gouernour. The souldiers obeying his commaund, issued into the temple, and there fought a sore battell with the Iewes, who hauing no bodie to assist them, being vnexperienced in warlike affaires were soone conquered by them that were skilfull. At last many Iewes got vpon the porches and cast dartes at them from the toppe thereof, so that they killed many: but the other could not reuenge themselues of them, who fought against them from so high a place; neither could they sustaine the force of them, who ioyned battaile with them; till at last they fired the porches, which for greatnes and curious worke were admirable. And so many were eyther destroyed with the sodaine fier, or else leaping downe amidst their enemies were by them slaine: others going backward were The Romans fire the porches. cast headlong from the wall: others despairing of life killed themselues with their owne swords: L and they who priuilie came downe the walles and assaulted the Romans, being astonished with feare were easily ouercome: till at last, all being eyther put to the sworde, or caste downe through feare, the treasure dedicated to God was left destitute of keepers, so that the Souldiers tooke away thereof about foure hundreth talents, and that which they left Sabinus got.
But this losse of men and money stirred vp many moe Iewes, and those more warlike then the first, against the Romans; who besieging the kings pallace threatned all their destructions, vnlesse they would presently depart from thence: promising Sabinus and the legion leaue to depart if he so liked. Part of the kings souldiers, who of their owne accord fled vnto them, did assist them. But the most warlike and valiant amongst them were three thousand of Sebaste, whose M rulers were Rufus and Gratus, one leader of the footmen, and the other ouer the horsemen; both which, although they had had no souldiers with them, for their valour of bodie, and counsell might yet haue beene a great helpe vnto the Romanes in those warres. The Iewes earnestly continued the siege, and assaulted the castle walles, crying vpon Sabinus to depart, and not to hinder them now after so long time, to haue their countries liberty. Sabinus though with all his heart he wished himselfe away, yet durst he not trust them; but he suspected that their courtesie was but [Page 611] a plot to entrappe him: and on the other side hoping that Varus would come and helpe him, he The yeare of the world. 3964. after the birth of Christ. 2. Ant lib. 17. cap. 15. A still indured the daunger of the siege. At the same time there were tumults in many places of Iudaea, and many through opportunitie of the time aspired to the kingdome. For in Idumaea two thousand olde souldiers, who had borne armes vnder Herod, gathering togither and hauing armed themselues, came and fought with the kings forces, whom Achiabus the kings cousen resisted in the strongest villages, alwaies eschewing to fight in the open field. At Sephoris also a towne of Galilee, Iudas the sonne of Ezechias the captaine of the theeues, who before was taken by king Herode, and had vvasted that countrey; gathered togither a great multitude, and brake into the kings armory, and armed all his company, and fought against them who affected the royall dignitie. Also beyond the riuer, Simon one of the kings seruants being faire and of a huge stature, put a crowne vpon his owne head, and gathering togither a companie of theeues went about B with them vnto Iericho, and burned the kings pallace and many faire and sumptuous houses Simon one of the kings seruants taketh the kingdome vpon him. there, and so got great pray by burning the houses: and he had surely fired all buildings of account, had not Gratus captaine of the kings footmen made haste to meete him with the bowmen of Trachon, and the most warlike men of Sebaste, where many footmen were slaine. But Simon though he fled into a streight valley, yet he ouertooke him, and cut him ouerthwart the necke, and so he fell downe. In like manner other of the kings pallaces neere Iordan by Bethara were burned, by a multitude of others gathered togither in bands from beyond the riuer: At this time a shepheard named Athrongaeus presumed to vsurpe the crowne: he was thereunto induced by the courage he bare, and the disdaine of death. With this resolution he armed his foure brethren, and euerie one of them had a companie armed, and they were as his captaines and champions to make incursions: C and he like a King medled onely with great affaires, and then he put a crowne vpon his Athrongaeus a shepheard vsurpeth the kingdome. head; and thus he continued a long time wasting the country, and killing especially the Romans, and also the kings souldiers; so that none of the Iewes escaped if they were in hope to gaine by them. They also presumed to meet a company of the Romanes at Ammauns, who caried corne and armour vnto the legion, where they killed with darts one Arius a Centurion, and fortie of the most valiant amongst them: and the rest being in the like daunger, through the helpe of Gratus with his souldiers of Sebaste, escaped. When they had done many things in this manner against the inhabitants & straungers, at last three of them were taken: the eldest by Archelaus: and the two others who were eldest after him, fell into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemaeus: and the fourth yeelded The end and issue of the warre. himselfe vnto Archelaus vpon composition: and thus at last they came to their end. And all D Iudaea by their example was filled with theeues.
CHAP. III.
Of Varus his deedes concerning the Iewes that were crucified.
WHen Varus had receiued the letters of Sabinus, and of the nobles with him, fearing the whole legion, he hasted to succour them: Wherefore he came to Ptolemais with Ant. lib. 17. cap. 16. Varus assisteth the Romanes against the Iewes. two other legions and foure comets of horsemen, vvhere he vvilled the kings forces, and the nobles to meete him. Moreouer as he passed by Berytum, they accompanied him with E 15. hundreth armed men. Aretas also the King of Arabia for the hatred he bare to Herode, was come with a great number of horsmen and footmen. Assoone as the host vvas assembled, Varus incontinently directed part of his armie into Galilee adioyning thereto, and appointed a friend of his the sonne of Caius for their gouernour, who presently put them all to flight against whom he was sent; and hauing taken the castle of Sephoris he fired it, and made the inhabitants therofbond Varus taketh diuers cities and castles of Iudaea. slaues. Varus with the rest of the armie went into Samaria, and tooke it; yet hee did the Citie no harme because he founde that amiddest al those tumults they had been quiet. When he had pitched his tents at a village called Aun, which was in the possession of Ptolemaeus, the Arabians sacked it, for they hated them who loued Herod. From thence they went to Sapp [...]o an other strong borough, which they in like manner sacked and destroyed, with all the fruits & reuenewes F they founde there. All was filled with the slaughter and fiers which the Arabians made, and there Ammaus burnt. Varus commeth, to Ierusalem with his army, and with his onely presēce dismaieth the Iewes. was no end nor hinderance of their auarice. Also Varus commaunded Ammaus to bee burned, being angrie for the death of Arias, and the rest that were slaine there: and the inhabitants thereof were scattered, euery one by flight seeking to saue himselfe. From thence hee went to Ierusalem, and at the sight of him the Iewes fled and scattered themselues some here, some there, all about the country: they that remained in the Citie excused themselues, that they were not consenting [Page 612] to that tumult, but that for the celebration of the feasts sake, they permitted thē to come G The yeare of the world. 3966. after Christs birth 4. into the citie, affirming that they had rather beene besieged together with the Romans then to haue conspired with those of the sedition: and so they laid the cause of that tumult vpon others. But first, Iosephus Archelaus his cousin, with Gratus & Rufus came to meet him, leading the kings armie, and the Sebastians & the Roman souldiers adorned in their accustomed apparrell. Sabinus durst not be seene of Varus, and therefore got him out of the towne before, and went vnto the sea coast. Varus deuided his armie, and sent it into the fields against the Authours of that tumult, Varus crucified two thousand of the seditious. and those that were brought vnto him who were in lesse fault, hee committed to prison, and those who were the chiefest he crucified, to the number of two thousand.
And vnderstanding that in Idumaea there yet remained ten thousand of armed men, he presently sent the Arabians home, because he perceiued that they did not warre as those that came H to helpe him, but as they themselues pleased, wasting the country against his will: and so accompanied with his own armie, he hastened against the enemies. But they without anie fight, through Achiabus counsell, yeelded themselues to Varus. And he pardoned the common souldiers, and sent the Captaines to Caesar to answere the matter. Who pardoning the most of them, yet punished some that were the kings kinsmen (for some of them were a kin to Herod) because they altogether Varus mercy and bountie to the Idumeans. rebelled against their king. Varus hauing thus quieted the estate of Iudaea and Ierusalem, leauing the same legion that was there before, departed to Antiochia.
CHAP. IIII.
How the Iewes had an Ethnarcha constituted ouer them. I
NOw Archelaus had a new processe at Rome against the Iewes, who before the sedition Ant. lib. 17. cap. 17. Ethnarch a ruler o [...] gouernour. The Iewes call Archelaus in question. with the leaue of Varus were gone to Rome to craue the libertie of their countrie. These who came as Embassadours in their countries behalfe, were fiftie in number, and they were assisted by more then eight thousand Iewes that liued at Rome. Wherefore Caesar called a Councell of the Nobilitie of Rome in the Temple of Apollo, which was situate vpon mount Palatine, and ioyned to Caesars priuate pallace, which was most sumptuously adorned, and the multitude of Iewes, appeared with the Legats against Archelaus and his friends. Archelaus kinred neither came with him, nor with the rest of the Iewes: with him they would not ioyne for enuie; and with the Iewes they durst not for shame. Amongst them also was Philip the brother K of Archelaus, whom Varus sent in curteous maner to assist his brother; or if that it pleased Caesar to deuide Herods kingdom amongst his children, that then he might haue a part. The aduersaries were comaunded to shew what Herod had committed contratie to the lawes: First of all they answered, that they found him not a King, but the most cruell tyrant that euer was, and that he murdered many, and those whom he left aliue endured such miserie, as they thought themselues A bitter accusation of the Iewes against Herod and his sonnes. far vnhappier then those who were so butchered. ‘For (said they) he was not onely contented to teare his subiects bodies with torments, but also defacing and ruinating the elde [...] of his owne countrie, he adorned and reedified the cities of strangers: and permitted fortainers to massacre the Iewes without reuenge. And in steed of their ancient and wonted happinesse; and their lawes inuiolated, their countrie was by him made so poore, and so filled with inquitie, that within L those few yeares that Herod raigned, they had sustained more murders and massacres then all their ancestors had, from the time of their departure out of Babylon, vntill the beginning of his raigne: being then pouoked to take armes when Xerxes was king of Persia. Yet they by enduring Herods tyrannie and cruelty such miserie, being now accustomed therunto, would willingly be subiect to such a successour of his as they knew would make them liue in most bitter seruitude: for they when Herod his father was dead, presently called Archelaus king, notwithstanding he was the sonne of such a tyrant, and with him mourned for the death of Herod, and offered sacrifice for the prosperitie of his successor. But he to shew himselfe Herods son, began his reigne with the slaughter of three thousand citizens; and because he had so well deserued the kingdome, he offered so many men to God for sacrifice, and on a festiuall day filled the Temple with so many dead bodies. Wherfore M they who had escaped that massacre, had iust occasion to consider their calamitie, and after the law of armes, to turne their faces to them who wounded them, and beseech the Romans; that The Iewes beseech the Romanes to haue compassion on the remainder of the Iewes. they would thinke the remnant of the Iewes worthie of compassion, and not to abandon and expose the residue of their nation:’ as a pray vnto thē, by whom they should be most cruelty [...]: but that it might please them to adioyne their country to the borders of Syria, & to let [...] be ruled by the Romans, and so they should find that the Iewes, who now were accounted [...] [Page 613] and rebellious; vnder peaceable and quiet gouernours, to be a peaceable nation: and with The yeere of the world. 3966. after Chr [...]s Natiuitie. 4. Nicholaus defendeth [...] Archelaus before Caesar and the [...]est. A this petition the Iewes ended their accusation. After this Nicholaus stood vp against them, and first of all acquited the kings of the crimes laid to their charge: and then reproued his countrey-men, for that they would not be easily gouerned, and by their owne nature would not except they were forced, obey their kings: and he also blamed the kinsmen of Archelaus, who ioined with his accusers. Caesar hauing heard what both parts could say, dismissed the Assembly. And within a few dayes after he gaue Archelaus halfe of the kingdome vnder the title of an Ethnarch, promising him moreouer to make him king, if he behaued himselfe well: the other halfe he Caesar maketh Archelaus Ethnarch of Ju [...]ie. The distribution of the kingdome to Herods children. Those cities that were vnder Archelaus subiection. deuided into two Tetrarchies and gaue them to the rest of Herods sonnes, one vnto Philip; the other vnto Antipas, who contended with Archelaus for the crowne. Antipas his part lay from Galilee beyond the riuer Iordan, the reuenues whereof was two hundreth talents a yeere. And Philip B had Batanaea and Trachons and Auranitis, and part of Zeno his house neere Iamnia, the reuenues whereof amounted to one hundred talents a yeere. Archelaus had in his Ethnarchie Idumaea and all Iudaea and Samaria, which was freed from the fourth part of their tribute, because they rebelled not with the rest. And these Cities were giuen him, ouer which he was Lord, Stratons tower, Sebaste, Ioppe and Ierusalem. The rest, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippon Caesar tooke from the kingdome, and ioyned them to Syria. Archelaus yearely reuenues amounted to foure hundreth Talents a yeere. Caesar also (beside that which Herod left her) made Salome Salome Princesse of Iamnia, Azotus and Phasaelis. Ladie of Iamnia, Azotus and Phasaelis; and the Pallace at Ascalon, all which amounted to threescore talents a yeere. But Caesar made her house subiect vnto Archelaus his Ethnarchie. And hauing distributed vnto the rest of Herods kinred that which in his testament he left them, C he gaue his two daughters that were virgins, ouer and aboue, fiue hundreth thousand drachmes of siluer, and married them vnto Pheroras sonnes: and hauing deuided Herods patrimonie amongst them, hee also distributed that which Herod bequeathed vnto him, amounting vnto a thousand talents, leauing himselfe onely some iewell of small value, which he reserued in honour and remembrance of the dead.
CHAP. V.
Of the false supposed Alexander, and how he was taken.
AT the same time a certaine young man, a Iew borne, brought vp by a Libertine of D Rome in the towne of Sidonia, being verie like vnto Alexander whom Herod put Ant. lib. 17. cap. 18. A certaine young man fai [...]ing himself to be that Alexander whom Herod slew, deciueth manie. to death, went to Rome, hauing one of his countrimen for his companion, who knew verie well all the estate of the kingdome: by whom he receiuing instructions, affirmed, that they who should haue put him and Aristobulus to death, being moued to compassion, let them goe, and tooke two others in their roome like them. With this tale he deceiued manie Iewes liuing in Creete, where he was honourably receiued, and from thence hee failed to Melos, where he was yet entertained with greater pompe, and enriching himselfe he vsed such means, that he got his oasts (which gaue him entertainment) to saile with him to Rome: and after arriuing at Dicaearchia, he receiued all maner of rich gifts of the Iewes which dwelled there, E and there by his fathers friendes was honoured as a king. For hee was so like vnto Alexander that they that had seene Alexander, and knew him well, would haue sworne he had beene Alexander. Wherefore all the Iewes at Rome desired to see him, so that an infinite multitude followed him whithersoeuer he went in the streetes, and they so doted vpon him, that they carried him in a horslitter, and at their owne proper cost and charges prepared for him a royall traine.
But Caesar well remembred Alexanders visage (for Herod accused him before him) and Caesar desireth to see the yong man. although before he saw him he iudged that it was some that presumed because of his likenesse vnto Alexander, to say that hee was the same, yet he made as though he beleeued all; and sent one Celadus, who knew Alexander well, to will this yong man to come vnto him. Who no sooner F beheld him, but forthwith he perceiued the difference betwixt them, and especially when he felt his hard flesh and seruile shape, he presently vnderstood the whole matter. But he was greatly moued with his bold speeches: for when they demaunded of him what was become of Aristobulus, hee answered, that he was aliue: yet he vpon purpose [...]aried behind and liued in Cyprus, fearing some treason: for they being asunder could not so easily bee intrapped. Celadus taking him apart from the rest of the companie, told him that Caesar would saue his [Page 614] life, if he did trulie confesse, by whose counsell he fained himselfe to be Alexander. He accepting G The yeare of the world, 3966 after Christs birth 4. Caesar maketh the counterfait Alexander a gallery slaue, and executeth his counseller of this offer, followed him to Caesar, and declared himselfe to be a Iew, who for [...]re sake (being verie like him) counterfeited himselfe to be Alexander: affirming that [...] had receiued such great gifts of the Cities by which he passed, that he thought if Alexander had beene aliue, he should not haue receiued the li [...]e. Caesar laught at this iest, and made false Alexander (for the abilitie of his bodie) a galley-slaue, and put him to death, who induced him thereto. And as for the Iewes of Milo, he thought that they had punishment sufficient, if they lost all that which they had laid out, and bestowed vpon him.
CHAP. VI.
Of the banishment and death of Archelaus. H
ARchelaus being now made Prince, remembred the discord past, and in reuenge thereof he tyrannized not onely ouer the Iewes, but also ouer the Samaritans: and in the ninth yeere of his raigne the Iewes and Samaritans sent Embassadours against Ant. lib. 17. cap. 1 [...]. him vnto Caesar: and finally hee was banished and sent to Vienna, a Citie of Gallia, and [...]ll his patrimonie was confiscate vnto Caesar. Before hee was summoned to appeare before Caesar, hee reported that he had a maruellous dreame: for he saw nine great eares full of corne Archelaus banished for his tyranny, and his goods confiscated. deuoured by oxen; and presently sending for Prophets and Chaldaeans, he demanded what that dreame betokened. Some interpreted it one way, and some another: but one Simon an Essean told him that the eares of corne betokened yeares, & the oxen signified the changes & mutations I of this world, for as much as in labouring the land, they turned vp and altered it: and therefore he Archelaus dreame of the oxen & eares of corne. was to raigne so many yeares as there were eares of corne in number; and then, after he had abidden many mutations he should die. Fiue dayes after this interpretation; Archelaus was sent for to Rome, to answer that before Augustus, whereof he was accused. I also thought it worth rehearsing to set downe the dreame of his wife Glaphyra daughter to Archelaus king of Cappadocia, who was first married vnto Alexander brother vnto this man, and sonne to king Herod, by whom he was put to death, as we haue said before: after whose death shee was married to Iuba Archelaus refusing Mariamme marieth Glaphyra. King of Lybia, and he being dead, she returned home to her father: and liuing in her widowhood at home with her father, Archelaus the Ethnarch beholding her, was so inflamed with her loue, that presently being diuorced from his wife Mariamme, he married her. Who shortly after she K came into Iudaea, dreamed that she saw Alexander her first husband standing before her and saying vnto her, It had beene enough for thee to haue married the king of Lybia, but thou not contented therewith, comest againe to my house, greedy of a third husband; and which is worse Glaphyra saw Alexander in her sleepe. of all, now married to mine own brother. I wil not conceale nor dissemble this iniurie which thou dostme, but I will recouer you against your will. And she scarcely liued two dayes after she had recounted this dreame.
CHAP. VII.
Of Simon the Galilean, and the three sects amongst the Iewes. L
AFter that Archelaus his dominions were made a prouince, a certaine Roman knight called Coponiu's was made gouernour thereof, receiuing authority from Caesar to punish Ant. lib. 18. cap. 1 [...]. The yeare of the world, 3973. after Christs birth 11 and put to death. In his time a Galilaean named Simon incited his countrimen to reuolt, reprouing them for paying tribute to the Romans, and for being subiect to anie mortall men, but God. This Simon was a Sophister, hauing a sect of his own deuising, nothing like other sects. For there are three sects of Philosophers amongst the Iewes, one is that which the Pharisies do follow; another which the Sadduces do follow; the third is that which the Esseans follow, which Three sects among ye Iewes, of which the Esseans were the best. is the most famous of the three. The Esseans are Iewes borne, but they are most friendly to one another, who beside al other pleasures do eschew witchcraft: neither do they suffer thēselues to be M led with their owne affections, but account it a great vertue to abstaine from all vices and to keep chastity. For they refuse mariage & account other mens children, put to them to be taught whilest The Esseans doctrine of mariage. Among the Esseans goods are common. they be young, as their kinsmen, whom they do diligently instruct in their manners and opinion [...]; not for that they condemne mariage and propagation of mankind; but for that they thinke men should auoid womens intemperance, for they think that none of them keepe themselues truly to one man. Also they contemne riches, and all things with them are common, & no man amongst [Page 615] them is richer then other. And they haue a law amongst themselues, that whosoeuer will followe The yeere of the world. 3973. after Christs birth 11. A their sect, he must make his goods common to them all: for so neither any amongst them shall seeme abiect for pouertie, nor any great for riches sake, but they haue as it were all equall patrimonies like brethren. They account it a shame to vse oile, and if anie man against his will bee annointed therewith, they vse all diligence to wipe it away: for they account homelines best; and all their clothes are white. They haue amongst them procurators, to ouersee and vse all things for their common benefit, and euerie one seeketh the good of all, who are chosen from among them by a common consent. They haue not one certaine citie, but are in manie cities: and if anie of their sect come vnto them from another place, they giue him any thing they haue, as if he himselfe were owner thereof. And in briefe, they goe boldly in to those, whom they neuer in their liues did see before, as though they were verie familiarly acquainted with them: and therefore The Esseans hospitalitie. B when they take a iourny, they only arme themselues against theeues, & carie nothing with thē els. In euerie citie there is one of them appointed, whose office it is to haue a care of the guests, & see that they neither want cloathes, nor any thing els necessarie for them. All children vnder gouernment, brought vp by them, go apparelled alike; & they neuer change their apparel, nor shooes, except they haue cleane worne their first apparell, or that by reason of long wearing they will do no more seruice. They among themselues neither buy nor sell, but euery man that hath any thing that another wanteth, giueth him it, and taketh that of him which himselfe needeth: yet euerie one of them may take any thing he hath need of from whom he pleaseth, without any change. Aboue all, towards God they are verie religious: for before the sunne rise they haue no profane talke, but they make certain vowes & praiers after the custome of their countrie, as it were, praying C that it may rise vpon them. After this, euerie one is dismissed to practise the art he knoweth, and when euerie one hath diligently laboured till fiue of the clocke, they all gather themselues The Esseans apparrell. together againe, and being couered with linnen cloathes, so they wash their bodies with cold water: & hauing thus purged themselues, they haue a secret assembly, vnto the which no man that is not of their sect is admitted: and so they come into the refectorie as into a holy temple, all sitting down with silence, and the baker setteth euery man in order a loafe, & the cook euery man a messe of pottage of one sort. Then before meate the Priest giueth thanks, and no man may taste anie meat before they haue made their prayers to God Likewise when dinner is ended, they pray againe: for both before and after they giue thankes vnto God the giuer of all, and then putting off that apparell as sacred, they apply themselues vnto their worke till euening. This done, they doe Their religion and labour. D as before, causing their guests to suppe with them, if by fortune any come. Their house is neuer troubled with cries or tumults, for euerie one is appointed to speake in his turne: so that they who are without the house esteeme their silence as some sacred mysterie. The cause hereof is their continuall sobrietie, and that euerie one is limited howe much he should eate or drinke. And although that in all other matters they are ruled by their gouernour, yet in these two, to wit compassionating and helping, they may doe as they thinke good: for euerie one may when hee The Esseans in compassion and helping others haue free choice, in other things they are ruled by their gouernour. The Esseans sweare not. pleaseth helpe those whom he thinketh deserue helpe: and when they please, giue meat to them that are in need. Yet may not they giue any thing to their kinred without the leaue of their Gouernour. These men giue not place to anger, but refraine from wrath, keepe their promise, and maintaine peace, and account euery word they speake of more force, then if they had bound it E with an oath: and they shun oathes worse then periurie: for they esteeme him condemned for a lyer, who is not beleeued without he call God to witnesse. They studie diligently ancient Writers, chiefly gathering out of their writings, what is most conuenient for the soule and the body. Out of them they learne remedies for diseases, and medicinable hearbes, and what is the proper effect of euerie stone. Those who are desirous to be of their order, do not straightway conuerse with them, but for a yeare before they liue out of their Colledge, and haue the same diet, giuing them also a little hatchet, and such a girdle, as is before spoken of, and a white garment. But at the yeares end, if they perceiue him to be continent, then they take him into their refectorie, and he is made partaker of purer waters (to the end he may continue chast) yet is hee not admitted in common amongst them: for two yeares after this his triall, they obserue his life and manners: F and at last, when he is thought worthy, then is he admitted to their common company. And before he be receiued to the common table, first he protesteth with great and solemne oaths, that he will worship God, and obserue iustice & fidelitie towards all men, and neither willingly hurt any The Esseans vowes and couenants. man, nor iniure any one for another mans command, but that he wil alwaies hate the wicked, and assist the good, and euer keepe his faith to all, but especially to his superiours. For no man can obtaine the power of principality without the will and good pleasure of God: and that if he be put [Page 616] in authoritie ouer others, he neuer will abuse it to the preiudice of those that are vnder him, and G The yeere of the world. 3973. after Christs birth 11 The Esseans circumspect in Iustice. neither exceed the rest in apparrell, nor in any other ambitious pompe) that he will alwaies loue the truth, and euer endeuour to confute liers: and that he will keepe his hands from stealing, and his soule pure from all vniust gaine: and that he will not conceale any mysteries, or secrets from his companions, nor reueale them to any straungers, although he should be thereto compelled by death. Adding moreouer, that they will neuer deliuer any doctrine, saue that which they haue receiued; and that they will auoide theft, and diligently keepe the bookes of their doctrine, and the names of Angels. And with these oaths they trie, and as it were arme those who enter into their order. Those of their congregation, who shall be condemned; they thrust out of their companie: and whosoeuer is so punished, for the most part dieth a miserable death; for hauing once taken this oath, it is not lawfull for him to take meat of any straunger; so H that feeding on grasse like beasts, at last he perisheth through famine. For which cause oftentimes they moued with compassion, receiue many into their order againe, euen readie by famine to yeeld vp the ghost, iudging them to haue endured penance inough for their offences, who with famine were almost brought vnto deaths doore. They are verie seuere, and iust in their iudgement; and to decide any matter, there is neuer fewer of them then a hundreth, and that which by them is agreed vpon, is an irreuocable sentence. Next after God they reuerence the lawmaker, insomuch as if any one reuile him, they forthwith condemne him to death. They greatly reuerence olde men, and a multitude: so that if ten of them sit togither, no man of them must speake without he be licenced thereto by nine of the companie. They also must not spit in the midst of the assembly, nor on the right hand. And they are more seuere then anie other Iewes in obseruing I The Esseans reuerence the Sabboths. the Sabboths: And they do not onely abstaine from dressing meat vpon that day, but also they may not remoue anie vessell out of his place, nor go to the priuie. Vpon other daies they dig a pit a foot deepe into the ground with the hatchet, which (as we before said) euerie one at his entrance into their order hath giuen him, and then couering themselues diligently with their garment, least they should doe iniurie to the light of heauen, in that pit they ease themselues; and thē couer their ordure with the earth they took out of the pit: & this they do in most secret places.
And although this purging of their bodies be naturall, yet do they by washing purifie themselues after it, as after great vncleannes. Furthermore they amongst themselues are deuided into foure orders, according to the times which they haue taken to follow this exercise of life: and they who are iuniors, are so farre different from the seniors, that if they do but touch one of them, they K presently purifie themselues, as though they had beene prophaned by a straunger. They are long liued, so that most of them liue a hundreth yeeres, which I iudge is by reason of their well ordered diet and their temperancie. They contemne aduersitie, and by counsell and discretion ouercome The Esseans liue long time. torments. They preferre an honourable death before life. And the warres which the Iewes made against the Romans, shewed what courage and hardines they haue in all things. For being then compelled by breaking of the members of their bodies, and firie torments, & all kind of tortures The Esseans constancy in the warre with the Romanes. The yeare of the world. 3979. after Christs birth 17. which were laid vpon them to reuile the lawmaker, and to eate any meate forbidden: yet could they not be forced to any of these; neither wold they entreat the torturers, nor shew any sorrow amidst their torments. Nay in the verie midst of their griefes and paines they scoffed at their tormenters, and laughing ioyfully yeelded vp their soules, as though they hoped to receiue them L againe. For it is an opinion amongst them, that the bodie is corruptible, and that the matter thereof is not perpetual: but yet the soule remaines for euer immortall, who passing out of a most pure and subtile ayre, wrap themselues in bodies as in prisons, being as it were drawen thereunto by a naturall inclination. And when they are deliuered cut of these carnall bonds, then presently as The Esseans esteeme the soule immortall, but they beleeue not the resurrection of the dead. freed from a long bondage they ioyfully mount aloft. And of the good soules they say, as did the Grecians; that they liue beyond the Ocean seas in a place of pleasure, where they are neuer molested with raine, nor snow, nor heat, but haue alwaies a sweet and pleasant ayre comming out of the Ocean. But the wicked soules (as they say) go into a place very tempestuous, where there is alwaies as it were winter weather, alwaies ful of lamentations of those, who for euer are to be punished. But I iudge that the Greekes are of this opinion, when they say there is an Isle for the vertuous M The Grecians opinion of the soule of man. whom they call Heroes and halfe-gods: and that the soules of the wicked go to a place in hell, where as it is fained, some to be tormented, as Sysiphus, Tantalus, Ixion, & Tytius. Which they did first inuent for this purpose, because those who are of good disposition, are made better in this life by hope of some reward in the life to come: and the wicked are (as they thought) hereby restrained for feare of eternall torments, which if they continue in wickednes they shall endure. This is the Esseans Philosophie touching the immortalitie of the soule, wherein they propose an [Page 617] ineuitable allurement to those who haue once tasted of their Philosophie. There are also some The yeare of the world 3979. after Christs Natiuitie. 17. The Esseans prophecy. There is a colledge of the Esseans that differeth from the former in the point of mariage. A amongst them, who promise to foretell things to come, who from their tender age haue studied and followed holy bookes, diuers purifications and sayings of the Prophets: and their diuination seldome faileth.
There is another colledge of these Esseans agreeing with the former, both in apparrell, meat, and kind of life, and obserue the same lawes and ordinances; onely they differ in the opinion of marriage, affirming that they who abstaine from mariage, do cut off the greatest part of mans life, to wit, succession of mankind. For (say they) if all men should follow that opinion, presently all mankind would perish: yet notwithstanding these people are so continent, that for three yeeres space they maketrial of the women they are to marry, and when they haue proued them fit to beare children; then they marrie them. None of them must lie with their wiues when they are B with child, to shew that they do not marry to satisfie lust, but for to haue children. When their wiues wash themselues they are couered with a garment as the men are, and this is the manner The second sect of the Pharisees. and custome of this sect. Of the two former sects; the Pharisees are said to be most skilfull in interpreting the law, and are of opinion that all things are to be attributed to God, and Fate: and that euerie man may of his owne power doe good or ill, yet (say they) destinie helpeth in euery action [...]d that the soules of men are all incorruptible, but onely the soules of good men goe into other bodies, and the soules of wicked men are sent into euerlasting paine. But the Sadduces denie Fate and Destinie, and affirme that God is the author of no euil; auowing likewise that The third of the Sadduces. a man hath free will to doe well or ill, and euerie man may chuse whether he will be good or bad: and they generally denie both paines and rewards for the soules after this life. The Pharisees C are sociable and louing one to another: but the Sadduces are at discord among themselues liuing like sauage beasts, and as vncourteous to their owne sect as to straungers. This is all which I haue to speake concerning the Philosophers amongst the Iewes. Now I will returne to my purpose.
CHAP. VIII.
Of the cities which Philip and Herode builded, and of Pilates gouernment.
ARchelaus his Ethnarchie being now made a prouince, the rest of his brethren, to wit Philip Ant. lib. 18. cap. 5. The yeare of the world. 3997. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 35. and Herode who was surnamed Antipas, gouerned their Tetrarchies. And Salome dying left vnto Iulia by her testament the Toparchie which she ruled, as also Iamnia & a D ground set with palme trees in Phasaelis. When Tiberius Caesar after the death of Augustus was made Emperour of Rome, after that he had raigned seuen and fiftie yeeres, sixe moneths, and two daies, Herode and Philip remaining in their Tetrarchies: Philip builded a citie neere vnto the head of Iordan in the countrey of Paneade, and called it Caesarea; and another he built in the lower part of Gaulanitis, and named it Iulias. Herode in Galilee built the Citie called Tiberias, and another in Peraea on this side Iordan, which also he named Iulias. Pilate being sent by Tiberius to be gouernour ouer the Iewes, caused in the night time the statua of Caesar to be brought into Ierusalem couered: which thing within three daies after caused a great tumult among the Iewes; for they who beheld it, were astonished, and moued, as though now the law of their countrey were prophaned: for they hold it not lawfull for any picture or Image to be brought into the E citie. At their lamentation who were in the citie, there was gathered togither a great multitude The people would not condescend to Pilate to alter their country lawes. out of the fields adioyning, and they went presently to Pilate then at Caesarea, beseeching him earnestly that the Images might be taken away out of Ierusalem, and that the law of their countrey might remaine inuiolated. When Pilate denied their suit, they prostrated themselues before his house, and there remained lying vpon their faces, for fiue daies and nights neuer mouing. Afterward Pilate sitting in his tribunall seat was verie carefull to call all the Iewes togither before him, as though there he would haue giuen them an answere: when vpon the sodain a company of armed souldiers (for so it was prouided) compassed the Iewes about with a triple ranke: the Iewes were here at amazed, seeing that which they expected not. Then Pilate told them that except they would receiue the Images of Caesar, he would kill them all; and to that end made a signe vnto the Pilate admiring the constancy of the Iewes in their religion sendeth statuaes from Ierusalē. The yeare of the world. 3998. after Christs birth 36. F souldiers to draw their swords. The Iewes as though they had agreed thereto, fell all downe at once, and offered their naked neckes to the stroke of the sword, crying out that they would rather lose their liues, then suffer their religion to be prophaned. Then Pilate admiring the constancy of the people in their religion, presently commaunded the statuaes to be taken out of the citie of Ierusalem.
After this he caused another tumult amongst them, for they haue a sacred treasure called [Page 618] Corban, which Pilate vsed to bring water in vnto the Citie, foure hundreth furlongs off: for this G The yeare of the world, 3998 after Christs birth 33. Pilate beateth the seditious with clubs. The yeere of the world. 4001. after Christs birth 39. Agrippa Aristobulus sonne hateth Tiberius and insinuateth himselfe into Caius Caligulas friendship. Tiberius raigned 22. yeeres sixe moneths, and 3. [...]daies. cause the people murmured; so that when Pilate came to Ierusalem, they flocked about his tribunall, crying and exclaiming. Pilate fore seeing that tumult, caused souldiers secretly armed to mingle themselues amongst the people in priuate apparrell, and commanded them not to vse their swords, but to beat those with clubs, whom they saw make such clamours. And when he had thus plotted the matter, sitting in his Tribunall, he gaue a signe vnto the souldiers, and presently the Iewes were beaten, and many of them, partly with blowes, and partly troden vpon by the multitude, died miserably. The multitude amazed a [...] the calamitie of those that were slaine, held their tongues. For this cause Agrippa sonne to Herod the Tetrarch, whose father Aristobulus Herode the King put to death, went to Rome, and accused him to Caesar. Tyberius not admitting his accusation, he remained still at Rome, and sought the fauour of other potentates there, and especially H he reuerenced Caius the sonne of Germanicus, he being yet a priuate person: & vpon a certaine day being with him at a banquet, he stretcht forth his hands, & openly began to beseech Almightie God that Tyberius Caesar might quickly die, that he might see him Lord of all the world. Tyberius hauing notice here of by one of his familiar friends, caused Agrippa to be imprisoned; where he endured a hard and streight imprisonment, vntill the death of Tyberius, which was six moneths after. After he was dead (hauing raigned 22. yeares, sixe moneths, and three dayes) Caius Caesar who succeeded him in the Empire, freed him from prison, and gaue him the Tetrarchie of Caius Caesar giueth the Tetrarchie to Agrippa Aristobulus sonne, and maketh him a king. Ant. lib. 18. cap. 14. Herode and his wife remaine in Spayne. The yeare of the world 4002. after Christs birth 40. Philip, who was now deceased, and the title of a king. When Agrippa came into his kingdome, Herod the Tetrarch began to enuie his estate; & Herodias his wife still vrged him forward to hope that he should be made a king: for (said she) thou wantest that dignitie onely for slouthfulnesse, I because thou wouldest not goe to Caesar: for if Agrippa be made a king, being before but a priuate man, how canst thou doubt to be made a king, who art already a Tetrarch? Herod herewith perswaded, went vnto Caius Caesar, who greatly reproued his auarice, in so much as he fled into Spaine; for Agrippa followed him to Rome to accuse him before Caesar: and Caius gaue vnto him Herods Tetrarchie. And so Herod remained in Spaine with his wife.
CHAP. IX.
Of the pride of Caius, and of Petronius the President.
CAius Caesar so abused himselfe and his autoritie, that he would be thought to bee a God, K Ant. lib. 18. cap. 15. Caius Caesar calleth and reputeth himselfe a God. The feare the Iewes had of Petronius armie. & be so called. Also he put many Noble men of his countrie to death. He likewise extended his impietie euen vnto Iudaea: for he sent Petronius with an armie to Ierusalem, commanding him to set his statuaes in the Temple, & if the Iewes refused to receiue them, that those who withstood him he should put to the sword, and leade the rest away captiues. Almightie God did otherwise dispose this proud commandement. But Petronius accompanied with three legions, and manie assistants out of Syria, came with all speed from Antiochia to Iudaea: manie of the Iewes would not beleeue any warre towards, notwithstanding that they heard a generall report thereof: and they [...]at beleeued it, could not bethinke themselues of anie meanes to resist. Sodainly all were in a great feare: for the armie was now come to Ptolemais, which Citie is situate by the sea shore in Galilee in a large field, and on the East side it is compassed about with mountaines, The description of Ptolemais. L distant from it threescore furlongs, which appertaine vnto Galilee; on the South side it is inclosed with the mount Carmel, which is an hundred and twentie furlongs off from it: on the North side it is inuironed with an exceeding high mountaine, which the inhabitants call the Tyrians ladder: this mountaine is an hundred paces distant from the Citie. Two miles from this Citie there is a riuer running by, called Beleus, a verie little one, neere vnto which is the sepulchre of Memnon, hauing adioyning vnto it a place of the compasse of an hundreth cubits, worthy of Sand like glasse neere Memnons sepulcher. admiration. This place is as it were a round valley couered with sand like glasse, which when many ships comming together take away for ballace, so that they emptie the place of it, that place is presently after couered with the like sand againe. For there are winds, which as it were vpon purpose carry this sand from the higher places round about it thither, and whatsoeuer is within M the mine of mettall there, it is presently changed into chrystall or glasse. And that which in my mind is more to be wondered at, is, that the sand being turned into glasse, if afterward any part thereof be cast vpon the brinke of this place, it is againe turned into ordinarie sand. And this is the nature of that place.
Now the Iewes with their wiues & children gathered themselues together in the field where the Citie Ptolemais is situate, and humbly besought Petronius, first not to violate their countrie [Page 619] lawes: and next, to be good vnto them. Petronius seeing the multitude of them who humbly The yeare of the world. 4002. after the birth of Christ. 40. A sued vnto him, and how earnestly they besought his fauour, left his armie and Caesars statuaes at Ptolemais; and himselfe went from thence to Galilee, and at Tyberias called all the Iewes & their Nobilitie together, recounting vnto them the force of the Roman armie, and Caesars threatnings: adding moreouer, that the Iewes supplication was indeed a contumelie, seeing all nations vnder Petronius certifieth ye Iewes of the Romans power and Caesars threats the dominion of the Romans (the Iewes onely excepted) had alreadie placed Caesars statuaes in their Temples amongst the rest of their Gods: & herein they did as it were reuolt frō the Empire, & iniure the President. They answered, that it was against their lawes & custom of their country: for it was not lawfull for them to haue the image of God, much lesse the image of a man; and that they were not only forbidden by the law, to haue an image in their Temple, but also to haue it in any other prophane place. Petronius sodainly answered: Well, I must do my Lords commaund, B for if I do not, but spare you, I shall be iustly punished: and not I, but he that sent me, will fight against you. For I my selfe as well as you must do as I am commanded. At these words the whole multitude cried out at once, that before they wold see their religion violated, they would willingly suffer themselues to be destroyed. When the noise of the people was ceased, Petronius sayd, Are ye then prepared and minded to fight against Caesar? The Iewes answered, Wee euerie day offer sacrifices for Caesar and the Romans. But if Caesar would needes place his image in their Temple hee must first offer their whole nation for sacrifice: for they would willingly with their wiues and children offer themselues to anie that would kill them. Hereat Petronius greatly maruelled, being moued to compassion when he beheld the constancie of the Iewes in their religion, The constancy of the Iewes. and so great a multitude prepared to die for it. And for that time they departed, nothing being C done. The next day following he assembled onely the Nobilitie of the Iewes, one by one, compelling them to accord to Caesars commaund, and spake publikely to the people, sometime admonishing them, otherwhile threatning them, and putting them in mind of the power of the Romans, and Caesars indignation, and that hee must of necessitie doe as he was commaunded. Petronius once more assembleth the Iewes, and threatneth them. Petronius sendeth to Caesar and signifieth the Iewes supplication. But they were moued by none of these. And Petronius fearing the ground would bee left vntilled (for it was now seed time, and all the people had remained idle in the Citie for fiftie dayes space) calling them together, he said, that he would go abo [...] a thing which might greatly endanger himselfe. For (said he) I will either (God working with me) appease Caesars wrath, or else I will lose mine owne life to saue such a multitude as you are. And dismissing the people, who made daily prayers to God for him, he led the armie from Ptolemais vnto Antiochia, frō whence D he presently sent vnto Caesar in all hast, recounting vnto him with how great an armie he went into Iudaea, and that all the whole nation made supplication vnto him: whose request and humble suit if he denied, he must vtterly destroy the men and their countrey; for they had constantly remained in their country religion, and vehemently resisted any new law. Caius writ an answere of these letters vnto Petronius, threatning that it should cost him his life, because hee made no more haste to execute his commaund. The messengers that brought these letters were tossed in Petronius receiueth letters of Caesars death. a tempest vpon the sea three whole moneths together, and others comming after them to bring newes of Caius his death, had a prosperous wind; so Petronius receiued the letters of Caius Caesars death twentie and seuen dayes before the other threatning letters came.
CHAP. X. E
Of the Empire of Claudius, and of the raigne and death of Agrippa.
CAius Caesar being slaine by treason when he had raigned three yeares and sixe moneths, The yeare of the world, 4005. after Christs natiuitie, 43 Ant lib. 19. cap. 3. Caius raigned three yeeres and six moneths. Agrippa is chosen both betwixt the Senate and Claudius for an arbiter. Claudius was made Emperour by the armie which was at Rome. The Senate by the instigation of the Consuls Sentius Saturnius and Pomponius the second; commanded three legions of Souldiers to keepe the Citie, during the Councell holden in the Capitol: and for Caius Caesars crueltie they determined to fight against Claudius, intending to reduce the Empire to the ancient gouernmēt, that as before time, so for euer after, those shuld F rule that the Senate iudged worthy. It chanced that at this time Agrippa came to Rome, and the Senate sent vnto him, requesting him to come and be one of their Councell. Claudius also desired him to take part with the armie, intending to vse his helpe where neede required. Agrippa perceiuing that Claudius was already as it were Emperour for his power, hee tooke part with him, who presently sent him as Embassadour to the Senate, to tell them his purpose; how that first of all, the souldiers whether he would or no, set him in that dignitie: and it had beene in him [Page 620] an vndiscreet part to haue forsaken such an offer at the souldiers hands, who did it for good will: G The yeere of the world. 4005. afterChrists birth 43. nay, if he had refused it, his life should be in continuall danger; for it was sufficient cause of enuie that hee had beene elected Emperour. Moreouer, he purposed to rule, not as a tyrant, but as a most mild prince: for he would be contented only with the title of an Emperour, and doe nothing without the common consent of them all. And although he was not naturally inclined to modest and curteous behauiour, yet he had a sufficient example to beware that he abused not The Senates answere to Agrippa. his authoritie, by Caius Caesars death. Agrippa bare this message to the Senate, who answered (as though they trusted vnto their souldiers and learned Counsell) that they would not thrust themselues into wilfulbondage. Claudius receiuing this answer, sent Agrippa againe to tell them, that nothing could cause him to betray them, by whom he was made Emperour: and that he was forced to make warre against them, with whom hee was verie loth to H striue, and therefore willed them to chuse a place out of the Citie for the battell to be fought in: for it stood with no reason to deface the Citie with ciuill wars and massacres for the obstinacie of some few. Agrippa did also this message vnto the Senate: and one of the souldiers that were for the Senate drew his sword, and said, Fellow souldiers, what should moue vs to massacre our friends, and kinred, and parents, who follow Claudius, especially seeing wee haue an Emperour with whom we can find no fault, vnto whom we should rather go forth with entreaties then with armes. When he had said this, he passed through the midst of the court, and all the souldiers followed him.
The Senate being thus left desolate, & the Lords abādoned of their force, began to be in great feare: and seeing it was no standing out for them, they followed the souldiers, & went vnto Claudius. The Senate follow the souldiers to Claudius. I Before the Citie walles there met them some that indeuoured to shew themselues dutifull vnto Claudius for his fortune sake, hauing their swords drawne, and they almost killed fiue before Caesar vnderstood the outrage of the souldiers: and they had done it, had not Agrippa ranne and told him of the matter, saying, that if he did not presently appease the souldiers furie, now raging against the Citizens, that all his Nobilitie would presently be extinguished, and he should be left an Emperour of a desolate place. When Claudius heard this, hee repressed the souldiers furie, and verie honourably receiued the Senate into his campe, and went forth presently Claudius honorably entertain [...]th the Senate Agrippas kingdome. with them, and offered sacrifice to God, as the maner is, for the good estate of the Empire. Also hee presently made Agrippa King of all his fathers dominions, giuing him likewise that which Augustus gaue Herod, to wit, Trachonite and Auranite, and beside them another K kingdome, called the kingdome of Lysania, and published this his gift by an edict vnto the people, and commaunded the Senate to engraue that donation in brasen tables, and to place The yeere of the world. [...]08. after Christs birth 46. it in the Capitoll. Moreouer he rewarded his brother Herod, who was his kinsman, with the kingdome of Chalcis, and married him to the Queene Berenice. Agrippa receiued greater reuenues of his kingdome then he could desire, which he spent not vainly, but in building such a wall about Ierusalem, as had he finished it, the Romans could neuer haue taken it: but before Ant. lib. 19. cap. 5. Agrippa after he had raigned three yeeres in Caesarea dieth. Herod after he had raigned in Chalcis dieth. Ant. lib. 19. cap. 7. 8. Alexanders and Aristobulus Genealogy he could end that worke he died in Caesarea, hauing raigned three yeeres with the title of a king, and other three yeeres before in the state of a Tetrarch. Hee left behind him three daughters which he had by Cypris, Berenice, Mariamme, and Drusilla, and one sonne by the same wife named Agrippa: who, because he was verie young, Claudius reduced the kingdome into a prouince, L and made Cestius Festus Gouernour thereof. But after him Tyberius Alexander, who nothing violating the lawes of the nation, ruled them in peace. After this, Herod king of Chalcis departed, leauing behind him two sonnes, which he had by his brothers daughter Berenice, to wit, Berenicianus and Hircanus: and by his first wife Mariamme, Aristobulus. His other brother also Aristobulus died a priuate person, leauing one daughter Iotapa. And these were the posterity of Aristobulus king Herods sonne, and Herod had Alexander and Aristobulus by Mariamme, whom he put to death: but Alexanders posteritie raigned in the greater Armenia.
CHAP. XI.
Of diuers tumults in Iudaea and Samaria. M
AFter the death of Herode who raigned in Chalcis, Claudius created Agrippa the sonne of the former Agrippa, king of Chalcis in his vncles kingdome: and Cumanus was The ye [...]re of the world, 4011. after Christs natiuitie, 49. made ruler of the other prouince after Alexander, vnder whō there were many tumults and new calamities, which befell the Iewes. For when they were assembled togither at the feast of vnleuened bread in Ierusalem, the Romane souldiers standing in the porch of the temple (for [Page 621] alwaies armed men kept that place vpon festiual daies, least the people gathered togither should The yeare of thē world, 4011. after Christs birth 49. A filthy fact and speech of a souldier against the Iewes on a festiuall day. Cumanus [...] the peoples rage. Some tenne thousand men thronged to death. A make any tumult) one of the souldiers taking vp his coat, turned his bare buttocks against the Iewes faces, speaking words as vnseemely as was his gesture. Whereat all the whole multitude began to murmur; so that they flocked about Cumanus; requesting him to punish the souldier for this misdemeanour: and some of them rash young men; and as it were prone to sedition, began to reuile the souldiers, and threw stones at them. Then Cumanu; fearing that the whole multitude of the Iewes would violently rush vpon him; called vnto him many armed souldiers, and sent them into the porch of the temple. The Iewes being in a great feare fled and left the temple, and there was such a throng that as they rushed out to flie, aboue tenne thousand people were prest and troden to death: so that this festiuall day was turned into wofull lamentations and mournings in euerie place. This calamitie was encreased afterward by a company of theeues: B for neere Bethoron one Stephanus seruant vnto Caesar, caried some household stuff, which the theeues tooke from him in the high way. But Cumanus sending for those in the villages next adioyning, to make inquirie of these theeues, commaunded them to be bound and brought vnto A souldier cutteth the booke of the holy scripture in peeces and burneth it. The yeare of the world. 4014, after Christs birth 52. The souldier executed that burned the Bible. A Galilean slaine in Samaria. him, because they had not taken the theeues: in one of which villages a certaine souldier finding the booke of the holy scripture, cut it in peeces and burnt it. Hereupon the Iewes gathered themselues togither from all places, as though their religion were now violated, and drawen by the force of their superstition as with an engine, all of them at one call went to Caesarea to Cumanus, there beseeching him that the souldier who had so blasphemed God, and their law; might not escape vnpunished. But Cumanus perceiued the Iewes would not be appeased without some satisfaction, wherefore he condemned the souldier to death, and sent him to execution before their C faces; which done, they all departed.
At last there arose a tumult betweene the Galileans and Samaritans; for at a village called Geman, scituate in the great field of Samaria, a certaine Galilean of the number of the Iewes that came to the feast was slaine: for which fact many Galileans ranne to fight with the Samaritans; and the nobilitie of the countrey went vnto Cumanus, requesting him before any more harme were done to go into Galilee and punish the authors of this euill. But Cumanus being busied in greater affaires, sent them away without granting their request. When this murther was knowne in Ierusalem, all the multitude left the solemnitie of the day; and went into Samaria without any guide, refusing to be restrained by the nobilitie. Of this their tumult and sedition the sonne of Dinaeus called Eleazar, and one Alexander were captaines; who with violence D entering the borders of the countrey of Acrabatena, killed man, woman and child, sparing no Eleazar and Alexander two princes of the Iewes exercise much crueltie. age, and burning the townes. When Cumanus heard this, he tooke a cornet of ho [...]semen called the Sebastians; to come and helpe them that were thus oppressed, and so tooke and killed many of them who tooke part with Eleazar. Now the nobles of Ierusalem came out to the rest of that multitude which so wasted Samaria, clothed in sackcloth & ashes vpon their heads, beseeching them not so to seeke reuenge vpon the Samaritanes, as thereby to moue the Romans to destroy Ierusalem, and to be mercifull to their countrey, the temple, their wiues and children, and not at once hazard all, and ouerthrow their whole countrie and nation in reuenging the death of one Galilean. The Iewes hereby were pacified, and departed. At the same time many conspired togither to robbe and steale (as most commonly people by long peace grow insolent) so Conspiracy in robbery. E that they robbed in euery part of the countrie, & they that were most strong and able, offered violence to those that were weaker. Then the princes of Samaria went to Tyre, beseeching Numidius Quadratus being gouernour of Syria, to reuenge them of those that so robbed and spoiled their countrey. There was also the nobilitie of the Iewes, & Ionathas the sonne of Ananus who was high Priest, who defended the Iewes against the Samaritanes accusations, affirming the Samaritanes to haue beene cause of that tumult in killing the Galilean: and after that Cumanus was cause of the rest of their calamities, who refused to punish the murtherers. Quadratus for that time sent away both parties, promising thē that when he came into their countries, he would diligently Quadratus gouernour of Syria heareth the Samaritanes & Iewes. Quadratus giueth sentence betwixt the Iewes and Samaritanes. enquire of the matter, and comming from thence to Caesarea, he crucified all those whom Cumanus tooke aliue. And departing from thence to Lydda, he heard the Samaritans complaints, F and sent for eighteene men whom he vnderstood for certaine to haue bin in that broile, & beheaded them: & sent the two high priests Ionathas and Ananias, & his son Ananus, with some other of the nobilitie of the Iewes to Caesar, and also the chiefe of the Samaritans. He likewise commanded Cumanus and Celer the tribune to go to Rome, and yeelde account vnto Claudius for that which they had done in that countrey.
This done, he went from Lydda to Ierusalem, and finding there the multitude celebrating the [Page 622] feast of vnleuened bread, without any tumults or disorders, he returned to Antiochia. Caesar at G The yeere of the world. 4014. after Christs birth 52. Claudius sentence against some Samaritanes, Cumanus and Celer. Rome hearing the allegations of Cumanus, and the Samaritanes (Agrippa was also there earnestly defending the cause of the Iewes, as also Cumanus was assisted by many potentates) he pronounced sentence against the Samaritans, & commanded three of their chiefe nobilitie to be put to death, and banished Cumanus, and sent Celer the tribune bound vnto Ierusalem, that the Iewes might draw him about the citie, and then cut off his head. This done, he sent Felix brother to Pallas to rule Iudaea, Samaria, and Galilaea. And he preferred Agrippa from Chalcis vnto a greater kingdome, making him king of that prouince, whereof Philip had beene ruler, to wit Trachon, Batanaea and Gaulanitis, adding thereunto Lysanias kingdome, & the Tetrarchy; whereof Claudius dieth, and Nero succeeded him The yeare of the world. 4015. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 53. Nero killeth his brother, his mother and wife. Varus was gouernour: And hauing raigned thirteene yeeres, eight moneths, and thirtie daies, Claudius departed this life, leauing Nero to succeed him, whom by the perswasions of his wife Agrippina H he adopted to the Empire, hauing a lawfull begotten sonne of his owne named Britannicus by his former wife Messalina, and a daughter called Octauia, whom he maried vnto Nero: he had also another daughter by Agrippina named Antonia. How Nero abused his wealth and felicitie, and how he slew his brother, mother and his wife, and afterward raged against all his kinred, and how in a mad vaine he became a player vpon a stage, because it requireth a long narration, I will speake nothing thereof.
CHAP. XII.
Of the tumults in Iudaea vnder Felix.
WHerefore I will begin to recount what Nero did against the Iewes. He made Aristobulus I Herodes sonne king of the lesser Armenia, and ioyned vnto Agrippas kingdome foure The yeare of the world, 4018. after Christs natiuitie 56. Ant. lib. 20. cap. 1 [...]. Felix surpriseth Eleazar the captaine of the theeues and many others, and sendeth them bound to Rome. Another sort of theeues who at [...] daies went about the city to murther men. Ionathas the high priest with many others slaine. Ant. lib. 20. cap. 12. cities, and the ground belonging vnto them; two of them Abila and Iulias were in the countrey of Peraea, the other Tarichaea and Tiberias were in Galilee: and he made Felix gouernour ouer the rest of Iudaea. This Felix tooke Eleazar captaine of the theeues, after he had robbed and spoyled the countrey twentie yeeres, and many more with him, and sent them bound vnto Caesar, and he crucified a great number of them, who either were theeues and his confederates, or else such as assisted him. The countrey was no sooner clensed from these, but presently another sort of theeues arose in Ierusalem called Sicarij, with short swords, who at high noone in the midst of the citie killed many in euery place: and especially at the celebrating of holy feasts they mixt themselues with the multitude, hauing short swords vnder their coates, and therewithall K killed those to whom they bare any grudge; and when men fell downe dead, they amongst the rest complained of this wickednes. By this deceitfull meanes they were a long time vnsuspected & vnknowen. And first of all they killed Ionathas the high priest, & after him euery day some were slaine: and the citie was put in a feare worse then death it selfe; for each man euery moment expected death, as though it had beene amidst open warres: likewise euerie one cast a diligent eye vpon those that came neere him; also no man trusted his familiar friends: and yet were they murthered, whilst they were looking about them to escape daunger. So cunningly did these theeues couer and conceale their actions. Moreouer there arosean other sort of mischieuous people, who did not so much harme with their hands as the first, but with their impious counsell more, and did no lesse trouble the quiet estate of the citie then did the theeues. These people being vagabonds L and iuglers, desiring alteration vnder pretence of religion, made the people as it were madde: for they went into the wildernes, affirming that there God would shew them tokens of their liberty. Felix perceiuing that their action tended to rebellion, sent an army of horse and footmen against these people, and killed a great many of them.
But a certaine Aegytian a false Prophet, caused a farre greater massacre among the Iewes then that was: for being a Magician, he came into the countrey, and calling himselfe a Prophet he gathered An Egyptian Prophet gathereth welny [...]0000. men. vnto him almost thirtie thousand Iewes, who were by his magicke artes seduced; and leading them from the wildernes to mount Oliuet, he determined from thence to goe to Ierusalem, and to driue backe the forces of the Romans, & to vse his authoritie ouer the people. He had for his guard those that came to follow him. Felix foreseeing his intent, met him with his legions M of armed Romans: whom the other Iewes assisting, and fighting against him, the Aegyptian with a few fled, and many that were with him were taken and committed to prison, and the rest of the Felix ouerthroweth the Egyptian. The theeues and magitians work much mischiefe to many men. multitude dispersed themselues euerie one in his countrey. These being thus repressed, the other part (as it hapneth in a sicke bodie) began to rise: for some of the Magitians, and the theeues being gathered togither, they brought many vnto miserie, and as it were exhorted them to libertie, threatning present death to those that obeyed the Romans, so that they forced them who were [Page 623] contented with their subiection to the Romans, to disobey them. These people being dispersed al The yeare of the world. 4020. after the [...] of Christ. 50. A ouer the countrey, robbed and sacked. Noblemens and rich mens houses: moreouer killed them, and fi [...]ed the villages; so that all Iudaea was in extreame feare ofthem, and euerie day their crueltie increased.
At this time arose another tumult at Caesarea, by a sedition raised betweene the Iewes that Ant lib. 20. cap. 13. dwelt there, and the Syrians. The Iewes challenged the citie to be theirs, because it was founded by Herod, who was a Iew. But the Syrians denying not but that the builder of the citie was a Iew, yet they affirmed that it belonged to the Gentiles: for (said they) it had not been lawfull for the founder to haue placed in it shrines and statuaes, if he had meant that it should haue belonged A fight betweene the Iewes and Syrians about Caesarea. to the Iewes. So that hereupon there arose a great controuersie amongst the Iewes and Syrians, in so much as the one fought against the other, and euerie day those that were the hardiest of B both parts fought together. For the elder sort of the Iewes could not restraine those of their nation from being seditious: and the Greeks scorned to giue place vnto the Iewes. The Iewes ouercame them in riches and strength of bodie, and the Graecians ouercame the Iewes by helpe of souldiers▪ for a great companie of the Roman armie came thither out of Syria; and they were ready to assist the Syrians, because they were as it were of their kinred & consanguinitie. The captaines of the souldiers endeuoured to appease the tumult, and tooke those that were most seditious on both parts, and beat them, and cast them in prison. But the punishment of those that were apprehended did not terrifie the rest; nay, they were here by made more seditious. When Felix Sedition and slaughter among the Iewes. The yeare of the world. 4024. after Chris [...] [...] 62. saw this, by a streight edict he banished those who were most seditious out of the Citie, & those that obeyed not, he sent souldiers and slew them, suffering their goods to be taken by the souldiers. C The sedition being still on foot, he sent the Nobilitie on either part to Nero to plead their right and title. Festus succeded Felix, who diligently persecuted them that troubled the countrie, and destroyed manie theeues.
CHAP. II.
Of Albinus and Florus, Presidents of Iudaea.
BVt Albinus, who succeeded Festus followed not his steps: for there was no iniquitie so great wherein he was not plunged. Furthermore, he did not onely take away by force Ant lib. 20. cap 11. Albinus president of Iudaea full of all wickednes. mens goods from them vnder colour of iustice, and at his owne pleasure exact a greater D tribute, but also freed and let loose anie one whom either the souldiers of the Citie tooke, or his predecessors had left in prison; so that their friends would giue a peece of money: and they only who were not able to giue mony, were imprisoned as most hainous offenders. At this time they in Ierusalem that desired alteration, began to take courage, & those which were rich among them feed Albi [...]s with mony, to permit them to be seditious, & the common people that could not bee in quiet, ioyned themselues with Albinus fauourites: and euerie one of them had a The seditious bribe Albinus to winke at their robberies troupe of theeues after him. But Albinus himselfe was ouer them all as a tyrant, and prince of theeues; and he vsed the helpe of his guard to rob the meaner sort: so they whose houses were sacked and spoyled, were glad to hold their peace; and they who yet had escaped, were glad to be verie officious towards those who deserued death, for feare they should suffer the like. In general, E no man could trust one another: there were then many tyrants, and from that time the seedes of captiuitie, which after befell, began to take roote.
Notwithstanding that Albinus was of such behauiour, yet Gessius Florus who succeeded The yeare of the world. 4028. after Christs birth 66. Ant. lib. 20. cap. 16. Gessius Florus succeeded Albinus and proued worser then Albinus. him, so behaued himselfe, that in comparison of him, Albinus might haue beene thought a good Gouernour. For Albinus did all things secretly and craftily, but Gessius committed anie iniquitie how great soeuer so openly, as though he gloried in his impietie; and behaued himselfe, nor as a ruler of the countrie, but as a hangman sent to execute malefactors; omitting no manner of theft, nor anie meanes whereby he might afflict the people. Where he ought to haue shewed pitie, there was he a tyrant; and where he ought to haue beene ashamed, there lice shewed himselfe shamelesse. No man euer could inuent more meanes to obscure truth, & deuise more waies F to do harme then he: for it sufficed him not, for his owne gaine to abuse men one by one at his The couetousnes of Florus spoileth whole cities. pleasure, but he wasted and spoyled whole cities at once, and destroyed the people in great multitude. Nay, he was not ashamed by the publike voyce of a crier, to proclaime it through the whole coutrie lawfull for any one that would, to rob and steale, so that they would bring him a part of their bootie. In briefe, his cruelty was such, that the country was almost left desolate, people forsaking their own natiue home, & flying into strange lands. And during the time that Cestius Gallus [Page 624] was gouernour of Syria, no man durst go to him to make anie complaint against Florus. But G The yeare of the world. 4018. after Christs birth 66. Cestius Gallus appeaseth the people and requireth a mitigation of Florus seueritie. when at the feast of vnleauened bread Gallus came to Ierusalem, there met him a multitude of the Iewes aboue three hundred thousand, all beseeching him to helpe and succour their afflicted countrey, and banish Florus, who was the verie plague of their nation. Yet Florus was so impudent, that being with Gallus, and hearing these cries against him, he was no whit moued thereat, but laughed at it. Cestius for that time appeased the people, promising that hereafter he would make Florus more gentle vnto them, and so returned to Antiochia. Florus conducted him to Caesarea to stop his mouth with lies, deuising with himselfe how to make the Iewes rebel, and that he thought was the safest meanes for to cloake his villanies: for if they continued in peace and obedience, he feared that some of them would accuse him before Caesar: marie if he could make them reuolt, then he hoped that their great fault would shadow his impieties. Wherefore to bring about H his purpose, he euerie day oppressed them with new calamities, forcing them hereby to rebell against the Romans. At this time the Gentiles of Caesarea got the victorie ouer the Iewes, The beginning of the warre of the Iewes, the 12. yeare of Neros raigne. and brought letters to testifie that decree before Nero. This was the beginning of the wars of the Iewes, in the twelfth yeare of Nero his empire, and the seuenteenth of Agrippas raigne, in the moneth of May.
CHAP. XIIII.
Of Florus crueltie against the Iewes of Caesarea and Ierusalem.
FLorus had no iust cause for any of these calamities which he inflicted vpon the Iewes. The I Iewes dwelling at Caesarea had a synagogue neere a peece of ground that belonged to a Gentile dwelling in Caesarea. The Iewes often sought to compound with him for that Ant. lib. 20. cap. 15. The causes of the warre of the Iewes. The yeare of the world. 4030. after Christs birth 68. Florus periury and decoit toward the Iewes. peece of ground, offering him far more then it was worth: but the Landlord of the soile did not only contemne their request, but also to their great griefe in that place builded tauerns; so that he left them a verie streight and narrow passage to go to their synagogue. Some young men among the Iewes, being verie zealous, resisted the workmen, and would not suffer them to build. Florus hearing this, commanded the Iewes to let the workmen goe forward in their worke. The Iewes not knowing what to do, especially one Iohn a Publican, offered Florus eight talents to hinder the building: he promised for that mony to fulfill their request: and now hauing it, [...]e presently departed from Caesarea, and went to Sebaste without perfourming anie thing, giuing as it were K occasion of sedition, & as though he had receiued money of the Nobilitie of the Iewes to permit them to fight a certaine time. The next day which was the Iewes Sabboth, when they were all assembled to go to the synagogue, one of Caesarea, a seditious person, tooke a great ear then vessel and set it euen at the entrie into their synagogue, and vpon it did offer birds. This fact so moued the Iewes that they would not be pacified, because it was done in contempt of their religion, and thereby the place was profaned. One part of the Iewes that was most modest and wisest; counselled the people to complaine to them that were in authority: but those who for heat of their youth The conflict of the Iewes with the Caesareans were prone to seditiō; begā contumeliously to reuile the aduersaries. For the most seditious of the people of Caesarea were also prepared to fight with them, and had caused that to bee done before the synagogue, only to picke a quarrell, and so they fought together. Iucundus General of the L horsmen, that was left to keepe all in quiet, presently came with souldiers, and commanded that vessell to be taken away, and so indeuoured to appease the tumult: but not being able to doe it through the violence of them of Caesarea; the Iewes tooke the bookes of their lawes, and retired themselues to a place called Narbata, belonging to them, which was distant from Caesarea Florus imprisoneth twelue of the chiefest Iewes in Caesarea. threescore furlongs. Twelue of the chiefe of them, together with Iohn the Publican, went vnto Florus; being at Sebaste, to complaine of the iniurie done vnto them, requesting him to assist them, and modestly put him in mind of the eight talents they gaue him. But he presently commaunded them to bee bound and imprisoned, because they had presumed to take and carie their law from Caesarea. Hereat those of Ierusalem were greatly moued, yet they shewed it not. Florus as vpon set purpose giuing occasion of rebellion, sent for seuenteene talents out of the sacred M treasurie, pretending that it was to be imployed in Caesars affaires. At this the people was much troubled, calling and crying vpon the name of Caesar, praying that he would deliuer them from Florus his tyrannie. Some of them being seditious, began to curse Florus bitterly, and took Another cause of warre raised by Florus. a basket and caried it about, and begged an almes for Florus; which they did in derision, as who should say, he were as miserable as beggers that haue nothing. Florus for all this left not his couetousnes, but was more earnest to rob the inhabitants of their goods. So that when he should haue [Page 625] gone to Caesarea to haue quieted the sedition; & remoued the cause of tumults, as also he had receiued A The yeare of the world 4030. after Christs Natiuitie. 68. mony so to do; taking an armie of horse and foot, he came to Ierusalem, that with the help of the Roman souldiers he might effect his pleasure, and terrifie the whole citie.
The people to pacifie his wrath, went out in curteous sort to meete the armie, shewing themselues readie to giue them the best entertainment they could, and to receiue Florus with all honour and reuerence. Florus vnderstanding of them, sent before him one Capito a Centurion, Another occasion of the war. Florus scorneth the gratulation of the Iewes. with fiftie horsemen; commanding them to depart, and not to mocke him with a pretence of honour, whom they had so hainously abused. And that if they were as good as their words, they should flout and reproch him to his face; and not onely in words, but in deedes shew; that they desired libertie. Herewithall the multitude being terrified; and also for that the horsemen that came with Capito assaulted them with violence; euerie one fled before they saluted Florus, or B did their accustomed duety vnto the army: and going euerie one vnto his house, they past the watchfull night in feare and sorrow. Florus for that night lodged in the kings pallace. The next day he caused a tribunall openly to be placed, and the high priest and all the chiefe of the Iewes resorted thither, and stood before the tribunall. Then Florus sitting in the tribunall seate, commaunded Florus in his tribunal requireth them to be yeelded vnto him, who had spoken ill of him. them to bring foorth presently all those, that had vsed any opprobrious words against him, threatning to be reuenged vpon them except they did it. The Iewes made answere, that the people intended nothing but peace and quietnesse, requesting that they that had offended in words might obtaine pardon. For it was no maruell in so great a multitude, if there were some rash and foolish young men: and that it was vnpossible to discerne all that offended, seeing euery one was now penitent for that which was done, and at least for feare would denie it. And that if C he were carefull to conserue and maintaine the quietnesse of the nation, and preserue the Citie stil to obey the Romans, he then must rather pardon a few seditious for so many good mens sake, then to reuenge himselfe of a few wicked persons, to hurt and molest so many that thought no harme. Hereat Florus wrath was encreased, and presently he commanded the souldiers to sacke The outrage of Florus soldiers the market place (which was in the higher part of the Citie) where things were solde, and put all they met or found vnto the sword. The souldiers, who were desirous of gaine, hauing now authoritie from their ruler, did not only sacke the place they were sent vnto, but also all houses, and murthered the inhabitants. All streets and gates were filled with them that sought to flie, and the dead bodies of them that did light into the souldiers hands: no sort of spoiling was omitted. They also apprehended many of the nobilitie, and brought them to Florus: and he causing them to be whipt, afterward hanged them vp. And there were slaine that day, of men, women and Florus soldiers kill 630. Iewes in one day. D children (for they spared not infants) six hundreth and thirtie. Which did not afflict the Iewes so much, as to see the sodaine crueltie and tyrannie of the Romans: Florus then doing that none before durst euer presume to doe: for he caused knights before the tribunall seate to be whipped, and after hanged them vp, who though they were Iewes borne, yet receiued they that dignitie from the Romans.
CHAP. XV.
Of another opperession of the Citizens of Ierusalem, by Florus his meanes.
AT the same time king Agrippa was gone to Alexandria, to entertaine Alexander, whom E Nero sent to be ruler ouer Aegypt; his sister Berenice in the meane while remained in Ierusalem, Berenice requi reth Florus to pacifie his displeasure against the Iewes. who seeing the cruelty of the souldiers, was much grieued: and often sent the lieutenants of her horsemen and her owne guard vnto Florus, requesting him to abstaine from the slaughter of the citizens. But he neither regarding the multitude of them that were slain, nor the dignitie of her that entreated, but only his priuate gaine, and what he could gather by oppression and rapine, denied her request: so that the rage of the souldiers extended it selfe also against the Queene. For they did not onely before her face beate and kill all that came in their way, but The furie of the souldiers against Bero [...] nice. they had also killed her, had she not fled into the pallace, where she watcht all night, keeping a trusty guard about her, fearing that the soldiers would breake in vpon her. She came to Ierusalem F to fulfill her vow to God: for it is the custome, that if any be afflicted with a grieuous sicknesse, or be in any other destresse, they must abide in prayer thirtie daies before they offer sacrifice, and abstaine from wine, and shaue their haire; which custome Queene Berenice then obseruing, stood also barefoot before Florus his tribunall seat, to entreat him: whom he not only contemned, but also put her in danger of her life. This was done the sixteenth day of May. The day after, the The people exclaime against Floru [...] multitude gathered togither in the vpper part of the Citie in the market place, & with great cries [Page 626] murmured that so manie were slaine, and especially vsed contumelious words against Florus; G The yeare of the world, 4030 after Christs birth 68. Florus renueth the discontents of the people. which the nobilitie and high priests (fearing their deaths) apprehended, beseeching them to abstaine from such words as had alreadie caused that calamitie in the citie, and not to prouoke Florus vnto greater indignation. And so the multitude was pacified for their sakes who entreated, and hoped that hereafter Florus would desist from such crueltie. Florus, when he saw the multitude quieted, was sorie: and that he might againe prouoke them, he assembled togither the nobilitie and high Priests, telling them that it would be an argument that the people did not seeke alteration any more, if they would go in courteous wise and meete the souldiers which were comming Florus subtiltie and treason. from Caesarea, whereof were two legions. Hauing thus assembled the Iewes togither to go meet the souldiers, he also sent and commaunded the Centurions not to salute the Iewes, who came to meet them: and if therefore the Iewes were offended, and gaue any hard speeches, they H should fall vpon them with their weapons. The high priests assembling the Iewes togither in the temple, besought them to go, & solemnly to meet and entertaine the souldiers, for feare of a greater inconuenience. Notwithstanding their counsell, those that were seditious refused to do as they were requested: and others for griefe of them that were slaine tooke part with the seditious.
Then all the Priests and Leuites brought forth the holy vessels and ornaments of the temple, and with Harpes, songs and musicall instruments came before the multitude, beseeching them to endeuour, that the honour and pompe of the temple might still remaine, & not to incite the Romans The exhortation of the priests and princes to the people. through contumelious words to sacke the temple. There might you see the chiefe of the high Priests with ashes vpon their heads, and cloathes rent, so that their naked breasts were perceiued; & calling euerie noble man by his name, and speaking vnto al the multitude, requested not I for a small offence to betray their whole countrie to them; who still gaped after the destruction thereof. For what commoditie should the Romans reape by the Iewes salutation, and what amendement of their miseries could they expect if they did not go to meet them? Contrariwise if they would go to them in solemne sort, then they tooke from Florus al occasion of persecution, & saued their countrey from ruine, & themselues from further calamities. Adding, that it was a great shame that such a multitude should be led away with a few seditious persons, & that it was more fit that so many should force those few seditious people to obey them, & ioyne with them in opinion.
With these perswasions they did mollifie the malice of the Iewes, and also perswade many of the seditious people, some with threats, and some with reuerence of themselues to be pacified. And so they going before all the people followed, & went out to meet the Roman souldiers. And K comming neere them they saluted them: who answering nothing againe, those of the Iewes that were seditious, began to rayle against Florus, by whose consent this was done: and presently the souldiers apprehending them, did beat them with clubs, and the rest flying, the Roman horsemen The euent sheweth Florus intent & counsel. The slaughter of the Iewes. pursued them, and trode vpon them with their horses. Many were slaine by the Romanes, and more were killed in the throng, one of them tumbling vpon another. There was a great throng in the gates of the citie: for euery one hastning and striuing to get in, hindered themselues and others. Many died most miserably in that throng, and some were stifled, and some prest to death being troden vpon; so that their neighbours comming to bury them, could not know them. The souldiers also cruelly assaulted them, killing all that they could come vnto, and forced the people to go in by the entrance called Bezetha, who desired to recouer the temple and the castle called Antonia. L
Florus taking the souldiers with him, pursued them thither, striuing to get the castle; yet did he The seditious for [...] least Florus should se [...]se their spoiles flie to the temple. Florus taketh the spoiles, and entreth the temple. Florus seeing the Iewes inexpugnable in the temple, surceaseth his violence, and leauing a band behind him goeth to Caesarea. not preuaile: for the people made resistance, and threw down stones from the house top; and killed many of the Romans, who being ouercome with darts cast from aloft, and could not resist the people, who on euery side came against them, retired themselues vnto the rest of the armie at the kings pallace. Those that were seditious, fearing that Florus would againe assault them, and by the castle Antonia make an entrance into the temple, they got vpon the galleries that reached from the porch of the temple vnto Antonia, and beat them downe, hereby to represse the couetousnes of Florus. Who greedilie gaped after the sacred treasure, and striued to enter by Antonia into the temple to take them: but seeing the porches beaten downe, he offered no more violence. And calling togither the high priests and nobilitie, he said that he was content to depart M out of the citie, but he would leaue them as great a garrison as they would request. Whereunto they answered, that nothing should be altered if he would leaue one companie to keepe all quiet, so he left not that, which a while before did fight against the people, because that the people would not easily brooke them, for that which they had suffered at their hands. So Florus as he was requested, changing the garrison with the rest of the army departed to Caesarea.
CHAP. XVI. A The yeare of the world. 403 [...]. after Christs birth 68.
Of Politianus the tribune, and how Agrippa made a speech vnto the Iewes, exhorting them to obey the Romanes.
FLorus yet deuised an other way to stirre the Iewes to rebellion: for he reported vnto Cestius that the Iewes were reuolted, impudently belying them to haue committed that which indeed they endured at his hands. The nobles of Ierusalem and Berenice certified Cestus Gallus president of Syria co [...]ulteth with the princes what were bestro be done. Politianus is sent to Ierusalem and meeteth with Agrippa. Cestius of all that Florus had done: he receiuing letters from both partics deliberated with his nobles what to do. Some cosisailed Cestius to go into Iudaea with an army, & punish the Iewes if they were reuolted; and if they were not, then to confirme them in their obedience. Yet it pleased him better to send some about him thither before, to bring him true newes of their estate, and B what had hapned. So he sent Politianus the tribune, who in his way met with Agrippa about Iamnia as he returned from Alexandria, and told him all, for what, and from whom he was sent. Where also were present the Priests and chiefe of the Iewes, to welcome Agrippa. And hauing saluted him as courteously as they could, they presently bewailed the misery which had befallen their nation, & the cruelty of Florus. Which although Agrippa disallowed, yet made as if he were angry with the Iewes whō he greatly pitied, purposing hereby to bridle their affections, that they perswaded, that they had had no iniury, might abstaine from reuenge. So that all the better sort, who for their lands and liuings desired quietnes, well perceiued that the kings reprehension was not of malice but for their good.
The people of Ierusalem went out to meete them threescore furlongs off, and receiued Agrippa and Politianus verie courteously, yet the women lamented the death of their husbands slaine, The multitude of the people go out to meet Agrippa and Politianus. C and with their teares moued the whole multitude to sorrow, who besought Agrippa to haue compassion on their nation; intreating also Politianus to go into the citie, and behold what Florus had done: And so they shewed him the market place desert, and the houses destroyed, and by the meanes of Agrippa perswaded Politianus to go round about the citie as farre as Siloa, onely with one man, and behold with his eies what Florus had done, and that they were obedient to the Romanes in all things, and onely were enemies vnto Florus who had vsed them so cruelly. Politianus assembleth the people, and inciteth them to peace, and after returneth to Cestius. The Iewes require the king yt there might be some embassadors sent to Rome to conplaine of Florus to Nero. Politianus hauing gone about the whole citie, ascended into the temple, well perceiuing many arguments of the Iewes fidelitie towards the Romanes, and calling the people there togither, he praised their loyaltie, and exhorted them still to continue in like obedience, and worshipped God D and his [...]ites, as farre as the law permitted him: and so he returned vnto Cestius. The multitude of the Iewes came to Agrippa and the high Priests, requesting them to send Embassadors against Florus vnto Nero, and not to giue an argument of rebellion by not complaining of such murthers: for Florus would make him beleeue that they had rebelled, except they went vnto him to shew that Florus gaue first occasion; and it was certaine that the multitude would not be quieted if any one hindred that Embassage. Hereupon Agrippa thought that it would be an hatefull matter to send Embassadours to Rome to accuse Florus; and on the other part he perceiued, that it was to no purpose to contradict the Iewes, who were readie now to rebell: wherefore calling the people togither he made a speech vnto them, and seated his sister Berenice in an eminent place in the house of the Asmonaeans. The porch wherin he called thē togither, was in such E a place that it ouerlooked all the higher part of the Citie, for there was onely a bridge betweene it and the Temple, which ioyned the Temple and it togither, and there spake he vnto the Iewes in Agrippas oration to the Iewes. manner following.
If I had perceiued that you were bent to fight against the Romans, or that the better part of the people were not enclined to peace, neither would I haue come vnto you, nor haue presumed to haue counselled you in any thinge. For it is in vaine to giue counsell of such thinges as are expedient, where all the auditors are alreadie determined to followe that, which is contrarie to the counsell giuen them. But for that some are ignorant what miserie wars induce, because by reason of their young yeeres they haue not knowne it, others are moued with a rash and vnaduised desire of their libertie, others are drawne by auarice and hope of gaine in that hurlyburlie: I thought it good to assemble you all togither, and declare vnto you what meanes is to be F vsed to restraine such people, & that the good may the better knowe howe to resist and ouercome the practises of the wicked. But let no man frowne if he heare that which displeaseth him, and I will tell you nothing but that which seemeth expedient for you. For they that are so bent to rebellion, Agrippa striueth to make the common sort flexible & attentiue. that they will not be recalled, may for all my words continue in the same minde still. And I wil speake nothing at all except you wil all keep silence. I knowe that many do seeke to aggrauate the iniuries that are done by the rulers of the countrie, and doe highly commend and extoll [Page 628] libertie: yet before I beginne to declare vnto you who you are, and against whom ye purpose to G The ye [...]re of the world. 4030. after Christs birth 68. beare armes, I will first deuide and separate such causes as you thinke inseparable. For if you seeke onely to reuenge your selues vpon those that haue iniured you, why doe ye then so extoll liberty? or if you thinke it not tolerable to obey any other; why then, these complaints against your rulers are superfluous? For although they were neuer so milde, still would subiection bee intolerable. Call all things to minde, and consider what a small cause of warre is giuen you. And first of all weigh with your selues, the crimes and offences of your rulers: for you ought to shewe your selues humble, and dutifull to them that are in authoritie, and not exasperate and prouoke them It be hooueth to honour the magistrate and not to prouoke him by iniury. to wrath by reprochfull speeches. For in reuiling them for small offences, you doe incite them against you whom you so reuile: and that where as before they did onely doe you a little iniurie, and that secretly, now being moued through bad speeches, they openly set vpon you and destroy H you. And there is nothing that so restraineth cruelty as patience; so that oft times the patience of them who haue suffered iniurie, makes them that did the ini [...]rie ashamed thereof. Be it so, that they, which are sent into the prouinces & appointed by the Romans for your gouernours, are irksome to you: yet all the Romans doe not oppresse you, nor Caesar, against whom you would take armes. For they commaund no cruell gouernours to come to you, nor can they who are in Agrippa excuseth Caesar and the Romanes the furthest part of the West, easily know what is done in the East, nor heare thereof. And truly it is a thing most against reason to take armes for so smal cause, especially when they against whom you take armes, knowe nothing of the matter. It is an easie way quickly to haue redresse for these matters you now complaine of. For there will not be alwaies the same gouernour, and it is credible, that they who succeed this, will be more gentle and courteous. But if you once begin I Depulsion of the Iewes libertie which they so vehemently seeke for [...]. to make warre, it is not easie to end it or to sustaine it without great calamities. And let them who so thirst after libertie, diligently aduise themselues, that they do not bring vpon their backs a greater bondage. For slauerie is a cruell thing, and it seemeth a lawfull cause to make warre, least you be brought into it: yet he that is alreadie in bondage and reuolteth, is rather a peruerse slaue, then one who desireth libertie. You should therfore haue endeuored to haue resisted the Romans, when first Pompeius entred into this land: but then our ancestors and their kings farre exceeding you in riches, strength of bodie, and courage, were not able to withstand a small part of the Romane forces; and doe you thinke who are their successours, and farre weaker then they, hauing succeeded them in subiection, that you are able to resist all the whole power of the Romans?
The Athenians, who sometime to conserue the libertie of Greece, set their owne citie on fire, K and pursued that proud Xerxes whom they forced to flie with one ship (which Xerxes made the earth nauigable, and the sea firmeland, who had such a nauie that the seas had not roo [...] for one The exāple of the Athenians & others who obey the Romane empire. ship to saile by another, nor al Europe able to receiue his armie) who also had such a victorie ouer Asia, neere the little Isle of Salamina, yet now are subiect vnto the Romans, and that kingly citie is now ruled at the Romans becke. The Lacedemonians also hauing gotten such a victorie vpon the Thermopyles, and vnder their generall Agesila [...] [...]acked Asia, acknowledge now the Romans for their Lords. The Macedonians also who still imagine they see Philip and Alexander promising them the Empire of the whole world; now patiently beare this change, and obey them whom fortune hath made their masters. Many other nations, who for their The Lacedemonians. The Macedonians. power and strength haue farre more cause then you to seeke their libertie, yet patiently endure L to serue the Romans. But you onely thinke it a disgrace to obey them, who are Lords of the whol world. And where are the armies & armes that you trust in, or your nauy to scoure the Romā seas? Where are your treasures to effect that you entend? thinke you that you are to warre against The comparison of the Romans force with the Iewes weaknes. The Romans haue brought the whole world vnder their gouernment, & haue [...]ought another world beyond the Ocean. the Aegyptians or Arabians? And do you not consider the bounds of the Romane Empire? Do you not consider your owne inhabilitie? Know ye not that your neighbour nations haue often by force taken your citie? and that the forces of the Romanes haue passed through the whole world vnconquered, and as it were searching for something greater then the world? Whose dominions towards the East is extended beyond Euphrates, and towards the North beyond Ister, & towards the South beyond the wildernesse of Lybia, and towards the West beyond Gades, hauing found an other world beyond the Ocean, and with an armie entred Britaine which is M England and Scotland, where neuer anie came before. Are you richer then the Frenchmen, stronger then the Germanes, wiser then the Greeks, and are you more in number then the whole world beside? What hop [...] can you haue that may incite you against the Romanes? But some of you will say, that bondage is a grieuous thing. But how much more then you should the Greeks thinke so, that were thought to be the noblest nation vnder heauen, and had such large dominions, and now obey the Romane gouernours? as also the Macedonians doe, who [Page 629] haue greater cause then you to seeke their libertie? What shall I say of the fiftie Cities of Asia? do The [...] of the world 4030. after Christs Natiuitie. 68. A they not all obey one ruler, and the authoritie of the Consul, without any garrison? What shall I speake of the Eniochians, Col [...]hians, the people of Taurus, the inhabitants of Helispontus, and Pontus, and about Maeotis; who in time past had no ruler of their owne nation, whome now three thousand Souldiours keepe in awe, and fortie long Gallies keepe now peaceably those seas, Fiftie Cities of Asia obey the Romans. neuer sayled on before? What thinke you the Bythinians, Cappadocians, & those of Pamphilia, Lydia, and Cilicia, could say for their libertie, who notwithstanding now peaceably pay tribute vnto the Romans? What of the Thracians? whose Countrie is fiue daies iournie in breadth, and seuen in length, farre more hard and stronger then your Countrey, where frost would hinder them that should assault them, yet do they obey two thousand Romans who are in garrison. After them, the Illyrians whose countrey reacheth vnto Dalmatia, and Ister, are kept in obedience B onely by two legions, with helpe of whom they also resist the Dacians. The Dalmatians thēselues, who hauing so often attempted their own libertie being oftentimes conquered, and still as their wealth increased rebelling, are now in peace vnder one legion of the Romans. Nay if any one haue cause to rebell it is the Frenchmen, whose countrie is by the nature of the place strong, being on the East side compassed with the Alpes, on the North with the ryuer of Rhene, on the South with the Pirenaean mountaines, on the West with the Ocean. Who notwithstand, hauing The defence of France. amongst them three hundreth and fiue nations, who haue amongst them as it were the verie fountaine offelicitie, and with their goods and commodities enrich the whole world: yet doe they pay tribute vnto the Romans, and account their happinesse to be builded vpon the felicitie of the Romans, & that neither for want of courage nor Nobilitie of bloud, who fourescore yeeres C long fought for their libertie; admiring the Romans and fearing them, who still gained more by fortune, then they did by warres: and now obey a thousand and two hundreth Souldiers, hauing almost against euerie Souldiour a Citie.
Neither could the Spaniards, though gold grew in their Countrie, keepe themselues from The Spaniards subiect to the Romans. being subiect to the Romans. Nor the Portugal [...]s and the warlike Cantab [...]ians, for all the distance of sea and land betweene them and Rome. The Ocean, whose waues beating against the shoare, terrifieth the inhabitants adioyning, could not stay them but they past it: and carried an armie beyond the pillers of Hercules, and passed the tops of the Pyrenaean mountaines, which reach vnto the cloudes, and so made also those people subiect vnto them: and for all that they were so warlike a nation, and so farre from Rome, they left onely one legion for garrison. Which D of you haue not heard of the multitude of the Germaines? whose vertue and mightie bodies I thinke you haue often seene. For in euerie Countrie the Romanes haue them for captiues, yet The Germains mul [...]de, vertue and huge stature. they whose countrie is so large, hauing hearts farre bigger then their bodies, and soules that contemne death, who are more cruel then bruite beasts; yet are they now limited by the riuer Rhene, and kept in subiection by eight legions of Romanes: and those that were taken were made slaues, and the rest chose rather to saue themselues by flight then fight. And you who haue such confidence in the wals of Ierusalem, consider the wals of Britanie; whose countrie though compassed with the Ocean, and almost as great as our whole world, the Romanes sayling into it haue conquered, The Britaines subiect to the Romans. and foure legions keepe that Iland so populous. What should I say more, when the Parthians a most warlike people, who lately reigned ouer so many nations, and abound in so much E wealth, are now compelled to send pledges to Rome? Nay, you may see al the nobilitie of the East The Parthians at Rome, who with peace shadow their captiuitie; and almost all the nations vnder the Sun trembling and dreading the Romane puissance: & will you onely war against them? Doe you not consider what befell the Carthaginians, who boasting themselues of that great Hanniball, sprung from the noble race of the Phaenicians, at last were destroyed by Scipio? Neither could the Cyrenaeans, The Carthaginians made subiect by Scip [...]os hands. who tooke their beginning from the Lacedemonians, nor all the race of the Marmaridans, which is extended as farre as the Deserts, which are verie scarce of waters; nor the Syrtes, nor the Nasamonians, nor the Moores, nor the innumerable multitude of the Numidians, haue beene able to resist the power of the Romanes; who by force of armes haue conquered the third part of the The Romans gouerne the Moores. world, the nations whereof can hardly be numbred, which from the Sea Atlanticke and Hercules F pillers vnto the red Sea, containeth an infinite companie of Aethiopians, and innumerable habitations of them: who besides, that they pay so much fruites and Corne vnto the Romanes, as for eight monthes in euerie yeere wil keepe and sustaine all the people of Rome, doe also pay tribute; and moreouer assist them any way they can, and neuer murmur at it, as you doe; and there is only one legion left to keepe them in obedience. But what should I need to tell you of forraine examples, to signifie vnto you the power of the Romanes, seeing you may well perceiue it by that [Page 630] which they did in Aegypt, hard by, which reaching vnto Aethiopia and rich A [...]abia, and bordering The yeare of the world, 4030 after Christs birth 68. G vpon India, hauing vnder it, seuen hundreth and fiftie millions of people, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, which is easie to be counted by the tribute which is paide of euerie person by the Poule: liuing in their country, yet disdaine not to liue vnder the dominion of the Romans, notwithstanding, that they haue a great entisement to rebel, to wit, Alexandria which is both populous Alexandria acknowledgeth the power of the Romans. & very rich, in length 30. furlongs, in breadth ten, & payeth more tribute in a month then you doe in a whole yeere; and besides their mony find all Rome with Come foure monthes in the yeere: and it is on euerie side compassed about either with a wast wildernesse, by which no [...]an passe, or the fierce sea, which is boundlesse; or with great and strong ryuers, or muddie and durtie quagmires, and marish grounds, all which little auailed them to withstand the force of the Romans. For two legions onely placed in the Citie, keepe all the great countrie Aegypt, and H the Nobilitie of Macedon in awe.
What sociates will you haue from some Countrie not inhabited to aide you against the Romans? For all those that at this day dwel in any place of the world, that is inhabited, obey the Romans. Except peraduenture some of you hope for helpe from beyond Euphrates; thinking that your Countrimen of Adiabena wil helpe you: but they will not intangle thēselues in these dangerous warres, for an vnreasonable cause; nor if they would consent to so dishonest a deede, the Parthians will not suffer them. For they are carefull to maintaine their league with the Romans, and would thinke it violated, if any vnder their dominions should warre against them. It remaineth then that you must onely trust that God will helpe you, but God doth a [...]sist the Romans: for it is vnpossible that such an Empire should continue without the helpe of God. Consider that this I Gods fauour towa [...]ds the Romans. contempt of Religion, although you were to warre against farre weaker then your selues, yet were it hard to be dispensed withall▪ and it may so come to passe, that, that whereby you hope to make God your partaker, thereby you may make him your enemie: for if you obserue the custome of Sabaoths, and in them doe nothing, it will not be hard to conquer you. For so your auncestors haue made experience by [...]peius, who euer deferred all his enterprises vntill that day, wherein his enemies were idle, & [...]de no resistance. Now if in warre yee transgresse your countrie lawes, I know not then for what you should rebel. For truely all of you at this time are of that mind, that your Countrie lawes shal not be changed. And I pray you how will you request helpe The last argument that proueth the Iewes destitute of Gods & mans helpe, and vnapt to make warre. Whilest the ship is yet in the Port, it is good to preuent the [...]uture tempest. at Gods hands, if wilfully yee breake his lawes? All that begin warre, either trust in humane riches, or diuine succour: and they that warre, hauing no probabilitie to hope for any of the [...]e, wilfully K leade themselues into open captiuitie. What letteth you euerie man with his owne hands to butcher his wife and children, and from consuming this goodly Countrie with fire; for so you shall gaine this, not to abide the shame of a conquest. It is good O friends, it is good, whilest yet the ship is in the Hauen, to foresee and prouide for future tempests, and not then begin to feare, when you are amidst the waues and surges of the sea. They who fall into a miserie not foreseene, are worthie to receiue compassion, but they that runne into wilfull calamitie, deserue no pitie; but reproch. Vnlesse perhaps yee thinke that the Romans will fight with you, as you will condition, and that if they ouercome you, they will not vse you hardly, nor fire and destroy this sacred Citie, and all the whole nation as they haue done others. If yee be ouercome, who so escapeth vnkilled, can haue no place of refuge: for all nations either are alreadie subiect vnto the Romans, L or feare that they shall bee shortly. So that not onely you shall be in danger, but also all Cities Agrippas prophecie of the Iewes future miserie. wherin any Iewes remaine. For there is no nation nor people in the whole world, amongst whom some of your Countrie are not, who all shall be most cruelly put to death if you rebell: and for the wicked counsell of a few men, all Cities shall flow with bloud of the Iewes; and no man shall bee punished for killing Iewes, because of your offence. And if the Romans doe not execute all this outrage after your rebellion, then thinke how impious a thing it is, to rebell against so mild gouernours. Take compassion, if not of your children, and wiues, yet at the least of this Citie, which is the mother Citie of all your nation. Spare these holy wals, and sacred Temple, and keepe vnto your selues the law and sacred things of the Temple: assure your selues that if the Romans againe ouercome you, they will not spare these things, seeing you were no more gratefull vnto them, for M preseruing them before.
I protest before God, your holy Temple, and all the Angels of heauen Agripp [...] protesteth that hee hath omit ted no counsel that he thoght expedient for the Iewes. and our whole Countrie, that I haue kept backe no counsell, which I thinke profitable for you. Now if you consider of those things which are profitable for you, yee shall liue with me in peace, but if you follow your priuate affections, I will not be partaker of the miseries and daungers; you thrust your selues into. When hee had thus spoken, he wept, his sister Berenice standing by him, and by his teares mitigated a great part of their furie. Then they cried that they ment not to beare [Page 631] armes against the Romans and Caesar, but against Florus, for the iniurie he had done them. To The yeare of the world. 4030. after the birth of Christ. 68. A this Agrippa answered, but your deedes shew that you fight against the Romans: for you haue not paied your tribute to Caesar; and you haue burned the porches belonging vnto Antonia; now if you would hide your rebellion, repaire with speed the porches, and pay your tribute: for this fort belongeth not to Florus, nor the money. Herewith the people were content, and ascending into the temple with Agrippa and Berenice, they began to reedifie the porches, and the nobilitie and captaines gathered the tribute in euerie village, and quickly brought fortie talents (for so much money was behinde.) And thus Agrippa appeased the beginning of these warres. After this, he began to perswade the people to obey Florus, till such time as an other were sent to supply his place. Herewith the multitude was so mooued, that they contumeliously reuiled the king, and threw stones at him, and dro [...]e him out of the Citie. The king seeing that their sedition B would not be quieted, complaining of the iniurie done vnto him, sent the nobilitie and all Agrippa the king is by the people driuen out of the citie with stones. the potentates to Florus, who was at Caesarea, that he might choose whom he would amongst them to gather the tribute through the whole countrey. And so he departed into his owne kingdome.
CHAP. XVII.
Of the rebellion of the Iewes begun against the Romans.
AT this time, some of the chiefest rebels assembled to gither, sodainly assaulted a Castle called Massada, which at vnawares they tooke, and killed all the Romans, and in their C places put a guard of their owne companie. In the temple also, Eleazar sonne of the high priest Ananias; a bolde and desperate young man, captaine of the souldiers, perswaded them who offered sacrifices, not to offer any but those, that were giuen by the Iewes: And this was the ground and cause of the warres that ensued. For they reiected Caesars sacrifices, that were The Iewes refuse Caesars sacrifices for the prosperitie of the Roman [...]. woont to be offered for the good of the Romans. And although the high priests and people of account requested them not to omit that custome of sacrificing for their kings and gouernours; yet they refused so to doe, trusting greatly to their faction: all the strength of the Citie that desired alteration, were of their mindes, and especially Eleazar, who at that time was Generall, as is before said. Wherefore all the potentates; h [...]gh priests, and chiefest of the Pharisees assembled themselues, and perceiuing into how great danger those rebels daily brought the Citie, they determined D to make triall of the courage of the seditious people: wherefore they assembled them togither before the brazen gate; which was in the inner part of the temple towards the East. And first of all, they greatly complained of their rash and vnaduised rebellion, and that they sought to stirre vp so great warres against their countrey, inueighing against the cause that mooued them thereto, as being without reason: telling them that their auncestors for the most part, adorned the temple with the gifts of Gentiles; neuer refusing the offerings of strangers; and not only not to haue refused their offerings (for that were an impious fact) but also placed in the temple the gifts that they sent, which were yet to be seen. And that now only to prouoke the Romans to warre, and denounce it against them, they began to alter religion: and beside other dangers also, to make the Citie seeme guiltie of impietie; as though it were such a one wherein none E might offer sacrifice but Iewes, nor any but they might adore God. If we should make such aAgainst those who refuse forrain sacrifices.law against any priuate person, he had iust cause to accuse vs of inhumanitie. But now the Romans were despised, and Caesar himselfe accounted prophane: and it was to be feared, that if the Iewes disdained to accept of Caesars offerings, Caesar would hinder them from offering any. And that the citie of Ierusalem would presently be accounted as an enemy to the empire, vnlesse they presently accepted Caesars sacrifice; and before such time, as they heard these newes against whom this outrage was attempted. And hauing thus spoken, they brought foorth the most learned amongst the priests to recount from time to time how their ancestors had alwaies accepted of the sacrifices of strangers.
But none of the rebels gaue eare to any thing that was said, and the Leuites came not to serue None of the seditious gaue eare to those that were in authoritie. Embassadours sent to Florus and Agrippa against the seditious. F at the altar, as now preparing for warre. When the nobilitie saw that they could not appease this sedition, and that they themselues should first feele the Romans power, they deuised all meanes to pacif [...]e the tumult, and sent some as Embassadours vnto Florus: the chiefe whereof was Simon the sonne of Ananias: other some were sent to Agrippa, of which the noblest Saulus, Antipas, and Costoharus, who were also akinne vnto the king, requesting them both to come with an army into the Citie, and suppresse the sedition which was raised, before it went further. Florus was [Page 632] glad of these tidings, and desiring nothing more then [...]e, gaue no answere to the Embassadors. G The yeare of the world. 4030. after C [...]sts birth 68. But Agrippa willing to spare both parts as well the good as the rebels, and to preserue the Iewes for the Romans and the temple for the Iewes, considering it not mee [...]e for him to busie himselfe in such affaires, sent 3000. horsmen to aid the people against the rebe [...]. Which horsmen were of Auranitis, Batanaea, and Trachon, and made Darius their captaine, and Philip son of Ioachim Generall of all the army. These comming into the citie, the nobilitie with the high priests & the rest Warre in Ierusalem between th [...] seditious and those that [...]auored peace. of the people that desired peace, receiued this succour in good part; and occupied the higher part of the citie; for the rebels kept the lower part, and the temple: so that they incessantly fought with dartes and slings, and shooting of arrowes, and sometime one rushing vpon another, sodainly they skirmished togither. The seditious were more valiant, but the kings souldiers were more skilfull in wars; who chiefely endeuoured to get the temple, and expell out of it those who prophaned H it. And the rebels with Eleazar endeuoured beside that which they had alrea [...]y, to get also into their hands the higher part of the Citie. Wherefore during the space of seuen daies, there continued a great conflict betwixt them, & either part kept that they had. When the celebration of the feast came, called Xylophoria, wherein euerie one carrieth wood to the temple to Xylophoria a [...]east. keepe a fire continually vpon the altar; the rebels would not suffer their enemies to doe their deuotion. Now many of the theeues who carried poyniards vnder their coates, went amongst the weaker multitude, and boldly followed their olde practise. The kings souldiers were ouercome, The kings souldiers are ouercome. and forced to leaue the higher part of the Citie, and the rebels presently comming in, set the pallaces of Ananias, Agrippa, and Berenice on fire, and foor [...]hwith went to the place where all charters were kept, purposing there to burne all bonds and obligations of debters, thereby to I defraude the creditors, and so to ioine all the debters with their faction, and stirre vp all the poore people against the rich. But the keepers of these publike writings flying, the seditious persons set all on fire: and so hauing destroied as it were the strength of the Citie, they addressed themselues against such, as resisted their proceedings. Some of the high priests and nobles hid themselues in vaults: others flying with the kings souldiers into the higher pallace of the king, soone locked vp the doores after them; amongst whom were Ananias the high priest, & Ezechias his brother, and they, who (as is before spoken) were sent Embassadours vnto Agrippa: and so the seditious were satisfied that day with the victorie, and firing of the houses aforesaid. The next day, The Iews take Antonia and burne it. which was the fifteenth of August, they assaulted the Castle Antonia, and besieging it two daies, they tooke all that guarded it, and killed them; and placed in it a garrison of their owne companie. K This done, they went vnto the kings pallace, whither Agrippas souldiers were fled: and deuiding their company into foure parts, they began to cast downe the wals: none of them that were within durst come out for feare of the multitude, but went vp to the turrets of the pallace, and killed all those that offered to come vp, and many of the theeues vnder the wals with things that they cast downe. This conflict continued day and night, for the rebels thought that those which were within could not hold out for want of victuals: And they within thought that the seditious being wearied, would soone giue ouer. In the meane season, one Manahemus the son of Iudas of Galilaea (that most crastie subtill Sophister, who reuiled the Iewes in Cyrenius time for paying tribute, and would be subiect to any but to God) taking with him certaine nobles went vnto Massada, where king Herods armorie was, and breaking into it, he armed the common L people and other theeues; and hauing them for his guard, he returned againe to Ierusalem as king: and when he was made prince of that sedition, he disposed of the batterie of the fortresses. But they wanted engines, neither could they openly vndermine the wals of the aduersaries, who continually cast downe darts: wherfore they began a mine a great way off, till it came vnder one of the towers which was supported by posts of wood, and they set fire on the wood that supported it, and went their way: so the supporters being consumed with fire, the tower presently fell downe, and there appeared a verie high wall within. For those within perceiuing their aduersaries intent, perhaps by the shaking of that tower, presently builded this wall, to keepe out the rebels betweene them and it. The seditious verily thinking that with the fall of the tower they Manahemus the chiefe of yt rebels giues the kings faction and friends licence to depart. The Romans forsaking the Stratopedon, flie into the Kings sortes. should be victors, when they saw another wall, were amazed. And the kings souldiers were sent M vnto Manahemus and others that were chiefe of the rebels, requesting them to haue licence to depart. Which Manahemus granted onely to the kings souldiers, and those of his owne countrey; who presently accepting thereof departed, and so left the Romans in great feare. For they were not able to resist so great a multitude, & they thought it a shame to entreat that they might depart, thinking that it were dangerous for them although it were granted. Wherefore leauing the lower place which was called Stratopedon, because it might easily be taken, they fled into the [Page 633] Kings towers, whereof one was called Hippicos, the other Phasaelus, the third Mariamme. The rebels A The yeare of the world, 4030. after Chr [...]sts birth 68. that were with Manahemus, brake presently into the lower part that the Romans had forsaken, and killed all that they found there, and when they had sacked it, they set it on fire: and this was done the sixt day of September:
CHAP. XVIII.
Of the death of Ananias the high Priest, Manahemus and the Romane souldiers.
THe next day following Ananias the high Priest, was taken in one of the water Conduits The death of Ananias the high priest, and Ezechias his brother. of the Kings pallace, where hee hid himselfe, and was there killed with his brother Ezechias by these theeues: and the rebels besiedged all the Towers round about, and kept diligent watch, least any of the Romans should escape. But Manahemus both for his good successe B in destroying the strong holdes, as also with the death of Ananias the high Priest, became proud and cruell, and thinking none so wise as himselfe, in those affaires became an intolerable ryrant. Now two of Eleazars companions rose vp & communed together, that it did not become them that rebelled against the Romans (onely to recouer their l [...]bertie) that they should bee traytors thereof to their owne companions, who were of the same condition, and that they should indure a King or Lord ouer them, who although he be no seuere man, yet hee was of more abiect and base condition then they. If it were so, that it were expedient to haue one ruler ouer all the Eleazars followers assault Manahem in the Temple. rest, they had rather haue any one then Manahemus: and being thus agreed, they set vpon him in the Temple, where he was praying with great Pompe, apparelled like a King, and hauing about him C a gard of his friends in armour. Now when Eleazar his followers set vpon Manahemus, the people did also throw stones at him, & so stoned him, hoping that by his death the sedition would be extinguished. The gard of Manahemus at first, made some resistance; but when they perceiued the whole multitude against them, euery one shifted for himselfe, as he could, & those that were taken were put to death, and they that escaped were afterward sought for: onely a few of them fled vnto Massada, amongst whome was Eleazar the sonne of Iairus, who was Manahemus kinsman, and afterward Manahem with the princes slaine. in Massada became a tyrant. But Manahemus fled into a place called Ophlas, where hee basely hid himselfe, and being taken hee was drawne out from thence, and after many torments put to death, and with him all the Nobilitie that had assisted him, as also Absalomon, who was his onely helper. And in this matter (as I haue said) the people greatly helped, hoping hereby D to haue some end of that sedition. But the rebels did not kill Manahemus, to the end to extinguish sedition, but to the intent to rob and spoyle more freely.
The people with many intreaties, besought them to let the Romans alone, whome they did befiege, but they were so much the more earnest against them, till they being no longer able to The Romans vnable any [...]on ger to resist, yeeld themselues. make resistance, with the consent of Metilius their Captaine, and some other of more authoritie, sent vnto Eleazar, requesting him to giue them licence to depart with their liues, and leaue their munition to the Iewes. Who accepting their petition, sent vnto them Gorion the sonne of Nichodem [...]s, and Ananias the Sadducee, and Iudas the sonne of Ionathas, to confirme the promise of their liues. Which done, Metilius led away the Souldiours: and whilest the Romans had their weapons, none of the rebels durst attempt any of their treacherie against them: but so soone as euerie E one according to couenant, laide downe their shields and swords, and so departed mistrusting The Roman [...] against all couenant & law, are all slaine saue Metili [...]. nothing, Eleazar his gard set vpon them, and killed them, who neither made any resistance, nor any intreatie for their liues, onely putting them in mind of their promise and oth. So they were [...]ll slaine saue onely Metilius, who greatly intreated for his life, and promising that he would become a Iew in religion, and be circumcised, they spared him. Yet was this a small losse to the Romans, who onely had then but a verie few slaine of their great and almost infinite armie: and this seemed the verie beginning of the Iewes captiuitie. When they saw themselues to haue giuen sufficient cause of wars and too great, and that the Citie was now so filled with iniquitie, that the wrath of God did hang ouer it, though there had beene no feare of any harme to them by the Romanes, yet the whole Citie mourned, and was sorrowfull, and quietly minded, lamented as Slaughter on the Sabaoth day. F though they themselues should answere for the seditious, for that murder which was committed vpon the Sabaoth, when it is not lawfull for the Iewes to doe any good worke.
CHAP. XIX. The yeere of the world. 4030. after Christs birth 68. G
Of the great massacre of the Iewes at Caesarea, and in all Syria.
AT the same houre on the selfe same day, it happened as it were by Gods prouidence, that the Inhabitants of Caesarea did massacre the Iewes that dwelled amongst them; so that at one time aboue twentie thousand were slaine, and not one Iew left aliue in all Caesarea. For those that escaped, Florus tooke and brought them forth bound vnto the people. After this massacre done at Caesarea, the whole nation of the Iewes waxed mad, and diuiding themselues into companies, they wasted and destroyed in short time all the borders The Iewes spoyle the villages and burn the Cities of Syria. of Syria, and the Cities thereabout, to wit, Philadelphia, and Gebonitis, Gerasa, Pella, and H Scythopolis, and then they made incursion into Gadara, Hippon, and Gaulanitis, pulling downe some places, & firing other some. And from thence, they marched towards Cedasa a Citie of the Tyrians, and Ptolemais, Gaba, & Caesarea: and neither Sebaste, neither Asealon could resist them, but they also were consumed with fire. Likewise they destroyed Anthedon, with Gaza, and most places adioyning to these Cities were sacked, to wit, the fields and villages, and a mightie slaughter was made of them that were taken in these places. The Syrians made as great a massacre of the Iewes as this amongst them: for all the Iewes that inhabited amongst them were murdered, not only for an old grudge; but also for the auoyding of imminent danger. And al Syria was troubled in most grieuous maner, and euerie Citie was diuided into two parts, and either parts safety consisted in this, to preuent the other in murdering them first: the daies were spent in bloudshed, I and the nights in feare, worse then death it selfe. For though they onely pretended to destroy the Iewes, yet were they drawne to suspect other nations, that followed the Iewes religion; and because they were as it were neuters, the Syrians thought it not good to destroy them: and againe, for their agreeing in religion with the Iewes, they were constrained to hold them as enemies. Manie of the contrarie part, who before seemed modest, were now through auarice incited to meddle in this murder, for euerie one tooke the goods of them that were slaine, and carried them to other places as conquerers. And he was most renowmed, that had stolen most, as hauing also killed most. There might you see in euerie part of the Citie, the dead bodies of all ages vnburied, old men and children, and women, lying in most shamefull maner, their secret parts being vncouered. Briefely all the Countrie was filled with exceeding great calamitie, and the feare of myserie Al Syria full of miserable calamities. K to come was vnspeakable.
And these were the conflicts betweene the Iewes and strangers. But afterward making incursion vpon the borders of Scythopolis, the Iewes there dwelling were their enemies. For they conspiring with the citizens of Scythopolis, and preferring their owne commoditie and security before their kinred and consanguinitie, ioyned with the Gentiles against the Iewes, who for all that, were suspected for their forwardnes. Finally the Scythopolites searing that they would assault Iewes against Iewes. the citie by night, and excuse their reuolting by their great miserie, they commaunded all the Iewes, that if they would shew themselues trustie vnto the Gentiles, they with all their children should go into a wood hard by: who forthwith did as they were willed, suspecting nothing, and the Scythopolites were quiet for two daies after, and did nothing: But the third night they sent L forth scouts to see what they were doing, who finding some of them a sleepe, and others not resisting, they surprised them in a moment and killed them all, who were in number thirteene thousand, and afterward tooke their goods. I thinke it not amisse to speake of the death of Simon, who The Scythopolitans kill thirteene thousand Iewes. was the sonne of Saul a man of regard: he was a man of great courage, and strength of bodie▪ which both he vsed to the great hurt of his owne nation: for he daily killed many Iewes, who dwelt neere vnto Scythopolis, and hee alone often scattered diuers companies, and put whole armies to flight, who had an end worthie for his deedes, and murdering of his Countrimen. For when the Scythopolites had compassed the wood about, so that none could escape their hands, they killed the Iewes in euerie part thereof. Symon drawing his sword, made no resistance to any Simon daily killeth many of his countrimen in Scythopolis. of his enemies: for he saw that it was bootlesse to striue against such a multitude. Then pitifully M crying out,‘I receiue (O Scythopolites) a worthy reward for that which I haue done, who to shew my fidelitie towards you, haue killed so many of mine own countrimen, & it is a iust plague that a strange nation should be false vnto vs, who impiously forsooke our own brethren. I wil do therfore as a prophane person, killing my selfe with my owne hands, & this death will bee a sufficient punishment for my offences, & a full argument of my magnanimitie, that none of my enemies may boast of my death, nor insult ouer me.’When he had thus spoken, he beheld al his family with cō passion[Page 635] and rage mixt togither: he had a wife and children, & aged parents. And first taking his father A The yeare of th [...] world. 4030. after the birth of Christ. 68. Simon killeth his parents, his wife and children, and at last himselfe. by the haire of the head; stood vpō him, & thrust him through; after him he killed his mother, who was willing to die; after them his wife and children, euerie one of them as it were offering their bodies to the sword, desirous to preuent the enemies. When he had slaine all his kinred, himselfe remaining aliue, he stretched forth his arme that they might see what he would do, and thrust his sword into his own bodie vp to the hilts. A young man, who for his magnanimitie & strength of bodie was worthie to be pitied, had yet a iust and deserued end, for trusting forraine nations.
CHAP. XX.
Of another grieuous slaughter of the Iewes.
AFter this so great a massacre of the Iewes in Scythopolis, other cities also did rise against B them where they inhabited, and two thousand and fiue hundreth were slaine at Ascalon, An other slaughter of the Iewes. The cities in armes against the Iewes. and two thousand at Ptolemais, and the Tyrians killed diuers and kept many in prison: likewise they of Gadara and Hippon slew the most valiant, and those of least courage they cast into prison. Also all other cities who either feared or hated the Iewes, rose vp against them. Onely they of Antiochia, Sidonia, and Apamia spared them that dwelt with them, and neither killed nor imprisoned any of them: perhaps they stood in no feare of them, if they should haue risen, because their citie was so populous: yet I thinke they spared them onely for pitie sake, because they saw that they were quiet and not seditious. The inhabitants also of Gerasa did no harme to the Iewes amongst them, but when they desired to depart, they conducted them safely vnto the C end of their borders. In the kingdome also of Agrippa much crueltie was shewed against the Iewes: For he being gone to Cestius Gallus at Antiochia, left the rule of his countrey to one of his friends named Varus; kinsman vnto king Sohemus; and there came vnto him seuentie of the chiefe nobility of the country Batanaea; requesting a garrison to represse those that should attempt rebellion amongst them. Varus sent certain of the kings souldiers armed, and killed them al as they Varus killeth. 70. Iewes in in their iourney. were comming to him. But he did this impietie without Agrippa his consent, onely for auarīce, & a [...] [...]t were emboldened by this fact, he ruinated the whole realme; still continuing such crueltie and impietie against his nation, til such time as Agrippa vnderstood therof, who for Sohemus sake durst not put him to death, but dispossessed him of his place. In the meane while the rebels tooke the fort called Cyprus which is scituate aboue Iericho, and after they had killed the garrison; they D destroyed the fortresse. At the same time a multitude of Iewes laid siege before the Castle of Macheron The Romans yeeld vp thei [...] castle in Marichunte to the Iewes. and perswaded the souldiers left in garrison to yeeld the Castle, who, fearing that if they denied, they should be compelled thereto, deliuered it vnto them; vpon condition, that they might quietly depart, and they of Macherunt placed a strong guard within it.
CHAP. XXI.
How the Iewes were slaine at Alexandria.
THe citizens of Alexandria had alwaies a quarrel against the Iewes that liued with thē, since the time that that famous Alexander vsed their helpe against the Aegyptians; and therefore permitted them to inhabite in Alexandria, and to haue the same priuiledges E that the rest of the citizens had. And this honor was also continued with them vnto the time of the successors and heires of Alexander: who also gaue them a certaine place in the citie to dwell in, that there they might liue more commodiously: the Gentiles hauing nothing to doe amongst thē, permitted them also to cal thēselues Macedoniās. And afterward, when Aegypt was brought vnder the rule of the Romans, neither Caesar nor any one else; did diminish the Iewes dignitie in that place, which Alexander had giuen them. So that now there was daily conflicts betweene them and the Greekes, and although the Iudges on both parts still punished them that were in fault, yet the sedition more and more encreased, and when all cities else were filled with troubles, there the tumult was more vehement. For when the Alexandrians had called togither F the people to determine of an embassage to Nero, certaine Iewes mingled themselues amongst the Greeks, and so went into the Amphitheater: who being espied by their aduersaries, the Greeks Sedition in [...] betweene th [...] Greeks and Iewe [...] cried out, that the Iewes were enemies, and came as spies, and so laid violent hands vpon them▪ Some of them [...]led, onely three of them were taken by the Greeks, whom they drew to a place to burne them aliue. All the Iewes of the citie came to succour them, and first they threw stones at them, and then taking firebrands, they ran in a rage into the Amphitheater, and threatned [Page 636] to burne all the people there assembled: which they had done, if Tiberius Alexander gouernour G The yeere of the world. 4030. after Christs birth 68. Tiberius Alexander exhorteth the seditious Iewes to keepe peace. of the citie had not appeased their furie; who did not at the first vse force of armes against them, but sent their nobilitie to perswade them to cease, and not incite the Roman army against them. But the seditious Iewes refused his admonition, and mocked Tiberius: who seeing that they would not otherwise be appeased, sent two legions of armed Romans against them which were in the citie, and with them fiue thousand other souldiers, who by chance came out of Lybia to this massacre of the Iewes, and Tiberius gaue them charge not onely to kill them, but also to fire their houses and take their goods. The souldiers presently went into the place called Delta (for there the Iewes were gathered togither) and did as they were commaunded, and not without bloudie victorie. For the Iewes gathering themselues togither, put those amongst them that were best armed in the forefront, who held out for a long time; but when they began to flie, they were massacred H like beasts, & some of them were killed in the field, some were burned in their houses, the Romans first taking what they found, neither sparing infants nor olde men, but killing all ages. So that all that place flowed with bloud, for there were slaine fiftie thousand Iewes: and all the rest had beene A cruell victorie wherein [...] thousand Iewes are slaine. extinguished, had not Alexander moued to compassion by their entreaties, commaunded the souldiers to leaue off, who being obedient vnto him presently departed: but the people of Alexandria were hardly withdrawen from that massacre, because of the hatred which they had conceiued against the Iewes: and with much ado were withheld from tyrannizing ouer the dead bodies. And this befell the Iewes at Alexandria.
CHAP. XXII. I
Of the massacre of the Iewes by Cestius Gallus.
CEstius Gallus now thought it time to bestirre himselfe, forasmuch as the Iewes were now hated euerie where, and taking with him the twelue whole legions out of Antiochia, two Huge companies of the Romans. thousand chosen footmen, and foure companies of horsemen out of euerie one of the other legions, and with them the kings forces, that came to helpe him, to wit, two thousand horsemen of Antiochia, three thousand foot all bowmen, and three thousand footmen sent by Agrippa, a thousand horse, and foure thousand which Sohemus brought, whereof the third part were horse, the rest foote, and for the most part bowmen; he went towards Ptolemais: and many ioyned themselues to them out of euerie citie, who though they were not so skilfull in warre as K the Romans; yet their hatred was more then theirs. Agrippa himselfe was there with Cestius, being ruler of those he brought. There Cestius taking a part of the army went to Zabulon (which is the strongest Citie of Galilaea, called also Andron, and parteth the borders of the Iewes from Ptolemais) and when he found it desolate (for the inhabitants thereof fled into the mountains) Z [...]bulon [...] strong Citie of Galilee, spoiled and burnt. who left it full of all riches, giuing licence to the souldiers to sacke it; he afterwards set it on fire, although he admired the beautie thereof: for it was builded like Tyre and Sidon, & Berytum, and after spoiled all the territories about it. Likewise, when he had burned all the villages therabouts, he returned vnto Ptolemais. The Syrians, and especially those of Beryth staied still behinde to get boo [...]ies: which when the Iewes vnderstood, and that Cestius was departed, they tooke courage and came and set vpon them, and killed of them two thousand. In the meane while, Cestius departed L from Ptolemais, and went vnto Caesarea, and sent part of his army to Ioppe, commanding The Iewes kill two thousand Syrians. them to keepe the towne if they could get it; and if the townsmen made any resistance, that then they should stay till he came with the rest of the army. Some of them went by sea, some by land, by which meanes they did easily take Ioppe: so that the people thereof neither had time to flie, nor to prepare themselues to fight; and setting on them, they killed all men with their families: The Romans take Ioppe and burne it, and kill eight thousand and foure hundreth. and thus sacking the towne, they set it on fire, and there were slaine eight thousand; and four hundreth. In like manner he sent part of his horsemen vnto Narbatena in the Toparchy neere Samaria, who spoiled the countrey, killed a great number of inhabitants, robbed and burned the villages, and caried away a great bootie with them.
CHAP. XXIII. M
Of Cestius his battell against Ierusalem. [...] [...]nd other Cities of Galilee doe friendly entertaine the Romanes.
HE sent also Caesennius Gallus Generall of the twelfth legion into Galilee, and gaue him as great an army as he thought sufficient to conquer that nation, whom the strong [...]st citie of Galilee called Sephoris curteously entertained, and other Cities followed their exexample. [Page 637] They that were seditious, and gaue themselues to robbing, fled into the mountaine The yeare of the world. 4030. after the birth of Christ. 68. A which is scituate in the middest of Galilee against Sephoris, called Asamon: these Gallus incountred with his armie; who, so long as they kept the higher part of the mountaine, casily resisted the Romanes; and killed aboue two hundred of them: but when they saw the Romanes had occupied a higher place then that wherein they kept, they easily were ouercome: for not being armed, they could not stand out, and if they should haue fled, they could not haue escaped the horsemen, so that onely a few hid themselues in difficult places, and aboue two thousand of them were slaine. Gallus perceiuing all Galilee in peace, and not minded to reuolt, Two thousand seditious slai [...] in Galilee by the Romans. Antipatris spoyled and burned. returned with his Companies vnto Caesarea; and Cestius with his whole Army went vnto Antipatris: where vnderstanding that a great multitude of Iewes were gathered together in the Tower called Aphecy, sent some before to skirmish with them: but the Iewes would not abide B battell, and the Souldiers burned their tentes, and the villages adioyning. Cestius went from thence to Lydda, and found the Citty desolate, for all the people were gone vnto Ierusalem because of the Feast of Tabernacles: and when he had killed fifty persons whom he found there, he fiered the Towne, and went on further: and going by Bethoron he pitched his Tent in Gabaus, Lydda burnt. which is fiftie furlongs distant from Ierusalem: When the Iewes saw themselues in danger, Cestius planteth his armie fiftie furlongs from Ierusalem. they left the solemnitie, and prepared themselues for warre: and hauing a great multitude, they went to fight, obseruing no order, altogether with indiscreet cries, not regarding the Sabboth, which they hold in great estimation: and the same furie, that made them leaue their deuotion, made them also victorious in that battell; for they assaulted the Romans with such a courage, that they brake their battell array and killing all that resisted, they pressed into the middest thereof, and The assault & victorie of the Iewes against the Romans. C if a fresh supplie both of horse and foote had not come in time, all Cestius armie had beene in great danger. So there were slaine fiue hundreth and fiftie Roman souldiers, and foure hundreth of them were foote, and the rest were horsemen, but of the Iewes but two and twentie. The most valiant in this combate were Monobazus and Cenedaeus, kinsmen to king Monobazus of Adiabena, and next to them Paraides Niger, and Silas a Babylonian, who fled vnto the Iewes from king Agrippa, whom hee had lately serued: and so the Iewes being repulsed; returned into Ierusalem; The courage of the Iewes against the Romans. and Simon the sonne of Giora inuaded the Romans, as they were returning towards Bethoron, & slew many of the rereward, & tooke many cartes, and much baggage withal, which he brought into the Citie. Cestius staied three dayes in the field, and the Iewes kept the high places, espying which way he went, purposing not to be quiet if the Romans departed. D
CHAP. XXIIII.
Of the siege of Ierusalem by Cestius, and of the massacre.
AGrippa perceiuing the Romans to be in great daunger, for that all the mountaines were couered with an infinite number of Iewes, he purposed to trie, if through few words hee could perswade them to desist from warre, or if any refused, to receiue those that were willing. Wherefore hee sent vnto them Borcaeus and Phoebus, whome they well knew, assuring and promising them pardon from Cestius, and from the Romans, of all that they had alreadie done, if they would now lay downe their armes, and ioyne with them. But the rebels fearing that all the multitude in hope of safetie would ioyne with Agrippa; determined to kill the Legats, The rebels kill one of the kings Ambassadors, an o ther of them escapeth being wounded. Cestius draweth forth his whole armie against the Iewes. E and slew Phoebus before he spake any word, and Borcaeus being wounded, escaped. But the people were angrie hereat, and with stones & clubs draue them into the towne that were the authors of this fact. Cestius perceiuing them at oddes amongst themselues, thought that he had now a fit opportunitie to assault them, and so came vpon them with his whole armie: and putting them to flight, he pursued them vnto Ierusalem. And when hee had pitched his Tents in the place called Scopus, he departed seuen furlongs from the Citie, and did nothing against the Citie for three daies space, perhaps hoping that they within would relent, & then sending a great many soldiers into the villages adioyning to setch Corne, the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of October, hee came against the Citie with his armie in battell array. The people of the Iewes were kept in awe by the rebels, who terrified by the Romane discipline, forsooke the outmost parts of F the Citie, and fled into the innermost part of the Temple. Cestius passing Betheza, burned Caenopolis and the new market place, and comming vnto the higher part of the Citie, hee pitched his Tent neere the kings Pallace: and if at that time he had violently issued in at the wals, he had taken the Citie and ended the warres. But Tyrannus Priscus, Generall of the footemen, and many other rulers and Captaines of the horsemen, being hired with money by Florus, hindred that his purpose, whereby the wars were so prolonged, and a thousand calamities befel the Iewes. [Page 638] In the meane time many of the chiefest among the Iewes, and Ananus the sonne of Ionathas, G The yeare of the world. 4030. after Christs birth 68. Diuers Iewes cal for for Cestius as [...] they intended to open their gates vnto him. called Cestius, as though they would haue opened him the gates: but hee was angrie and scarce trusted them, till at last they delayed the time so long, that the rebels perceiued this treason, and cast Ananus downe the wal, and with stones droue his accomplices into their houses. Which done, they retired themselues into the towers, from whence they beat backe those that scaled the wals. The Romans for fiue dayes space assaulted the wals on euerie side, but all in vaine; and the sixt day, Cestius with many chosen souldiers and Bowmen assaulted the Temple on the North side. The Iewes valiantly made resistance out of the porches, and often repulsed the Romans approching the wals: yet at last they with the multitude of their aduersaries darts, were forced to giue backe. Then the Romanes that went before hauing their shieldes vpon their heades, leaned against the wall, and they in the second place held their shields against theirs in the first, H The Romans couer themselues with their shields, and vndermin the wals and burne the Temple gates. and so in order vntill the last, thereby making as it were a couering as the Romans call it, or defence, that all their shot and darts could doe them no harme; so that the souldiers did safely vndermine the wals, and attempted to fire the gates of the Temple.
Now the seditious people were heereat greatly amazed, and many fled out of the Citie, as though it would presently be taken. And the good were hereby encouraged, as much as the rebels were dismaide, and came vnto the gates to open them vnto Cestius, who had well deserued at their hands. And truely had he but a little longer continued his siege, hee had taken the Citie. But I thinke that God being angrie with the wicked, would not suffer the warres to bee ended at Cestius sodain departure maketh the theeues more confident. that time: for Cestius neither regarding the good will of the people, nor the desperation of the rebels, remoued his armie from thence, and hauing receiued no losse, verie vnaduisedly departed I from the Citie: at whose vnlooked for flight, the rebels tooke heart, and making after him, they killed the horsemen and footemen that came last. And then Cestius went to the Tents which hee had fortified in Scopion. The next day he went further into the Countrie; whereby hee more encouraged the rebels, who following him, killed many of his rereward. Afterward either end of the armie being well strengthned, the Iewes assaulted them that were behind, and the last durst not cast any darts against them, who wounded them on their backes, thinking that an infinite multitude had followed them; and they were not able to resist those that assaulted them on each side, being as it were heauie, and not daring to breake their order; on the contrarie, seeing the Iewes so actiue & apt to skip to and fro: so that the Romans endured much harme at the hands of their enemies, and did them none. And thus were they beaten all the way along, and many of K them killed, amongst whome was Priscus Captaine of the sixt legion, and Longinus the tribune, and Aemilius Iucundus Captaine of a troupe of horsemen. And so with much adoe, they came vnto Gabio where they first pitched their Tents, casting away much of their baggage, which might any way hinder them. Cestius staied there two dayes, doubtfull what to doe: the third day he perceiued his enemies to be increased, and all places about to be filled with Iewes: whereby he saw that his slow haste was to his disaduantage, and the number of his enemies would stil increase if he made any longer abode there. Wherefore that he might flie speedily, he caused the souldiers to cast away all those things that might any way bee a hinderance vnto them, and killed their Mules and Asses, and cattell, sauing onely those that bare munition, fearing that if he should not destroy them, the Iewes might make vse of them against him, and so hee led the armie toward L Bethoron. The Iewes in large passages did little molest his armie, but when they were to passe a streight, then they killed them of the rereward, and thrust other some downe into the valley, and The Iewes pur sue their enemies, and bring them into a desperate estate. all the armie of the Iewes were spred vpon the eminent places, whereby the armie was to passe, expecting to welcome them with arrowes. Where the footmen amazed, and bethinking how to helpe themselues, the horsemen were brought into great danger: for they could not keepe their ranckes for dartes and arrowes, neither could they goe to hurt their enemies, the ascent vnto the toppe of the mountaines was so steepe: and they were compassed on each side with rockes and deepe valleyes, so that if any went out of the way, he fell downe and was killed, in so The mourning and lamentation the Romans and the Iewes exhortation. much as there was no way to flie nor to resist. Now not knowing what to do, they began to weep, and crie out as men in desperation: and the Iewes answered them with an incouraging one another M to play the men; being glad of their enemies aduersitie, and cruelly bent against them: and all the armie of Cestius had there perished, had not the night come on and helped them, which by her darknesse gaue leasure to the Romanes to flie into Bethoron. In the meane while the Iewes kept all the places thereabouts besieged, and garded the passages. Cestius seeing it not possible to march openly, thought it best to flie, and chose almost 400. of his strongest souldiers, & Cestius stratageme. set them in verie eminent places, commanding them that when they were aloft, they shold crie as [Page 639] they did before, that the Iewes might think that the whole army was there, and so he with the rest The yeare of the world. 4030. after Ch [...] birth 68. A of his army marched quietly 30. furlongs. In the morning the Iewes perceiuing the Romans to be fled, assaulted the 400. wherby they were deceiued, and presently killed them with darts, & forthwith they followed Cestius: who hauing fled a great way in the night, made more haste the next day, so that the souldiers for feare left their rammes and instruments to beat downe the wals, and slings, & much other munition, which the Iews taking, after vsed against them. And thus they followed the Romans vnto Antipatris, and seeing they could not ouertake them, they returned, bringing with them the warlike instruments, and rifling those that were slain, and taking whatsoeuer the Romans had left behind, and so singing songs of victory, they returned vnto Ierusalem, hauing lost very few of their company, and slaine fiue thousand, and three hundreth and eightie of the footmen of the Romans, and their helpers; and nine hundreth and fourescore horsemen. And B this was done vpon the eight day of October, and in the twelfth yeere of the raigne of Nero.
CHAP. XXV.
Of the crueltie of those of Damascus against the Iewes, and of Iosephs affaires The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. Diuers of the noblest Iewes forsake the Citie, as if they had beene a ship ready to sinke. in Galilee.
INcontinently after Cestius aduerse fortune, many of the chiefest amongst the Iewes daily fled and forsooke the Citie, as a ship presently ready to sinke. Costobarus and Saul two brethren, and Philip the sonne of Ioachim Generall of Agrippas army, fled out of the Citie and yeelded themselues vnto Cestius. As for Antipas, who was also besieged with them in the kings pallace, he would not flie with the rest, and so was killed by the rebels. But Cestius sent C Saul and the rest of his companie into Achaia vnto Nero, to let him vnderstand the cause of their flight, and to shew how Florus had caused all these warres: for so he hoped that Nero would bend his wrath against Florus, and quit him from danger. Then the people of Damascus vnderstanding the death of the Romans, deuised how to destroy the Iewes which inhabited amongst them: and they thought it was easie to be accomplished, for that the Iewes were already assembled in the common bathes, for feare of some such matter: yet they mistrusted their women, who all, except a few, were Iewes in religion. Wherfore they tooke great heed to conceal their intent from them, and so assaulting the Iewes altogither in a narrow place, and hauing nothing to defend The Damascen [...]s kill ten thousand Iews in one houre. them, they put them all to the sword, who were in number ten thousand. The rebels that so pursued D Cestius, returned into Ierusalem, and ceased not to ioine all vnto them that fauoured the Romans, either by force or by flatterie, and assembling themselues in the temple, they determined to choose a greater number of captaines. Wherefore Ioseph the sonne of Gorion, and Ananus Ioseph the son of Gorion and Ananus the high priest appointed to gouerne [...]e the Citie. the high priest were appointed rulers of the Citie, and especially to see the wals thereof repaired. Eleazar the sonne of Simon was put in no authoritie, notwithstanding that he had in his custodie all praies and spoiles taken from the Romans, and Cestius his money, and a great part of the publike treasure, because they perceiued him through authoritie to wax proude, and his attendants become stately. Yet in time Eleazar by money and craft, perswaded the people to obey him in all things. And they requested other captaines to be sent into Idumaea, who were Iesus the sonne of Sapphas, and Eleazar the sonne of the new high priest: and they commaunded Niger who was E borne beyond Iordan, to obey these captaines, who was therefore called Peraides, and was then Gouernour of Idumaea. And they neglected not to doe the like by other regions: for Ioseph the sonne of Simon was sent to Iericho and Manasses beyond the riuer, and Iohn the Essean to Tamna, euerie one to rule the gouernment of his country as a Toparchy. Lydda, Ioppe, and Ammaus were annexed to Iohn the Essean, and Iohn the sonne of Ananias was appointed Gouernour of Gophnitis and Acrabatena. And Ioseph the son of Matthias was made ruler ouer both Galilees, Ioseph the Historiographer gouernour of both Galilees. vnto which was ioyned Gamala the strongest Citie in that coast.
As for other Gouernors, euerie one discharged his place according to his wisdome & dexteritie. When Ioseph came to Galilee, which was committed to his protection, his first care was to get the good will of the inhabitants, knowing that it might much profit him, although in other F matters he had offended. Then considering that he should haue most mightie & assured friends, Ioseph maketh 70. Elders rulers in Galilee, and appointeth seuen in euerie Citie to determine the causes of lesse waight. if he made them partakers of his authoritie: and likewise get the loue of the common people, if he did esteeme of those things which they should thinke well of: He chose seuentie of the most auncientest wise men amongst them, and made them rulers ouer all Galilee, & elected seuen iudges ouer the lesser townes to iudge inferiour matters [...] for he reserued all great affaires and criminall causes to his owne hearing. Moreouer, hauing ordained a forme of iustice that those seuentie [Page 640] should follow, he tooke counsell how to worke their outward securitie: And being assured G The yeare of the world, 403 [...] after Christs birth 69. Ioseph fortifieth the conuenient cities with walles. that the Romans would come into Galilee, he compassed those places with strong wals that were fit for his purpose, to wit, Iotapata, Bersabea, Selamis, Pereccho, Iapha, and Sigoph, with the mountain Itaburium, Tarichea, & Tyberias. Moreouer, he fortified the caues neer the lake Genesar, which is in the lower Galilee, and in high Galilee Petra, which is also called Achaberon and Seph, Iamnith, and Mero; in Gaulanitis also Seleucia, and Soganes, and Gamala: he only permitted them of Sephoris to build their own wals, because he perceiued them to be rich and pro [...]e to wa [...] of themselues. Likewise Iohn the sonne of Leuias at Iosephs commaund, built the wall of Giscala himselfe alone, but in all other places that were fortified; Ioseph put to his helping hand, and tolde how they should be done. He leuied also an army of a hundreth thousand, who were all young men, whom he armed with olde armour, which he gathered from all parts of the countrey: H and considering that the Roman army was inuincible, for that they were all obedient vnto their rulers, and expert in warre, he could not instruct them in martiall discipline, other occasions forcing him to the contrarie: but calling to minde that the multitude of rulers made obedience, he ordained many captaines and constituted diuers sorts of souldiers, as the Romans vsed to doe; making some gouernours of ten, othersome ouer a hundreth, and others ouer a thousand; Ioseph instructeth the Galileans in warre. and appointed likewise rulers ouer them. He taught them also how to giue the signe in warre, and how to sound the trumpet both to call them to combate, and to retire: how to marche in length, and cast in a ring, and alwaies to succour them that were most in danger: and to be short, Ioseph teacheth the Galileans how they should obey in the warres. he taught them whatsoeuer might either encourage them, or make them actiue: but especially he exercised them in feates of armes, imitating in particular the order of the Romans, often telling I them, that they were to fight with men, who for strength of body & courage, passed all nations of the world. Also he told them that hereby he should perceiue whether they would be obedient in war, if now they abstained from such things as were vsuall to soldiers, to wit, robbing and spoiling their countrimen, and craftie and deceitfull dealing; nor thinke the spoile of those with whom they conuersed to be their owne gaine: for those warres had alwaies best successe, where the souldiers carried good consciences; and they that were bad, should not onely haue men, but God also for their enemy. And after this manner he daily exhorted them, and now he had appointed Euerle one of the cities of Galilee send the halfe of their multitude into warfare, the rest they keepe to prou [...]de them victuals. how many were to fight. For threescore thousand footmen, and two hundreth and fiftie horsemen, and beside these foure thousand, and fiue hundreth whom he hired, were alwaies in readinesse, and six hundreth chosen men to guard his own person. And the hirelings only excepted, K the rest of the souldiers were prouided for by the Cities: for euerie Citie before mentioned, sent one halfe of their men for souldiers; and the other halfe they kept to prouide victuals for them, that one part being employed in warre, the other might doe such businesse as the Citie required.
CHAP. XXVI.
Of Iosephs dangers and escape, and of the malice of Iohn of Giscala.
WHilest Ioseph thus ordered the estate of Galilee, there arose a traitor borne in Giscala, the sonne of Leuias whose name was Iohn, a most subtill and deceitfull treacher, who by vile L meanes was now become the richest man in that countrey, being before verie poore; Iohn a notable [...], and a thirstie murtherer vnder hope of gaine. whereby for a while he was hindered from putting his villanies in practise: who could lie at his pleasure and easily giue credit vnto lies, who thought deceit to be a vertue, which he vsed euen toward his dearest friends: and a great counterfeiter of humanitie; yet for the hope of gaine became a cruell murtherer. He alwaies aimed at high matters, with an aspiring minde, and at first nourished his hope with small villanies. For first he was a thiefe after his owne manner, and liued in woods and solitarie places; at last he got him a company of audacious people like to himselfe, at first smal, but afterward he greatly increased it. He had also a great care to choose no idle persons, but such as were strong of body, valiant of minde, and skilfull in martiall affaires: of these he gathered foure hundreth, the most of them out of Tyre, and the villages thereabout▪ and M with them he wasted all Galilee, and put many in minde of the miserable warres to come. This man a long time before desired to be gouernour of the army, and aspired to greater matters, only the want of money hindred him: and perceiuing that Ioseph tooke delight in his industrie, he perswaded him to suffer him to build the wals of that place where he was borne, which was now desolate; and to accomplish this, he gathered great summes of money of the richer sort. Then he deuised another shift: for hauing perswaded the Iewes that were dispersed ouer all Syria, that [Page 641] they should vse no oile, saue onely that which was made by their owne nation, he caused diuers The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. Iohn imploieth the money he got against him, by whose meanes he gained it. A vessels of oile to be brought vnto the confines of Galilee, and buying foure barrels for a piece of Tyrian money (which amounted vnto foure Attique groates) he sold them againe vnto the Syrian Iewes the halfe of one barrell for as much as all foure cost him. And for that Galilee abounded with oiles, and especially at that time, he conueied it to such places where there was great want, and none was brought but by himselfe. By this meanes he gathered an infinite masse of money, which presently he turned to his preiudice, who had giuen him licence so to get it. And thinking that if he could depose Ioseph, that then he might come to be ruler ouer Galilee, he commanded his followers to robbe and spoile more then they did before, and so to trouble the countrey, that he might either kill the gouernour, if he sought to redresse it, at vnawares; or if he let all alone, to accuse him of cowardice to the people for so doing. Moreouer, he had already giuen out speeches, that Ioseph went about to betray Galilee vnto the Romans, and deuised many B things to this effect to worke Iosephs ouerthrow. It hapned that at that time, some of the village of Dabarita, who watched in the field, set vpon Ptolemaeus, who was factor for Agrippa, and his Agripp [...] president robbed. sister Berenice, & spoiled them of all cariage, wherein was much costly apparrell, and many siluer cups, & six hundreth peeces of gold. And for that they could not do this secretly, they brought all the whole bootie to Ioseph at Tarichea: who reprouing them for offering violence vnto the kings seruants, commanded the things to be kept at the house of Aeneas, who was one of the richest men in the town, who should restore them to the owner whē time serued: wherein thinking to do himselfe great good, he wrought himselfe much danger. For the theeues being offended that they receiued no part thereof, and seeing that Ioseph would restore to Agrippa & his sister Berenice that which they had laboured to get, they went round about the villages in the night, and spred this C false report in euery place, that Ioseph was a traitor to his countrey, and with the same rumour filled the cities thereabout: So that earely in the next morning, a hundreth thousand armed men An hundreth thousād armed men come out against Ioseph. came against Ioseph. Finally, the multitude assembled thēselues togither in the theater at Tarichea: the greatest part cried out in their choler and fury, that the traitor might be deposed, othersome that he might be burned, & Iohn himselfe incited many, & with him one Iesus the son of Sapphas, who at that time was gouernour of Tiberias. All the friends of Ieseph and his guard being terrified with such a multitude, fled, foure onely excepted. But Ioseph in the meane while was a sleepe: and had he slept a little longer, they had set his house on fire. Wherupon he arose, & the foure that remained All Iosephs friends and guard saue foure flie from him. with him, counselled him to flie: but he not dismaid in that he was left alone, nor for that D so great a multitude came against him, went boldly towards them with his garment all torne and ashes vpon his head, holding his hands behind him, and his sword vpon his necke. Whereat they that bare him good will, especially the people of Ta [...]ichea, were moued to compassion: but the countrey people and they whom he ouerlaid with taxes and tributes, cursed him, and bad him bring forth the publike treasure, and confesse his treason: for because of the attire and habite he came in, they thought he would not haue denied any thing, where of he vvas accused: and that he came so to moue them to compassion, and so to obtaine pardon for his offence. This his humilitie stood him in good steed, for hereby those that before were inraged against him, now began one to fall out with another in his behalfe when he promised to confesse the vvhole matter: Iosephs oration to the seditious. and then obtaining licence to speake, he said. ‘I was neuer minded to send backe that money to E Agrippa, nor to keepe it vnto my priuate vse. For (God forbid) that I should euer hold him for my friend, vvho is your open enemie, or that I should so seeke mine owne profit, that I should thereby damnifie you all. But (O yee men of Tarichea) forasmuch as I perceiued that your citie especially had greatest need to be fortified, and that you were not able to build the walles, and for that I feared the people of Tiberias, and others adioyning, who still gaped after this pray, and vvealth that was taken from Agrippa; I determined to get those spoyles for you to reedifie your vvalles. If yee mislike this, I vvill bring out the treasure, and giue it to be deuided amongst you: but if you like thereof, then it appeareth, how you molest him who is your benefactor.’
This speech of his well pleased the people of Tarichea, and displeased them of Tiberias; so F that they breathed out threatnings against him. Thus they both left Ioseph, and fought one against another. He now hauing many partakers (for the people of Tarichea were almost fortie thousand) spake more boldly vnto the multitude, and rebuked their temeritie, affirming that it was necessarie to strengthen Tarichea with that present money, and that he would also prouide to strengthen other cities, and that they should not want money, if they would agree and conspire togither against them, from whom they should take it; and not to offer violence vnto him who [Page 642] would endeuour to get it. So the rest of the multitude being deceiued, though they were angry; G The yeare of the world, 4031. after Christs birth 69. Another stratageme of Iosephs against the Iewes. yet departed; and two thousand armed men offered to set vpon him: but he being alreadie retired into his house, they stood without, threatning him. Wherefore Ioseph vsed another deuise likewise to represse these, and getting vp into the top of the house, he beckned vnto them with his hand to keepe silence; and then said that he was ignorant what they requested at his hands: for he could not heare one for another, because their voices were confounded through the multitude, but if they would send some into the house to talke friendly with him, he would do whatsoeuer they requested. The nobles & magistrates hearing this, presently went into the house: whom, when he had lead into the innermost part of the house, hauing shut the doores, he caused to be beaten, so long till that all their bowels appeared: the doores in the meane time being made fast, the people staied before the house, thinking that the cause of their long tarrying was, to alleage H reasons to and fro; and presently Ioseph opening the doores put them foorth amongst the people all bloudie as they were: whereat they were so terrified, that leauing their weapons behind them they ran away. Hereat Iohn tooke occasion to encrease his enuie, and hauing ill successe Iohns enuie & treason against Ioseph. in this policie, he still attempted other plots to bring Ioseph in daunger, and counterfeiting himselfe sicke, he requested Ioseph to permit him to go to Tyberias, and vse the hot bathes for to recouer his health. But Ioseph not hauing yet perceiued his treason, wrote letters in his behalfe to the gouernour of the towne, willing him to be Iohns oast, and to let him want nothing that he needed: which he had in good sort. And two daies after his arriuall there, he went about the businesse, which he came to effect, and entised some with money, others with flatteries, to reuolt from Ioseph. Silas whom Ioseph had made gouernour of the Citie vnderstanding this, he presently by I Iohn perswadeth the Tiberians to reuolt from Ioseph. letters gaue notice thereof vnto Ioseph: who receiuing them in the night, went vnto Tyberias, and was there earlie in the morning, and the rest of the multitude came out to meete him: but Iohn notwithstanding he iudged that he came against him, yet still he counterfaited himselfe sicke in bed, and sent a man of his acquaintance to excuse his absence for not comming to meet Ioseph. Then Ioseph assembled the Tiberians togither in a place to speake vnto them, concerning that which was written vnto him: & Iohn sent armed men thither with commaundement to kil Ioseph. Iohn sendeth certaine armed men to kill Ioseph. Ioseph flies in a little boat by the lake. The people perceiuing them to draw their swords, cried out: and Ioseph at their crie looking about him, and perceiuing their swords euen almost at his throat, he leptdowne a little hil vpon the shore, which was sixe cubites high, vpon which he stood to speake vnto the people, and going into a boat with two of his guard which he found there, he went into the midst of the lake, and K presently his guard taking their weapons, assaulted the traitors. Ioseph fearing that a great conflict would ensue, and so the whole citie for a few mens fault be destroyed, sent to his souldiers, charging them onely to worke their owne safetie and no more, and to kill none, nor reprooue any for that wicked fact: who forthwith obeying his commaund, ceased from fight.
But they that inhabited about the citie, and heard of the treason, and by whom it was attempted, armed themselues and came against Iohn: but he before they came, fled into Giscala, where Iohn flieth into his countrey Giscala. The Galileans flocke to Ioseph against Iohn. he was borne. In the meane while all Galilee came and ioyned with Ioseph, and there were many thousands of armed men gathered togither, affirming that they came against Iohn, and to fire that citie which had receiued him. Ioseph thanked them for their good will, saying, that he had rather conquer his enemies by policie, then by fire or sword; and therefore requested them to be L content. He also published an edict, wherein he declared that all those that had rebelled with Iohn, and did not forsake him within fiue daies next following, should lose all their liuings, and their mansions should be sacked, and their houses and family set on fire. Hereupon three thousand presently forsooke Iohn, and came and cast downe their weapons before Iosephs feete, prostrating themselues before him: so that there onely remained with Iohn, but one thousand of fugitiue Syrians. By whom Iohn being assisted, againe went secretly to work, hauing so ill successe by plaine dealing: and so priuily sent messengers to Ierusalem, who told that Ioseph had gathered a great armie, and that except he were quickly preuented, he would come and vsurpe the dominion ouer that mother citie. But the people vnderstanding before of Iohns hatred, did not regard it: yet diuers rich men and magistrates who enuied Ioseph, secretly sent money vnto Iohn to hire souldiers Iohns treason against Ioseph. M that were straungers, that he might warre against Ioseph; and determined amongst them to displace him: and thinking that their decree was not sufficient to effect it, they sent moreouer fiue hundreth and foure thousand armed men, and foure of their principall nobilitie amongst them, to vvit Ioazar the lawyer, and Ananias the Sadducee, and Simon and Iudas the sonnes of Ionathas, all very eloquent and learned men, to withdraw the peoples minds from Ioseph, giuing them charge, that if he of his owne accord came vnto them, that then they should permit him to [Page 643] speake for himselfe: but if hee refused so to doe, that then they should hold him as an enemie. Iosephs A The yeare of the world, 4031. after the birth of Christ. 69. friends at Ierusalem gaue him intelligence, how that an army came against him, but for what cause they knew not, for that it was kept secret. And hereupon before hee could preuent it, foure Cities did reuolt from him, to wit, Sepphoris, Gamala, Giscala, and Tyberias, the which hee soone after easily recouered, without any force of armes: and hauing taken the foure Captaines Foure Cities of Galilee submit thēselues to Iosephs enemies. and Counsellors of his enemies, hee sent them vnto Ierusalem; against whome the people being incensed would haue killed them, and those that brought them, had they not fled betime.
CHAP. XXVII.
Tyberias and Sepphoris were recouered by Ioseph.
NOw Iohn for feare of Ioseph, kept himselfe within the wals of Giscala: and a few dayes after B Tyberias reuolted againe, the Inhabitants calling in Agrippa, who came not at the Tiberias is recouered by Ioseph and saued by a stratagem. day appointed, and yet a few Romane souldiers shewing themselues, they reuolted from Ioseph. Ioseph vnderstanding this at Tarichea, hauing sent his souldiers to fetch Corne, thought it not good to goe alone against the rebels; neither did hee thinke it best to delay the time any longer, fearing that whilest hee delayed, King Agrippa would come and possesse the towne: for the next day because it was the Sabaoth, he could doe nothing. Wherefore he thought to ouercome the rebels by policie, and so he commaunded the gates of Tarichea to bee kept shut, that his intent might not be reuealed vnto them of Tiberias. Then taking all the boates that were in the lake, in number two hundreth and thirtie, and in euerie one of them foure saylers, he hastily C sayled to Tyberias: and when he came neere the Citie, yet so farre off, that the Inhabitants thereof could not easily descrie him, hee left all the boates vpon the water emptie, and taking onely seuen of his gard with him, vnarmed, he went neere vnto the Citie, that they might see him. When Ioseph with seuen souldiers commeth to Tiberias, and terrifieth his enemies. the rebels perceiued him, and thought that the boates had beene full of armed men, they cast downe their weapons, and held vp their hands to him, beseeching him to spare the Citie. Ioseph after many threatnings and bitter speeches, first for that hauing vndertaken warres against the Romans, they with ciuill warres consumed their owne forces: secondly, for that they sought his life who had wrought their safetie, and that they were not ashamed to shut the gates against him, who had builded the Citie wals: yet (said he) if any would come and talke with him, and confirme a league of their fidelitie vnto him, hee would not refuse them. So tenne of the chiefest amongst D Ioseph by a sub till pollicie tolleth out the chiefest of Tybetias, and carrieth them away in boates to Tarichea. them came vnto him, whome he carried away in a fisher boate farre from the Citie, and sent for fiftie senators as though he requested their promise also. And deuising new causes, he stil vnder pretence of agreement, sent first for one, and then for another, as he thought good, till he had loaded all the boates: which done, he commaunded the boatemen with all speed possible to goe to Tarichea, and put them in prison, so that he carried away all the councell, which were in number sixe hundreth and two thousand people, all whome hee brought to Tarichea in boates. But they which remained in the Citie, cried with one voice that one Clitus was cause of that reuolt, and therefore besought Ioseph to punish him for all. Ioseph told them that hee would put Clitus the author of the sedition, drawing his sword with his right hand cut off his left. none of them to death, but commanded one of his gard called Leuia, to come and cut off Clitus his hands: but he fearing to trust himselfe amongst all his enemies, refused to doe execution. Clitus E perceiuing that Ioseph was angrie, and readie to come out of his owne boate to doe it himselfe, besought him to graunt him one of his hands: which Ioseph did, vpon condition, that hee should cut off the other himselfe. So Clitus drawing out his sword with his right hand, cut off his left, being afraid of Ioseph; and after this he returned to Tyberias to bring it againe vnder his subiection: and within a few dayes after, hee tooke Giscala and Sepphoris, which were reuolted, hauing giuen the spoyles thereof to his souldiers, but yet afterward hee restored all that was taken away vnto the people, and so hee did to the Inhabitants of Tyberias and Sepphoris: and by this meanes got the good will of them all.
CHAP. XXVIII. F
How the people of Ierusalem prepared themselues to warre, and of the tyrannie of Simon Giora.
VNtill this time, there were broyles in Galilee, and now ceasing from ciuill dissension, they prepared themselues against the Romans. And the potentates of Ierusalem, and Ananus The troubled estate of Ierusalem. the high Priest, with all speed renued and repaired the wals, and made all sorts of instruments [Page 644] for warre, arrowes and other weapons; so that all the Citie was busied herein, and trayned The y [...]re of the world. 4031. af [...] Christs birth 69. G their men in warlike discipline. All places were filled with tumults; but the grauer sort were verie pensiue, and many as it were foreseeing the calamitie that after ensued, burst out into teares: they that desired peace, receiued no comfort in any thing: all things were done at their becke, who were cause of all this warre. And the estate of the Citie euen then before the Romans came, was like a Citie to be destroied. Now Ananus omitted that which was necessarie for war, and labored to reconcile the seditious faction of them that were called Zelous: but how he was ouercome, Simon the Son of Giora committeth great rapines and murthers in Acrabatena and Idumaea. and what his end was, wee will declare hereafter. Now one Simon the sonne of Giora in the Toparchie of Acrabatena, hauing gathered together a multitude of seditious people, robbed and spoyled all; and not onely brake into rich mens houses, but also did beate them grieuously, openly exercising his tyrannie. But when Ananus and the rest sent an armie against him, he fled H vnto his fellow theeues of Massada, and there he stayed till Ananus and the rest of his enemies were slaine: and then hee wasted Idumaea with the rest, so that the gouernours of that place were faine to put a garrison in euerie village: so great was the number of them, that were slaine by these theeues. And thus stood the affaires of the Iewes.
THE THIRD BOOKE I OF THE WARRES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Of the comming of Vespasian generall of the Romans into Iudaea, and of the two massacres of the Iewes, and how the Sephorites yeelded themselues to Vespasian.
- 2 The description of Galilee, Samaria, and Iudaea.
- 3 Of the helpe sent v [...]to them of Sepphoris, and of the militarie discipline amongst the Romans.
- 4 How Placidus assaulted Iotapata. L
- 5 How Vespasian inuaded Galilaea, and at his onely presence how the Galileans fled.
- 6 How Gadara was taken.
- 7 How Iotapata was besieged, and of the situation and batterie thereof.
- 8 Of the siege of Iotapata by Vespasian, and of Iosephs diligence, and of the excursions of the Iewes against the Romans.
- 9 How Vespasian did beate the wals of Iotapata, with a Ram and other warlike engines.
- 10 How Iotapata was againe assaulted.
- 11 How Traian and Titus tooke Iapha.
- 12 How Cerealis ouercame the Samaritans.
- 13 How Iotapata was taken. M
- 14 How Ioseph being taken saued his owne life.
- 15 How Ioppe was taken againe.
- 16 How Tyberias was yeelded.
- 17 How Tarichea was besieged.
- 18 Of the lake called Genesar, and the fountaines of Iordan.
- 19 How Tarichea was deliuered.
CHAP. I. A The yeare of the world. 4031. after the birth of Christ. 69.
Of Vespasians comming into Iudaea, and of the two massacres of the Iewes.
AFTER that Nero vnderstood of his euill successe against the Iewes, he was seazed with feare and astonishment; yet he dissembled it as much as necessitie Nero is amazed and afraid at [...]ie valiant acts of ye Iewes would permit him. In the meane while he set a good face on the matter, and made as though he were of more courage, saying, that that which happened, was rather by the fault of his generall, then by the valour of their aduersaries: thinking that it behooued him, who was emperour, not to shew B himselfe mooued with a little bad newes; and the greatnesse of his Empire shewed he had a mind which yeelded to no misfortune. Yet it appeared by the vexation of his spirit that he was much moued, & in great care vnto whom he should cōmit the charge of the East which rebelled; who both would conquer the Iewes, and chastife the inhabitants about them, that bare the same minde as they did. At last he found Vespasian, whom he thought only meet for that purpose, a man who from his infancie had been trained vp in warres, euen vntill he was gray headed, Nero sendeth Vespasian to gouerne in Syria and direct his warres. who had appeased the people of the West, & helped them being troubled by the Germans, and recouered it for the Romans: as also he did Britannie which was vnknowne before; and for that cause made his father Claudius triumph without taking any paines for it. Nero considered all these, and his prudence grounded in olde age with his experience, who also had sonnes in the C flower of their age to be pledges for his fidelitie, & that represented their fathers wisedome. God, as it should seeme, euen then disposing something of the whole common wealth, Nero sent him to gouerne the armies in Syria, greatly encouraging him with faire speeches and promises, as at that time neede required.
Thus he departed out of Achaia; where he was with Nero: and he commanded Titus his son to leade the fift and tenth legions from Alexandria, and he himselfe crossing ouer to Hellespont, Vespasian and Titus gather great forces against ye Iewes. went after by land into Syria, where he assembled all the Roman forces, and all the helpe of the kings adioyning that were confederates. But the Iewes after Cestius vnfortunate successe became proud of their victorie, and could not containe themselues, but like men tossed at fortunes pleasure, they still gaue more occasion of warre, and gathering all their warlike forces togither, they D went to Ascalon, which is an olde Citie seuen hundreth and twentie furlongs distant from Ierusalem, which the Iewes alwaies hated, for which cause also they first assaulted it. The Gouernors The Iewes besiege Ascalon. in this expedition, were three men excellent aboue the rest for strength and wisedome, to wit, Niger of Peraea, Silas the Babylonian, and Iohn the Essean. Now the Citie of Ascalon had verie strong wals, but few men to defend it; for it had onely one company of footmen, and one band of horsemen, whom Antonius gouerned. The Iewes made such haste, as though they had dwelt hard by. Antonius perswading himselfe that they would assault him, caused his horsmen Antonie fighteth with the Iewes. to i [...]ue foorth of the Citie, and neither fearing the multitude, nor the malice of his aduersaries, he valiantly aboad the first assault of the enemies, and beate them backe that attempted to assault the wall. So the Iewes who were vnkilfull, hauing to doe with them that were expert, and they E being on foote fighting against horsemen, without order against those that were in good order, being light [...]y armed against their aduersaries who were well prouided, were easily repulsed. Finally, they were more led by rage and wrath, then by good counsell; and they against whom they fo [...]ght were obedient, and would doe nothing without the commandement of their leader. For their first rankes being broken, they were forced by the horsemen to turne their backs; and turning themselues to their owne companie, who turned toward the wall, became as it were enemies to themselues. So that euerie one seeking to auoide the horsemen, they were all dispersed The Romans ouercome the Iewes & make a great slaughter of them. about the field, which was in euerie place for the aduantage of the horsemen. This greatly helped the Romans to kill so many Iewes: for they that fled were easily ouertaken by the Romans, and killed; and others compassing diuers of the Iewes about, slew them with dartes: so that the F Iewes were in as great desperation for all their huge multitude, as if they had been alone. The Iewes indeuouring to ouercome their misfortunes were ashamed to flie, and so fled not hastily, hoping that fortune would change. But the Romans not wearied in that which they did with great dexteritie, continued the fight the most part of the day: so that there were slaine of the Ten thousand Iewes slaine. Iewes ten thousand, and two of their leaders, Iohn, and Silas. The rest, many being wounded, followed their Generall Niger, who fled into a little towne of Idumaea, named Salis: many of [Page 646] the Romans also were wounded in that fight. But the Iewes were not daunted with this misfortune, G The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. but the griefe thereof much encreased their courage: neither were they dismaied with the former losse of so many men within so short time; but rather calling to minde their great victorie they had before, were drawne to vndergo yet another mishap. Shortly after, before the mens wounds were healed, they gathered togither all their forces, and went againe to Ascalon in greater number and furie, but with the same successe and skill in warlike affaires which they had before. For Antonius hauing warning which way they meant to come, placed an ambush in the waye, and the horsemen setting vpon them at vnawares, they killed aboue eight thousand of Eight thousand Iewes slaine at Ascalon. them, before they could prepare themselues to fight: and all the rest fled, and Niger with them, shewing as he fled many arguments of a valiant minde: and for that the enemies pursued them, they fled into the safest tower of a towne called Bezedel. Antonius knowing it to be in vaine H to stay about the tower that was inuincible, yet loth to let the Generall of their aduersaries to escape, set fire on the walles, and so departing triumphed, thinking that Niger had beene burned. But he lept into a deepe vault in the Castle, and so escaped: and three daies after he shewed himselfe vnto his souldiers, who sought for him weeping, that they might burie his body, for they thought him dead, whō against all expectation seeing aliue, they were verie glad, as though by Gods prouidence he escaped to be still their leader. Vespasian came to Antiochia, which is Vespasian with his whole army commeth to Ptolemais. the mother Citie of all Syria, and brought his army with him, which for greatnesse and happy successe, doubtlesse was the third in the whole world; and finding that king Agrippa did expect his comming, he hasted with all his forces from thence to Ptolemais. At this place there The Sephorits doe courteously entertaine the Romans. came vnto him the Citizens of Sephoris a Citie of Galilee, who had no thought at all of rebellion: I these both prouident for their owne safetie, and well knowing the forces of the Romans, before Vespasian came, submitted themselues vnto Cestius Gallus, and receiued from him a garrison of souldiers; and now also curteously entertaining Vespasian offered their help against their countrimen. To whom Vespasian at their request gaue a guard of horse and foote, so great as he thought was able to resist the force of their enemies, if the lewes should attempt any thing against them. For he thought it would be a great help vnto him in his warre to come, to haue Sephoris the greatest Citie of Galilee scituate in a strong place on his side, which otherwise might be a safegard to the whole nation.
CHAP. II. K
The description of Galilaea, Samaria, and Iudaea.
THere are two places named Galilaea, the one is called high Galilaea, and the other lowe Galilee; and they are both compassed with Phoenicia and Syria. On the west Ptolemais The description and scituation of the higher Galilee with the limits of his territorie doth part their borders, and the mount Carmel, which in time past belonged vnto Galilee, but now vnto the Tyrians. Vnto which adioineth Gabaa, which signifieth the horsemens Citie: so called for because king Herods horsmen were sent thither to inhabite. On the South part it ioyneth to the Samaritanes and Scythopolitanes vnto Iordan. On the East part it bordereth vpon Hippene, and Gadaris, and Gaulanitis, which are the borders of king Agrippa his countrey. On the North it bordereth vpon Tyria. The length of lower Galilee L The length and breadth of the lower Galilee. reacheth from Tiberias vnto Zabulon; neere which is Ptolemais by the sea coast. In breadth it reacheth from the Village Xaloth scituated in a great field vnto Bersabe, where also beginneth the breadth of high Galilee, and reacheth vnto the village called Baca, bordering vpon the Tyrians; and the length thereof is from a village neere Iordan named Thella vnto Meroth. And being of such bignesse and enuironed with so many nations, yet did they alwaies resist forraine forces: For the Galileans are from their childhood warlike, and neuer are daunted by feare or penurie, for their countrey is most fruitfull, set with all manner of trees, and verie fertill, notwithstanding The fertilitie of Galilee. the inhabitants take small paines in tilling the ground. All parts thereof are tilled by the inhabitants and there is no waste part.
There are many Cities, and in euerie place there are villages populous and rich: so that M the least village there, hath in it aboue fifteene thousand inhabitants. And although Galilee be lesse in compasse then the region beyond the riuer, yet it is more populous, fertiler and richer then the same: for it is all tilled, and al beareth fruit. But that beyond the water though it be bigger, yet is it not all inhabited, for there are many desert and barren places, and onely beareth The description of the coū trey beyond the floud. wilde fruits. Peraea hath a good soile & large fields, beset with diuers trees, especially oliues, vines, and palme trees: and it is abundantly watered with brooks running from the mountaines, and [Page 647] springs that continually come downe, when in the dog daies they are almost drie. The length of The yeare of the world 4030. after Christs Natiuitie. 68. A this place is from Macherunt to Pella: the breadth from Philadelphia to Iordan. This towne Pella before mentioned lieth on the North part; and Iordan on the West; and the countrey of the Moabites bordereth on the South, and on the East Arabia, Silbonitis, Philadelphia and Gerasis. Samaria is seated betweene Iudaea and Galilee, beginning at a towne scituate in a place called Ginaea, & endeth in the Toparchy of Acrabatena, nothing differing in nature from Iudaea. The descriptiō of the Region of Samaria. For both of them are full of mountaines and fields, and good for tillage; full of trees, abounding both with wild apples and others: for they are of their nature drie, but haue raine inough, and haue passing sweet waters, and aboundance of good grasse; and great store of milch beasts, and which is a great argument of wealth, both places are verie populous. The confines of these countries is Anauth, a village otherwise called Borceos, which lieth on the North part of Iudaea. The The description of Iury whose midle part is Ierusalem. B South part of Iudaea if you measure the length, is extended vnto the village of the Arabians called Iardan: the breadth reacheth from Iordan vnto Ioppe: in the midst thereof is scituate Ierusalem; so that some call that citie the nauell of that countrey. Iudaea also bordereth on the sea coast euen vnto Ptolemais. It is deuided into eleuen portions, the first is Ierusalem head & chiefe of al, being aboue all the rest as the head is aboue the bodie: and the rest are Toparchies. Gophna is the second, after that Acrabatena, then Thamna, afterward Lydda, also Ammaus, and Pella, and The diuision of Iudaea. Idumaea, and Engadda, and Herodium, and Iericho, besides these Iamnia and Ioppe commaund the places adioyning. Moreouer there is Gamala & Gaulanitis, & Batanea & Trachonitis, which are portions belonging to King Agrippa his kingdome. This countrey beginneth at mount Libanus, and the fountaines of Iordan, and reacheth in breadth vnto the lake neere Tiberias: C And in length it reacheth from Iulias to Arphas, and the inhabitants are partly Iewes, and partly Syrians.
CHAP. III.
How aide was sent vnto the people of Sephoris, and of the militarie discipline of the Romans.
I Haue alreadie spoken of Iudaea as briefely as might be, and with what countries it is enuironed. Now Vespasian sent helpe vnto the inhabitants of Sephoris, to wit one thousand Vespasian sendeth helpe to the Sephorites, but filleth Galilee with sword and fire. horsemen, and sixe thousand foote, Placidus the tribune being their gouernour: the horsmen deuided themselues into two companies, and lodged in a great plaine, and the footmen D were in garrison in the citie for to defend it, but the horsemen staied without. These horsemen made excursions on euerie side, and greatly molested Ioseph, who was quietly bent, and also spoiled all that was without the cities, & alwaies repulsed the inhabitants, if at any time they tooke courage to reuenge themselues. Notwithstanding Ioseph assaulted the citie Sephoris hoping to take it, which he before such time as it reuolted vnto the Romans, had compassed with so strong wals; that the Romans themselues could not haue taken it; so his hope was frustrate: for neither by force nor faire meanes would the Sephorites yeeld vnto him. Hereat the Romans being angry, troubled the country more then before, who now neither night nor day ceased frō destroying it, but robbed & spoiled all they found, and all men able to beare armes they slew, and made the rest E their slaues: Thus all Galilee was filled with fire and sword; and no man escaped that calamitie, onely they saued themselues, that fled into the Cities that Ioseph had walled.
Titus came to Alexandria being winter sooner then he was expected: and so receiued there the souldiers that he sent for, and hauing a prosperous iourney, he quickly came to Ptolemais, Titus bringeth a mightie army into Iudaea. and finding his father there with two of the chiefest legions, to wit the fifth and tenth, he also adioyned that fifteenth legion that he brought with him. And there followed them eighteene companies, fiue out of Caesarea, one troupe of horsemen, and fiue companies of horsemen out of Syria: tenne of these companies of foote had in euery one of them a thousand men, the rest only sixe hundreth & thirteene, and in euerie troupe of horsemen were a hundreth & twentie. The kings also brought great ayde: for Antiochus, Agrippa, & Sohemus, brought each of them 2000. F bowmen, and a thousand horsemen, and Malchus king of Arabia brought 5000. foot, and 1000. horse, and the most of his footmen were archers; so that the whole army togither with the kings aide, amounted vnto the number of threescore thousand horse and foot togither: besides them that followed the campe, who were a great multitude, and not inferiour vnto the souldiers in warlike discipline: so that one may admire the Romans, who so traine vp their seruants in time of peace, that they are verie fit for warres. So that whosoeuer well beholdeth their militarie [Page 648] discipline, he shal perceiue that they gained not this their goodly Empire by chance and fortune, G The yeare of the world, 4031. after Christs birth 69. The diligence and labour of the Romans in prouiding things necessary for the wars. but by vertue: for they do not onely then begin to vse weapons when they come to fight, but they practise militarie discipline before they need, and they are not idle in time of peace, but alwaies practise themselues therein without ceasing. Their exercises are like warre it selfe, and euery souldier is euerie day exercised in euery sort of weapons, euen as though they were fighting against the enemie; so that hereby they easily indure the burthen and trauaile of warres. For their disorder doth not make them forget what to do, neither doth feare dismay them, nor continuance of fight and warre wearie and tire them. So that whosoeuer they fight against, who are not so well prouided in these affaires, as they are, they alwaies ouercome them: And one may well call their practises amongst themselues, conflicts without bloudshed; and their wars indeed, conflicts with bloudshed. They are not easily ouercome at vnawares, for in what enemie-countrey H soeuer they come, they fight not before they haue fortified their campe about, which they do not The industry of the Romans. The order of the Romans in their campe. rashly, neither do they pitch their tents in marish or high places, after a disordered maner, for if the place be vnequall, they make it plaine. And they proportion their campe foure square: for they haue many smiths, and all kind of workemen needfull, which do still follow the armie, to accomplish such busines. And in the innermost part of the campe they make tabemacles, whose outside resembleth a wall, with towers equally distant one from another, and betweene them engines of warre to cast stones, and such like, that all kind of shot may be in readines. They also build foure gates large and wide, both for their cattell easily to come in at, and also for themselues if need require, to enter in or issue out speedily. Within the campe, there are streets deuided into certaine spaces: in the midst their rulers, and amongst them all the generals tent like a temple, so that I it seemeth a citie, and a market full of shops made in an instant. There are also seats builded for the gouernours to iudge of controuersies, if any arise betweene the souldiers and others. All this place and all things belonging thereto, are made in an instant, partly by reason of the multitude, partly by the industrie of them that worke: and if need require they compasse it with a trench foure cubits deepe, and as many broad. Thus the souldiers enclosed with armes, do liue quietly in their tents without disorder, and all things are done with good aduice and order, whether they need vvater, or corne, or vvood: for they must all go to dinner at the time appointed, and all sleepe at once, and a trumpet giueth notice vvhen to watch and guard, and nothing is done that is not The reuerence and obedience of the Roman souldiers to their captains. commaunded. In the morning all the souldiers come vnto their captaines to salute them, and the captaines to the tribunes, and they all to the generall, and he giueth them a watch word, and telleth K them what he thinketh good, and how they shall behaue themselues towards those that are vnder them, whereby in fight they may demeane themselues, and well know when to assault, and when to retire. When they go forth of the campe a trumpet soundeth, and no man is idle, but at the first becke taketh away his tabernacle, & makes all readie for their departure: Then the trumpet soundeth again, warning them to be readie, and hauing laden their beasts with their baggage, How the Romans forsake their campe. they expect the sound againe, as though they were to run a race, and at their departure they burne their campe, because it is easie to build the like againe, and also least afterwards it may aduantage their enemies. When the trumpet hath sounded the third time, which is a signe to set forward, then they hasten those that are slow, least they forsake their order. And a crier standeth on the right hand of the general, asking thrice, if they be prepared to fight, and they as often answere that L they are, holding vp their right hands with loftie courage: and so they march on easily, euerie man keeping his ranke, as though they were readie to giue battell. The footmen haue a head peece, a breast plate, and a sword on the left side, and on the right side a dagger. The footmen The armour of the Roman footmen. The furniture of the Roman horsemen. that guard the generall haue lauelin and a shield: the rest are armed euery one with bucklers and pikes. Moreouer they carry a saw, a basket, a fardle, a hatchet, also a cord, a syeth, and a chaine, and victuals for three daies, so that the footmen are as much loden as their cattell. The horsmen carrie at their right side a long sword, in the left hand adart; and a long shield hanging against the horse side, and a quiuer with three darts with broad edges, which are as bigge as a speare: they haue also helmets and breastplates like the footmen. And the generals horsemen that guard his bodie doe nothing differ from the rest. That companie alwaies leadeth that the lot falleth M vnto. And these are the fashions of the Romanes concerning their warlike discipline. They The Romans attempt nothing vnaduisedly or rashly. neuer do any thing vnaduisedly in battaile, but manage all things according to counsell; so that they either do not erre, or if they doe, their fault is easily amended. For they thinke that bad successe after deliberation is better then good fortune without it; and they thinke that therein fortune did but flatter them, to worke them some great despight, by reason they haue not deliberated: but that which is premeditated, although it haue euill successe, yet it maketh them warie [Page 649] against another time. And none of them accounteth that good successe, which cōmeth by chance, The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. A and yet euerie one is comforted in their misfortune, for that they take good aduise. By the militarie exercises they do not only make the bodies of their soldiers strong, but their minds also more hardie and their diligence is the greater by their feare. For their lawes are capital, not only for thē that forsake their order, but also for them that commit the least enormitie or negligence; and The Romans grow more diligentby feare. their generals are more seuere then their lawes: who only by rewarding the good purchase fauour, least they seeme cruell in punishing the wicked. Moreouer they are so obedient vnto their rulers, that in peace they honour them, and in warre the whole armie seemeth one bodie The obedience of the Romane souldier is no small occasion of his victorie. vnited together: they so keepe order, and are so readie to turne heere or there, and so attenti [...] to anie command, and so diligent to note signes made vnto them, and so quicke to labour with their hands, that they are alwayes apt to do anie thing, but slow to endure. In so much that they B know no place, where they haue beene ouercome, either by number or by courage, or counsell, or by the difficultie of the place, nor by fortune it selfe: For they thinke victorie more certaine then Fortune. Therefore seeing that their deeds are ruled by aduise and counsel, and their commandements How farre, the Romane gouernment extendeth. so well fulfilled by the Armie, what maruell is it if their Empire in the East reach vnto Euphrates, in the West vnto the Ocean, in the South vnto Affrick, in the North vnto Rhine and Danubius, seeing that one may iustly affirme the possession lesse then the possessors. Thus I haue spoken, not to praise the Romans, but to comfort the conquered, and to terrifie those that desire alteration: and perhaps it may teach them who want good discipline, & are ignorant of the maners and customes of the Romans in their militarie affaires. But I returne to my purpose.
CHAP. IIII. C
How Placidus assaulted Iotapata.
IN the meane time Vespasian liuing at Ptolemais with his sonne Titus, prepared his armie. Placidus draweth his forces against Iotapata, and being repulsed, flies. But Placidus was already entered into Galilee and run through it, where he slew almost all he found who were of the weaker sort of people and cowards: And seeing that those of courage alwayes fled into these Cities that Ioseph had fortified, he turned his forces against Iotapata, which was the strongest of them, thinking it might easily be taken by a suddaine assault, and that he thereby should get great glorie, and that by taking it, great profit might ensue, in that the people seeing the strongest Citie surprised, they would not flie to any againe. But it fell not out as D he expected; for the people of Iotapata vnderstanding of his comming, met him neere the town, and sodainely encountred the Romans, being a great multitude and well disposed to fight, as those that bare armes for the generall safetie of the Countrie, and for the liues of their wiues and children, they out the Romans to flight, wounding many, onely seuen being slaine▪ for the Romans in flying kept their ranckes, and being armed round about, they were not daungerously wounded, but the Iewes being vnarmed, rather trusted to their darts & arrowes then to handie blowes. There were three Iewes slaine, and a few wounded: and so Placidus when hee saw himselfe repulsed from the towne, he fled.
CHAP. V.
How Vespasian inuaded Galilee, and how at the verie sight of him E the seditious fled.
VEspasian desirous to take Galilee himselfe, departed from Ptolemais, making such iournies as souldiers ought to keepe, which the Romans are wont to follow. And hee commaunded Vespasian directeth the Ro mans march. those that came to helpe him, and the bowmen because they were lighter armed, to goe before and represse the enemies incursions, and search the wood and forrest fit for ambushes, where by they were to passe: after them followed part of the Romane footemen and horsemen: and after them there marched ten by ten out of euerie hundreth, bearing with them their armour, and the measures of their camp. After them followed men, whose office it was to mend the wayes, where they were bad, and cut downe the woods that were in the way, least with F bad way the armie were tyred. After them hee sent his baggage and the baggage of the rulers vnder him, and withall horsemen to gard it. And after them hee himselfe followed, leading an armie of chosen footemen and horsemen, accompanied with his owne gard of horsemen, and hee had out of euerie legion sixescore men for his owne gard. After followed they that carried the engines to batter the wals of Cities, and other instruments, and with them the Prefects and Tribunes, garded with their chosen soldiers. After them other ensignes, and the Eagle, the which the [Page 650] Romans hold for chiefe of all, because it is the King of all birds, and is most valiant and strong: G The yeere of the world. 4031, after Christs birth 69. The Eagle by the Romans is held the ensigne of the Empire and a signe of victorie. wherefore they thinke it a signe of dominion, and victorie ouer all them against whom they beare it. After these sacred ensignes followed the trumpets sounding in warlike maner; and after them the armie marching sixe in a rank, and as the custome is a centurion went by them to keepe order: the seruants were all with the fooremen and baggage. After the last companie who were hired, followed armed footemen and horsemen in great number. And thus Vespasian with his whole armie came vnto the borders of Galilee, and there pitched his Tents; he stayed the souldiers who were verie eager to fight: as it were boasting and shewing his armie to terrifie his aduersaries, and giuing them time to repent, if any one would alter his mind before the warre began, yet did he prepare to besiege the wals and fortresses. The onely sight of him made many rebels flie, and daunted the most of them. For Iosephs souldiers who had pitched his Tents a little from H Sephoris, when they knew that warre grew on, and that they were presently to fight with the Romans, they did not onely flie before they fought: but also before they saw their enemies. Ioseph being left with a very few, knowing he was not able to abide the enemies; and that the Iewes were discomfited, and that if he put any trust in them, they would for the most part reuolt vnto Ioseph forsaken by his friends flies to Tiberias. the enemies; for that time abstained from all warre, and thought to get himselfe out of daunger, and so accompanied with them that remained with him, he went to Tyberias.
CHAP. VI.
How Gadara was besieged and taken.
VEspasian went vnto Gadara, and tooke it at the first assault: for all able men fit for warre I were fled out of the Citie, and entring the Citie he put all to death. For the Romans had no mercie, partly for the hatred they conceiued against the Iewes, and partly in reuenge of that which had befallen Cestius. And they burned the Citie and all townes and villages adioyning: some of them being alreadie desolate, and the inhabitants of the rest were made slaues. Ioseph fled into the Citie which he made choyce of for his safegard, and filled it with feare. For the people of Tyberias thought hee would neuer haue fled, if there had beene any hope of withstanding the Romans: wherein they iudged not amisse, for hee did foresee what euent those warres would haue, and that their onely safetie consisted in changing their rebellious minds. Hee himselfe, though he hoped to obtaine pardon of the Romans, yet had he farre more rather haue died K then to haue liued pleasantly with them against whome he was sent, and so become a traytor vnto Ioseph is afraid of the Romans and writeth to Ierusalem. his Countrie committed to his charge. Wherefore hee determined faithfully to write all his estate, and the estate of the Countrie vnto the nobilitie at Ierusalem, and not to extoll the enemies forces too much, least they should say hee was a coward; nor yet putting them in any comfort, least perhaps they now penitent for that they had done, againe by his letters should be incited to goe forward in their rebellious course: willing them presently to write an answere, whether they thought it good to enter into league with the Romans; or if they would make warre, then they should send a sufficient armie against the Romans: and hauing written to this effect, he presently sent men away to Ierusalem to beare these letters.
CHAP. VII. L
Of the siege of Iotapata.
VEspasian was verie desirous to take Iotapata, for that hee knew many of his enemies were fled thither, and for that this was the strongest refuge they had. So hee sent before footemen and horsemen, to plane the wayes which were full of ragged stones, so that it was hard for footemen to passe, and altogether vnpossible for horsemen: who within foure dayes effected that which they were commaunded, and made a large way for the armie to passe: And the fift day which was the one and twentith of March, Ioseph before they came entred into Ioseph commeth to Iotapata from Tiberias. the Citie, comming thither from Tyberias to encourage the Iewes who were dismayed. A certaine M run-away signified vnto Vespasian that Ioseph was come thither, willing him to hasten thither, for if he could take Ioseph he might easily take al Iudaea. Hereat Vespasian was verie glad & tooke it as good fortune, that the most prudent & potent of his enemies, shold (God at that time so working) put himselfe as it were in hold, and so presently he sent Placidus before with a thousand horsmen, and with him Captaine Ebutius, a man both strong, valiant and prudent, and commaunded them to compasse the Citie with a siege, least Ioseph should priuily escape from thence. The Iotapata besieged. [Page 651] day after he himselfe followed with the whole army and about noone came to Iotapata, and leading A The yeere of the world. 4031. after the birth of Christ. 69. his army vnto the North side of the towne, he pitched his tents vpon a hill seuen stounds distant from the Citie. Vpon purpose placing himselfe within the view of his enemies, that the verie sight of his army might terrifie them: which he also did; for presently euerie one was in such a feare, that none durst go out of the Citie. The Romans being wearied all that day, would not assault the citie: wherfore they enuironed the town with two squadrons, and the third that consisted in horsemen, was placed without to intercept all passage, that none of the Iewes could passe any whither. Hereby the Iewes now in desperation tooke heart; for in warre nothing is more forcible then necessitie. The next day began the batterie, and euerie Iew kept his quarter: and kept themselues in order, and resisted the Romans before their wals. But when Vespasian sent all the bowmen, and those who cast dartes and other things to beate them off of the walles, and Nothing is more effectuall in warre or more desperate then necessitie. B he himselfe with footmen assaulted the wals in another place where they might easily be entred: then Ioseph fearing the citie, accompanied with all the people issued out of the towne, and assaulted the Romans fiercely, and did driue them from the wals, shewing courage & strength; and they themselues suffered as much harme as they did vnto their enemies. For as they were encouraged with desperation, so were the Romans with shame, who were armed with militarie knowledge and strength, and the Iewes only with anger. And the fight continued all day euen vntill night; A fight between the Romans and the Iewes continued a whole day, and broken off by night. wherein many Romans were wounded, and onely thirteene slaine: and of the Iewes there were six hundreth wounded, and seuenteene slaine. The next day also they met the Romans, and resisted them more stoutly then before, taking courage for that they the day before had resisted them, contrarie to their expectation: and all the Romans fought more valiantly, ashamed as it C were of themselues, in suffering the Iewes to resist them; thinking withal, that they thēselues were ouercome, if they did not quickly suppresse their enemies. Wherfore the Romans for fiue daies togither ceased not to assault the towne, and the Iewes strongly rebatted them: and now neither the Iewes feared their enemies, nor the Romans were dismaied with ye difficultie of taking the towne. Iotapata is almost all scituated vpon a rocke, and compassed about with deepe vallies, vvhich The scituation of Iotapata. descend straight down like a wall: so that one can scarcely see the bottome. There is only accesse vnto it on the North part, vvhere it is seated vpon a mountaine going ouerthwart; which Ioseph inclosed with a vvall, to the end it might be no passage for the enemies: all the rest of the Citie is inuironed vvith high mountaines, so that it cannot be dis [...]rued by any before they be hard at it. And Iotapata was thus strengthened. D
Vespasian determined both to striue against the nature of the place, and hardinesse of the Vespasian intendeth to begin a sharpe siege. Iewes; and therfore called all his captains togither, and consulted vvith them to begin a hot siege: at last they resolued to reare a mount in that place vvhere the Citie was easiest to be entred. He sent his vvhole army to prouide wood to doe it, vvho cut downe the mountaines neere vnto the towne: and great store of vvood and stone being brought, setting hurdles before them to beare off the darts and arrowes, he began to raise a mount; so that they receiued little or no harme by darts cast from off the vvals: others brought earth from places thereabout, and no man vvas idle. The Iewes cast continually great stones and all kinde of darts vpon that vvhich defended them; which though they pierced not thorough, yet they made a great noise and terrified the workemen. Which Vespasian seeing, caused all engines that did cast stones & darts, vvhich were in number a E hundreth and threescore, to be placed against the vvals, to beate the Iewes from thence. And so they cast stones and dartes, and fire, and arrowes in great abundance: so that they did not onely beat the Iews frō off the vvals, but also out of the reach of their shot; for both the Arabian archers and those that vsed slings and dartes, and all the engines continually plaied vpon them. For all The Iewes break out and beat down the bulwarke. this the Iewes rested not, but running out in companies as theeues, they tooke away that vvhich defended the vvorkemen, and then assaulted them hauing no de [...]e: and vvhen they had beaten them away, destroied and fired all that the Romans had vvrought for their owne defence and safegard. At last Vespasian perceiued that these domages happened for that there vvas space left betweene all these vvorkes, vvhereby the enemies had accesse to doe them such harmes: wherefore he vnited them togither, and so hindered the priuie excursions of the Iewes. When the F mount vvas almost made and the towers vpon it finished, Ioseph afraid to doe nothing for the Ioseph fixeth stakes in the ground and fastneth vnto them raw O [...] hides to raise the wall and beat off the shot. safegard of the towne, called all vvorkmen necessarie togither, and commanded them to make the wal there higher; but they said it vvas vnpossible for them to vvorke for the number of shot in that place. Then Ioseph made this deuise to defend them, he fixed stakes in the ground, and fastened vnto them hides of Kine and Oxen new slaine, by vvhich they vvere defended from shot, and fire; so that they labouring night and day raised the wall twentie cubites high, erecting [Page 652] also vpon it many towers: and by this meanes made it a strong defence. Whereat the Romans, G The yeere of the world, [...] after Christs births 69. [...]. vvho before thought themselues sure of the towne, vvere now greatly dismaied both by this deuise of Iosephs, and also by the hardinesse of the Iewes.
CHAP. VIII.
Of the siege of Iotapata by Vespasian, and the diligence that Ioseph vsed, and how the Iewes made excursions against the Romans.
THis stratageme and the carriage of the Iewes greatly mooued Vespasian, for now they receiuing courage in that defence, made assaults vpon the Romans of their owne accord, and euerie day skirmished, running out in companies, and, like theeues, taking away H vvhatsoeuer they lighted vpon; and what they could not carrie away, they set on fire. At last Vespasian would not permit his souldiers to fight any longer: but determined now to besiege it & take it by want of victuals, purposing either to make them come & yeeld themselues for lacke of Vespasian restraineth his souldiers from fight and besiegeth the citie. foode, or if they held out, to famish thē: and that it would be more easie to take it by force, if ceasing a while from assaulting it, he afterward set vpon it, they being in anguish for the danger they were in. Wherefore he commanded all passages to be kept, that none could goe out of the Citie. But they had great store of corne, and of all other things else, except salt and water, whereof they stoode in great want, for there is neuer a fountaine in the citie, and they haue little raine in sommer time, so that the inhabitants were in great distresse; for now there was hardly any water left in the citie. Ioseph perceiuing there was abundance of all thinges else, and that the citizens vvere I valiant, as also the siege like to cōtinue long, he gaue to euery one vvater in measure: vvith vvhich they vvere not contented, thinking it as good to vvant altogether, as to haue it in that manner, & Ioseph deliuereth his souldiers water by measure. now they began to saint, as though they had suffered extreame drought. The Romans perceiued this, being vpon a high hill, ouer against the place whither all the Iewes came togither to recome water, and they with their shot killed many that came thither, insomuch that Vespasian hoped that within short time their water would be spent, and they constrained to yeeld. But Ioseph to frustrate this hope, commanded a great many garments to be layde in water and hanged vppon the wals, so that the water might run downe vpon euery side. When the Romans saw this, Iosephs stratagem. they were much grieued and affraid, for that they wasted so much water in mockerie, and before had thought that they had wanted water to drinke. And now Vespasian scorning to winne the citie K by siege, purposed to assault it againe by force. The Iewes were verie glad of this themselues, and the citie in danger, rather wishing to be slaine then perish through hunger or thirst, Ioseph deuised also another way to get such necessaries that he wanted out of the country, for there was a [...]alley out of the way, & therefore not regarded by the Romans, wherefore Ioseph sent men into the countrie to his friendes for such things as the citie wanted, by this way, commanding them Another policie of Iosephs. when they came neere the watchmen, to hide and couer themselues with hairie skinnes, that the watchmen might thinke them to be dogges, and this he vsed a good space, till at last the watchmen perceiued it, and so set a guard there to stop the passage. When Ioseph perceiued the Citie could not hold out long, and fearing his owne life, if still he continued there, he treated with the chiefe of the citie that he might flie. But the people perceiuing his intent, flocked about him, and L The people beleeched Ioseph that he would not forsake them. be fought him to take pitie vpon them, and not forsake them, who had no hope but in him, affirming that for his sake they were all couragious and bould to fight; and if they were taken, yet he would be a comfort vnto them, telling him that it did not become him to flie from his enemies, nor to forsake his friends, neither as it were to leape out of a ship shaken with a tempest, into the which he came when the seas were calme, for so by this meanes he would soone ouerthrow the citie, and once gone, no man afterward could or durst resist their enemies; for in him was all their hope.
Ioseph kept it to himselfe that his purpose was to worke his owne safetie, for he told them the thing which he intended was for their good, affirming that though he stayed still in the citie, yet Iosephs prudence. he could doe them little good, and if the citie should chance to be taken, then hee and they were M like to perish, but if he were abroade and not besieged, he could doe them great good, for hee would presently assemble all the people of Galilee, and come against the Romans, and so raise their siege; whereas now in staying with them he saw not wherein he did them any good, but rather incited the Romans against them, making them more earnest to take the towne then they would be, onely because he was there, that they might take him; but if they knewe once that hee were fled, they would not then be so earnest in the siege. Ioseph herewith could not perswade the [Page 653] people, but they flocked faster about him, and both young and olde of all sorts came and prostrated A The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. Ioseph stayeth in Iotapata. themselues at his feet, weeping, and beseeching him to take such hap as should befall them, whether it were good or bad, not for that they enuied his escape, but for that they hoped they should receiue no harme if he remained with them.
He then bethought himselfe that if he staied with them, he fulfilled their request; and if he denied, he feared they would force him. Wherefore being partly moued by compassion, he determined Where as there is no hope of helpe there was i [...] the last remedie. to stay, and being now, as all the citie was, desperate, he told them that now it was time to fight, seeing there was no hope of safetie: and that it was a goodly matter to spend their liues renowmedly, and do some noble act to leaue a remembrance vnto their posteritie of their valour: and so went about it. And issuing out of the citie with the most valiant amongst them, when he had killed the watchmen, at the first incounter he came euen vnto the Romans tents, and tore B the skins that their tents were made of, & fired others, and their engines: & so he did the second and the third day, and for certain daies and nights afterward neuer ceased. When Vespasian perceiued The audacious courage of the Iewes in their extreame desperation. the Romans greatly endoinaged by such excursions and verie loath to s [...]e for shame, and not able to follow them being so loden with their armour, and that the Iewes alwaies did some exploit before they retired themselues into the citie; he gaue commandement vnto his souldiers to [...]ue their assault, and not to fight against men who desired to die, affirming that no men were stronger then those in despetation, & that it they found none to assaile, their courage would soone be; alaid like vnto a flame of [...]ne, when the matter that nourisheth it, is cōsumed. Moreouer the Romans must seeke victory more warily, for that they fought not for necessitie, but onely to The Iewes with their slings are repulsed by the Arabiā archers increase their dominions: and after that oftentimes they beat the Iewes by the Arabian archers, C and with slings and darts, and other shot which neuer ceased, and so the Iewes by this meanes were repressed. But so soone as they were without the danger of the shot, they more furiously assailed the Romans, sparing neither bodie nor mind, but continually fought by turnes, and euery one of the citie assisted them that so laboured.
CHAP. IX.
How Vespasian did beat the walles of Iotapata with a Ramme, and other warlike Engines.
VEspasian thinking himselfe as it were besieged, both for the long time which he had continued D the siege, and also for the diuers assaults and priuie excursions of the Iewes, hauing now almost raised the Rampiers as high as the wals of the citie, determined to batter them with a Ramme. A Ramme is a huge beame like the mast of a ship, whose end is armed with a strong massiue yron, made in the forme of a Rams head: whereupon it taketh his name, because A Ramme. he butteth with his head. It hangeth on another beame with ropes, like the beame of a paire of ballances: the beame it hangeth on lying a crosse is held vp with two props, which being drawne backe by force of many men, and then ioyntly with all their forces shooued forward, it striketh the wall with the head of yron: And there is no wall nor tower so strong, but though it abide the first strokes of the engine, yet can it not hold out long. The generall of the Romans thought good to vse this meanes to take the citie by force, for that the siege was daungerous, by reason E that the Iewes neuer rested; so the Romans with alkind of shot endeuoured to beat the Iewes from off the walles that made any resistance: & the archers and they who vsed slings, were hard by, and when they saw that none of the Iewes durst come vpon the wals, they applied the Ramme vnto them; and couered it alost with hurdles and skins, both for to defend themselues and the engine, & at the first assault the wals were shaken, so that the citizens cried as though the towne had beene alreadie taken. Ioseph seeing them still beat one place, and that presently the wall would fall, deuised Iosephs deuise how to breake the force of the Ramme. away to resist the force of the Ramme, and so he filled sackes with chaffe, and let them downe off the wal iust against that place, where the Ramme stroke ordinarily, & so brake the force of the blowes, the loosenesse of the chaffe making no resistance; and so drowning or abating the violence of the stroke. By this means the Romans were hindered, for whither soeuer they brought F the Ramme, thither did they vpon the wals also remoue the sacks of chaffe, and brake the force thereof: til at last the Romans also deuised a way to cut these sacks, taking long poles and binding Siethes vnto the ends of them, and so cut these sackes of chaffe. And the Ramme shooke the wall, & the wal newly built was not strong enough to resist. Then Ioseph and his souldiers sought to help themselues by fire workes, and so they fired all that was made of drie wood in three seueral places, and withall the engines, and fortes, and mounts of the Romans, who now had much adoe to defend [Page 654] themselues: first, because that they were terrified with the valour of the Iewes: and secondly, The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. Ioseph burneth the engines, & turneth off the Romans. Eleazars strength and courage. because euerie one had worke enough to defend himselfe against the fire, which seasing vpon G drie matter with Brimstone and Pitch wonderfully encreased; so that in one houres space it consumed all the workes that the Romans had made with so great labour. There was a Iew the sonne of Samaeus called Eleazar, who deserued eternall memorie: this man was borne at Saab in Galilee. This Eleazar tooke vp a great stone, and cast it downe with such force vpon the Ramme, that he brake off the head thereof; and nothing fearing, lept downe amongst the middest of his enemies, and brought it away into the Citie: at last being vnarmed, and as it were a marke for his enemies to shoote at, he receiued in his bodie fiue arrowes; and as though hee had not felt them, so soone as he had gotten vp the wall where all might see him, he boldly stood still, & so through griefe of his wounds hauing the head of the Ramme in his armes fell downe. Next vnto him two brethren of Ramath in Galilee shewed themselues valiant, named Netiras and Philip, who assaulted Netiras and Philips valour against the Romans. H the tenth legion of the Romans with such violence, that they brake their ranks, and put all to flight that sought to withstand them: which Ioseph and those that were with him perceiuing, tooke fire and burnt the engines, works, and defences of the fifth and tenth legions that were fled, and those that followed destroyed al engines, & other matter that was left. In the euening the Romans againe erected the Ramme against that part of the citie which before they had beaten, & so began a fresh to shake the wall in the same place that before they had battered: and one of the Vespasian wounded in the sole of the foot by an arrow. Iewes shot an arrow from the wall, and wounded Vespasian in the sole of the foot, yet the wound was not great, for that the force of the arrow was spent before it came to him, hauing come a great way off.
This fact greatly troubled the Romans, who seeing Vespasian bleed, presently spred these newes I through the whole armie, and almost all of them came running to see their generall, and especially Titus who feared his fathers death: so that the whole armie partly for the loue of their generall, and partly for the feare of Titus his sonne, were greatly troubled: but Vespasian presently freed the armie from al perturbation; and his sonne Titus from feare. For the griefe of the wound being past, he shewed himself to all that were sorrowful for him, and incited them to fight against The warre renued against the Iewes. the Iewes more earnestly then before; and now euery one as it were to reuenge their generall, despised all danger, and assaulted the wals one exhorting another. Ioseph and his associates, notwithstanding that many of them were killed with shot, darts and arrowes; yet they forsooke not the wals, but with fire and sword, and stones fiercely assaulted them, that being defended with hurdles K battered the wals with the Ramme, but to little purpose: for they were continually killed, being in the sight of their enemies, and for that they could not see them, presently were stroken downe. For their fire did make such a light as though it had beene day, so that the Romans easily perceiued whither to direct their shot: and for that their engines were not perceiued a farre off, the Iewes could not defend themselues from the arrowes and stones which were shot against them, by which meanes many of them were slaine, and the tops and corners of the towers beaten downe. And there was no man so wel guarded, but he was slaine by force of these stones; so that any man may know of what force that engine is, by that which hapned that night. For one that stood neere Ioseph vpō the wal was strokē with a stone, & his head caried frō his body by violence of that blow three furlongs, as though it had been cast out of a sling: & the next day a woman great with L The force of the Roman darts. child was stroken on the belly with one of those stones, and the child caried forth of her from the place where she was stroken three furlongs; so great was the force of this engine: Therefore the violence of the engines was more terrible, and likewise the noise of darts, arrowes and other shot. And many were slaine on euerie side, and the bodies of those that were killed, stroken against the vvall made a noise: and within the citie was heard a pitifull lamentation, and weeping among the women; & without a heauy mourning and crie of them, that were wounded to death; and all that part of the wal where the fight was, flowed with bloud: so that now the multitude of dead bodies had so filled the ditch before the wall, that the Romanes might easily passe ouer them into the citie, and the mountaines about did eccho with the cries of the citizens: and all that night long nothing vvanted, that either might by the eie or eare moue terror. M And many stoutly fighting for Iotapata died most valiantly, many also vvere sore vvounded: and notwithstanding the vvall was continually battered, yet it vvas almost morning before it fell, being all night long beaten with the Ramme. And then they of Iotapata repaired the breach vvith their bodies and armour before the Romans could set bridges to enter it.
CHAP. X. A The yeare of the world 4031. after Christs Natiuitie. 69.
How Iotapata was againe assaulted.
IN the morning Vespasian brought his armie to enter the breach, hauing giuen them but little rest after their whole nights labour, and desirous to make the Iewes that defended Vespasian leadeth on his armie to enter the Citie. the breach to forsake their place, before such time as he entred: hee tooke the most valiant of his horsemen and vnhorsed them, being armed from the head vnto the foote, and placed them in three rankes, that they, being so armed, might besiege round that part of the wall that was battered, and to take long pikes in their handes, so that as soone as the bridges were set, they should first enter the breach. After them hee placed the strongest of his footemen: the rest of B his horsemen hee set round about the Citie vpon the mountaine, to the end that none might escape thereout: after the footemen he commaunded archers to follow with their arrowes readie in their hands; and them that vsed slings also, and other engines for shot. And he caused other to scale the wals, where they were not battered, to the intent that the townesmen busied in resisting them might leaue the breach vnmanned: and the rest being wearied & oppressed with the thicknesse of the shot, should of force forsake their standing. But Ioseph perceiuing his intent, placed Iosephs subtill policie. old men and children, and those that were alreadie wearied vpon those parts of the wals that were not battered: and himselfe with the stowtest in the Citie went to defend the breach, and placed sixe men before them, whom he choose out, himselfe being one of them, to sustaine the first brunt of their enemies assault: commaunding them likewise to stop their eares, to the end that they C might not be terrified with the cries of the armie. He willed them also to defend themselues with shields against the darts and arrowes, and giue backe a little; till such time as the Archers quiuers were emptied: and if so bee that the Romans should offer to make bridges, that then they with their instruments should resist; and that euerie one now should fight, not to defend his Countrie, but as it were to recouer it being in a manner alreadie lost: and imagine that they now did see their aged men murdered with their children, and their wiues almost taken by their enemies, and now to reuenge themselues vpon those that hereafter would massacre their whole Citie, and thus he appointed men in both places. The weaker multitude, women and children; seeing the Citie compassed about with three ranckes of horsemen, and that the Romans with swords drawne preased against the breach, that all the mountaines about did shine and glitter with their weapons D that were placed there, and certaine Arabians to serue the Archers with arrowes: they cried out The cries of women and children in the battell. as though the Citie were now taken, so that a man would haue iudged them alreadie amidst their enemies swords; and not onely in danger to fall into their hands. Wherefore Ioseph commaunded the women to their houses, least their cries should effaeminate his souldiers mindes, willing them likewise to keepe silence, and threatned them if they did not: and so hee marched vnto the breach; which place fell vnto his lot, and gaue no heede to them that sought to scale the wals, but onely beheld a farre off the force of the arrowes.
When all the trumpets began to sound, and the ayre to bee obscured with the multitude of arrowes, Iosephs companions remembring the charge giuen them, stopped their eares; and armed their bodies against the shot of arrowes: And so soone as the bridges were set against the wal, E presently they ran, & before the Romans could enter vpon them, they got them into their hands, & resisted them that sought to come vpon them, shewing great prowesse and strength, and themselues no way inferiour vnto the Romans, though they were in extreame danger; and the Romans in none: and did not giue one foote backe, till either they did kill or were killed. But the Iewes The warre of the Romans with the Iewes vpō the bridge had not any fresh men to second them that were tired, and the Romans stil as they were wearied, sent fresh supplie; and ioyning together their long shields, exhorting one another, they became as it were a wall or defence inuincible; and the whole armie like one bodie did beate backe the Iewes, and so set foote on the wals. Then Ioseph in this desperate case, deuised some way to repell this present calamitle, wherefore hee commaunded the Iewes to fetch scalding oyle, which they had readie, and powre it vpon the Romans yet seething, who also cast the pans vpon them. This F deuise brake the ranckes of the Romanes, so that with great paine and griefe, they fell from the The Iewes powre scalding oyle vpon the Romans. wall, and tumbled downe: for the scalding oyle easily got betweene their flesh and armour, and scorched them like fire being easily heated, and long continuing hot by reason of the fatnesse; and the Romans being loaden with helmets and briest plates could not flie, so that some lept downe off the bridge, and others for griefe died; others would faine haue retired themselues, but could not, because their enemies followed them so hard. But neither the Romans wanted vertue and [Page 656] valour in aduerse fortune, nor the Iewes prudence and good aduise. For the Romans notwithstanding The ye [...]re of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. G they were in intolerable paine, being scalded with hot oyle, yet did they freshly assault them that hurt them, and euerie one did thrust him forward that was before him, as it were desirous to shew their courage. Then the Iewes vsed an other deuise to make them retyre: for they powred fenugreeke boyled vpon the bridge, so that they slid downe: and neither they that would haue fled, nor they who did striue to assault the Iewes, could stand vpon their feete, it was so slipperie; and many falling downe vpon the bridge were by their owne companie troden to death; others did slide downe vpon the Rampier, and alwaies as they fell the Iewes strooke them: and seeing that the Romanes were retyred from the place, so that now they were not forced to handie blowes, they had leasure to shoote arrowes and darts against them. When Vespasian saw that his The Romanes retire without obtaining their purpose. men in that fight endured much miserie, towards euening he caused them to retyre, manie being H slaine, and more wounded, and sixe men of Iotapata were slaine, and aboue three hundreth wounded: this fight was vpon the twentith day of Iune. But after that Vespasian had comforted his souldiers, for that which had happened, and perceiuing that they were angrie and desired to fight to reuenge themselues, so that they needed no exhortation; he raised the Rampier higher, and erected three towers fiftie foote high, couering them aloft with yron, that so by reason of their Vespasian erecteth higher platformes and towers. weight they might stand stedfast, and not bee consumed by fire: and these hee placed [...]pon the Rampiers, and in them Archers, and men that cast darts and such like, who not being perceiued of them that were vpon the wall because of the highnesse of the towers, and the couering thereof, easily wounded them who were placed thereon. So the Iewes when they could not a [...]oide the arrowes, nor bee reuenged vpon them whome they could not see, nor yet [...]e the towers being I couered with plates of yron, forsooke the wals; yet alwayes encountred with them who sought The Citizens of Iotapata valiantly sustaine the siege. to enter. And the people of Iotapata thus resisted, notwithstanding that many e [...]rie day were slaine, and that they did their enemies no harme without great danger to themselues.
CHAP. XI.
How Iapha was taken by Traianus and Titus.
AT this time Vespasian vnderstood that Iapha a Citie neere Iotapata minded to rebell encouraged The taking in of Iapha by Traiane. so to doe, for that they vnderstood how they of Iotapata had held ou [...] contrarie to all expectation: wherefore he sent thither Traianus goue [...]our of the tenth legion, K & with him two thousand footmen, & a thousand horse, who perceiuing the towne able to resist, and the Inhabitants prepared for to fight, and come out to meete him for the towne being for the situation strong enough, it was also compassed with a double wall) seeing this he fought with them, and after a while put them to flight, and the Romans following them brake in with them at the first gate, which the Citizens perceiuing shut the second gate, not suffering their ow [...] Citizens to enter in, for feare that the enemies also should rush in with them, as they had done into the first gate. Truely God gaue that victorie vnto the Romanes, whose will it was that all warlike men of the Citie should haue their owne gates shut vpon them, and so fall into their enemies The Iewes shut vp by the Romans between two wals are slaine. hands, who were most greedie to destroy them. For many came to the gates, and called those that kept them by their names, pitifully entreating that they might come in: which whilest they did, L they were butchered like sheepe, being enclosed betweene two wals: their owne Citizens hauing shut one gate vpon them, and the Romans the other: and many thus enclosed perished with their fellowes swords, and an infinite [...]umber by the rage of the Romans, hauing no courage to resist and reuenge themselues. For the treason of their owne Citizens and the terrour of their enemies together vtterly discouraged them, and so they died all in number 12. thousand, not cursing the Twelue thousand Iewes slaine. Romans, but the Iewes their owne Countrimen. Traiane thinking that the Citie was now destitute of fighting men, or if any were within, that they durst not resist being thus terrified, reserued the taking of the Citie for the generall, and sent messengers vnto him, requesting him to send his sonne Titus to make an end of the victorie. Vespasian fearing that yet there would bee some resistance, sent Titus with fiue hundreth horsemen, and a thousand foot, who hastning thither, placed M Titus with his forces commeth to Iapha. Traianus on the left side of the towne, and himselfe on the right, so the Romans on euerie side scaled the wals, and the Galileans hauing awhile resisted, presently left them. Then Titus and his followers leaping downe presently got into the Citie, and began a vehement fight with them A sharpe skirmish within the towne betweene the Galileans and the Romans. that were assembled therein, some valiantly issuing out of narrow streetes, and assaulting them, and the women casting such things as they could get vpon the Romanes from the tops of their houses, and thus they held battell sixe houres. When their fighting men were all slaine, then the [Page 657] old men & children, & al the other companie both in the streetes, and in their houses were soon The yeare of the world. 4031. after the birth of Christ. 69. A dispatched, so that none of them were left aliue, saue onely infāts, vvho vvith the women were led captiues. The number of thē that were slaine both in the citie and in the first conflict, amounted vnto fifteene thousand, and the nu [...]er of those that were led into captiuitie, vvere one thousand one hundreth and thirtie: and this massacre of the Galileans happened the fiue and twentith day of Iune.
CHAP. XII.
How Caerealis conquered the Samaritans.
THe Samaritans also were partakers of this calamitie, who assembled themselues togither The assembly of the Samaritans on the mountaine Garizin. B in mount Garizin, which they account a sacred place: But both their assembly & their courage did portend their warres, and not vvarned by their neighbours harmes nor with any aduise or iudgement, considering their ovvne infirmitie and the Romans power, began to be tumultuous. Vespasian foreseeing this, thought it good to preuent them: and although all the region of Samaria had garrisōs in it, yet for all the great multitude assembled, it was thought that the garrisons were able to keepe thē vnder. Wherefore he sent thither Caerealis the Tribune of the fift legion with sixe hundreth horsemen, and three thousand footmen. Caerealis thought it not the best way to goe vnto the mountaine, and fight with the whole multitude, because a great many of their enemies were vpon it: wherefore he commanded his souldiers to beleger the mountaine about at the foote thereof, and so keepe them there all the whole day. There happened C at that time a vehement heate, and the Samaritans wanted water, for it was then sommer Want of water in the mountaine Garizin. and the people had not prouided themselues of victuals, so that many in one day, onely for want of drinke dyed of thirst, the rest preferred death before the miserie they endured, and so fled vnto the Romans, of whom Caerealis learned that those that yet remained on the mount, were euen dismayed by the miserie they endured. Wherefore hee ascended the mountaine; and compassing about the enemies with his armie, he first exhorted them to yeeld, willing them to saue themselues, promising them all their liues, if they would cast downe their weapons: but nothing preuailing with them, he set vpon them, and killed them all, in number eleuen thousand and six Eleuen Thousand and sixe hundreth Samaritās slain [...] ▪ hundreth: and this was done the seuen & twentith day of Iune: and these were the miseries that befell the Samaritans. D
CHAP. XIII.
Howe Iotapata was taken
THe Citizens of Iotapata endured this hard siege contrarie to all expectation, and in the seuen and fortith day the Romans mounts were raised higher then their walls: on this same day, one of the Citie fled vnto Vespasian, and tould him in what case the citie stoode, A fugitiue certifieth the weake estate of the citizen [...] of Iotapata, & how few they were. and how fewe citizens were left, and that with dayly watchings and fighting they were far spent, whereby they were not able to resist any more, and that they might be taken by pollicie, if they were followed: for in the last part of the night, being wearie, they ceased from their labour, and E slept vntill the morning: wherefore hee perswaded Vespasian to assault them at that time. But Vespasian knowing how faithfull the Iewes were one vnto another, & how they contemned all punishment, gaue little credite vnto this run-away: for a little before one of Iotapata being taken, could not by any torments be compelled to confesse, or disclose the estate of the Citie, whom the fire nothing moued, & so at last he was crucified, laughing & scorning death: yet a probable coniecture which he had, perswaded him to giue credite somwhat vnto this traitors words: & for that he knew no great harme could befall him, if he so assaulted the Citie, as the traitor willed; he cō manded the man to be kept, and made all his armie in readinesse to assault the towne. So at the hower appointed, hee made towards the walles with silence. Titus being the first, accompanied with one Domitius Sabinus a Tribune & a few of the fifteenth legion, who killing the watchmen, F entred into the citie, and after thē Sextus Caerealis and Placidus with their companies; so the Castle was taken, and the enemies were in the middest of the towne, and it was faire day light, and yet the townes men knewe nothing, being now fast a slepe after their great labours & watchings: The Romans enter the citie whilst the Iew [...] are a sleepe. and they that did watch could see nothing, there was so thicke a mist by chance that morning, & the rest neuer wakened till death was at their dore, and that they perceiued their calamitie and destruction. The Romans mindfull of all that had befallen them in the time of the siege, did neither [Page 658] spare nor pitie any one: but driuing the people out of the higher part of the citie into the lower The yeare of the world, 4031. after Christs birth 69. The Romans are touched with no mercy nor compassiō G part thereof, they massacred them all, where they that would could not fight for the narrownesse of the place, so being cumbred for want of roome, & sliding downe the bāks for haste, their enemies still pursuing them, they were easily slaine. Many of Iosephs guarde seeing this that they could not fight, gathered themselues together in a corner of the citie, and slew themselues, that the Romans might not kill them. But some of the watchmen, who first perceiued the citie to be taken, fled into a tower, and resisted a while (this tower was scituate on the North side of the citie) and at last being enuironed with their enemies towards euening yeelded, and offered themselues The fight of the Iewes with the Romans in the tower. to be slaine. And the Romans might haue boasted that that victorie had beene without bloudshed on their part, had not Antonius a centurion been slaine trecherously. For one of them who fled into the caues (as many did) requested Antonius to giue him his hande, in token that H he might come out safe and without danger, which he doing vnaduisedly, straightway the Iewe with a speare smote him in the flancke, whereof he presently dyed. The Romans that day slew all people that they found, and the dayes following they searched all secret places, and drewe those Antonius slain by a Iewe thorow treason. out of caues & dennes that had fled thither, and slew all but women & infants: so that they tooke away a thousand and two hundreth Captiues: and the number of them who were slaine during the siege, and at such time as the citie was taken, amounted vnto fortie thousand. And Vespasian Fortie thousād Iewes perish during the siege and in the former battels. commanded the citie to be destroyed, and the castles to bee burned, and so Iotapata was taken the thirteenth yeare of Nero his raigne, in the first of Iuly.
CHAP. XIIII. I
How Ioseph was taken, and howe he redeemed his life with deedes and wordes.
BVt especially aboue all others the Romans made diligent search for Ioseph, both for the hatred they bare him, and also because Vespasian greatly desired to get him, for that he [...] being taken, the greatest part of the wars were then ended; so they sought him amongst the dead, and amongst those that were hid: but he (fortune fauouring him) when the citie was taken, escaped from the middest of his enemies, and lept into a deepe Well, which had a large Ioseph lept into a deepe trench and lyeth hidden in a caue. caue on the one side, the which they aboue could not perceiue; where he founde fortie principall men who had prouision for many dayes. The enemies being in euery place, hee in the day K time lay hid, and in the night he went forth to see if he could escape, and perceiuing that all places about were diligently watcht for to take him, he returned againe into the caue, and lay there two daies: the third day a certaine woman that had been with them in the caue was taken, and so he was descried. Then Vespasian sent two tribunes to him to promise him safety, and bring him before him; the Tribunes names were Paulinus and Gallicanus: But Ioseph would not accept their offer, fearing that because he had been the author of all the euilles that the Romans had endured, that therefore they sought him out to punish him: till Vespasian sent vnto Ioseph Nicanor Vespasian by Tribunes sendeth Ioseph assurance. the third tribune one of Iosephs acquaintance. Nicanor recounted vnto him how milde the Romans were towards them whome they had conquered, and that the Romane Captaines rather admired him for his vertue, then hated him. Moreouer that his Generall intended not to punish L Nicanor the tribune known to Ioseph. him (which if he pleased hee might doe whether he yeelded himselfe or no) but to saue him, who was so valiant a man: adding also that if Vespasian ment ill, he would neuer haue employed his friend in such a message, to vse friendship so noble a vertue to so euill a purpose, as to worke treson: and that he, though Vespasian had been so minded, wouldneuer haue consented to haue betrayed his friend. Ioseph after Nicanor wordes began to studie, as doubtfull what was best to do. Whereat the souldiers being angrie began to cast fire into the caue: but Vespasian hindered them being desirous to take Ioseph aliue. Nicanor ceased not to entreate him, and he perceiuing how his enemies began to waxe angrie, and calling to minde the dreames he had in the night, wherein God fore-told him of all the Iewes calamities, and what should betide the Romane princes (for Iosephs dream of the slaughter of the Iewes. hee could interpret dreames, & whatsoeuer God obscurely shewed, being instructed in the holy M bookes of the Prophets, and himselfe a priest as his parents were.) So at that time being as it were filled with the spirite of God, and recording the dreames and horrible visions which hee Ioseph filled with the spirit of God secretly praieth. saw in his sleepe, he prayed secretly to God, after this manner. O creator (quoth hee) seeing that it pleaseth thee to ruinate the nation of the Iewes, & that all good fortune is gone vnto the Romans, & that thou hast chosē my soule to foretell future euents, I yeeld vnto the Romans tosaue my life, protesting that I meane not to goe to them to play the traytour vnto my countrey, Ioseph consenteth to Nicanor. [Page 659] but as thy minister; and hauing thus spoken, he yeelded himselfe vnto Nicanor. But they, who fled The yeare of the world 4031. after Christs Natiuitie. 69. The Iewes violence and expostulation against Ioseph. A into the caue where Ioseph was, perceiuing that Ioseph yeelded vnto the Romans, flocked all about him, and cried out. ‘How are our countrey lawes violated? Where are those promises of God made vnto the Iewes? where are those gallant minds that contemne and despise death? Art thou O Ioseph desirous to liue, and see thy selfe to become a vile bondslaue? How soone hast thou forgotten thy selfe? How many hast thou perswaded to embrace death for their libertie sake? Truly thou hast but a shadow of valour and prudence in thee, if thou doest hope that they vvill saue thy life, against vvhom thou hast so behaued thy selfe: or if they vvould saue thee, to desire life at their hands. But seeing the Romans offer hath made thee forget thy selfe; yet we to preserue the honour and credite of our countrey; vvill lend thee our armes and swordes, and so if thou beest vvilling to die, die like the generall of the Iewes: which if thou refuse to B do; thou shalt whether thou vvilt or no die like a traitour vnto thy countrey.’When they had thus said, they all threatned to kill him vvith their swordes, if hee did yeelde vnto the Romanes. Ioseph feared their violence, and perswaded himselfe, if he died before hee had put them in minde of Gods commaundements, that then he should die a traitour vnto God: wherefore he began to make a Philosophicall discourse vnto them concerning this present estate, what was to be done.
‘Wherefore (O my friends, quoth he) are we become murtherers of our selues? Wherefore do we make warre betweene things so vnited, as are the soule & the bodie? Will any man say that Iosephs oration to his countrey men. my mind is changed? Why the Romans know that it is a thing most honourable to die in wars, not any way, but according to the law of armes, to wit by the conquerers hand? If I entreat the Romans to spare my life, then am I worthie to perish with mine own sword & hand: but if they think C good to spare their enemies, should not we thinke it good likewise to spare our own selues? Truly it is meere folly to do that vnto our owne selues, for the which we fight against them. I confesse it is a commendable thing to die for ones libertie, but yet to die in fight, and by their hands who tooke away that libertie: but now neither do they warre against vs nor kill vs. He is not only to be iudged It is a goodly matter to die for libertie, but yet to die fighting. a coward who refuseth to die when need requireth, but also he who will die when no need vrgeth. Moreouer what withholdeth vs from offering our selues vnto the Romans? truly feare of death. Shall we therefore make that certaine our selues, which we feare at the Romans hands? But some will say, how if not, then we are made captiues: consider what liberty we now haue. You will say it is the part of him that is valiant to kill himselfe: nay truly it is the part of a varie coward. For I thinke him to be a timorous seaman; who perceiuing a tempest comming before it D fa [...]l, sinketh the ship wherein he is. Moreouer it is against the law of nature, and the nature of all creatures to kill themselues, and thereby we should commit a hainous crime against God. There The similitude of a sayler. It is against the commō course of nature for a man to kill himselfe, yea and a hanoue sinne against God. is no liuing creature that of his owne seeking would willingly die: for euery one feeleth in himselfe the strong and forcible law of nature, whereby they desire to liue: and for this cause we iudge them for our enemies, that seeke to take it from vs; and punish them; that do take it indeede. And do you thinke it is not a great contempt of God for a man to despise his gift? For we of him receiued our first being, and from him let vs expect our ending. The bodie is mortall, framed of corruptible matter; but our soules are immortall, and there is a little part of God placed in our bodies. If any one abuse that which another man putteth him in trust with, presently we think him a perfidious & wicked man: and shall we thinke that if we cast away out of our bodies that which E God hath put vs in trust withall, and placed in the same, that he shall not know of it, whom wee haue so abused? We hold those slaues worthy to be punished that runaway from bad masters: The soule is immortall and aportiō of God placed in our bodies. and shall not we then be held for impious, who flie from so good a master as God is? Do ye not know that they, who according to the law of nature depart out of this life; and render that to God which they receiued of him, when he vvho gaue it requireth it; shall leaue behind them a perpetuall name to their posteritie and family? And that vnto those soules vvho are obedient vnto their creator, when he calleth them, he giueth a holy and sacred mansion in heauen, and from thence after a reuolution of the heauens, departing; are againe commanded to dwel in chast bodies? And that they who haue vvrought their owne death, goe vnto darke hell: and that God punisheth God reuenge [...] him on the autors of iniuries. The custome of ancient Iewes and how they delt with those that slue themselues. Iosephs peroration. this their offence vpon all their posteritie. Hence it is that God is displeased therewith, and it is F forbidden by our most wise lawmaker. For if any amongst vs kill themselues, it is decreed that till the sunne go downe they shall lie vnburied, yet we hold it lawfull to burie our enemies. Other nations cause their right hands to be cut off, who haue killed themselues: iudging that as the soule thereby was made a straunger to the bodie, euen so by that fact was the hand made a straunger vnto it. Wherefore, O companions, thinke on that which is decent, and not to adde to our humane misery impietie against God who created vs. If vve desire to be saued let vs saue our [Page 660] selues: for it is no disgrace to receiue our liues at their hands, vvho are witnesses of so many valiant The yeere of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. G deeds of ours. If we desire to die, let vs die by their hands that haue ouercome vs. I will not go into my enemies campe to be a traitor against my selfe. For I beare not their mind who forsake their owne company to flie vnto their enemies: for they flie vnto them to saue their liues, but I go vnto them to worke mine owne death, euen the death of my selfe. And I would to God that the Romans would breake promise with me, for if they kil me after they haue promised to saue my life, I shall willingly die, and with great courage, hauing their breach of promise and periurie for a comfort of the last victorie.’
Ioseph spake much to this effect to disswade his companions from killing themselues. But they stopping their eares with desperation, wherewith they had armed themselues to die, came furiously Ioseph is in great daunger to be slaine. towards him with their swords drawne, vpbraiding him, that he was a coward, and euerie H one was readie to strike him. Then Ioseph calling one by his name, and looking vpon another with a countenance like a gouernour, holding anothers hand, and intreating the rest (distracted in such daunger) at last escaped from being killed at that instant: for stil as one came neere him to strike him, he turned his face vpon him like some cruell beast; and some of them who remembred how he had beene their captaine in their extremitie, with reuerence of his personage trembled, so that their swords fel out of their hands: and many lifting vp their armes to strike him, of their owne accord let their weapons fall. Ioseph notwithstanding his desperate estate, yet Another pollicy of Ioseph. was he not voide of counsell, but assisted by Gods prouidence, he hazarded his life, and spake vnto them as followeth. ‘Seeing (quoth he) that ye are all determined to die, let vs cast lots who shall kill one another, and he vnto whom the lot falleth shall be killed by him who next ensueth, I and so the lots shall be cast vpon euerie one of vs, so that none of vs shall be forced to kill our selues. For it were iniustice, that when some of vs be slaine, the rest should repent themselues, and so escape.’ They all liked well of this, and alwaies he vpon whom the lot fell was slaine by him Iosephs fellowes die by lots, and Ioseph and another are reserued. that followed, as though they were now to die with their captaine, for death was more acceptable, because they thought Ioseph should die with them. Now it hapned by the prouidence of God that Ioseph remained aliue only with one other, and then perswaded him who was left aliue, to liue and not seeke death, for feare the lot should fall vpon himselfe: and for that if he suruiued, he should be polluted with the murther and slaughter of his owne nation. Thus Ioseph deliuered both from the warres of the Romans, and also of his owne nation, went with Nicanor vnto Vespasian. All the Romans came about him to see him, and pressing about their generall they K made a great noyse, some reioycing that he vvas taken, others crying out to punish him, others Ioseph resorteth to Vespasian with Nicanor. striuing to come neere to behold him better, and they who were a farre off cried to kill their enemie: but those that vvere neere him and beheld him, remembring his prowesse, vvere astonished to see that chaunge. And there was no captaine nor ruler, but although before they were all moued against him, yet now beholding him, they all began to pitie him: and especially Titus, who being of a gentle disposition admited Iosephs vaiour, his constancy in aduersitie, and his age, and thereby was moued to take compassion vpon him, remembring what a manner of man he had An example of Titus grace and mercy towards Ioseph. beene during the wars, and vvhat he now was being fallen into his enemies hands: calling also to mind the force and power of fortune, and how small a stay the chance of warres had, and that no humane affaires had any stay or hold in them; wherefore he drew many mens minds to pitie him, L so that Titus vvas the chiefe author of Iosephs life: yet Vespasian caused him to be carefully kept, as though he meant to send him to Caesar. Which Ioseph hearing requested that he might speake a vvord or two with him alone, then all but his sonne Titus departing and two of his friends: Thou Ioseph hath priuate consetēce with Vespasian. Ioseph foretelleth Vespasian of his future honours. O Vespasian (quoth he) thinkest onely that thou hast Ioseph for thy captiue, but I am a messenger vnto thee of greater matters from God, otherwise I knew my countrey lawes, and how it behooued the generals of our nation to die, and not to be taken aliue by their enemies. Wilt thou send me to Nero? Wherefore? As though Nero should still liue and thou not succeed him? Thou O Vespasian art Caesar and the Emperour of Rome, and Titus also thy sonne, and keepe me in bonds with thee, for thou art not onely my Lord, but Lord of all the world, and sea, and land: and all mankind. And if I now faine these things in this state that I am of my owne mind against God, let M Iosephs truth in all things. me be reserued vnto a greater punishment. After hee had thus spoken, Vespasian gaue small credit vnto his words, and onely thought that Ioseph feined these things of himselfe to saue his life: yet by little and little hee began to giue credit vnto him, because God put it in his mind to hope for the Empire, and foretelling his reigne by many signes and tokens, he also found Ioseph to tel the truth in other matters. For one of Vespasians friends answered, that it was marueile that hee knowing that, could not prophecie the euent of the warres against Iotapata, and what was like [Page 661] to befall himselfe, that so he might haue auoided those euils. Ioseph answered, that he foretold the The yeere of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. A Citizens of Iotapata, that after seuen and fortie dayes they should be destroyed, and that the Romans should keepe him aliue in hold. Vespasian secretly enquired of these matters, and finding by the relation of the captiues that it was true, he began to giue more credit vnto that which Ioseph had told him concerning himselfe. So he commaunded Ioseph to be kept prisoner, yet did he Ioseph is kept bound, yet rewarded by Vespasian. Cesarca a great Citie by the Sea side, inhabited for the most part by Greekes. giue him apparell and diuers other things in most kind maner: and Titus did greatly honour him. The fourth day of Iuly Vespasian returned vnto Ptolemais, and from thence he came into the Sea coast vnto Caesarea, which is the greatest Citie of Iudaea, whose Inhabitants are for the most part Greekes: so the Inhabitants receiued the armie and the Generall with all friendship possible, both for that they loued the Romanes, as especially also for that they hated them, who were destroyed; so that many intreated Vespasian to put Ioseph to death. But Vespasian iudging this a rash B petition, would make no answere vnto it: and he left two legions to winter at Caesarea, because he saw it was a fit place, and sent the tenth and fift vnto Scythopolis, because he would not ouercharge Caesarea with the whole armie. This place is warme in winter, and exceeding hot in sommer, Scythopolis. by reason it is situate on a plaine by the sea coast.
CHAP. XV.
How Ioppe was taken againe.
IN the meane time a great multitude being gathered together, who either were seditious Ioppe the retreate of the seditious and theeues. persons, or theeues, or such as had escaped out of the ruinated Cities, began to reedifie C Ioppe for their refuge, which Cestius, before time had destroyed: and seeing that they could not rob nor spoyle the Countrie which was alreadie wasted, and left desolate by warres, they purposed to become pirates, and so building ships for that purpose, they robbed the Phaenicians, Syrians, and Aegyptians, not suffering any to passe those seas without danger. Vespasian vnderstanding their intent, sent horsemen and footmen thither: who finding the Citie not guarded, got into it in the night time: which the Inhabitants perceiuing were so afraid, that they durst not make any resistance to expel the Romans, but they al retired thēselues vnto their ships, & there staied all night a flight shot from the shore. Ioppe is naturally no road for ships (for it is situated vpon a turbulent shore) and on either side hath verie high and eminent rockes, which trouble the seas, and make huge waues in this place (if wee may beleeue the fable, one may see D the signes of Andromedes chaines. When the North wind bloweth, it striketh the waues against Of Andromeda, read 4. Ouid Metamorph. the rockes, and so causeth a dangerous sea, that it were farre more safe to bee in the middest of the seas, then at that shoare when the same wind bloweth.) The Inhabitants of Ioppe rode there all night, and by breake of day the North wind began to blow fiercely, and draue some of A huge tempest drowneth those of Ioppe in the Sea. the ships one against another, and others against the rockes, and many striuing against wind and weather, and seeking to get into the middest of the Sea for feare of the rockie shoare, and their enemies there, were drowned; and they that escaped, neither had any place of refuge, nor hope of safetie; for the tempest did driue them from the sea, and the Romanes from the Citie, so that the aire was filled with the cries of people expecting to bee drowned, and with the noyse and sound of ships beaten one against another. So some of the Inhabitants of Ioppe were E swallowed by the waues, others suffered shipwracke, some killed themselues rather then to bee drowned: many with the waues were stroken against the rockes, so that the sea was bloudie, and all the shoare was couered with dead bodies: and whosoeuer escaped the sea and got to shoare, Foure thousand and two hundreth bodies cast out. the Roman souldiers there readie standing killed them. There were foure thousand and two hundreth dead bodies cast vpon the shoare. So the Romans hauing without any fight taken the Citie, they destroyed it: and thus was Ioppe taken, and twise destroyed by the Romanes in a short time. Vespasian builded there a Castle, and placed in it some few horsemen and footemen, to the Vespasian taketh Ioppe and encampeth in the Castle. end that none of the Iewes should come thither againe to play the Pyrates, and that the footemen might keepe the Castle, and in the meane time the horsemen might goe foorth, and spoyle all the townes and villages, and territories belonging to Ioppe, which also they did. When the Fame it selfe declareth the destruction of Iotapata. F newes of the destruction of Iotapata was brought vnto Ierusalem, many gaue small credite vnto it, partly for the greatnesse of that calamitie, partly for that no one man could say, that hee had seene the destruction of the Citie: for none escaped that mas [...]acre to bring newes, but onely a report thereof was spread abroad, but at last it was verified to bee true by those that dwelt neere vnto that place, and then they beleeued it. Many things also which were false were reported as true. It was likewise bruted, that Ioseph was slaine in the destruction of the Citie, for whose [Page 662] death all Ierusalem sorrowed, & euerie one mourned for their lost kinred; all bewayled the supposed The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. Ioseph is said to be slaine in Ierusalem. G death of the Generall, and some of their sonnes, others of their brethren and kinsfolke, and others of their acquaintance. They all mourned for Ioseph thirtie dayes spa [...], and hired many musicians to sing funerall songs for him. At last truth discouered it selfe, and the true newes of the destruction of Iotapata with the accidents there: also how Ioseph was not slaine but liued with the Romans, and that the Romans honored him more then a captiue could expect. Then the Iewes began as much to hate him now liuing, as before they mourned for him when they supposed him dead. And some said he was a coward, others that hee was a traytor vnto his Countrie, and the whole Citie breathed out reprochfull speeches against him. These heauie tidings encreased their rage, and this their aduersitie (which vnto wise men had beene a warning to prouide least the The hatred, malice & wrath in Ierusalem against Ioseph like befell them) made them more outragious; so that alwayes the end of one mischiefe was the H beginning of another. To bee short, now they were more incensed against the Romans then before, as it were that they might also be reuenged of Ioseph. And this was the estate of the Citizens of Ierusalem.
CHAP. XVI.
How Tyberias was yeelded.
VEspasian was desirous to see the kingdome of Agrippa (for the King had intreated him Vespasian com meth vnto Agrippas kingdome, and recreateth himselfe there, and feasteth twentie dayes. to goe thither, partly to feast him and his whole army, partly to represse some troubles arising in his kingdome, in the time of his absence) and so departed from Caesarea vpon I the Sea coast, and went vnto Caesarea Philippi, where hee stayed, and refreshed his souldiers twentie dayes; & himselfe also feasted, giuing God thanks for his prosperous successe in the wars. This done, he had intelligence that Tyberias and Tarichea were reuolted (both which Cities belonged vnto Agrippa his kingdome) and fully determining vtterly to destroy the Iewes which inhabited there abouts, he thought it good to lead his armie against these two places, especially that he might reward Agrippa for his good entertainement, by surrendring these Cities vnto him. Wherefore he sent his sonne Titus to Caesarea to bring the souldiers there vnto Scythopolis, which was the greatest of all the ten Cities, which also is neere vnto Tiberias, whither himselfe being come hee expected his sonnes comming: and departing from thence with three legions, he pitched his Tent in a place called Enabris, where the seditious people of Tiberias might K behold his armie; this place was thirtie furlongs frō Tyberias: from thence he sent Valerianus the Decadarch to entreate a peace with them, and sent fiftie horsemen to accompanie him: for hee Valerianus peaceably speaketh to the townes-men. vnderstood that the people desired peace, and against their will were forced to warre, by some of the seditious amongst them. Valerianus comming neere vnto the citie wals, lighted from his horse; commaunding all his companie to doe the like, that they of Tyberias might not thinke that they came to fight, but in peaceable maner: but before he spake any one word, the boldest and strongest of the seditious persons came out armed against him, hauing one Iesus the sonne of Tobias, who had beene a Captaine of theeues, for their gouernour and leader. Valerianus not presuming The seditious sally out and put the Romans to flight. to fight without authoritie from his Generall, although he had beene certaine of the victorie; againe hee considered that it was great danger for so few to fight against a whole multitude, and L withall terrified with the boldnesse of the Iewes, contrarie to his expectation; he fled on foote accompanied onely with fiue other, leauing his horse and the rest behind him, whom Iesus and his followers tooke, and brought into the Citie, reioycing as though they had taken them in fight and not by treason. But the Senators and chiefe of the Citie, fearing what might ensue of this The Citizens of Tyberias prostrate them selues before Vespasian and obtaine pardon fact, went vnto the Romans and together with king Agrippa came vnto Vespasian, and prostrated themselues at his feete, beseeching him not to despise them, and not to thinke that the whole Citie were partakers with those few wicked persons, that so had merited his displeasure, requesting him to spare the people who alwayes had honoured the Romans, but rather that hee should punish the authors of that reuolt and misdemeanour: who also had withheld the whole Citie, euen vntill now to yeeld it selfe vnto the Romanes. Vespasian moued by their intreaties, pardoned the M Citie, though he was incited against them all for taking of Valerianus his horse, and that hee perceiued Agrippa was sorrowfull, for feare that the Citie should bee destroyed, and so by them Vespasian promised the townes men pardon. Then Iesus and his associates thinking it not safe for them to abide there, fled vnto Tarichea. The next day, Vespasian sent before him Traianus with certaine horsemen into the Castle; to see if all the multitude desired peace, and finding the people to beare peaceable mindes, hee with his whole armie came vnto the Citie. And the Inhabitants [Page 663] opening the gates of their citie, went out to meete him with great ioye, all crying out that The yeare of the world. 4031. after the birth of Christ. 69. The Tiberians entertain Vespasian with acclamations. A he was the author of their welfare and benefactor, and wishing him all prosperitie and felicitie. The gates of the citie were narrowe, so that the armie could not quickly enter in: wherefore Vespasian commanded a part of the wall on the south side to be pulled down, and so entred in: yet did he not sacke the citie, nor ruine the wals, for Agrippaes sake, who promised that from thencefoorth the Citizens would bee quiet. And so hee pacified that Citie greatly troubled with sedition.
CHAP. XVII.
How Tarichea was besieged.
VEspasian departed from Tiberias, and pitched his Tents betwixt it and Tarichea, and encamped Vespasian besiegeth Tarichea. B himselfe; foreseeing that there he should haue some trouble and long abode: for all rebels that desired wars came thither, trusting both to the strength of the Citie, and the lake adioyning vnto it called Genesar. For this citie was scituate like Tiberias vnder the mountaines, and Ioseph had enclosed it with a wall on euery side, where it was not compassed by the lake. But the wall though it were strong, yet was it not so strong as that of Tiberias: for Ioseph builded that in ye beginning of the rebellion, hauing men and mony at will; but that of Tarichea was built only by the remainder of his liberalitie. The Taricheans had great store of ships in the lake adioyning, to the end that if they were ouercome by land, they might flie by water: and therefore they had prepared their shippes for a battell by water if neede should be. Whilest the C Romans entrenched themselues, Iesus and his followers not dismayde either with the multitude or militarie discipline of his enemies, issued out of the citie, & slewe the workmen, and destroied a part of the worke: and perceiuing the Romans armed & assembled togither against him, he fled againe vnto his companie without any losse or harme receiued. But the Romans pursued The Romans driue the Iews to their ships. them so fast, that they forced them to take their ships, and so being gone as farre from the shoare, as that yet they might easily reach them with the shot of an arrowe, they cast anchor and disposed their ships in warlike manner, and fought against the Romans who were on shoare. Vespasian vnderstoode that a great multitude of them were gathered togither in a place neere vnto the citie: wherefore he sent his sonne Titus against them with sixe hundreth horsemen, who finding the number of the enemies to be infinite, certified his Father, that he needed more forces: D and perceiuing many of his horsemen of good courage, before any more ayde came, and yet that some of them were a frayde of the Iewes; he stoode in a high place where all might heare him and sayde. ‘O ye Romans, I will first put you in minde who you are and of what nation, that Titus Oration to his terrified souldiers. Iewes are not to be feared. so you considering what your selues are, may also consider who they are with whome wee are to fight; neuer yet was there any enemie in any part of the world that could escape our hands. The Iewes themselues though already ouercome, yet doe they indure and manfully beare out their miserie: if therefore they constantly indure warres, and fight valiantly being in aduersitie; what should we doe who are in prosperitie? I reioice to see you shew good countenance, yet I feare least so huge a multitude of our enemies discourage some of you: let euery one therefore once againe consider, who himselfe is & with whom he is to fight: and that although the Iewes be bold E and valiant enough, yet they obserue no warlike order, and are vnarmed, and so are more fitly tearmed a multitude then an armie. I need not speake of your knowledge and skill in wars: nay for this only cause are we trained vp in warlike discipline in the time of peace, to the end that our number should answere to the number of our enemies when wee are to ioine battell: for what fruite shall we shew of this our perpetuall warlike order & discipline, if we dare only fight with a rude multitude that are no more in number then our selues? Thinke that you being armed are to fight with vnarmed, and being horsmen are to fight with footmen, & being guided by the aduise of a captaine, with them who haue no head nor ruler: and that these things considered do supplie in vs the want of more men, & the contrarie in our enemies doth as it were much diminish their number. Victorie doth not onely consist in the multitude of men be they neuer so warlike, but F also in a fewe, if they be valiant: for as they are fewe, so are they easilie guided, and may easilie Victorie consisteth not in the multitude, but in the courage of a few that fight valiantly. come to help one another, not being pestered; whereas huge multitudes doe more hinder one another then doe good, and doe themselues more harme then their enemies. So the Iewes are lead with desperation, rage and furie, which in deede in prosperous successe are of some force, but in a desperate fortune they are quickly daunted: but wee are led by vertue and obedience and fortitude, which both are of force in prosperitie, and also are good in aduersitie. Moreouer wee [Page 664] haue greater occasion to fight then the Iewes haue: for they fight onely for their countrie and libertie, The yeare of the world, 4031. after Christs birth 69. The Romans haue greater cause of warre then the Iewes G but we fight for renowne and empire; that we hauing alreadie gained the empire of the whole world, it might not bee thought that our enemies the Iewes were aduersaries able to match vs. Consider moreouer that yee need not fear any great danger, for we haue many to help vs and that hard by: let vs therfore achieue the victory before any more succour come vnto vs; so shall our credite be the greater, and our victorie more famous. I verilie thinke that now triall is made of me, my father, and you; to discerne if he be my father, I his sonne, and you my souldiers: for he is wont to be victorious, and shal I returne vnto him being conquered? and are you not ashamed to be dismaied, seeing that I your captaine will offer my selfe and vndergoe the greatest perils? My selfe will beare the brunt of the enemies, and first encounter with them, and let none It becommeth souldiers to obey their captaine. of you depart from me: perswade your selues that God will assist my force, and boldly presume H that we can doe much more being in the midst of our enemies, then if wee should onely fight without and not be amongst them.’
Titus hauing thus spoken, as it were by Gods prouidence, al his soldiers tooke heart and courage, so that now they were sorie to see Traianus come with foure hundreth horsemen more, before the fight was begun, as though their victorie should be lesse renowned, because he came to helpe them. Vespasian also sent Antonius and Silo with two thousand archers, to take the Vespasian sendeth new supplies to Titus. mountaine that was iust opposite vnto the towne, and to beate them that defended the Citie off from the wals, and they did as they were commanded. Then Titus with all force possible, first rushed with his horse vpon the enemies: and all followed him with a huge crie, scattering themselues in such order as they occupied as much ground as the Iewes, and so appeared more then I they were. The Iewes though terrified by their discipline, yet they withstoode the first assault: but in the end dismaied, and put out of order with their launces, & killed with the horsmen, euerie The Iewes flie into the Citie. one fled as fast as he could into the citie. And Titus killed some as they fled, others as he met them, and those he ouertooke, and many one for haste tumbling vpon another; and preuented all that fled vnto the wals, and draue them backe againe into the field, till at last the multitude preuailed, and so they got into the citie. Now at their returne into the citie there befell a great dissension: for the inhabitants considering their owne estate, and the euent of all former wars, and especially of this last fight, misliked of war & desired peace: but the strangers that had fled from other places thither, and were in great multitude would needs contend therein; and so A bitter dissension and sedition in the citie. one part begā a mutinie against the other, as though they would presently one haue taken armes K against an other. Titus being not farre from the wall, heard these tumults within the citie, and cried out vnto the Romans; ‘This is the hower (fellow soldiers) wherin God hath giuen the Iewes into our hands: why doe we deferre the time any longer? why doe we not take the victorie offered? doe you not heare the crics within? they who escaped our hands are at variance amongst themselues: the citie is ours if we make haste, and making hast take courage: for nothing worth Titus Oration to the Roman souldiers. renowne can be atchieued without danger: and let vs not onely preuent our enemies concord which necessitie will soone effect, but also our owne forces before any fresh ayde come vnto vs, that beside the victorie we haue, being so fewe ouer so huge a multitude, we may also deuide the spoile of the citie amongst vs.’No sooner had he thus spoken, but presently he mounted vpon his horse, and rode into the lake, and so passed into the citie, and all the souldiers followed him. L They th [...] defended the wals were amazed at this his boldnes, so that none made resistance against him as he came: but Iesus with his followers leauing his quarter, which was his to defend, fled into the fields, others flying towards the lake fell into their enemies hands, who came that Iesus with his followers flieth into the fields. way against them, and so were massacred euen as they were getting into their ships, other some were slaine as they did swimme to ouertake the ships that were new launcht from the shoare: & there was a great slaughter of men all ouer the Citie. For the strangers that fled not, made resistance, and the townesmen did not offer to defend themselues; for they abstained from fight, hoping for pardon in that they were not against those proceedings: till at last Titus hauing slaine the wicked, tooke compassion vpon the townsmen and saued their liues, and caused the slaughter to cease. They who fled into the lake seeing the Citie taken, ran away as farre as they M could from their enemies. Titus sent horsemen to let his father vnderstand what hee had Titus certifieth his father of his exploits and victorie. done. Whereof hee hauing intelligence, being verie glad for his sonnes valour and magnanimitie, and for the achieuing of such a victorie, whereby a great part of those warres was ended, he commaunded presently the Citie to be guarded round about, to the intent that none might escape away aliue. And the next day hee came downe vnto the lake, and commaunded shippes to bee built to pursue those that had escaped by it: and hauing [Page 665] many workemen and great store of matter to builde them withall, his commaund was presently A The yeare of the world. 4031. after Christs birth c 9. effected.
CHAP. XVIII.
Of the lake of Genezar, and the fountaine of Iordan.
THe lake of Genezar taketh his name from the countrey adioyning vnto it, the bredth thereof is fortie furlongs, the length a hundreth. The water of this lake is sweet and good to drinke, and is more subtill then ordinarily pure waters of marish places are, and it is verie cleere neere the shore; and more temperate to drinke, then either that of the riuer or fountaine, but it is alwaies more cold then one would iudge such a lake to be of that largnes: for the water being set in the sunne, doth not lose his coldnes, which the inhabitants haue vsed to do in B sommer euenings to allay the naturall coldnes thereof. There are here many sorts of fishes nothing like to fishes of other places, either in shape or tast. The riuer Iordan passeth through the midst of it. It is thought that Panium is the head & fountain of Iordan, but in truth it hath his original from Phiala, and from thence passeth vnder the ground: this place is a hundreth and twentie furlongs from Caesarea towards that way which leadeth vnto Trachon on the right-hand. This The fountaine of Iordan. water is called Phiala, by reason of his roundnesse, for it is as round as a wheele, and the water still keepeth within the brinke of Phiala, neuer increasing or diminishing, and no man knew that this was the head of Iordan, till Philip the Tetrarch of Trachon found it to be so: for he casting strawes into Phiala, found them afterward caried vnto Panium, which before that time was thought to be the fountaine of Iordan. Panium, though it be naturally beautified, yet by Agrippa C his cost and charges it was much more adorned. Iordan beginneth with a deepe riuer out of this denne, and passeth along the marish places, and durtie lake of Semechonitis, and from thence The description of Genezar. The fertilitie of Genezar. a hundreth & twentie furlongs vnto the citie of Iulia, and in the way deuideth the lake Genezar, & passing a great way further into the wildernes, at last it endeth in the lake called Asphaltites. Vpon the lake Genezar there bordereth a countrey of the same name, naturally beautifull and admirable: for there is no kind of plant which groweth not there, and the inhabitants haue replenished it with plants and trees of all sorts, and the temperature of the ayre well agreeth with so diuers trees, for there are an infinite company of Nut trees, which of all trees especially require a cold soile: there are also abundance of palmes which desire great heat: likewise great store of figs and oliues, which require a temperate aire, so that one may iustly say, that through the bounty D of nature, so different and opposite qualities are here in one vnited, and at one time, as it were, all difference of seasons of the yeere conioyned for good purpose. And it doth not onely nourish these fruits, but also conserueth thē for ten whole moneths: there grow figs and grapes, which two one may well call the kings of fruits, all other fruits continue all the yeere long. For beside the temperature of the ayre, it is also watered by a fertile fountaine called Capernaum, many thinke The length and breadth of Genezar. it to be an arme of Nilus, because it hath fishes like a Corke bred in a lake neere Alexandria. The length of this countrey along the lake bearing the same name, is thirtie furlongs, and the breadth twentie. And this is the nature of the lake Genezar, and the countrey about it.
CHAP. XIX. E
How the Taricheans were destroyed.
VEspasian hauing finished his ships, & furnished them with as many men as he thought sufficed against them whom he was to pursue, he embarked vpon the lake, and himselfe also went against them. The Taricheans could not possibly make any escape by land, although A fight by sea against the Taricheans. they would, and they were not able to fight hand to hand vvith the Romans, for their smal pyrate boates were not able to withstand their enemies great vessels; and beside that, they were not sufficienly manned, [...]o that they feared to encounter with the Romans who pressed altogither vpon them: yet notwithstanding somtime they came about the Roman ships, & cast stones at the F Romans a far off, & somtime also came neer, & skirmished with thē; yet they thēselues alwaies had more harme then the Romans; for their stones which they cast did only rattle against the Romās armor, but hurt them not, & they were killed by the Romans arrowes: & if at any time they were so bold as to come neere the Romans, they were slaine before that they could do them any harme, or else drowned with their boats. And as many as attempted to wound the Romans, were slaine with Iauelins, & other with swords, the Romans leaping into their boats; & many were taken with their [Page 666] boats, the ships meeting one another. They that were in the water and did lift vp their heads to G The yeere of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. Vespasians victorie in the lake of Genezar against the Taricheās. The end of the battell by sea, in which there died sixe thousand and fiue hundreth men. swim were preuented with arrowes, or ouertaken with the Roman boats: and if in desperation they came swimming towards their enemies, their hāds or heads were presently cut off. And thus some perished one way, & some another, til at last they fled and arriued vpon the shore, their ships being compassed round about. So the Romans killed many vpon the lake, and many vpon the land, and one might then haue seene all the lake stained with bloudful of dead bodies, for not one escaped aliue. A few daies after in that countrey there was a verie odious stinch, and a horrible spectacle: for the shores were all full of boates that had suffered shipwracke, and dead bodies swollen in the water, and those dead bodies taking heat did putrifie and so corrupt the aire all about, that not onely the whole countrey and inhabitants thought it a miserable affliction, but also the Romans who were the authors thereof. And this was the end of that warre by water. And the number H of them that were slaine here and in the citie was sixe thousand and fiue hundreth. The fight being ended, Vespasian sate in a tribunall seat, and separated the straungers from the inhabitants, for that they seemed to bee the authors of that warre: yet hee deliberated with the captains & gouernours, whether he should likewise pardon them: but they told him that their liues might endomage him; for said they, if thou send those men away and let them liue, they cannot liue Vespasian con [...]ulteth with his chieftains about the Iewes. peaceably because they want a biding places, & are able to disturbe and disquiet those to whom they shall flie. Vespasian for this cause iudged them vnworthie to liue, assuredly knowing that if they were let goe, they would fight against them who pardoned their liues, yet he deliberated what death to put them to. But he thought with himselfe the inhabitants would not patiently abide so many to be massacred, who had fled vnto them for succour: wherefore he sought to vse no I violence vnto them, because he had promised them securitie. But at last he was ouercome by the perswasion of his friends, who told him, that all things against the Iewes were lawfull, and that profit was to be preferred before honestie, seeing both could not be bad: so licence being graunted vnto them to depart, they suspecting nothing, were commaunded to take onely that way that leadeth vnto Tiberias: and they fearing nothing, willingly obeyed that which was commaunded them, not misdoubting the safetie of their goods or money: but the Romans had placed themselues on eyther side the way euen vnto Tiberias, to the intent that none might escape, and so shut them all in the Citie. Presently after came Vespasian and inclosed them all in an Amphitheater, and so killed one thousand and two hundreth of them, who were all olde men or young, and vnable for seruice: of the rest that were all K strong young men, he sent six thousand vnto Nero at Isthmos neere Corinth. The rest of the multitude he sould, in number thirtie thousand and foure hundreth, beside others that he gaue The destruction and sale of the Iewes. vnto Agrippa: for he permitted him to do what he would with those that were of his kingdome: But Agrippa sould also those who were giuen him. The rest of them were fugitiues and seditious persons of Trachon, Gaulanitis, and Hippenis, and many of Gadara, whose contempt of peace iustly procured these warres. They were taken the sixt of the Ides of September.
THE FOVRTH BOOKE L OF THE WARRES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 How Gamala was besieged. M
- 2 How Placidus tooke Itaburium.
- 3 How Gamala was destroyed.
- 5 How Titus tooke Giscala.
- 5 Of the beginning of the destruction of Ierusalem.
- 6 Of the comming of the Idumaeans vnto Ierusalem, and of their deeds.
- 7 Of the Massacre of the Iewes by the Idumaeans.
CHAP. I. A The yeare of the world 4031. af [...]er Christs Na [...]iuitie. 69.
How Gamala was besieged.
AFter that Tarichea was conquered, all those that from the time that Iotapata was surprised til this instant, had reuolted from the Romans, did now againe The victorie of the Romans against the Iewes. vnite themselues vnto them: so that the Romans had now gotten into their hands all Castles and townes, Giscala only excepted, and Itaburium a mountaine so called. With these two rebelled Gamala a towne ouer against Tarichea, and situated vpon the lake, belonging to the kingdome of Agrippa, and also Sogane and Seleucia, and these two last were both belonging vnto Gaulanitis, B and Sogane appertained to the higher part called Gaulana, and Gamala vnto the lower, Seleucia vnto the lake Semechonitis, which is thirtie furlongs in breadth, and threescore large, Semechonitis a lake. The fountaine of Iordan. whose marishes reach euen vnto Daphne, which Countrie is verie pleasant of it selfe, and famous for that it entertaineth the streame called little Iordan, and at the foote of the golden mountaine deriueth it into great Iordan. Agrippa in the beginning of the rebellion, vnited Sogane and Seleucia vnto himselfe: but Gamala by reason of the situation apt to resist, did not yeeld vnto him, for it is farre stronger then Iotapata. For from an exceeding high mountaine, there descendeth a hill verie difficult for any to passe, rising high in the middest, and then descendeth The situation of Gamala. lower and lower both before and behind, so that it representeth the figure of a Camel, which the Hebrewes call Gamal, and so thereof it tooke the name, though the Inhabitants doe not keepe C that exact signification. Before it, and on either side there are deepe vallies, into the which a man can hardly descend, onely it may be taken and assaulted on that side, where it ioyneth vnto the mountaine, which also the Inhabitants haue made inaccessible, by cutting out there a deep ditch. The Citie of Gamala inexpugnable and strong. In that place the Citie was verie well inhabited on the descent of the hill, and towards the South part it stood on so steepe a hill, that it seemed as though it would haue fallen euerie houre, and the South hill serued the Inhabitants in steed of a Castle, being vnwalled: for it was an exceeding high rocke, and reached downe euen vnto the bottome of the valley in the towne, and at the wals thereof there was a fountaine. Although this Citie were of his owne nature inuincible, yet Ioseph compassing it with a wall, and with ditches, and mines made it more strong. Wherefore the Inhabitants of this place put farre more confidence in their wals, then they of Iotapata did; yet D were they fewer in number, and not so warlike people as they; but for the situation of the Citie, they esteemed themselues more then their enemies: for the Citie was full of men that fled thither by reason of the strength of the place: so that for seuen moneths they resisted them that were sent by Agrippa to besiege them. Vespasian departed from Ammaus, and pitched his Tents before Tyberias, and so went vnto Gamala, (Ammaus is interpreted hot waters, for there is a fountaine Vespasian besieged Gamala of hot water which cureth many diseases) and the Citie was so situate, that he could not besiege [...] round about: wherefore he placed men to keepe watch in such places as it was passible, and obteined the highest mountaine, where his souldiers pitching their Tents, lastly intrenched themselues. On the East part of the Citie in the most eminent place there was a Castle, where the fifteenth and fifth legions laboured against the towne, and the [...]th legion filled vp the ditches and E vallies▪ King Agrippa went vnto the wals and spake vnto them that defended them, willing them to yeeld vnto the Romanes, but one of them with a sling stroke him on the right arme and One with a sling woundeth Agrippa. hurt him, & his familiar friends came about him to defend him. Then the Romans for anger that the king was hurt, and for feare of such mischances to themselues, made them earnest to assault the towne, perswading themselues that they would vse strangers and their enemies hardly, if it lay in their lot, seeing they had so euill entreated one of their owne nation, for perswading them vnto that was profitable for them.
Hauing quickly intrenched themselues by reason of the multitude that laboured in that businesse, and by reason that they were accustomed vnto such like worke, they began to place the engine against the towne wals. Chares and Ioseph were two of the most potent men in the towne, F they therefore animated and armed their Citizens, and brought them vnto the wals, who trembled for feare▪ And although they well perceiued that the Citie could not long hold out, seeing they wanted water, and many other things necessarie to withstand a siege; yet notwithstanding, they exhorted the townes men to be valiant, and so brought them vnto the wals, and a while they resisted notwithstanding the shot: but at last they were therewith so terrified, that leauing The Romans besiege Gamala and assault the same. the wals, they fled into the Citie. Then the Romans did batter the wals with Ramms in three seuerall [Page 668] places, and where the wall fell there they issued in with trumpets and a great noyse, and cries, G The yeere of the world. 4031. after Christs birth 69. and fought with the townes-men, who in the first conflict so valiantly resisted them, that they permitted them not to enter any further into the towne; at last being ouercome both in strength and number, they all fled into the highest part of the Citie, and from thence they turned againe vpon the Romanes, who pursued them and draue them downe into the vallies and killed many, and diuers in that streight passage were troden to death by their fellowes. The Romans seeing that they neither could flie, nor resist their enemies aboue their heads, fled into their houses, The Romans fal downe with the ruines of the Iewes houses. which adioyned vnto the plaine, and so filled them, that being ouercharged, they fell downe and lighted vpon other houses beneath them, which did beare them downe also, and they likewise others situated beneath them. Many of the Romanes this way perished; for being amazed, and not knowing what to do, they fled into other houses, notwithstanding they did see them shak and H Many Romans slaine & spoyled. totter: and many seeking to escape, were maimed by some part of the ruines that fell vpon their bodies, and many were choaked in the dust. The Citizens of Gamala reioyced thereat, thinking that this aide was sent from God, and not regarding their priuate commodities, they ceased not to compell the Romans into their houses; and if any were in the narrow streetes, them they slew with darts from aboue out of the high places. Thus the ruines affoorded them stones enough, and their slaine enemies swords and armour, which they tooke from them, being now halfe dead, and vsed them against themselues: many died, who cast themselues headlong from off the houses being readie to fall, and those that sought to flie, could not easily escape, for being ignorant of the wayes, and there being such a dust that one could not see another, one of them killed another: And so with much adoe finding passage, they went out of the Citie. Vespasian who was alway amongst I Vespasians fortitude and war like valour. the middest of these hurlyburlyes, was greatly moued to see the buildings fall so vpon his fouldiers, and forgetting his owne safetie, hee secretly retired himselfe with onely a few into the higher part of the Citie, where he was left in great danger, hauing verie few about him (for Titus his sonne was not there, being before this time sent vnto Mutianus in Syria) and now he could not flie safely, nor yet had it beene for his honour if hee could. Wherefore remembring all that hee Vespasians fight with the Iewes. had done euen from his child-hood, and his owne vertue, he encouraged his men, and with them ioyned armes, and couered themselues with their shields, and so as it were moued with some diuine motions defended themselues from all darts, arrowes, and stones, which were cast from aloft vpon them, and so remained there not terrified either by the number or might of his enemies, till at last they wondring at his diuine vertue and courage, asswaged their furie. And now K perceiuing his enemies to assault him but faintly, he retired backe, till at such time as he got without the Citie wals.
Many Romanes perished in that fight, and amongst the rest Ebutius a Decadarch, who not onely in that fight shewed himselfe valiant, but also in many warres before, and had done the Iewes much harme. Also in that fight a certaine Centurion named Gallus, accompanied with ten Gallus with ten souldiers lieth hid in a certaine house. souldiers, hid himselfe in a house, and at supper time he heard the people of that house talke, what the Citizens of Gamala were purposed to doe against the Romans (this Gallus and they with him were Syrians) and in the night time he slew them all, and after escaped safe vnto the Romans. Vespasian Vespasian comforteth his souldiers. perceiued all his armie sorrowfull for that mischance, and so much the more, for that they neuer as yet had so bad a breakfast, and especially for that they had forsaken their generall, and L left him in danger and distresse, wherefore hee thought it good to comfort them, nothing speaking conceming himselfe, least hee should seeme to find fault with some in the beginning of his speech.‘Wherefore hee told them that it behooued them patiently to abide that which was common to all men, affirming that there was no victorie without bloudshed, and that fortune was mutable: and that he had alreadie slaine many thousand Iewes, and now had paide a small bribe The inconstancie and mutabilitie of fortune. for his happie successe vnto aduerse fortune. And that as it did not become any but vaineglorious people to boast in their prosperitie, so it behooued none but cowards to feare and tremble in aduersitie: For, said he, fortune is verie mutable both to the good and bad, and hee is a valiant man that is not moued by aduersitie: for hee hauing all his wits about him, can euen in the middest of his troubles see where any fault is, & amend it. Yet (quoth he) this hath not befallen vs throgh the M weaknesse of our courage, or the valour and prowes of the Iewes, but the difficultie of the place was the cause that they should ouercome vs, and we be ouercome. Wherefore one may well reprehend the too much rashnesse of your spirits: for when you saw your enemies flie into the higher places, you should then haue held your hands, and not to haue pursued them with so manifest danger to your selues, as euerie one might foresee in this pursuite, so you hauing gained the lower part of the Citie, you might in time haue drawne them to a sure and safe conflict: [Page 669] but you being eager of the victorie, you did not respect your owne safetie. It is not the manner The yeare of the world. 4031. after the birth of Christ. 69. The Roman souldiers do all things with discretion. A of the Romanes rashly and vnaduisedly to fight, who are woont to doe all thinges orderly and aduisedly: for the other is fit for barbarous people, and as you see proper to the Iewes. Wherefore let vs call our owne vertues to minde, and rather bee angrie for this that hath happened (and so incite our selues to reuenge) then sorrowfull. And let euerie valiant soldier with his owne hand comfort himselfe; so shall we both reuenge the deaths of our friends, and be reuenged of them by whom they were slaine: and I my selfe (as also now I did) will expose my selfe to all dangers with you, and go first to fight, and come last from fight.’With these and such like speeches he comforted his souldiers.
The people of Gamala were of great courage, and much emboldened with their prosperous successe, which notwithstanding did not happen through their valour: but presently perceiuing B that now all hope of pardon was taken away, and that there was no way to escape, they were verie sorrowfull, and their hearts relented (for now victuals failed them) yet they omitted not to prouide for their owne safetie, wherein they could; for the most valiant amongst them kept the breach, and the rest other strong places about the walles which were yet vnbattered. The Romans againe builded mounts, and attempted to assault the Citie, and many of the Citizens fled The Romans once more attempt the assault of Gamala. by the vallies where no guard was, and by secret vaults vnderneath the ground; and they who for feare least they should be taken remained in the Citie perished for hunger: for all the victuals were reserued for them that fought. And they still continued in this calamitie.
CHAP. II. C
How Placidus tooke the mountaine Itaburium.
DVring this siege, Vespasian made another expedition against them, who kept the mountaine Itaburium, scituated betweene the great field and Scythopolis, which is thirty furlongs The height of the mountaine Itaburium. high, and inaccessible on the North side. In the verie top of this mountaine there is a plaine twentie furlongs ouer enclosed with a wal, all which wal being of so huge a compasse, Ioseph had built in 40. daies: they receiued all necessarie prouision from beneath, for they had only raine water. Vnto this place a huge multitude were gathered, and Vespasian sent Placidus against them with sixe hundreth horsemen, who could no waies get vpon the mountaine: wherefore he exhorted many of them to peace, putting them in hope of pardon: likewise diuers of the D Iewes came downe vnto him as it were to entrap him, and assault him at vnawares. Placidus for the nonce gaue them faire speeches, hoping to get them downe into the plaine: & they as though they would haue obeyed him followed him thither, meaning when they came there, sodainly to Fraud paide with fraud. assault him: yet Placidus his deuise tooke place. For when the Iewes assaulted him, he fained himselfe to flie, and the Iewes hauing pursued him a great way from the mountainne, he turned againe vpon them, and wounded many on the backes as they fled, and killed some, and hindred Placidus victorie. the rest of the multitude from ascending the mountaine: so the rest left Itaburium, and fled vnto Ierusalem, and the inhabitants (now water failing them) yeelded vnto Placidus, and deliuered the mountaine vnto him.
CHAP. III. E
How Gamala was destroied.
NOw the most presumptuous amongst the Gamalians fled and hid themselues, & the weaker sort did perish through famine: yet the most couragious that were left amongst thē, defended the wall till the seuen and twentith day of October. Vpon which day three souldiers of the fifteenth legion, towards breake of the day, vndermined the highest tower in their The Romans vndermine a certain tower, and it falleth with a great noise. quarter, and entred into it; those that kept it neither perceiuing them when they came in, nor when they went out (for it was in the night time.) These souldiers being warie least any noise should be made, remooued fiue of the greatest stones, and presently leapt away, and incontinently F the tower fell with a hideous noise, and with the fal killed those that kept it, and many that kept watch in other quarters fled, being sore afraid: and those who sought to escape the Romans were killed, amongst whom one Ioseph was stroken with a dart frō a part of the wal that was fallen downe, and there died. They who were within the Citie were terrified with the noise hereof, and ranne vp and downe as though all the enemies were already entred into it. And Chares Iosephs companion being sicke yeelded vp the ghoast, feare increasing his disease, and helping to [Page 670] shorten his life. The Romans, remembring the bad successe at the last assault, did not enter the G The yeare of the world, 4031. after Christs birth 69. Titus with two hūdreth horse, besides chosen footmen entreth Gamala. Citie till the three and twentith day of the foresaid moneth.
Then Titus as it were vexed at the misfortune of the Romans in his absence, accompanied with two hundreth horsemen and certaine chosen footmen, entred the Citie no man resisting him, and he being passed into the same, the watchmen then first perceiuing it, cried to armes. Those within the citie fearing that Titus was entred, some tooke their children, some their wiues, and fled into the castle with pitifull cries and weeping: others met Titus, and were all put to the sword: and they that could not get into the castle not knowing what to doe, fell amongst the Roman watchmen: then the skies were filled with the cries of men dying, and the lower places of the Citie flowed with bloud. Vespasian led his whole army against those that were fled into the The top of the Castle of Gamala stonie & hard to be climed. castle, which was of a huge height, and scarcely to be come vnto, being all of stone and full of ditches H and deepe dens, and compassed with steepie rockes: so the Iewes did driue downe the Romans that offered to come vp vnto them partly with dartes, partly with stones, which they rouled downe vpon them; and they were so high, that the Romans arrowes could not reach them. But at last as it were by Gods prouidence who would haue it so, a whirlewinde arose, which carried The Romans victorie by Gods prouidence. the Romans arrowes amongst them into the castle, and the Iewes arrowes from the Romans, and the winde was so violent, that it was not possible for them to stand vpon those high places; and so not being able to stand, nor to see those that came against them, the Romans ascended and tooke the Castle, some resisting for their defence, others yeelding themselues. The Romans now called to minde their fellowes who perished in the first assault, and so became more cruell. Many despairing of their liues, cast their wiues, their children, and themselues headlong downe those I high places, into the deepe vallies vnderneath. So that the crueltie that the Romans shewed against the people of Gamala was not so great, as that which they vsed against themselues: for there were only four thousand that perished by the Romans sword, and the number of them who so cast themselues downe, was found to be fiue thousand: and not one escaped, but two women Nine thousand Iewes slaine in Gamala, and only two women escape. that were sisters, and daughters vnto Philip, who was sonne vnto Ioachimus a woorthy man, and gouernour ouer all Agrippas army vnder him; and these two were saued onely, because at such time as the citie was taken, they hid themselues: for they spared not infants, but many tooke them and cast them downe from the castle. And thus was Gamala destroied the 23. day of October, which began to rebell the 21. day of September.
CHAP. IIII. K
How Titus tooke Giscala.
NOw all the Cities and strong places of Galilee were taken, Giscala onely excepted: the inhabitants whereof desired peace, for that they were husbandmen, and their riches The yeare of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. consisted in the fruits of the earth; but there were many theeues in the Citie: to which vice also many of the Citizens were addicted. These people were incited to rebell by one Iohn a witch, and a deceitfull person, sonne vnto one Leuias; who was of strange manners and bold to presume any thing, and wonderfully atchieuing all he tooke in hand, and he was known vnto all men for one that desired warre to make himselfe mightie. This man was ringleader of the seditious persons in Giscala, and for feare of them the people who perhaps otherwise would haue L Iohn a poisoner and a deceitfull man inforceth the Citizens of Giscala to rebell. sent legates to the Romans to request peace, were hindred and forced to stay, till the Romans came to warre against them. Against these people Vespasian sent Titus, and with him a thousand horsemen, and the tenth legion towards Scythopolis: and he with the rest went to Caesarea to refresh them after their great labour, at the charges of the townes adioyning, iudging it necessarie to comfort their bodies, and encourage their mindes to sustaine manfully the wars that were to ensue: for he foresaw that he should haue much adoe to winne Ierusalem, both for that it was woont to be the kings seate, and also because it was the chiefe and head Citie of all the nation. Vespasian foreseeth his no small trouble in the siege of Ierusalem. And his care in this point was so much the more encreased, for that he perceiued that many out of all parts fled thither; and that it was naturally strong; and also compassed with almost inuincible walles: and beside this, the boldnesse and desperate courage of the inhabitants, who although M that they had no walles at all, yet had been scarcely to be conquered: and therefore he thought it necessarie to comfort his souldiers before the fight, like champions who ought to enter the field and fight couragiously.
Titus (comming on horseback vnto Giscala) perceiued that it might easily be taken, yet knowing Titus his compassiō towards those of Giscala. that if it were taken by force, all the people should be destroyed by the Romans (and now he was wearie of bloudshed) he compassionating the wel disposed people which were otherwise like [Page 671] to perish togither with the wicked, attempted to take it by condition. Wherefore the wals being The yeare of the world 4032. af [...]ter Christs Na [...]iuitie. 70. Titus his merciful oration to those of Giscala. A full of people, amongst whom were many of the seditious, he told them that he maruailed what helpe they had or expected, or by whose aduise all other cities being now taken, they alone would abide the last brunt of the Roman forces, especially when as they had already seene many townes farre stronger then theirs ouerthrowne at the first assault: and contrariwise, those who had yeelded themselues vnto the Romans liued in peace, and peaceably enioyed all that was theirs. ‘Which offer (said he) I now also make vnto you, and am not yet incensed against you, because that which you doe is for your libertie: but if (quoth hee) you doe still perseuere in this impossible course, my displeasure shall be kindled against you. And if so be that they refused his kind offer, they should presently perceiue the Roman sword to be sharpned for their destruction, and incontinently should find that their wals were but a mockery, and no waies able to resist the B Romane engines: where contrariwise if they yeelded themselues and trusted vnto the fidelitie of the Romans, they should be the most happie people of all Galilee.’None of the townsmen were admitted to make any aunswere, not to come vnto the wals: for the theeues were masters of them; and a guard was placed at euerie gate, least any one should go forth to submit themselues, Iohns answere to Titus exhortation. or any horsemen should be receiued into the citie. Then Iohn made answere that he liked well of the conditions offered, and that he would either perswade or compel the inhabitants to accept of them, yet he requested that that day might be granted vnto the Iewes: for it was the seuenth day wherein it was not lawfull for them to entreat of peace, nor make warre. For as the Romans knew the Iewes euerie seuenth day ceased from all worke, and which if they prophaned, they who caused it to be so abused, though it were Titus himselfe, were as great offenders, as they who C were forced to it. Moreouer so short time could not preiudice the Romans, to wit, one [...]ghts space: for nothing he could effect in that time to endomage them, except onely by flying out of the citie (which Titus might preuent by placing a strong guard and watch in euerie place thereabout) and that he thought it a great priuiledge to be suffered to keepe the custome of his countrey; and that it was his part who offered peace and safetie to them that expected it, also to keepe their lawes whose safetie he graunted. With these and such like speeches Iohn sought to delude Titus, being not so religious about the keeping of the Sabboth, as carefull for his owne safetie: for he feared that the citie would presently be taken, and he left alone, & so he determined in that night to flie, as the onely way to saue his life. Truly God would haue it so, that Iohn should then escape Iohn reserued by Gods prouidence to be at the siege of Ierusalem. to be the ouerthrow of Ierusalem, and that Titus should not onely grant him the time he D requested to deliberate, but also that night should pitch his tents neere Cydaessa, by the higher part of the towne, which is the strongest village of al that are in the heart of the Tyrian soile, which the Galileans alwaies hated. In the night time Iohn perceiuing no Romans to keepe watch about the towne, hauing now opportunitie fled not onely with the armed men about him; but also with many of the chiefe of the citie, and whole families, whom he promised to conduct vnto Ierusalem. The feare of those Iewes that fled with Iohn. But Iohn fearing captiuitie, and carefull for his owne safetie, hauing caried them twentie furlongs out of the citie forsooke them: vvho being so left desolate began grieuously to lament. For euerie one thought himselfe as neere his enemies, as he was fa [...] [...]rom the citie and his friends, and still euerie steppe they thought their enemies at hand readie to take them, and euer they looked backe as though their enemies heard the noise they made as they went, and so came against E them; insomuch that many rushed forward on heapes, and many were killed in the way vvith the prease of them that followed; so that vvomen and infants did perish miserably: or if they spake any thing, onely it vvas entreating their parentes or their kinsfolke to stay for them.
But Iohns exhortation tooke effect, vvherein he cried vnto them to saue themselues, and hasten vnto such a place, vvhere they might be safe and reuenge themselues of the Romans, for the outrages vvhich they that remained behind were like to endure: and so the multitude that fled, euery one as he was able dispersed themselues. Titus earely in the morning came vnto the wals to know whether they accepted of his offer. Then the people set open the gates, and with their wiues The citizens of Giscala entertaine Titus with all obedience. and children came to meet him, all crying that he was their safetie and vvorker of their welfare, and that he had deliuered their citie out of captiuitie: also they certified him how Iohn vvas fled, F and besought him to pardon them, and execute iustice vpon those malefactors that remained in the citie. And at their request he sent certaine horsemen to pursue Iohn, but they could not take him, for before they came he had gotten into Ierusalem: yet they slew almost two thousand of them that fledde with him, and brought backe againe three thousand women and children. Titus was angrie that he suffered Iohns deceit to escape vnpunished, yet his anger vvas something appeased, for that hee perceiued Iohns purpose preuented, in that so manie [Page 672] of his companie vvere slaine, and so many brought backe for captiues. Thus he peaceably entred G The yeare of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. Titus mercy to his enemies. It is better to leaue an enemie in susp [...]nce thorow feare, then with the guiltie to confound the innocent. the citie, commaunding the souldiers to breake downe a little peece of the wall, as it were to take possession of it, and so punished the seditious rather with threats, then torments. For he thought that many were accused only for priuate hatred, & so were in daunger to suffer being innocent: & he thought it better to let the wicked liue in feare, thē with them to destroy the guiltlesse. Thinking moreouer that hereafter they would be more quiet either for feare of punishmēt, or for shame of their former offence, for the which they were pardoned: & that if any man suffered vnworthily, he could not afterward complain. Then he placed there a garrison both to represse the seditious, and also to confirme them that desired peace. And thus was Galilee conquered after it had much toyled the Romans.
CHAP. V. H
Of the beginning of the destruction of Ierusalem.
SO soone as Iohn was entered into Ierusalem, all the people flocked about him and those that came with him, enquiring what calamitie had be fallen them without the citie. Some of them being yet out of breath, and not able to speake, by signes discouered their necessitie: yet amidst these their miseries, they boasted that it was not the Roman power that forced them to flie, but that they of their owne accord fled thither to warre against the Romans in a safer place, then that from whence they fled was; for none but vnaduised and rash headed men would fight for such a citie as Giscala and other places that were not able to resist, seeing that it behooued them all to reserue their vigour and strength to defend the Metropolitane citie. They also signified vnto them how Giscala was taken by the Romans, and that they departed in good I sort away, though some reported that they fled. The people of Ierusalem hearing what these men reported, and how many were captiues vnto the Romans, they fell into a great feare, as though that which they told did portend their ruine. But Iohn nothing ashamed in that he had so shamefully The courage of Iohn and those that fled with him, stirreth vp the Iewes to make warre against the Romans. forsaken them of Giscala who fled with him; went first to one and then to another, enciting them all to warre vnder a vaine hope, alleaging the weakenes of the Romans, and extolling their own puissance, deceiuing the simple people, & perswading them that though the Romans sought to reuenge, yet could they neuer enter the wals of Ierusalem, who had so much adoe, and endured such afflictiō in entering the little burges and villages of Galilee, against whose wals they had broken all their engines. These words of his encited many young men to sedition, but all the wiser sort foresaw what was like to ensue, and euen now mourned their lost citie. And in this case were K Intestine discord in Iurie. they of Ierusalem: yet before this sedition in the citie, the countrey people began to be at discord amongst thēselues. For Titus departed from Giscala vnto Caesarea, & Vespasian went from Caesarea to Iamnia & Azotus and took them both, & leauing there garrisons, he returned to Caesarea, bringing with him a huge companie of them who had yeelded vnto him. All cities were at ciuill wars amongst themselues, so that when the Romans did not war vpon thē, one part of the Iewes in euerie citie fought against the other, & there was a great dissension between those that desired peace, The Iewes turn their weapons against themselues. & the seditious people: and at first this discord began only in priuate houses, but in the end euerie one ioyning with them that were of their mind, they now beganne in companies to rebel openly.
Thus euerie place was troubled with ciuill discord, and euery where rash young men, who desired wars, preuailed against wise and graue olde men, who foreseeing the calamitie like to ensue, L desired peace. At first the inhabitants one by one robbed and spoiled what they could, but at last in whole troups they ioined togither & robbed openly, and wasted all the countrey about: and The theeues trouping togither in Ierusalem spoile the countrey. they in their robberies shewed such crueltie, that the harme and iniurie they did vnto their owne countreymen, was altogither equal to the miseries which befel them by the means of the Romans; & they who by these miscreants were spoiled, wished rather to haue fallen into the Romans hands. But they who kept the citie, either because they were loath to wearie themselues, or else for that they hated the citizens or people, did nothing or very little succour thē that fel into theeues hands. At last the theeues assembled themselues togither from all places, and ioyning companies, they brake into Ierusalem. This citie had no gouernour, and according to the custome of that countrey, receiued all that came thither that were their countreymen; and so much more willingly M at that time, because they that thought that they came thither, came of good will to helpe them: which onely was afterward the cause that the citie was destroyed; setting aside the ciuil dissension. For a great multitude of people vnapt for fight being there, cōsumed the victuals that would haue sufficed for the fighting men: & beside the wars, they brought also vpon it famine & ciuil dissensiō: Then other theeues came out of the fields thereabout, & ioyning themselues with those that were within the citie, omitted no kind of villanie; for not content to rob and spoile, they also attempted [Page 673] to commit murders, not onely priuily, or in the night vpon meane men, but euen on the day The yeere of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. Rapines and spoyles committed by day time. A time they publikely set vpon the chiefest of the nobilitie. For first of al they tooke Antipasse, who was borne of the bloud royall, a man so eminent amongst them, that the publike treasure was committed vnto his charge and custodie, and put him in prison: and after him they tooke Sopha a worthie man, and sonne to Raguel and Laeuia, both of them of the kings houshold, and after them all that seemed to beare any sway, or were in authoritie amongst the people. Great feare fell vpon the Inhabitants, and euerie one prouided to saue himselfe, as though the Citie were euen now surprised by the enemies. But these people were not content thus to haue imprisoned those The nobilitie of the Citie are taken and slaine by the theeues. potentates, neither did they thinke it safetie for themselues any longer to detaine such men aliue: for many came dayly vnto them to visit them, and vnto their houses, who were able to reuenge their iniuries: and moreouer they feared that the people would make a head against them, being B moued with their iniquitie. Wherefore they determined to kill them, and to effect their purpose they sent one Iohn a cruel murderer (who was the sonne of Dorcas) he accompanied with ten more, all hauing swords went vnto the prison, and slew as many as they found there. To excuse this cruell fact of theirs, they alleaged this, to wit, that all they who were slaine in prison, had conference with the Romans concerning the betraying of the Citie into their hands, and that for this cause they had slaine them, being traytors to their Countrie: they also boasted that this fact of theirs had preserued the Citie, and that therefore they had well deserued of it. The people was The theeues at their pleasure make a high Priest. brought vnto such slauerie and terror, that the chusing of the high Priest was in their hands to elect whom they pleased so much was their insolence increased. Thus they not respecting the families, out of which it was onely lawfull to chuse the high Priest, they now elected straungers C and base persons to that sacred dignitie, and such as would be partakers of their villanies and impieties, A high Priest chosen by thē contrarie to the ancient custome. for they who not deseruing it, attained to such dignitie, were as it were obliged vnto their will in all things, by whom they were so exaited. They also deuised many lies, to make those that were in authoritie one at variance with another, thereby as it were to hold them occupied, who were able to refist their enterprises, til that being now satisfied with the bloud of the Citizens, they began to commit impietie against God himselfe, and with prophane and vnpure feete to enter into the sanctuarie. Then the people was incited against them by Ananus his meanes, who was one of the priests, and the most auncient and wisest of them all, who perhaps had laued the Citie, had he escaped the hands of these miscreants. But they vsed the Temple as a Castle and defence of themselues against the people, and made the Sanctuarie a place for them to exercise D tyrannie in. And that which increased the sorrow of the citizens, was, that amidst these calamities, their religion was also contumeliously abused, for these theeues to trie of what strength and courage the people were, and their owne forces, did elect by lot a high Priest contrarie to their law: which as we haue alreadie said, requireth that the high Priest shall be chosen by succession. This deed of theirs they coloured with an auncient custome, alleaging that in time past the high Priest was chosen by lot. But indeed this their fact was an abrogation of the most firme custome that was amongst the people, and was onely a deuise to get all gouernment into their hands by establishing magistrates at their pleasure.
Then calling one of the holy tribes named Eniachin, they cast lots, and it so fell out that the lot fell vpon one, whereby their iniquitie was discouered, this man whose lot it was to be high Priest E was named Phanes, who was the sonne of Samuel, a man not onely vnworthie of that dignitie, but who had been so rudely brought vp, that he neuer knew what the high Priest meant, this Phanes Phanes a countrie clowne made a high Priest. was borne in a village called Aphthasis. Him, against his will they fetcht out of the field, and as it had beene in a stage-play, they graced him with another mans person, and presently gaue him instructions how hee should behaue himselfe, putting vpon him the sacred attire of the high Priest, as though that so great impietie had beene but a sport. The rest of the priests beholding a far off the holy lawes to be scorned, scarcely contained themselues from teares, and euen groaned for sorrow, that their sacred dignities were so abused. The people could no longer endure this their tyrannie, but now euery one addressed himselfe to depose these tyrants. And those that were The best Citizens exhort the people to reuenge. most earnest herein, were Gorion Iosephs sonne, and Simeon the sonne of Gamaliel, who went about F the Citie to euerie one in priuate, and then in a publike assembly exhorted the people to be reuenged vpon those tyrants, who tooke from them their libertie; and to addresse themselues to purge the holy Temple from such vile and vncleane persons. Likewise the best disposed amongst the priests, to wit, Iesus the sonne of Gamala, and Ananus the sonne of Ananus often in publike Sermons reprehended the people, and vpbrayded them with their slouth, in that they made no more haste to destroy those Zelous people (for so those wretches termed themselues, as [Page 674] though they had beene deuout followers of goodnesse and not impious malefactors.) The people The yeere of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. The Zelous the most wretched occasiō of these violences Ananus sharpe inuectiue against the Zelous. G being all assembled together, euerie man grieued to see the holy place so kept for a denne of theeues, and of their robberies and murders which they committed; yet did they not goe about to reuenge, thinking themselues too weake to deale with these Zelous, as in deed they were. Then Ananus stood vp amongst the middest of them, and hauing often turned his eyes to the Temple, and beholden it till the teares ran downe his cheekes, ‘Oh said hee, how farre better were it for me to die, then to liue, to see the house of God thus filled with impietie, and the Sanctuarie wherein none should come but me high Priest, prophaned with the wicked feete of impious persons, being cloathed in Priests apparell, and beare the name of the most authoritie amongst all names? and doe I yet liue, and doe I to saue my life, and to bee gray-headed, abstaine from dying a glorious death? Nay, rather I alone will goe against these murderers, and as though I were in H a wildernesse where there were no man beside my selfe, I alone will goe and offer my soule for Gods sake. For what doth it auaile me to liue amongst a people, that hath no feeling of their owne calamitie, and which seeketh not to redresse their own present miseries? for you being robbed and spoyled beare all patiently, and being beaten you hold your peace, and there is none amongst you that dare openly mourne for them that are most cruelly murdered. O tyrannous gouernment! But why should I exclaime against the tyrants? Did not you your selues make them Ananus twitteth the Iews with their feare great, and nourish their power and authoritie by your patience? did not you by despising those who before were in authoritie being but a few, make all these, who are many in number, tyrants ouer your selues? haue not you keeping your selues quiet, they being armed, turned their swords vpon your owne heads; and as then it behooued you to resist their enterprises, when first they iniured I your kinred; you by suffering haue made them theeues, because at first you made no account, The crueltie of the theeues. when they destroyed houses and whole families. And this was the cause that at last, the rulers and potentates themselues were set vpon, and none would succour them when they were drawne through the middest of the Citie, and these murderers butchered them in prison whom you thus betrayed. I will not recount what men they were and of what birth, but I say they being neither accused nor condemned, hauing no man to heare them, they were most cruelly murdered, as wee haue seene any: for they were before our faces led to bee slaine, as the fattest amongst a whole herd of beasts, all wee beholding this: and yet no man opening his mouth nor lifting vp his hand. And will you also endure, will you suffer the holy Sanctuarie to bee prophaned before your eyes? and will you, hauing so emboldned these miscreants as yee see now, your K selues stand in feare of them? assure your selues, they would, if they could deuise how, commit greater impietie then this is. They keepe against you the strongest place in the whole Citie called The Temple the strongest fortres of the Citie. a Temple, but now in deed it is a fortresse or Castle of defence. What doe yee now thinke such a tyrannie being established ouer you; and your enemies being euen vpon you, what do you deliberate to doe? Doe you expect the Romans to come and helpe you, to saue the Temple and sacred mysteries? Our Citie is now at that stay, and we haue so behaued our selues, that our verie enemies pittie vs. O yee wretches! will you not arise, and as the verie bruit beastes doe, will you not reuenge your selues vpon them that haue thus wounded you? Will not euerie one of you call to mind the massacre of his friends, and what calamitie he himselfe hath suffered, and so encourage your selues to be reuenged? For ought I can see, you haue all lost that sacred and sweete and L naturall desire of libertie, and now we imbrace bondage, as though we had learned to be bondmen euen from our ancestors. But they endured many and hard warres to liue in libertie, and yeelded neither to the power of the Aegyptians, nor Medes, because they would not be at their commaund. What need is it to recount vnto you the warres of our predecessors? To what end doe we enterprise this warre against the Romanes (bee it commodious for vs or to our disaduantage) if not to obtaine our libertie? And we who cannot indure to bee subiect vnto the Lords of the whole world, abide our owne nation to tyrannize ouer vs? Some may account it aduerse fortune Warres are intended for libertie. to be once ouercome by strangers, but to be slaues vnto the basest of our owne nation, it argueth that we haue no sparke of generositie in vs, & that we beare base & seruile minds. And seeing M I haue made mention of the Romanes, I will not sticke to declare vnto you that which now commeth to my mind, to wit, that if we be taken by them (which God forbid) yet shall we suffer no greater miserie at their hands, then now we do vnder these base tyrants. And how can you abstaine from teares, beholding this Temple, enriched by the gift of the Romanes, robbed and spoyled by them of our owne nation, this being our mother Citie; and to see those men murdered, The comparison of the Romans and Iews and their properties. whome the Romanes (although they had conquered vs) would not haue touched? The Romanes neuer durst presume to passe beyond the limites of prophane places, nor euer violated [Page 675] they our sacred lawes and customes, but alwaies reuerenced the sanctuarie, beholding it The yeare of the world. 4032. after the birth of Christ. 70. A onely a farre off: yet now some borne and brought vp amongst vs who are called Iewes, tremble not to walke in the sanctuarie, hauing their hands bathed in the bloud of their countrimen and brethren. Who will now feare forraine wars, seeing these ciuill broiles are such? Much better were it for vs to fall into our enemies hand: yea, if you will call euerie thing by such a name as it deserueth, we shall finde that the Romans haue not violated our lawes, but haue beene the confirmers thereof; and they within our wals are our enemies. True it is, that those that haue thus tyrannized ouer vs, deserue death, and that no punishment can be deuised great enough for their offence: and all of you were so perswaded before I spake of it, and you were incited against them by that which you haue endured at their hands: but yet you feare the multitude of them & their courage; and moreouer that they are in a higher place then you: yet as all this came by your B negligence and suffering, so by your delaying they will grow stronger. For their number is daily An answere to their contrarie opinion who obiect the number and boldnesse of the enemy. encreased, and euerie wicked person flieth vnto his like; and they are so much the more embol dened, for that as yet no man did once offer to resist their enterprises: and be sure that if they haue time they will make vse of the higher place, and that to your domage. But (beleeue me) if you would but once offer to go against them, their very consciences would abate their hautie minds, and the remembrance of their misdeedes would put them so farre out of tune, that they will not make any benefit of the higher place. Perhaps God in his vengeance will turne their own darts against them for their impietie, and consume them therewith. Let vs but onely shew our selues, The Epilogue of Ananus Oration to the people. and we shall dismay them; yet it is an honour for vs if need be, to sacrifice our liues for the defence of the holy temple. My selfe will assist you with hand and aduise, and you shall see that C you shall neither want counsell, nor that I will spare my owne body to defend you from their treacheries.’
Ananus thus exhorted the people against the Zelous, yet he knew wel that it was great difficultie to ouercome them, being lustie young men, many in number, of great courage, & the more desperate for the remorse of conscience of ye horrible crimes, and execrable deeds which they had committed, for they despaired of all hope of pardon for their misdeeds. Yet Ananus thought it altogither intolerable, that the common wealth should be so ouerruled. After this exhortation the people cried out that they were ready to go against the theeues, and to doe as they were requested. Whilest that Ananus selected out the most able men for warre, and set them in order, the Zelous came and issued out vpon him, and (hauing intelligence of all his intents and proceedings Ananus disposeth his souldiers against the Zelous. D by certaine spies which they had appointed vpon purpose) being inraged sallied out, and in companies, sometime all at once; othertimes in ambushes, sparing none that they met with. Ananus quickly gathered togither the people, who were more in number then the theeues, yet were they not so well armed as they; but what they wanted in armes their courage did supply. For the Citizens were armed with furie, stronger then armor; and they which were gone out of the temple, with a more desperate boldnesse, then all the multitude how great soeuer it was. For the Citizens thought it no abiding for them in the Citie except they could driue away the Zelous: and the Zelous thought that they could not escape torments and death it selfe, except that they were victors. So at last they ioyned battell each vnder their captaines and leaders, and first of all both parties cast stones one against another: and if any part fled, then the conquerors pursued them E with drawne swords, and many were wounded and slaine on both parts. Those townesmen that were vvounded, were by their friends carried into their houses; but the Zelous that were hurt went into the temple, and polluted the sacred pauements with their bloud: so that their religion was prophaned by their bloud. Alwaies the theeues in making excursions got the vpper hand. Hereat the Citizens being angrie; seeing their number euerie day encreased, reprooued the cowards: so that if any of their company offered to flie from the Zelous, they made him stand and resist whether he would or no, not permitting him to passe away: And thus they bent all their forces against their enemies. At last the theeues not able to make any longer resistance, by little and little retired themselues into the temple, and Ananus with his company entred the temple by force with them, and brake the ranke of his enemies. Then they in the vtter temple were in The fight of the Citizens and Zelous in the temple. F great feare and fled into the inner temple, and shut the gates with all speed. Ananus would not offer violence to the sacred gates, & beside that the enemies cast darts from aloft: for he thought it a great offence against God, although he might haue got the victorie, to introduce the people not being purified. Wherefore he elected six thousand of the chiefe of all his men well armed, and appointed them to keepe the porches, and others to succeed in their places while they tooke rest. And many of the better sort of the Citizens being by the chiefe of the Citie placed to keepe [Page 676] watch there, hired other poore folke to watch in their steeds. But Iohn, who, as before we haue G The yeare of the world, 4032 after Christs birth 70. Iohnful of deceit, and a betraier of the citizens. tolde, fled from Giscala, wrought the ruine of all these. This man being full of deceit, and aboue all measure desirous of rule, long ago intended to ouerthrow the common wealth. This man from that time counterfeited himselfe to be against the theeues, and so day and night accompanied Ananus and the rest, both in their consultations, and when they went to visite the watch; and he disclosed all their secrets vnto the Zelous: and there was nothing decreed by the people but he gaue the theeues intelligence thereof before it was put in practise; yet he seemed to be verie dutifull vnto Ananus, and the rest of the nobilitie, hereby hoping to conceale his treacherie. But it fell out contrarie to his expectation; for this his too much reuerence caused him to be suspected, because they noted him to play the parasite: and for that vncalled he daily intruded himselfe into their consultations, he was misdoubted to bewray their secrets. For Ananus perceiued that H the enemies knew all their secrets, and Iohns deeds did carrie suspition of treason, yet could they not easily remooue him, his craft was such: beside this, he was boulstred out by many noble men, who were emploied in these affaires. Wherfore they thought it good to request of him an oath of friendship; which he denied not, but added moreouer that he would be true vnto the people, Iohn sweareth to be faithfull to the people. and neither disclose any deede or secret counsell of theirs vnto the enemies, and that he with hart and hand would truly endeuour to suppresse the rebels. So Ananus did no more mistrust him because of his oath, and admitted him afterward to all their counsels, nothing suspecting him. Nay they now trusted him so far, that they sent him for an Embassadour vnto the Zelous, to perswade them to peace: for they were verie carefull least the temple through their deeds should be defiled and prophaned, or that any of the Iewes should there be slaine. But he as though he I Iohn contrarie to his oath reuealeth their secrets to the Zelous. had sworne vnto the Zelous and not vnto the Citizens, entred boldly amongst them, and standing in the middest of them, he recounted vnto them that he had often for their sakes vndergone great danger in suffering none of the townesmens secrets to be concealed from them, but declared vnto them all that euer Ananus and his confederates determined against them; and that euen now he was like togither with them to fall into extreame danger, except it pleased God as it were miraculously to assist them. For, said he, now Ananus without delay will send vnto Vespasian, and he wil send his army in all haste and take the citie: and that he had appointed the next day following for purification to purifie the people, that so vnder pretence of piety he might let them into the Citie, or els they might enter in by force: and that he could not see how either Iohn stirreth vp the Zelous against the Citizens. they were able to endure a long siege, or to encounter with so huge an army: adding moreouer, K that it was Gods prouidence that he should be sent vnto them to make a peace, when Ananus purposed so soone as they were vnarmed to set vpon them. Wherefore if they had any care of themselues, they should either intreat the watchmen that besieged them to be good vnto them, or els get some succour from some place without the temple. For (said he) he that amongst you hopeth for pardon if you be ouercome, doth not remember what hath past, and what he hath done; but let them perswade themselues, they that haue been iniured will not forget and forgiue so soone, as he that iniured them is sorie for his fact. Nay many times the repentance of malefactors maketh them more hated then before, and the wrath of men that are iniured is increased by authoritie, and licence to doe what they please. And they might be sure that the friends and kinsfolks of them that were slaine, would alwaies lay waite to requite the iniuries; and that all the L people were incensed against them for breaking the lawes: so that although some few would take pitie vpon them, yet the greater companie being most in number would preuaile. With these & such like speeches Iohn terrified the Zelous, yet durst he not openly tell them what he meant by forraine help, notwithstanding he meant the Idumaeans. And that he might more enflame the theeues he went vnto the chiefest of them, and secretly told them that Ananus was cruelly bent against them, and breathed out many threatnings against them in particular.
CHAP. VI.
How the Idumeans came vnto Ierusalem, and what they did there.
AMongst the Zelous there were two principall, Eleazar the sonne of Simon, who aboue M all the rest was thought most fit to giue counsell, and to execute that which was consulted Eleazar one of the Zelous causeth the Idumaeans to besent for. vpon; and Zacharias the sonne of Amphicalus, who both descended from the line of the priests. These two vnderstanding, that beside the generall threatnings their deaths were especially vowed, and that the faction of Ananus to get him into authoritie, had sent to call the Romans (for this Iohn had fained) deliberated with themselues what to doe, hauing so short [Page 677] time to prouide. For they supposed that presently the people would assault them, and they bethought A The yeare of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. The Zealous require helpe from the Idumaeans. themselues that now it was too late to seeke for forraine helpe: for they might endure all calamitie, before they could giue notice hereof vnto any that would helpe them. Yet at last they determined to call the Idumaeans to aide them, and so they wrote a briefe Epistle vnto them, letting them vnderstand how Ananus, hauing seduced the people, meant to betray the mother citie of their nation vnto the Romans, and that they fighting for their libertie, were by him besieged in the temple: that the time wherein they expected safetie was verie short: & that if they did not presently send succour, they were like to fall into Ananus and their enemies hands, and the Citie to be brought in subiection vnder the Romans: and also committed many things to be spoken by word of mouth vnto the rulers of Idumaea. For which purpose were chosen two principall men eloquent and apt to perswade, and that, which was in this case required, B swift of foot: for it was certaine that the Idumaeans would presently aide them, it being a clownish rude nation, and prone to sedition and alteration, much reioycing therein; and by flatterie easily entreated to warres, making as much haste to them as if they went to some festiuall solemnitie: so that there onely was required two speedie messengers. Which two were readie and quicke men for such an exploit, and were both called by the name of Ananias. These presently came vnto the gouernours of Idumaea, & they reading the Epistle, and hearing that which the messengers were to say vnto them, like mad men assembled all the people togither The nature and manners of the Idumaeans. in post haste, and proclaimed wars, so the people in an instant gathered themselues togither, & were all armed to fight for the libertie of their mother citie: and twentie thousand being assembled togither vnder the gouernment of foure captains, came with all speed to Ierusalē: the names C of them were these, Iohn and Iames, sonnes of Sosa, and Simon the sonne of Cathla, and Phineas the sonne of Clusoth. Ananus and his watchmen knew not of the going of those two messengers, Twentie thousand Idumaeās come to Ierusalem. nor of the watches in the citie, but they vnderstood of the Idumaeās comming, & so shut the gates and placed watchmen vpon the wals: yet they thought it not good to go out & fight with them, but first with peaceable words to perswade them to concord, & peace. Wherefore Iesus the eldest of the priests next after Ananus stood in a tower opposite against them, & spake in this manner.
Though many and diuers tumults and troubles haue molested this citie, yet did I neuer so much admire any of them, as to come with such furie and readines to helpe these wicked people, Iesus oration and exhortation to the Idumaeans. against all expectation:
for (said he) you are come against vs to helpe most vile persons, and that so rashly, as it behooued not you to haue done, if your Metropolitan citie had requested your help D against barbarous people. If I should perceiue your manners like vnto theirs that haue requested your helpe, I would then thinke you had some reason to come, for nothing causeth firmer friendship then agreemēt or sympathie in maners. But they if they were narrowly sought into, haue euerie one deserued a thousand deaths. For they, are the basest and the verie outcast of all the countrey people, who hauing spent their patrimonies riotously, and plaied the theeues in all places and cities about them, now at last haue got into this holy citie, most religious of al cities, and haue prophaned the holy place by their impietie: they tremble not to be drunke euen in the holy temple, and there they consume in banqueting the spoiles they haue gotten from them, whom they haue massacred. And you come to helpe these men with as great an armie & prouision, as though that this your mother citie had by publike consent requested your helpe against forraine enemies. E Is not this the iniurie of fortune, that your whole nation hath conspired and bent all their forces against vs to help these miscreants? Til now I knew not what moued you so quickly & so sodainly to arme your selues to assist theeues against your natiue countrimē. What? haue you bin informed of the Romans comming, & of the betraying of the citie? For euen now I heard some of you mutter, that you came to deliuer your mother city. Is it not a wōder to see this deuise & inuentiō of these malefactors? But they could deuise no other way to incite other against vs (who euen naturally desire libertie, & are readie for the same to spend our deerest bloud in cōflict with the enemie) but to feine vs to be destroiers of libertie? But it behoueth you to cōsider who are these calumniators, & against whō these calumniatiōs are deuised, & then to gather the verity of the matter, not frō forged tales, The disproofe of the Zealous fiction, who intended the ouerthrow of the citie, and obiected the betraying thereof. fained at mens pleasures, but frō the thing it selfe. What should moue vs now to yeeld vnto the F Romans, hauing indured as yet nothing to cōstraine vs therunto, when if we had liked to [...]iue vnder their obedience, neither needed we at first to haue rebelled; and beside that, if we had repented our selues we might haue againe submitted our selues, & obtained their fauour before this time that all the countrey round about vs is destroyed. Nay if now we would yeeld; it is not easie for vs, for the spoile of Galilee, which they hauing alreadie conquered, hath made them proud, and that we in humbling our selues vnto them, being neere vnto vs, should incurre an infamie worse then death [Page 678] it selfe. True it is, I thinke peace better than wars, yet being once prouoked to wars, and the fight G The yeare of the world. 403 [...]. after Christs birth 70. Peace is better then death. being begun, I had rather die a glorious death then to liue in captiuitie. Do they enforme you that we haue secretly sent the chiefe of our citie to the Romans, or that by common consent of all the people we haue done it? If they say that we did it secretly; let them then tel what friends of ours we sent, or what seruants of ours were ministers to effect this treason. Did they take any messenger of ours, and find letters about him? How can that be hid from all our citizens, with whom we do euerie houre conuerse? And is it possible that a few, shut vp in the temple, who could not come out into the citie, should know our secrets, all the whole citie knowing nothing? or doe they now first know it when they are like to b [...] punished for their impietie? neuer suspecting any of vs to be traitors, so long as they were in no feare. If they say that it was done by common consent of all the people, why then all men were there when the speech was made vnto the people, H to exhort them thereunto, and request their good wils; and so the newes thereof would quickly haue come vnto your eares: Or what need had we to send Embassadours, if we had beene now alreadie certaine to come to composition with the Romans? Let them tell you who was appointed for that Embassage. These are but deuises and excuses of them, who feare to haue a death according to their deserts, and a shift to escape punishment.
If fate had so decreed that our citie should be betraied vnto the enemie, assure your selues that they, who doe thus accuse vs, would haue betraied it themselues; who haue committed Iesus exhorteth the Idumaeans that since they are come, they should oppose themselues against the Zealous. alreadie all sort of impieties, treason onely excepted. It is your part, seeing you are come hither in armes, first (as reason and iustice requireth) to assist your mother citie against them who tyrannize ouer vs, and violate our lawes: who treading downe our lawes make I all that iustice, which they can effect with their sword. And first of all they tooke noble men and cast them in prison, drawing them from amidst the publike assemblie; and being neuer accused nor condemned, nothing respecting their intreaties, put them to death. If it please you to come in peaceable and not hostile manner into our citie, your selues shall plainly behold euident tokens of this that I speake vnto you: to wit houses ruinated and made desolate by their robberies, the wiues and families of them that are slaine in mourning apparrell, and howling and crying in euerie part of the citie: For there is no one amongst vs that hath not tasted the persecution of these wretched men, who are gone so farre that not content to make this citie their refuge (which is the chiefe & a spectacle to all others for sanctity) after they had robbed and spoiled al the country and villages, and cities here about, now lastly they haue made the sacred temple a refuge and place to K carry all their spoile, which they haue impiously gotten in this citie, vnto. This temple they doe make their bulwarke to issue out; and to retire vnto, and from thence they make incursions vpon the citizens: and this is the place where they practise all their villanies against vs. And this sacred place, which all the world, euen the most barbarous and sauage people therof do reuerence, is now defiled by the horrible robberies which one borne amongst vs committed. And now being in desperation, they reioyce to see nation against nation, and citie against citie, & people against people, and our own countrimen to turne themselues against their owne bowels: when contrariwise, (as I haue alreadie said) it had beene your parts and duties to ioine with vs, and helpe vs to exterminate these malefactors; and be reuenged of them for this lie, in that they presumed to call you Iesus requireth the Idumaeans to iudge the differents betweene the Zealous and them. to helpe them whom they had iust reason to feare as reuengers for their impieties: yet if you make L account of these mens praiers, vouchsafe (laying your weapons aside) to come into our citie like friends, and be your selues Iudges betweene vs and them whom you came to helpe. And consider what fauour we shew them, who permit them to plead their owne causes before you, they being guiltie of so hainous crimes, and hauing put to death persons of such account, neuer accused nor permitted to speake for themselues: yet this commoditie we will grant them for your sake. But if you continue in your anger against vs, and refuse this offer to be our Iudges; then let vs intreat you that leauing both parts, you would neither imbrue your hands in our bloud, nor lend your aide vnto these miscreants against your mother citie. And if you suspect any of vs to be The end of Iesus oration to the Idumaeans. confederates with the Romans, you may keepe all passages; and then seeke to defend your Metropolis, M when you haue proofe of any such matter as is alledged against vs; and punish the authors of that treason when you haue conuicted them. The enemies cannot preuent you being alreadie planted so neere the citie. If you like of none of these, maruell not that we shut our gates against you, comming in armed and hostile manner.
Iesus spake thus vnto them. But the Idumaeans being angrie, were not moued hereby, and so much the more for that entrance into the citie was denied them, and their generals were exceedingly wrath, thinking it slauerie to lay downe their armes, especially at the commaund of another.
[Page 679] Then one of the captaines named Simon the sonne of Cathla, hauing with much adoe The yeare of the world 4032. aftter Christs Naiuitie. 70. Simons answer to Iesus oration. A gotten his souldiers to be silent, hee stood in a place where the priests might heare him, and said. ‘That he now did not wonder that those who maintained libertie, were enclosed and besieged in the Temple, seeing that they of the Citie now shut their gates against his followers, the Citie being common and free for all men; and that perhaps they were readie to open the Citie gates for to receiue the Romans. And he spake vnto the Idumaeans from a tower, and commanded them to cast down their armes, which they tooke only for the libertie of the citie, when they durst not trust their own nation to keep the same; yet wold haue them iudges of the discord: and that accusing others for killing some not conuicted, they themselues doe condemne all the whole nation of ignominie; and that they had now shut the Citie gates against their owne Countrimen, which was common for al strangers to come vnto for religion sake. Did we make haste towards you, to fight The Idumaeans are displeased because the Citie gates were lockt against them. B against our owne nation, which came onely to preserue your libertie? But this is as true as that they whom you thus besiege haue wronged you, and as the accusations you forge against them. And you keeping in hold those that are the defenders of the Commonwealth, doe then shut the Citie gates against men of your owne bloud: lastly, you impose vpon vs contumelious commands, and say that they do tyrannize ouer you, ouer whom indeed you do. Who can any longer The reproches the Idumeans obiect against the high priests and Citizens. endure this your mockerie, that perceiueth how vnpossible your allegations are? For who can iustly accuse those that yee keepe shut vp in the Temple, because that they presumed to punish traytors, whom you grace with the title of noble & innocent, because they were your cōfederats? Onely in this they are blame worthie, that they did not begin with you, but left aliue such members of that conspiracie. Except also you will say that the Idumaeans shut you out of your Citie, C you your selues not permitting vs to come & offer sacrifices. But though they were too mercifull, yet we Idumaeans will conserue the house of God, and will fight for the common good of our Countrie, and will bee reuenged both of the enemies that are without the Citie, and the traytors within. And here will we remaine before the Citie, till either the Romans come and deliuer you; or till you change your minds and bethinke your selues what a Iewell it is to haue libertie.’
CHAP. VII.
Of the massacre of the Iewes by the Idumaeans. D
ALl the whole multitude agreed with a lowd crie vnto these speeches of Simon. And Iesus departed sorrowful, seeing that the Idumaeans wold agree to no reason, and that thereby their Citie should suffer double warres. For the Idumaeans wrath was not yet asswaged, who tooke the matter in great disdaine that they were not permitted to enter into the Citie, and also for that they thought the Zelous verie strong, and they themselues were ashamed that they could not come to helpe them, so that many repented that they were come thither. Yet would they not for shame returne, nothing being done by them, and so rashly The Idumaeans pitch their tabernacles neer the wals. placing their tabernacles neere vnto the Citie wals, they determined to staie there. But that night there fell a most huge tempest: for there was a great stormie wind and an exceeding great E raine, mixt with fearefull thunder and horrible lightning, and the Earthquake with strange noyses: whereupon all men thought that this motion of the earth, did signifie the death of mankind, and portend some great matter. The Idumaeans and townes-men were both of one mind: for they thought that God was angrie with them, for bearing armes against their Metropolis, and perswaded themselues that they could not escape death, if they continued in their purpose. Ananus and his followers perswaded themselues that they had now ouercome them without warre, and A huge storme. that God had fought for them against the Idumaeans. But they were false Prophets, and what they iudged was to befall their enemies, that fell vpon themselues. In the meane while the Idumaeans lay as close together as they could, and couered their heads with their shields, so that by this The Zelous consult to breake open the gates to assaile the watch, and let in the Idumaeans. meanes the raine did them not so much harme. The Zelous were pensiue for the Idumaeans more F then for themselues, and deuised which way they might succour them. Then the boldest amongst them aduised the rest by force to oppresse the watchmen, and [...] goe into the Citie, and open the gates to the Idumaeans that came to helpe them, for it was easie to surprise the watchmen, by reason that many of them were vnarmed, and vnfit for warre, and the Citizens could not easily be assembled together, for euerie man because of this tempest kept his house. And suppose that there were danger, yet were it better to endure all mischiefes that might ensue, then to permit [Page 680] such an army shamefully to perish, who came at their request to helpe them. But the wiser sort G The yeere of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. disswaded the rest from this, seeing both a stronger watch placed to keepe them in, and the Citie wals diligently guarded because of the Idumaeans: and moreouer, perswading themselues that Ananus ceased not but went vp and downe; first from one watch, and then to another; yet that night hee did not so, not for slouthfulnesse, but because that the destinies had so decreed that thereby both he and the watchmen should perish. For about midnight the storme increasing, the watchmen fell into a sound sleepe.
Then the Zelous determined to file the barres and bolts of the gates in sunder; to effect this, they tooke the instruments which were consecrated to the temple, & this attempt was much furthered The watchmen are oppressed with sleepe. by the huge wind and thunder, which made such a noyse that they could not bee heard: so issuing out of the Temple, they went priuily to the wals, and opened that gate neere vnto H which the Idumaeans lay, and suspecting that Ananus would make some resistance, they first of all drew their swords, and then together with the Idumaeans came in: and if at that time they had The Idumaeans by the meanes of the Zelous enter by night. assaulted the Citie, they had without any let or hinderance destroyed all the people therein: so great was their rage at that time. But first of all they hastned to asist their fellowes, whome they left besieged, and requested the Idumaeans not to leaue them in danger, for whose succour they were come, nor permit them to incurre greater domage: for hauing first surprised the watchmen, it would be more easie for them to assault the Citie: which if they did not, but first set vpon the Citizens, they would presently assemble together, and oppose themselues against them; and not permit them to ascend vp vnto the Temple. The Idumaeans consented vnto this, and so they passed thorough the Citie into the Temple. And the Zelous remaining in the Temple, carefully I The Idumaeans ioyne themselues with the Zelous in the Temple. expected their comming, at whose arriual they tooke courage, and ioyning with the Idumaeans, came out of the inner Temple, and set vpon the watch: and some being slaine who were fast a sleepe, the rest were awaked by the cries of others, and so betooke themselues to their armes to defend thēselues, being yet amazed. And at first thinking that they were only the Zelous that gaue the assault, hoped onely by their multitude to suppresse them; but seeing others without the Temple also aslailing them, they perceiued that the Idumaeans were broken in: so the greater part of them being dismaide, laide downe their weapons and cried, and onely a few of them, young men well armed, and of good courage encountred with the Idumaeans, and for a good space defended their idle fellowes: others went and aduertised the Inhabitants what was done, yet none durst come to helpe them, because they now knew that the Idumaeans were got in, but euerie K one lamented their hard fortune: and the women made great lamentation, when any of the watchmen fell into danger. The Zelous also answered their cries with the like, and then the tempest The immanitie of the Idumaeans and Zelous against the Citizens of Ierusalem. and thunder made all more dreadfull. The Idumaeans spared none, because that they were naturally cruell and fierce to shed bloud, and angrie that they were so beaten with the tempest, they vsed them most cruelly, by whose meanes they were shut out of the Citie, sparing neither those who requested fauour, nor them who made resistance, for they slew many euen as they were intreating them to remember that they were of their owne bloud, and requesting them to spare them for reuerence of their Temple. There was no way to flie, nor any hope of escape: being driuen vp into a narrow roome, they hurt themselues more then the enemies did, by crowding and treading vpon one another, for there was no place to flie, nor their enemies ceased not to kill L them. Being in this desperate estate; not knowing how to doe, they cast themselues head-long downe into the Citie, and so died a more miserable death (in my mind) then they that died by the enemies sword. The next day there was found slaine eight thousand and fiue hundreth, and all the vtter Temple flowed with bloud. Yet this massacre sufficed not the Idumaeans rage, but turning themselues against the Citie, they robbed and spoyled all houses, and killed all they met, making no account of the death of the rest of the multitude. They made diligent search for the Priests, and many laide violent hands vpon them, and killed them, and standing vpon their dead Ananus and Iesus the high Priests executed. corps, sometime they vpbrayded Ananus with the peoples fauour towards him, sometime Iesus with the words he spake vpon the wall vnto them, and were so impious as that they cast away their dead bodies vnburied, notwithstanding that the Iewes in this point are so religious, that M after sunne set they take downe the dead bodies of malefactors, who by sentence haue beene adiudged vnto the crosse, and burie them. Ananus death the first cause of the destruction of the Citie. The praise of Ananus the hie priest.
I thinke I doe not greatly misse the marke, if I affirme Ananus his death to haue beene the destruction of the Citie, and from that time foorth the walles of Ierusalem to haue beene ouerthrowne, and the common wealth of the Iewes to haue perished in that day when they behelde their priest and Gouernour slaine, euen in the middest of the Citie. He was a man that led a laudable [Page 681] and most iust life: and being in great dignitie, honour, and reputation; yet would he not The yeare of the world. 4032. after the birth of Christ. 70. A exalt himselfe aboue any one, were he neuer so base. He was a man who thirsted after libertie, and bare the rule and gouernment of the common wealth. He continually preferred the publike commoditie before his owne priuate gaine, being alwaies desirous of peace; for he foresaw that the Romans could not be withstood; and that, if the Iewes did not quickly accord with them, their ruine was at hand: briefly I say, that had Ananus liued, they had yeelded with him vnto the Romans. For he was an eloquent Orator and could perswade admirably: whereby he had now gained vnto his side those that hindred him, and caused the warres; whom if they had had for their captaine against the Romans, it had not been so easie for the Romans to haue conquered them. With him was ioyned Iesus inferiour to Ananus, yet excelling all the rest. So that I thinke Almightie God hauing decreed the totall ruine of the Citie, being now violated and filled B with iniquitie, and meaning by fire as it were to purifie the holy temple which was now defiled and prophaned, he first tooke away the defenders thereof, and those that loued them most deerely. So they who a little before were cloathed in sacred apparell, and reuerenced of all those that from the furthest parts of the world came to Ierusalem, now lay murthered and naked in the open streetes, left as it were a pray to be torne in pieces with dogges or wilde beastes, who earst were the authors of pietie and religion. I thinke that Vertue it selfe wept to see wickednesse so preuaile.
THE FIFTH BOOKE C OF THE WARRES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Of another massacre, and of the returne of the Idumaeans, and the crueltie of the Zelous.
- 2 Of the ciuill discord amongst the Iewes.
- 3 Of the yeelding of Gadara, and the massacre there. E
- 4 How certaine townes were taken, and the description of Iericho.
- 5 Of the lake called Asphaltites.
- 6 How Gerasa was destroied, and of the death of Nero, and of Galba and Otho.
- 7 Of Simon of Gerasa Prince of a new conspiracie.
- 8 Of Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian.
- 9 Of Simons actes against the Zelous.
- 10 How Vespasian was chosen Emperour.
- 11 The description of Aegypt and Pharus.
- 12 How Vespasian redeemed Ioseph from captiuitie.
- 13 Of Vitellius his death and manners. F
- 14 How Titus was sent against the Iewes by his father.
CHAP. I. The yeare of the world, 4032. after Christs birth 70. G
Of another massacre, and of the returne of the Idumaeans, and the crueltie of the Zelous.
SVCH was the end of Ananus and Iesus. After whose death the Idumaeans and the Zelous massacred the people, as though they had beene a flocke of The crueltie of the Idumaeans & the Zelous. pernicious beasts, and euerie one was slaine wheresoeuer he was found: and taking the nobilitie and younger sort of men, they kept them bound in prison, hoping that by deferring their deaths, some of them would become partakers with them. Yet none was thereby mooued, but euerie one desired H to die rather then impiously to conspire against their owne countrey: yet were they most cruelly whipped before they were put to death, their whole body being all as it were one sore place by whipping and stripes: and so when they could not indure these torments any longer, then were they killed. And who so was taken on the day time was in the night carried to prison, and those that died in prison and torments, they then cast their dead bodies out, that they might haue place to imprison others in their roome. And the people were so terrified, that none durst weepe openly for his friend, nor burie the dead body of his kinsman; yea those that were in prison durst not openly weepe, but secretly, looking about them, least any of their enemies should espie them. For whosoeuer mourned for any that was afflicted, was presently himselfe vsed in the same manner as he had been for whom he lamented; & somtime some in the I night scraped vp a little earth with their hands, and therewithall couered the dead body of their friend; and some bolder then the rest, did the like in the day time. And in this generall slaughter Twelue thousand of the nobilitie executed. were twelue thousand young noblemen slaine by this means: and thus being hated for these massacres, they mocked and flouted the magistrates, and made no account of their iudgments. So that when they determined to put one Zacharie the sonne of Baruch to death, a noble man & one of the chiefe of the citie (for they perceiued that he was an enemy to their wickednes, and loued the vertuous, and one that was rich, by whose death they hoped not onely to haue the spoile of his goods, but also to be rid of such a one who might be able to resist their bad purposes) they called seuentie of the best amongst the common people togither as it were in iudgment, yet they hauing no authoritie; and before them they accused Zacharie, that he had betraied the K Zacharie condemned to death by the Zelous. common wealth vnto the Romans, and that for that int [...] he had sent vnto Vespasian: but neither shewed any euidence nor proofe thereof, but onely they affirmed it to be so; and therefore would haue credit giuen vnto their words. When Zacharie perceiued that vnder pretence of being called into iudgement, he was deceitfully brought into prison; and hauing no hope of life, yet he spared not to speake liberally his minde: but began to scorne the rage and pretence of his enemies, and purged himselfe of the crimes whereof he was accused, and conuerting his speech against his accusers, he laid open all their iniquities, and much lamented the miseries and troubles of the Citie.
In the meane while the Zelous gnashed their teeth, and could scarcely containe themselues from drawing their swords, and were desrious that their pretended accusation and iudgement L might be ended. He also requested them, who by these miscreants were appointed his iudges, to remember iustice, notwithstanding those dangerous times. These seuentie iudges all pronounced Seuentie iudges absolue and acquite Zacharie. that he was to be absolued and freed as vnguiltie, and rather chose to die, then to cause his death who was innocent. This sentence being pronounced, the Zelous began to shoute and crie with a loud voice, and they all were angry at the iudges, who did not vnderstand to what end that counterfeit authoritie was giuen them. Then two of the boldest amongst them set vpon Zacharie, and killed him in the middest of the temple, and mocked him saying, thou hast now our Zacharie slaine in the midst of the temple. sentence and absolution, farre more certaine then the other was; and presently they cast him downe from the temple into the valley vnderneath: and then contumeliously with the hilts of their swords they did beat the Iudges out of the temple; yet they did not kill them, to the ende M that being dispersed through the whole citie, they might tell the people as messengers from them, of their miserable captiuitie. The Idumaeans were now sorrowfull for their comming: for they One of the Zelous discouereth their crueltie and barbarous dealing to the Idumaeans. misliked these proceedings: who being assembled altogither, one of the Zelous secretly told them all that their faction had done from their beginning; and that the Idumaeans had taken armes, because they were enformed, how that the Metropolitane citie was by the priests betraied vnto the Romans; but as they might perceiue there was no proofe nor signe of any such matter: and that [Page 683] in deede the Zelous who pretended themselues conseruers of the citie, were meere enemies; and The yeare of the world. 4032. after Christs Natiuitie. 70. A exercised tyrannie ouer the Citizens euen from their beginning. And although they had associated themselues with such wicked persons, and made themselues partakers of such and so many murthers, yet thought now to cease from such wickednes, & not assist men so impious to destroie their countrie lawes and religion. For although they tooke it in bad part that the citie gates were shut vpon them; yet now they were sufficiently reuenged of those that were the cause thereof. Now was Ananus himselfe slaine, and almost all the people in one night: whereof many of them ere long would repent, and that they might now themselues perceiue the crueltie of them, who requested their aide to be more then barbarous: so that they blusht not to commit their villanies openlie in the sight of them who had saued their liues; and their misdemeanour and impietie would be imputed vnto the Idumaeans, because they neither hindred their mischieuous practises, B nor sorsooke their societie. And that therefore it was their parts (seeing that it was now euident that the report of treason was onely calumniation, and that no assault by the Romans was to be feared; likewise that an inuincible force was established against the citie) for to depart home, and by forsaking the societie of the impious acquite themselues of their impietie, as being by them deceiued, and so against their wils made partakers thereof. The Idumaeans were hereby perswaded, and first of all they loosed them that were in prison, in number two thousand of the The Idumaeans depart out of Ierusalem. vulgar sort, and presently leauing the citie, they went vnto Simon; of whom we will speake hereafter, and so they departed home.
Their departure was against the expectation of both parts: for the people not knowing that the Idumaeans were penitent for that they had done, reioiced as now deliuered from their enemies: C and the Zelous grew more insolent and proud, as though they neuer had needed helpe, but now were deliuered from them, in reuerence of whom they abstained from villanie. So now they vsed no delaie to effect their impietie: for they spent not much time in taking aduise; but whatsoeuer seemed best vnto them, presently without any delay they put it in practise. But chiefly they murthered those men that were strong and valiant: for they enuied the nobilitie for their vertue: And they thought it a principall point first to be effected, not to leaue any one man of account aliue. Wherefore they slew amongst the rest Gorion a noble man of great birth and dignitie, one who loued the people, and was verie bountifull and a louer of libertie: so that there was Gorions death and Niger Peraita. none amongst the Iewes like him, who for desire of libertie and his other vertues was put to death. But neither could Niger Peraita escape their hands, a man who in the warres against the D Romans had shewed himselfe [...]aliant, who although he often cried out and shewed the scars of his wounds receiued in defence of his country; yet they ceased not for all this most shamefully to drag him through the citie: and being led out of the citie, despairing of life, he entreated that he might be buried. But the barbarous people denying his request slew him. Who at his death besought God that the Romans might come and reuenge it vpon them, and that plague and famine and ciuill discord might light vpon their citie. Whose praiers God heard, sending all vpon them which he did iustly require, and first of all they were plagued with ciuill warres amongst Nigers praiers tooke effect as the end testified. themselues. Niger being thus slaine, they were freed from the feare that they had of him, how that he would resist their wickednes. There was no part of the common people, who were not by some forged tale or other put to death. For some were slaine, for that long since E they had borne armes against their owne citizens, and they who were innocent in all points were put to death, for some occasion deuised in the time of peace: and they who did not conuerse with them were murthered, as such that contemned them: and they that did freely and friendly conuerse with them were slaine, as men that sought to betraie them: and the greatest offenders, and the least offenders were all punished alike, to wit, with death, for no man escaped except he was either poore or of verie base condition.
CHAP. II.
The ciuill discord amongst the Iewes. F
IN the meane while the Romans addressed all their courage against the citie of Ierusalem, The souldiers incite Vespasian to resort to Ierusalem. and seeing them at great variance amongst themselues, thought this to be for their great aduantage. Vpon this they incited Vespasian their generall, affirming that it was Gods prouidence (who fought for them) that the Iewes should be at ciuill wars amongst themselues, and that therefore he should not ouerslip so good an opportunitie: for the Iewes would quickly be friends againe one with another, either by the wearines of ciuill wars, or else repenting [Page 684] themselues of that which they had done. To whom Vespasian answered, that they were ignorant G The yeere of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70 Vespasian expecteth victory by the ciuill dissension of his enemies. what was to be done, being rather desirous as it were in a theater to shew their forces & strength, then with him to consider what was profitable and expedient. ‘For (said he) if we presently assault them, our comming will make concord amongst our enemies, and so we shall bring vpon our selues their forces yet firme and strong: but by expecting alittle while they should haue lesse adoe to conquer them, their chiefest forces being destroied by their owne ciuill wars. And that God was more their friend then they were aware of, who without their labour and paine deliuered the Iewes into their hands, and will giue vs the victorie without indaungering of our armie. And that therefore it was rather their parts to be as it were beholders of that tragedie, then to fight against men desirous of death, and troubled with the greatest euill that possi [...]le could be, to wit, domesticall sedition, and ciuill wars. And if anie thinke that the victorie is not famous being H gotten without fight, let him know and consider the vncertaine euent of wars: and that it is better, if it be possible, to get a victorie without bloudshed, then therewith to hazard the victory. For they who by counsell and aduice do any worthie act, deserue no lesse praise then they, who by force of armes atchieue a victorie. Moreouer, in the meane time that the enemie one destroied another, his souldiers might take rest, and so be stronger and better able to fight when need should require. Beside that, it seemed not that there was so much haste required to get the victorie: for the lewes neither prepared armes or engines of warre, nor leuied any forecs, nor sought for aide, and so by delaie no domage could insue: but that they would plague one another more by ciuill wars, then his armie would by taking them and their citie. And therefore whether they considered it best to abstaine from assaulting them (who fought with one another) for securitie sake, or else for vaine I glorie thought the honour of the victorie diminished thereby, yet he held it not meet to fight against them, who were at ciuill wars amongst themselues; for so it would be iustly said, the victorie was not to be imputed to vs but to their discord.’
The captaines all consented, and thought this aduise of Vespasians best: And presently it appeared Many citizens to flie the Zealous resorted to Vespasian. how profitable his counsell was. For euerie daie manie [...]led vnto him to escape the hands of the Zealons: yet it was hard & dangerous to [...]ie, because all the waies were garded with watchmen. And if anie man vpon anie occasion whatsoeuer were taken vpon the waie, he was presently killed, as one who intended to haue fled vnto the Romans: yet he that feed the watchmen with monie, escaped awaie safelie; and he that did not, was counted as a traitor: so that onely richmen could escape, and the poore were left to the slaughter. The multitude of dead bodies that K lay on heapes togither was innumerable, and manie of them who [...]d fled vnto the Romans, returned againe into the citie, chusing rather to die there: for the hope they had to be buried in their natiue soile, made death there seeme more tolerable. But they became so cruell, that they neither permitted them who were slaine within, nor them without the citie, to be buried. But like men The Zealous tytannize both ouer the liuing and the dead. that had now determined togither, with their countrey lawes, to abolish the law of nature, yea and by their impietie to pollute the sacred diuinitie with iniustice, let the dead bodies rot aboue the ground, and whosoeuer attempted to burie anie one of them that were slaine, whether hee were friend or kinsman, were presently put to death, and left vnburied as men forsaking their citie, and flying to the enemie. To be breefe, nothing so much increased their calamitie as mercie, for the wicked people were herewith, as it were, prouoked to wrath, whose displeasure and crueltie was L extended from the liuing vnto the dead, and from the dead vnto the liuing. And such feare fell vpon the whole citie, that those that were left aliue, deemed them happie, that being dead, were at rest, and free from those miseries: and they that were in prison in respect of the torments they endured, thought themselues vnhappier then they who lay vnburied. All humane iustice was by them peruerted, and they scorned and mocked at all diuine and holy things, and proudlie derided the oracles of the prophets, esteeming them as fables and iests. But hauing now contemned all lawes established by their forefathers for the punishment of vice, and increasing of vertue, at last they found that true, which by them was foretold, concerning the destruction of themselues and their countrey. For there was an olde prophecie, that when sedition raigned amongst them, and their owne hands had first violated the temple of God and holy things; that then M their citie should be destroied by warre, & their holy places should be burned with fire, according to the vse and custome of warre. And the Zealous giuing credite vnto this prophecie made themselues the ministers of this action.
CHAP. III. A The yeere of th [...] world. 4032. after Christs birth 70.
How Gadara was yeelded: and of the massacre there.
BVt Iohn, who long agoe desired to bee in chiefe authoritie, as tyrant ouer all the rest, thought it not sufficient to bee in as great reputation as his fellowes; wherefore by little Iohns pride and ambition. and little ioyning vnto himselfe the most impious of all the Zelous, he diuided himselfe from their vnion and fellowship: So that now euerie one perceiued (in that hee alwayes neglected what others commaunded, and imperiously commanded what himselfe thought good) that he affected principalitie; and many ioyned to him for feare, some for fauour (for hee had a smooth tongue, able to perswade them vnto what he would) many also followed him thinking B it better, that al the impietie before cōmitted were laid to one mans charge in particular, then vnto all men in generall. Moreouer, being a valiant man of his hands, and one able to giue politicke counsell, hee wanted not followers, notwithstanding that many of the contrarie faction left him, enuying that he, who before was their equall, should now be their Lord and commander. Feare also terrified them from liuing vnder the gouernment of one only man, for they thoght The greater part of the con trarie faction fall from Iohn. that if he once preuailed, hee could not easily be ouercome: and againe, if he were deposed, that he would picke quarrels against thē in the end, because that they resisted him in the beginning. So euerie man determined rather to suffer all miserie in warre, then to submit himselfe, and perish like a slaue. Thus the sedition was deuided, and Iohn was chiefe of the faction against the Zelous: so betweene them they appointed garrisons in euerie place; and if by chance they combatted together, they did little or nothing hurt one another, but their chiefe contention was who should C beare most sway amongst the people: and they did striue on both parts who should h [...]e the greatest part of the spoyle. Thus the Citie at one time was vexed with three vntolerable mischiefes and euils, to wit, warre, tyrannie, and sedition, and yet warre seemed a lesse euill then the The tempest of three miseries assailed Ierusalem at once. rest vnto the communaltie. In briefe, many leauing their natiue soyle, fled vnto straungers for succour, and found amongst the Romanes safetie, who with their owne nation liued in continuall danger. There was also then begun the fourth euill, which wrought the ruine of the whole nation. Not farre from the Citie there was a Castle called Massada, builded by the ancient Kings of Ierusalem, verie strong to lay their treasure in, and their munition for warre, and to retire themselues thereunto in time of need, for the safetie of their persons. This Castle was taken and kept Of those desperate rebels that kept the Castle of Massada. D by that sort of theeues that were called Sicarij, who for feare durst robbe no more. These theeues seeing the Romane armie now idle, and the Iewes in Ierusalem at ciuill warres and sedition amongst themselues, they tooke courage, and againe fell to their villanies. And so vpon that day which is the feast of vnleauened bread (which the Iewes doe keepe holy, in memorie of their deliuerance out of the Aegyptian captiuitie) deceiuing the watchmen, they seased vpon a Fort, called Engaddi, and before the townes-men could arme and vnite themselues together, they were by these persons driuen out of the towne, who also killed them that could not flie, to wit, women and children, to the number of more then seuen hundreth, and so sacking the houses, and taking the fruites that were now ripe, they carried all vnto Massada: and so they wasted all the villages and whole Countrie round about them, many wicked persons daily flocking vnto them and E ioyning with them: and by their example other theeues that a while had beene quiet, now robbed Slaughter and desolation thorow Iurie. A Similitude. againe, and spoyled in euerie part of Iudaea. And as in a bodie, if the principall member thereof bee sicke, all other parts of it are afflicted: so Ierusalem being filled with tumults and discord, those that were without the Citie found licence to robbe and spoyle: and all they that had their townes destroyed where they were wont to inhabite, went into the wildernes. Then they assembling and vniting themselues together, not so many as an armie, yet more then a companie of theeues, they brake into the townes and temples; and as in warre it commeth to passe, they purposed to assault them, by whome they had suffered such iniurie; but they were preuented, for the theeues vnderstanding of their comming, fled with the spoyle they had gotten. And there was no part of Iudaea that did not perish together with Ierusalem their mo [...]her Citie. Those that fled vnto The sugitiue [...] beseech Vespasian to assist the Citie and reserue [...]he rest of the people. the Romans certified Vespasian hereof: for although the seditious persons did keepe and obserue F all passages, and kill them that offered to flie, yet many secretly stole away from them, and besought Vespasian both to help the oppressed citie, and to take compassion vpon the relikes of their nation: affirming that many had beene butchered for wishing well to the Romans, and many being yet aliue, were yet in great danger. And Vespasian moued to compassionate their calamities came with his armie neerer Ierusalem, as though he would haue besieged it, but in deed his intent [Page 686] was to deliuer it from the siege, hoping in the meane time to conquer that part of the Countrie G The ye [...]re of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. that was yet vntoucht, and so to leaue nothing to hinder him when hee should begin the siege. Wherefore comming vnto Gadara, the strongest place and mother Citie of all the Countrie beyond the riuer, hee entered into it the fourth day of March: for the chiefest of the Citie vnknowne vnto the seditious people, had sent Ambassadors to him, partly desiring peace, partly to saue their goods and liues, and promised him to yeeld the towne into his hands: for there were many rich men dwelling in Gadara: and their enemie knew not of their Ambassage, till they saw Vespasian at the Citie gates. And so despairing that they were able to keepe the Citie, by reason they had in the towne many enemies, more in number and stronger then themselues; and moreouer seeing Vespasian euen now almost at the Citie: and thinking it a shame to flie and not be reuenged of their enemies; they tooke Dolesus (who was both a nobleman and chiefe of the Citie, H and also the author of that Ambassage) and killed him, and for anger beating him after hee was dead, they fled out of the Citie. Now the Romans armie approching neere vnto the Citie, the The Gadarensian [...] entertain Vespasian with ioy and acclamations. people of Gadara went forth and receiued Vespasian ioyfully, who also confirmed a league betwixt them and him, and left them a companie of horse and footemen to defend them against the incursions of the fugitiues their enemies: for they themselues before the Romanes requested it destroyed the Citie wals, that so they might shew themselues to desire peace, in that destroying their wals if after they desired to rebell they could not.
Vespasian then sent Placidus with fiue hundreth horsemen, and three thousand footemen to pursue those, that were fled out of Gadara, and he with the rest of his armie returned to Caesarea. But the fugitiues perceiuing themselues to bee pursued by Placidus, before hee could ouertake I them, got into a towne called Bethenabris: and finding there many young men, partly for that Placidus con [...]ct with the fugitiues. they [...]re willing, partly by force they compelled them to arme themselues, and so rashly they came against Placidus. Placidus and his armie seemed a little to giue backe, to the intent to drawe them further from the wall, and then hauing compassed them about in a fit place, they wounded them a farre off with darts and arrowes. Then the Iewes seeking to flie, were preuented by the horsemen, and they who offered to fight, were by the Romane footemen all put to the sword, neuer shewing any signe of valour. For the Iewes assaulting the Romans being all inuironed and quite couered with their shields as with a wall, and not being able to breake into their battell, they were slaine by the Romans darts: but their darts could do the Romans no harme, and so like fierce and sauage beasts they wilfully ran vpon their enemies sword, and so were slaine, some hauing all K their face cut with swords, some killed by the horsemen. For Placidus was carefull to intercept their passage vnto the towne, and to hinder their recourse vnto it, and brought those backe againe that fled towards it, vsing his darts, and killing those that were next him; and those who fled a far off for feare, he caused to returne; till at last the strongest amongst them brake away, and got vnto the towne wals: And those that were within the Citie knew not what to doe, for they would not shut the fugitiues of Gadara out of the Citie, because they desired to let their owne Citizens in; and againe they perceiued that if they let them in, they thereby should worke the ouerthrow of the Citie, as it fell out indeed they did. For the gates being set open for them to come in, the Romane horsemen almost brake into the towne with them, yet the gates were shut before they could get in. Then Placidus with all his souldiers assaulted the towne, and fighting a L Placidus taketh and burneth Bethenabris. sore fight which continued euen vntill the Euening, at last hee got the wals, and the towne, and slew the weaker sort: for the stronger fled, so the souldiers sacked the houses and then fired the towne. They who escaped thence incited the whole Countrie to flie with them, reporting their calamities with the most, and affirming that all the Romane armie was at hand: and so they put all the Inhabitants there in great feare; and hauing assembled a great multitude, they fled vnto Iericho, which place they put their confidence in, for that it was strong and populous. Placidus hauing horsemen, and being incouraged with his former victorie pursued them vnto Iordan, and whom soeuer he ouertooke he slew, and at the riuer he fought with all the multitude there gathered together, and staying, because that the riuer being waxed deeper by aboundance of raine, M that had lately fallen, they could not passe ouer it.
Wherefore necessitie forced them to fight because they could not flie, and placing themselues Placidus victorie ouer the fugitiues. along the bankes of the ryuer, they there receiued the horsemen, and warded their darts; yet manie for feare fell into the riuer; so the Romanes slew there thirteene thousand, and the rest not able to resist, cast themselues into the riuer; which were an infinite number: also the Romanes tooke two thousand and two hundreth men aliue, and a hugh bootie of Sheepe, Asses, Camels, and O [...]en. This massacre though it was no greater then the former, yet it seemed to the Iewes far [Page 687] greater, because that many all ouer the countrey flying were killed, and Iordan was so filled with The yeare of the world. 4032. after the birth of Christ. 70. Placidus maketh vse o [...] his good fortune against the Iewes. A dead carkases, that none could passe ouer it: and also the lake Asphaltites was full of dead bodies, brought thither out of diuers riuers. Placidus hauing so good successe, went into the townes and villages adioyning, and tooke Abila, Iulias, Besemoth, and all the townes euen vnto the lake Asphaltites, and placed in them garrisons of them that fled vnto him: and afterward preparing ships and furnishing them with soldiers, he pursued them that were fled by water, and ouercame them: and so all the countrey beyond Iordan yeelded vnto the Romans, and euen vnto Machaeron all places were by them conquered.
CHAP. IIII. B
How certaine townes were taken, and the description of Iericho.
AT this time came newes of the troubles in Gallia, and how that Vindex togither with the Troubles in France. nobilitie of that countreyhad reuolted from Nero, whereof we haue made mention in another place. This newes caused Vespasian to be more earnest to end the wars of the Iewes: for euen then he foresaw the ciuill wars that ensued, and the danger of the whole Empire: and he thought that if he could before the beginning of those troubles end the wars in the East part of the world, that then Italy was not in so [...]uch danger. But Winter hindring him, he in the meane time placed gar [...]sons in all townes and villages about the whole countrey, and placed decurions in euerie Citie, and repaired many places which he had before destroied. And C first of all he with his whole army that was at Caesarea, went to Antipartis, and there hauing setled the estate of that Citie, after his abode there two daies, the third day he departed spoiling and burning all the countrey: as also all the countrey about Thamnia the Toparchy, and so went into Lydda and Iamnia. But seeing that those two places submitted themselues vnto him, leauing there such inhabitants as he thought good, he went thence vnto Ammaus, and placing Vespasian visiteth all Iudaea. himselfe in the way to their Metropolitane Citie he there intrenched his army, and then leauing the fift legion there, he with the rest went into the Toparchy of Bethlep [...]on, firing it and all places thereabout; as also the borders of Idumaea: but he reserued there certaine Castles in fit places, and fortified them. And hauing taken two townes in the middest of Idumaea, to wit, Begabri and Caphartopha, he slew there aboue ten thousand men, and took almost a thousand; and D driuing out the rest of the inhabitants, he left a great part of his army there, who made incursions and wasted all the high places thereabout: and he with the rest returned to Iamnia, and from thence by Samaria and Neapolis, called by the inhabitants Mabortha, the second day of Iune he came into Corea: and pitching his tents there, the next day he came to Iericho, where one of Vespasian commeth to Iericho. his captaines named Traian met him with the souldiers he brought from beyond Iordan, which place he had conquered. But the multitude before the Romans came, fled from Iericho into the high countrey ouer against Ierusalem, and many that staied behinde were there slaine. So he found the Citie desolate, being scituate in a plaine vnder a great mountaine that is barren, which is of a huge length: for it reacheth on the Northside vnto the borders of Scythopolis, and on the South vnto the borders of Sodome and the lake Asphaltites. It is all rockie and not inhabited, E because it beareth no fruit. Ouer against this neere Iordan is scituate a huge mountaine, beginning on the North side at Iulias, and reaching vnto Bacra on the South, which is the limits of Petra a citie of Arabia. In this place is that that is called the mountaine of Iron, reaching vnto the countrey of the Moabites.
The countrey betweene these two mountaines is called the great field, reaching from the village The grea [...] field. Gennabara vnto the lake Asphaltites, being in length two hundreth and thirty furlongs, and in breadth a hundreth and twentie, and in the middest it is deuided by the riuer Iordan. There are Two lakes Asphaltite and ye Tiberian lake. also two lakes of contrarie natures, Asphaltites and Tiberins, for one of them is salt and barren, but that of Tiberias sweete and fertile. This plaine in sommer time is burned with the heat of the sun, and the aire is infected in all places thereabouts, saue only about those which adioine to Iordan: F and this is the cause that the palme trees that grow about the riuer side doe flourish most, and are more fertile then the rest. Neere vnto Iericho there is a large great fountaine, which A large fountaine neere Iericho. plentifully watereth the fields therabout, & runneth with a great stream out of the ground neere vnto the olde Citie: which Iosue the son of Nun generall of the Hebrewes tooke by war, the first of all that he tooke in the land of Canaan. It is reported that in the beginning the waters of this fountaine did destroy all fruits of the earth, and also made women be deliuered before their time, [Page 688] and to infect all places with diseases, & the plague; and afterward by Helizaeus the successor of Heli [...] The yeare of the world, 4032. after Christs birth 70. A miracle wrought by Helizaeu [...]. G [...]as made sweet and fertile. Who, being once curteously entertained by the inhabitants of Iericho, did so reward them and all the countrey for that their kindnesse: and going vnto the fountaine he cast a pitcher full of salt into the water; and hard by lifting vp his hands to heauen, & tempering with the fountaine water certaine sweet waters, he praied God to qualifie the rage thereof, to make it flow with more sweet streams: and befought God to giue a better aire vnto the fountaine, which both might cause plentie of fruits and also of children vnto the inhabitants: & that the water might haue ye vertue to make women fertile, so long as they persisted in piety. After these praiers, with his hands he altered the fountaine according to the knowledge he had: and from that time this fountaine which before was the cause of famine and sterilitie, was now the cause of plentie and fertilitie. And it so watereth the ground, that where a little of it commeth, H it doth more good then all the other waters which lie long vpon it: and so they that water their grounds but a little with it receiue much fruits; and they that water their grounds with it much, doe not receiue them in that measure: yet it watereth a greater compasse of ground then other fountaines: and in length it runneth thorow a plaine seuentie furlongs long, and twentie broad. There are most pleasant & goodly Orchards, and many sorts of palme trees growing by brooks Fruitfull and pleasant gardens about Iericho. sides, which are diuers in the taste of their fruits; the fattest whereof being pressed, doe yeeld a iuice like hony, nothing inferiour to other hony: yet there is great store of hony in that countrey, and the iuice of balme, which is more pr [...]ous then all fruits growing. There grow also Cypres trees & myrobalans: so that one may iustly call that part of the earth diuine, where what fruit soeuer is most deere and pretious is in most abundance. Also in all other fruits it surpasseth I all countries in the world: for it multiplieth and increaseth all things sooner there. The cause The cause why the ground about Iericho is fruitfull. hereof I iudge to be the pleasant waters and warme nourishing aire, which as it were inuiteth all things to spring vp, and then encreaseth them: and the moisture causeth all things to take firme roote; and also defendeth them from drought in sommer time, when that countrey is vexed with such intolerable heates, that all things are as it were scorched, so that nothing then will grow; yet if they be watered with water drawne before sun rise, by the blowing of a milde & temperat winde they are refreshed, and it receiues a contrarie nature: in winter time it is as it were luke warme & temperate to them that go into it. The aire of that place is so temperate, that when it snoweth in The ayre temperate and warme. other parts of Iudaea, and is extreme colde, the inhabitants in this place doe only weare a linnen garment. This countrey is distant from Ierusalem a hundreth and fiftie furlongs, and threescore K from Iordan, and all the ground betweene it and Ierusalem [...] desart and stonie, and so likewise betweene it and Iordan and Asphaltites, though it be lower ground then the other. Thus we haue sufficiently declared the fertilitie of Iericho.
CHAP. V.
The description of the lake Asphaltites.
IT is worth the labour to describe the lake Asphaltites, which is salt and sterile; yet whatsoeuer is cast into it how weightie soeuer it be, it swimmeth aboue the water: so that one though he would vpon purpose, cannot scarcely sinke vnto the bottome. Vespasian comming L thither to see it, caused some to be taken who could not swimme, and their handes to be bound behind them, and cast into the midst thereof, and all of them did swimme aloft, being as it were borne vp by the power of some spirit. Moreouer it is admirable, how this lake thrice in euerie An admirable propertie of the Asphaltite lake. day changeth colour, and shineth diuersly, according as the beams of the sunne do sundry waies fall vpon it. And in many places it casteth vp pieces of black bitumen, in greatnesse and shape like a bull without a head, and these floate aboue the water. They that get their liuing vpon this water, finding this bitumen that is thus gathered togither, drawe it to their boates, and it is so tough and clammy, that hauing filled their boates herewith, it is not easie for them to get them away, but their boate is as it were fastned: so it hangeth vpon the rest of that masse of bituminous matter, till it be separated from it by the tearmes or vrine of a woman. This bituminous M matter is good for to close the rifts of shippes, and also to cure many diseases. This lake is fiue hundreth and eightie furlongs long, being extended vnto Zoar which is in Arabia, and it is a hundreth and fiftie furlongs broade. Neere vnto this lake is the land of Sodome and Gomorrah, The land of Sodom is neer vnto the lake Asphaltite. sometime both fertile and rich: now all burnt, being (as it is reported) for the impietie of the inhabitants consumed with lightning and thunder. To be short, one may here behold as it were the signe and reliques of that fire, that by Gods appointment destroied the place: for one may [Page 689] yet see as it were the fashion and tokens of fiue cities, and trees & fruits springing vp in the ashes: The yeere of the world. 4032. after Christs birth 70. Ter [...]ul. in Apologet. cap. 39. A which fruit to the eye seemeth like vnto other fruits; but if you handle them they fall into ashes, and smoake. And so the report of the land of Sodome is knowen to be true to them that behold it.
CHAP. VI.
How Gerasa was destroyed: of Neroes death; and of Galba and Otho:
VEspasian desirous to be besiege Ierusalem on euerie side, builded castles at Iericho and Adida, B and left there both the souldiers that came to assist him, and also Romans with L. Annius taketh Gerasa. them. And he sent L. Annius to Gerasa, giuing him many footmen, and part of his horsemen, who at the first assault tooke the Citie, and slew a thousand young men, who thought to haue fled, and lead whole families captiue, giuing the souldiers the spoile of their goods: and so firing their houses, hee went to other places adioyning. They who were able fled, and the weaker sort who could not flie were slaine; and whatsoeuer came in their way they consumed it with fire. Thus all places both mountaines and plaines being wasted and oppressed with warres, the inhabitants liuing at Ierusalem had not whither to goe, when they desired to flie from the Zealous by whom they were kept in. And they who were against the Romans, were kept in themselues, the Citie being on euerie side enclosed and compassed with the armie. C
After that Vespasian was returned vnto Caesarea, and with all his armie purposing to go to Ierusalem, newes was brought him that Nero was slaine; hauing raigned thirteene yeeres and eight Vespasian hath tidings of Neroes death. daies. Touching whom I will not recount how he did dishonour the Empire, committing the whole sway of all the commonwealth vnto two most wicked men, to wit, Nymphidius and Tigillinus, and of least worth amongst all the Libertines: and how hee being taken by the trecherie of these two men; was forsaken of all his Senators; and so fled onely with foure trustie Libertines into the suburbes and there killed himselfe: and how that long time after, they that deposed him were punished for that offence: and how the warres ended in Gallia, and that Galba being created Emperour, returned to Rome out of Spayne: and how hee was accused D Galba. by the souldiers, and by them killed in the market place, as one of base condition: and how Otho vvas declared Emperour, and led his souldiers against Vitellius his armie: also Otho. Vitell [...]. Vitellius his broiles and his fight before the Capitoll: and how Antonius Primus, and Mutianus slewe Vitellius, and so appeased the Germane troupes and ciuill warres: Of all these I haue refused to speake, because I hope that both the Greekes and Romanes haue written these things at large, yet I haue briefelye recapitulated all to continue my Historie.
After Vespasian heard these newes of Nero, he deferred the siege of Ierusalem, expecting Vespasian de [...]erreth his siege at Ierusalem. who should be created Emperour after him. And vvhen he was certified that Galba raigned, hee determined to doe nothing; but lie quiet till such time as hee also should write vnto E him his mind, whether he would haue him proceede in those warres against the Iewes. And hee sent vnto him his sonne Titus both to salute him, and also to know his pleasure concerning the Iewes. Likewise King Agrippa went with Titus for the same cause vnto Galba. But as they were passing by Achaia with long shippes in winter time, as the custome is, newes Galba is slaine, and Otho gouerneth. was brought that Galba was slaine, hauing raigned seuen moneths and seuen daies. After whom succeeded Otho, who gouerned the Empire three moneths. Agrippa not terrified with this alteration, still kept on his iourney to Rome. But Titus (as God would haue it) returned from Achaia vnto Syria, and so to Caesarea vnto his father. They both were as it were in suspence what would ensue; and who should be Emperour, the Empire being so full of troubles, and so they neglected the warres against the Iewes, fearing their owne countrey, and therefore thinking it an vnfit time to assault straungers. F
CHAP. VII. The ye [...]re of the [...]ld. 4033. after Christs birth 71.
Of Simon of Gerasa author of i new conspiracie.
FOr all this the war at Ierusalem was increased. For there was one Simon the sonne of Giora borne in Gerasa, young in yeeres, and inferiour to Iohn, who now alreadie had gotten the dominion ouer the citie; yet was he in strength and boldnes more excellent then Iohn. This Simon being for this cause also d [...]en out of the countrey of Acrabatena, where he was gouernour by the means Ananus the hie priest, he came to the theeues that seased vpon Massada. This Simon at his first comming, was so suspected to the theeues that they onely permitted him Simon of Gerasa resorteth to the theeues. and the women that came with him to dwel in the lower part of the castle, & they them selues kept H the higher part: yet afterwards his manners and behauiour were such, that they put confidence in him: for he was their captaine alwaies when they went to spoile, and rob any part of the countrie Simon assemble [...] all robbers in the mountainous places. about Massada. So he feared not to perswade them to attempt greater matters: for being desirous of rule, after he heard that Ananus was dead, he departed into the high places of the countrie, and with the voice of a crier promised and proclaimed, that all bondslaues that would follow him should haue their libertie, and all other should be richly rewarded; and so he gathered togither all the wicked and desperate people in the countrey. And hauing now a large armie, he robbed and spoiled all the townes and villages there about; and his number daily increasing, he also now presumed to come into the plaine countries: so that now cities stoode in awe of him, and many potentates now feared him for his strength and prosperous successe. And his armie did I not onely consist in theeues and slaues, but now manie people of the countrie came vnto him, reuerencing him as their Prince and king. So they made excursions into the Toparchie of Acrabatena, and into the greater Id [...]maea. For he had fortified a towne called Nain walled about, which he vsed for his defence like a castle. And in the valley called Pharan he made many caues, and found many alreadie made, and in these caues he kept his treasure, and the booties he got: also all fruits of the earth that he robbed and stole, there he laid vp in store; as also munition for diuers companies. And now no man doubted, but that being thus furnished with men and munition, he would go to Ierusalem. The Zealous fearing this, and desirous to preuent him whom they euery day did see encrease his number, & to grow more potent against them; they armed many of their companie, and went out to meet him. Simon was not daunted at this, but boldly incountred K them, & gaue them so sharpe a battaile, that he slew many of them in fight; and forced The fight betweene Simon & the Zealous. the rest to retire themselues into the towne, yet hauing men sufficient he would not besiege the towne; but first of all he purposed to subdue Idumaea, and so accompanied with twentie thousand armed men, he hasted towards the borders thereof.
The princes of Idumaea vnderstanding this, presently assembled fiue and twentie thousand armed men, and leauing at home sufficient garrisons to defend their countrey against the incursion of the Sicarij, which held the fortresse of Massada, they accompanied with this train, went out and expected Simons comming into the borders of their country, where hauing met him they ioined battel, and fought a whole day, yet neither partie got the victorie. Then Simon returned to Nain, and the Idumaeans home. Not long after Simon with a greater armie then before, assaulted the L borders of their countrie, and pitching his tents in a village called Thecue, he sent one of his companions named Eleazar, to them that kept the castle Herodium not farre from that place, to solicite them to yeeld it vnto him. The garrison there presently receiued him into the castle not knowing the cause of his comming. But so soone as he began to perswade them to treason, they all pursued him with their drawne swords, and he not hauing any place to flie vnto, cast himsel [...]e from off the castle wall into the valley vnderneath, and so presently die [...]. The Idumaeans something fearing Simons forces, before they would offer him battell, thought it best to espie what Eleazar Simōs fellow casteth himselfe headlong into the trench and presently dieth. Iames of Idumaea the betraier of his countrey. number of men he had: to effect which busines one Iacob a ruler amongst them offered himselfe, meaning indeed to betray his countrie to Simon. So departing from Olu [...]us where the Idumaeans M forces were assembled, he went vnto Simon, & first of all promised him to betray his country vnto him, receiuing of him an oath, that for reward of this deed he should alwaies be next in dignitie vnto Simon himselfe, and so he presently promised to helpe to subdue all Idumaea. For this cause he was welcome to Simon and feasted liberally, and had great promises if he performed that which he offered: and then returned vnto the Idumaeans, and fained that Simons armie was farre greater then indeed it was. And so at last terrifying the gouernours of his countrey, and the people, he by little and little perswaded them to receiue Simon, and without any more fight yeeld [Page 691] vnto him the whole soueraigntie ouer thē. [...]cob studying to bring this his purpose to passe, priuily A The yeare of th [...] world. 4033. after Christs birth 71. sent messengers to Simon; willing him to come with his forces, and promising him to subdue the Idumaeans for him, which also he did. For when the armie of Simon drew neere, he first of all got vpon his horse, and together with his associates that were partakers of his treason, he fled vnto the enemie. Then feare fell vpon the Idumaeans, and euerie one without any more adoe departed home. Thus Simon against his owne expectation, entred Idumaea without bloudshed: and Simon beyond all expectation entreth Idumaea without bloudshed. first of all assaulting a little village called Chebron, vpon a sodaine he tooke it, and in it an exceeding great bootie, a great quantie of Corne and many fruites, which all hee carried away. The inhabitants report that this Chebron is not onely more ancient then all Cities of that land, but also then Memphis [...]n Aegypt: for they affirme it to haue beene built two thousand and three Hebron an ancient Citie where Abrahams house was. A Turpentine tree that hath continued since the creation of the world. hundreth yeres since. They also say that this was the place where Abraham the father of the Iews B dwelt, after hee forsooke Mesopotamia, and that his posteritie departed from hence to Aegypt. And of this there are yet monuments in the Citie, richly wrought in fine marble. Sixe furlongs from the towne there is an exceeding great Turpentine tree, which they affirme to haue endured euer since the creation of the world vntill this day.
Simon hauing obtained this place, from hence he inuaded all Idumaea, and not onely robbed and spoyled all townes and Cities thereof, but also he wasted and destroyed many territories: for besides his armie, there followed him fortie thousand; so that he could not find victuals sufficient for such a multitude. Moreouer, besides this calamitie that he brought vpon Idumaea, hee exercised great crueltie and outrage vpon the Countrie, and so caused a greater spoyle therein. And like as after locusts the trees and woods where they haue beene, are left without leaues: so wheresoeuer C Simon had beene, al the countrie from whence he came he left desolate. And either by fire or ouerthrowing it by ruinating places wher he came, or else by treading vpon it with the feet of Simon spoyled all Idumaea. his armie, or by deuouring such as they found, they left nothing standing nor growing either in field or towne: and onely by passing through fertile places, he made the fields harder then barren ground; & left no signe in places which he had destroyed, that euer they had beene tilled. Hereat the Zelous were againe moued, yet durst they not fight with him in open field, but placing ambushes in the way he was to passe, they tooke Simons wife, and many of her seruants, and so came The Zelous take Simons wife. againe into the Citie, reioycing as though they had taken Simon himselfe. For they perswaded thēselues that Simon would presently laying armes apart, come in humble wise and intreate them to restore vnto him his wife. But Simon was not moued with compassion for the losse of his wife, Simons immanitie & cruelty D but with furie: and comming to the wals of Ierusalem like a cruell beast that had beene wounded, and could not come to them that hurt him, he killed and slew all he met. And taking them that went out of the Citie to gather herbs and wood, hee caused them to be whipped to death, whether they were young or old: and this crueltie seemed onely wanting in him, that he did not eate the flesh of the dead bodies. Also he tooke many and cut off their hands, and so sent them into the Citie, thereby to terrifie his enemies and to recall the people from the Zelous: and bad them tell the Citizens, that except they presently restored his wife vnto him, that hee swore by The Zelous [...]nd backe Simons wife. God who gouerned all, that hee would breake downe their wals, and vse all that hee found in the Citie after that fashion, and that he would spare no age, nor respect the innocent more then the guiltie. These his threates did not onely terrifie the people, but also the Zelous, in so much E that they sent him his wife againe, and so his anger being something asswaged, he ceased a while from daily slaughter.
CHAP. VIII.
Of Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian.
NOt onely in Iudaea, but also in Italy at this time were ciuill warres: for Galba was slaine in Sedition thorow the whole Romane Empi [...]e. the middest of the market, after whome Otho was created Emperour, and fought against Vitellius, who affected the Empire, whome the Germaine legions had elected: So the battell being fought neere vnto Bebrias, a towne in Gallia Cisalpina, the first day Otho got the F victorie against Valens, and Caecinna the Generals of Vitellius his armie. But the day following they ouercame Otho; & so many being slaine on both parts, & newes being brought that Vitellius his armie had gotten the victorie, Otho being at Brixels slew himselfe when he had ruled the Empire three months and two dayes. Then Othoes souldiers came vnto Vitellius his Captaines, and ioyned with them, and so Vitellius came to Rome with his armie. In the meane time Vespasian the Vespasian onc [...] more inuadet [...] Iudaea. fift day of Iune departed from Caesarea, and went vnto those parts of Iudaea, which were yet vnconquered: [Page 692] and first of all he went into the high Countries, and subdued the two Toparchies of G The yeare of the world. 4033. after Christs birth 71. Capharis submits to Cerealis. Acrabatena and Gophnitis, and after them two townes called Bethel and Ephrem, and placed garrisons in them, and so went vnto Ierusalem, killing many that hee found in the way, and hee tooke many captiues. And one of his Captaines called Cerealis, with a part of his horse and footmen wasted all the higher Idumaea, and in the way as he went hee tooke Caphetra a Castle and burnt it, & besieged an other called Capharis, enclosed with a strong wall: for the which ca [...] he deemed that he should haue made long abode there: but contrarie to his expectation, the Inhabitants opened the gates vnto him, and came and yeelded themselues, beseeching him to be good vnto them. When he had ouercome them, Cerealis went vnto Hebron an ancient Citie, and set Cerealis burneth the ancient Citie of Hebron. it on fire: this Hebron as I haue alreadie said, was situated vpon the mountaines, not farre from Ierusalem: and breaking into it by force, hee slew all them that he found there, and fired the H Citie. And hauing subdued all places, saue onely three Castles, to wit, Herodium, Massada, and Macheron, which were kept by the theeues, now onely Ierusalem remained to be conquered.
CHAP. IX.
Of Simons acts against the Zelous.
WHen Simon had receiued againe his wife from the Zelous, he went into Idumaea, to rob and spoyle that which he had left, and chasing the Inhabitants vp and downe, at last hee forced them to flie vnto Ierusalem, & he himselfe followed them thither: and besieging the wals, he killed al the workmen he took, that returned out of the fields from their labour. T [...]s Simon without the citie, was more terrible to the people then the Romans; and the Zelous within I the citie crueller then them both, being encouraged and incited therto by the counsel of the Galileans. For they had put Iohn in authoritie: & Iohn in reward therof permitted al things to be don which they requested. There was no end of robbing & spoyling rich mens houses, and of slaughtering both of men and women; and now to iniurie any person was a pastime. And hauing with bloudshed obtained their pray in securitie, and without all feare after they had gotten what they The Zelous fill the whole Citie with iniquitie. liked, they now began to lust after women: yea, they became thēselues effeminate thorow luxuriousnesse, dressing their haire and cloathing themselues in womens apparrell; and they annoynted themselues with sweete oyntments, that their beautie might bee pleasing; and annoynting their eyes wanton-like, they now did not onely imitate the attire of women, but also their impudencie, and became so shamelesse, that they now thirsted after vnnaturall pleasures, as though they had K kept a stewes, and so prophaned the whole Citie with their execrable impurities. Yet though they did effeminate their faces, their hands were prone to bloudshed; and although they liued in ignominious maner as people giuen ouer to pleasure: yet could they quickly become warriours, & vnder the habites of women drawing their swords, they did kil whom so euer they met. Whosoeuer escaped Iohns hands, Simon crueller, murdered; and whosoeuer escaped the tyrannie within The way of flight was quite cut off. The discord betweene the Zelous and the Idumaeans. the Citie, was slaine by the tyrant without. So now there was no way to flie vnto the Romans. Furthermore the armie of Iohn began to be deuided, for all the Idumaeans separated themselues from the other people, and there began a mutinie against the tyrant, partly enuying his puissance, partly hating his crueltie. And so assaulting him, they slew many of the Zelous, and compelled the rest to flie into the Kings house, builded by Grapta father of Izata king of Adiabena. L The Idumaeans also brake in thither with them, and droue them from thence into the Temple, The fight of the Zealous with the Idumaeans in the Temple. and so seazed vpon Iohns treasure: for Iohn liued in that pallace and thither carried all his spoyles. Then those Zelous that were dispersed in the Citie, came vnto them that were in the Temple, and Iohn purposed to send them against the townesmen, and the Idumaeans. But they feared not so much their forces, although they knew them to be the better warriors, as they did feare that now being desperate, they would steale out of the Temple in the night, and so slay them and fier the Citie. Wherfore assembling themselues, they deliberated with the priests how to auoide their assaults: but it pleased God to turne their owne counsel to be their destruction, and that they should prouide a remedie of safetie, farre worse then death it selfe. For to depose Iohn, they deuised to introduce Simon, and as it were to intreate yet another to tyrannize ouer them. So this counsell M was thought best, and Matthias the Priest, was sent vnto Simon (whom before they stood in great feare of) now to request him to come into the Citie. With them also came such as had fled from Ierusalem, for feare of the Zelous, entreating him in like maner, because they desired to returne to their wiues and families.
So he entred into the Citie proudly, promising them to be their Lorde, and all the people Simon entreth the Citie with a great army. cried with lowd voices as he came into the Citie, that he was their preseruer, and giuer of life [Page 693] and libertie. Being now within the Citie, presently he deliberated with them about him to establish A The yeare of the world. 4033. after the birth of Christ. 71. his dominion, thinking as well them that called him into the Citie, as those against whom he was called, his enemies. Then Iohn and the Zelous with him finding no way to come out of the temple, and hauing lost all that he had in the Citie (for Simon and his followers at his entrance tooke all that belonged vnto him) began now to despaire of his safetie. And Simon being Simon assaulteth the temple wherin the Zelous kept. assisted by the Citizens assaulted the temple, and the Zelous placing themselues vpon the porches and in towers of defence; made resistance, and hurtmany of Simons followers. For the Zelous were vpon the higher ground on the right hand, and so had the vantage against Simon. And although by reason of the place wherein they were, they preuailed against Simon; yet they builded foure high towers, that from thence they might shoote dartes and arrowes against Simons army. One of these towers they built vpon the East side of the temple; another on the north; The office of the priests to sig [...]e the beginning of the seuenth day by the sound of a [...]umpet. B the third vpon a place opposite to the lower part of the town; and the fourth tower they builded vpon the top of the place called Pastophorium, where one of the priests do vse to stand before the sunne set, and at breake of day, to signifie vnto the people with the sound of the trumpet the beginning of the Sabboth, declaring therby vnto them, sometime holy daies, and afterward that they might goe about their businesse. In these towers they placed all kinde of engines to cast stones, and men with slings. Then Simon perceiuing many of his souldiers languish, was more remisse in his businesse: yet when his number increased, he came neerer: for a far off many of his men were slaine with the shot of those engines.
CHAP. X.
How Vespasian was elected Emperour. C
AT this time the Romans were in great danger: for Vitellius was now arriued out of Germanie Vitellius incampeth his army in Rome. with his army, bringing beside them an infinite multitude with him; so that his army was so great, that the place appointed for souldiers could not containe it: in so much that his army occupied all the whole Citie, and euerie house was filled with armed men. And they beholding the Romans wealth greater then euer they saw any, and admiring their aboundance of gold and siluer, not able to containe themselues they began to rob and kill whomsoeuer that sought to withstand them. And this was the estate of the affaires in Italy. Vespasian hauing wasted all about Ierusalem, returned vnto Caesarea, and there he vnderstood of the troubles at Rome, and how Vitellius was Emperour. Hereat, though he knew as well to obey as to Vespasiā knew both how to gouerne, and how to obey. D be obeied, yet was he mooued to indignation, and disdained to call him Lorde, who had as it were inuaded and vsurped the Empire, being destitute of a ruler. And much grieued hereat, he could not conceale his griefe, nor follow warres against strangers, his owne countrey being so endangered. But the distance betweene him and Rome did as much represse him, as anger incited him to seeke reuenge: for he considered that fortune might cause many alterations before he could get to Rome, especially it being winter: and so he sought to bridle his wrath which daily encreased. But his captaines with the souldiers did now openly consult of a change, and with The captaines consult with the souldiers openly of a change. indignation did exclaime against the souldiers at Rome, who liued in pleasure, and neuer heard so much as the report of warre; and that notwithstanding this, it was lawfull for them to create whom they pleased Emperour, and vnder hope of gaine they disposed of the common wealth at E their owne pleasure: where they on the contrarie side hauing ouerpast so many labours and dangers, still continuing in armes till now, waxed olde and grayheaded, and did suffer authoritie due vnto themselues to be executed by others; when notwithstanding they had amongst them one who deserued the Empire, more then any one; and what recompence could they euer after make him? or what occasion could they finde hereafter to shew themselues gratefull vnto him for the benefits by him receiued, if they did now omit this occasion? And they thought that Vespasian was so much more woorthy of the Empire then Vitellius, by how much they, who created Vitellius Emperour, were in verie many respects much inferiour vnto them. For (said Vespasians shame [...]astnesse and modestie. they) wee haue endured no lesse toile then those that came out of Germanie: neither are we lesse valiant then they, who bring a tyrant with them out of Germanie. And that no body would F resist Vespasian: for the Senate and the people of Rome would not rather endure Vitellius his insatiable lust, then Vespasians chastitie and temperance; nor a cruell tyrant, rather then a good and curteous Emperor; nor the son should by them be elected Emperour before the father. For true valour in an Emperour is a great defence of peace. Therefore if the Empire were due to aged experience, they had Vespasian; if to valiant youth, they had amongst them Titus: and that they might reape commoditie by both their ages. And that they would not onely assist him with the [Page 694] forces of the Empire hauing there three legions, beside the helpe of the kings; but also all the East G The yeare of the world, 4033. after Christs birth 71. The causes that mooued the people to elect Vespasian Emperour. part of Europe was out of Vitellius his danger. Moreouer, they had in Italy some that would assist Vespasian, to wit his brother and his son, wherof the one (they hoped) would get many young men to follow him, and the other was now made prefect of the Citie, which was no small steppe to attaine vnto the Empire. Lastly it might so fall out, that the Senate would declare him Emperour, whom now the souldiers being as it were their conseruer, had neglected.
This was first talked amongst the companies of the souldiers: at last exhorting one another thereto, they came and saluted Vespasian by the name of Emperour, and requested him now to preserue the Empire being in great danger to be lost. Albeit Vespasian had alwaies bin carefull for The souldiers elect Vespasian Emperour. the good of the common wealth, yet he refused to be Emperor: deeming himselfe indeed to haue deserued it: yet he rather did chuse to liue a priuate life wherein was securitie, then in the height H of fortune and honour with perpetuall danger. The captains were more earnest because he refused it; and the souldiers flocked about him with drawne swords, threatning his death except he would consent to liue as he deserued: yet long time striuing to auert this their determination, being loath to be Emperour; at last seeing he could not auoid it, he accepted their offer.
CHAP. XI.
The description of Aegypt and Pharus.
MVtianus and the rest of the captaines who had incited him to the Empire, togither with the whole army cried alowd, willing Vespasian to leade them against their common enemy. I But Vespasian thought it best, first to settle the estate of Alexandria, knowing that Aegypt for the supply of corne was the greatest and best part of the Empire: which if he once were sure of, he hoped that although Vitellius were stronger then he; yet he could bring him vnder perforce, because the people would not endure that for his sake the Citie should be famished: which would haue come to passe, except they had supply of corne out of Aegypt. Moreouer he desired to ioine vnto himselfe those two legions that were at Alexandria. He also thought that that countrey might be a defence and refuge for him, if any aduerse fortune should betide him. For the countrey is not easie to be entred by an army, and the sea coasts haue no hauens nor harbours for to receiue ships; on the West it bordereth vpon the drie and barren part of Libya; The bounds of Aegypt. on the South vpon the frontiers which separateth Syene from Aethiopia, and the streames of K Nilus not nauigable; on the East it bordereth vpon the red sea, which extendeth it selfe euen vnto the Citie Copton; on the North it is defended with Syria, and the Aegyptian sea, wherein there is no hauen. Thus Aegypt is strong on euerie side. And reacheth in length two thousand furlongs The length and breadth of Aegypt. from Pelusium vnto Syene: and from Plinthine vnto Pelusiū they sayle three thousand and six hundreth furlongs. And Nilus is nauigable euen vnto the towne Elephantine. Further, by reason of the downfals of Nilus also the hauen at Alexandria is dangerous to come vnto in time of peace: for the entrance into it is very streight; & beside that, the way goeth not directly on, but is made crooked by great stonie rocks, and the left side is compassed artificially, but on the right side is the Ile Pharus, hauing a tower vpon it exceeding great; so that the light in it is seene of A most high tower in the Island Pharos giuing light to those that faile three hundreth stounds off. the marriners three hundreth furlongs off, that long before they come neere it they may prouide L to bring their ships in with safetie. This Ile is inclosed with most huge walles made by arte, against the which the sea beating, and so returning backe againe, maketh the entrance into the hauen more dangerous. Yet this hauen within is verie safe, and thirtie furlongs long: so that whatsoeuer that countrey wanteth it is brought them into that hauen, and whatsoeuer aboundeth amongst them which other nations need, is carried from thence all ouer the whole world. So that Vespasian did not vnaduisedly seeke to establish the estate of Alexandria, and dispose thereof for his owne profit, being to begin his Empire. Wherfore presently he sent letters to Tiberius Alexander, who was gouernor of Alexandria and Aegypt, and told him of the souldiers resolution; Tiberius Alexander gouerneth Alexandria & Aegypt. and how that he seeing he could not auoid it, but that he was forced to take vpon him the Empire, that now he requested him to helpe him in what he could. Alexander receiuing Vespasians letters, M agreed willingly therto, and presently caused his army and the people also to sweare vnto Vespasian, which both of them did willingly, vnderstanding Vespasians vertue by reason that he gouerned so neere them. And so he hauing now leaue, prepared all things to furnish himselfe like an Emperour and to be receiued like a prince.
CHAP. XII. A The yeare of the world. 4033. after Christs birth 71.
How Vespasian deliuered Ioseph out of captiuitie.
IT is incredible how quickly this newes was caried into all parts of the world, to wit, Vespasian by common voice is created Emperour and crowned. that Vespasian was declared Emperour in the East; and now all cities reioyced and made triumphs, and offered sacrifices for his fortunate successe. Moreouer the legions in Moesia and Panonia, who not long before were reuolted from Vitellius by reason of his crueltie, did now willingly sweare obediēce to Vespasian. Vespasian returned by Berytum to Caesarea, where many Embassadours came vnto him, bringing him crownes, and applauding and reioicing at his good fortune, who came out of Syria, and al other places therabout. There was also present Mutianus B gouernour of those parts, who brought tidings how ioyfully all the people receiued him for their Emperour, and how that they had all sworne obedience vnto him. So all things falling out prosperously on Vespasians side, and fortune for the most part enclining as he desired, he began to thinke with himselfe that it was Gods prouidence that he was made Emperour, and that a iust destinie had brought him to that estate. And so he called to mind all tokens and signes (as there had hapned many, which did foretell that he should be Emperour) and amongst the rest he remembred that which Ioseph had told him; who, Nero being yet aliue, presumed to call him Emperour, and so he admired the man whom as yet he kept in hold. And calling Mutianus and the rest of his friends togither, first of all he told them how valiant Ioseph had beene, and what a Vespasian consulteth with his captains about Iosephs liberty. do he had to winne Iotapata onely because of him; and then his prophecies which at that time he C esteemed onely fables, fained vpon feare; yet now time and euent had proued them true. Affirming it an vndecent thing, that he who had beene the foreteller of his exaltation, and had bee [...]e a messenger vnto him from God, should still continue in bonds like a captiue, and be left in aduersitie. So calling for Ioseph, he commaunded him to be let loose. This fact of his made the captaines vnder him hope for great reward at his hands, seeing he had beene so kind to a stranger. Titus being there present said, It is meet O father, that as you acquite Ioseph from captiuitie, so you also take away the shame of that which he hath alreadie endured. For if we do not onely vntie Ioseph discharged out of bonds and rewarded. his chaines, but also breake them in sunder, he shall be as though he had neuer beene in bondage: for this is the manner vsed for redresse, when any one being guiltlesse is committed to bonds. Vespasian hereto agreed, and so one came with an axe and hewed his chaines in peeces. D Thus was Ioseph rewarded for his prophecie, and so hereafter he was esteemed worthie to be beleeued.
CHAP. XIII.
Of Vitellius his death and manners.
WHen Vespasian had answered the Embassadours, and iustly disposed of all the rulers of Vespasian bethinketh himselfe. to returne to Rome his armie, according to euerie ones merit, he now came to Antiochia, and there did deliberate whither to goe first, and it seemed best to him to goe to Rome, rather then to Alexandria: for he knew that Alexandria was quiet and firme, but Rome was troubled by Vitellius. Wherefore he sent Mutianus into Italie with many footmen and horsemen, who fearing to E go by sea, went through Cappadocia and Phrygia, for it was winter time. Now Antonius Primus who was gouernour of Moesia brought from thence the third legion remaining there, and came to warre against Vitellius. Vitellius sent Caecinna to meet him with a great armie, who departing from Rome, presently met with Antonius at Cremona a towne of Gallia, situate vpon the confines of Italy, and there beholding the discipline and multitude of the enemies, durst not fight with them: and thinking it very dangerous to flie, hee plotted treason, and so calling vnto him the Centurions and Tribunes vnde [...] his gouernment, he perswaded them to go and Caecinna perswadeth the souldiers to forsake Vitellius and honour Vespasian. ioyne with Antonius, debasing Vitellius his power, and extolling Vespasians: affirming the first to haue onely the bare name of the Emperour; and the last to haue also all vertues meete for an Emperour. Moreouer that so it would be better for them to doe that of their owne accord, F which otherwise they should be compelled vnto; and seeing themselues all readie ouercome in number, so also now willingly preuent all daunger. For Vespasian was able without their assistance to subdue all the rest: but Vitellius was not able with their helpe to keepe that he had: speaking much to this effect, he perswaded them to all that which he would haue done. And so he with his whole armie ioyned with Antonius.
The same night the souldiers repenting themselues of that they had done, and also fearing [Page 696] that Vitellius should get the vpper hand who sent them against Antonius, drew their swords, and G The yeere of the world. 4033. after Christs birth 71. Caecinna is apprehended for treason. would haue slaine Caecinna. And had done it, had not the Tribunes come and entreated them to the contra [...]e: wherefore they did not kill him, but kept him bound, meaning to send him to Vitellius as a traitor. Primus Antonius hearing this, came with his armie and assaulted them who were reuolted from him, and they a while resisted; yet at last, forced to retire, they fled vnto Cremona. And Primus, accompanied with horsemen, preuented their courses, and so slew the most of them before the citie; and afterward setting vpon the rest, gaue his souldiers the spoile of it, wherein many merchants of other countries and many townsmen were slaine, and all Vitellius his armie, thirtie thousand and two hundreth men: and Antonius lost in that battell foure thousand & fiue hundreth of those, whom he brought with him out of Moesia. And deliuering Caecinna from prison, he sent him to beare newes hereof to Vespasian: who comming vnto him was praised H for his fact, & greatly honoured aboue his expectation, in reward of his treason. Sabinus who was Vespasian honours Caecinna with vnexpected honors, & is acqu [...]ed of treaso [...]. Sabinus taketh the capitol an [...] leaueth Vitellius. at Rome hearing that Antonius was at hand, greatly reioyced, and tooke courage: and gathering togither the companies of the watchmen in the night time, he tooke the Capitoll, and in the morning many of the nobles came & ioyned with him: and Domitianus his brothers son who was a great cause and helpe to obtaine the victorie. Vitellius little esteemed Primus, but he was angr [...]e against Sabinus & those that had reuolted with him, & as it were naturally thirsting after the bloud of the nobilitie, he set all the armie he brought out of Germany with him, to assault the Capitol, where many valiant deeds were shewed on both parts: and at last the Germains being most in number, got the Capitoll hill. And Domitian with many braue noblemen, as it were by the prouidence of God escaped safe, the rest of the multitude were there slaine. And Sabinus was I caried to Vitellius, and there by his commandement put to death: the souldiers taking away al the gifts and treasure in the temple set it on fire. The day after came Antonius, and Vitellius his souldiers met him, and fighting in three seuerall places of the citie, they were all slaine. Then Vitellius came drunke out of his pallace, and being full gorged with delicate meat, he was drawn through the midst of the people, and after many contumelies slaine, hauing raigned eight moneths, and Vitellius slaine fiue daies: who if he had liued longer, I thinke verily the Empire had not beene sufficient to haue maintained this gluttony. There were slaine aboue fiftie thousand of other people. And this was done the third day of October. The day after Mutianus with his armie came and entred into Rome, and repressed the souldiers of Antonius, who still sought about in euerie place for Vitellius souldiers, and many other of his fauorits, and slew whom they thought good, not examining any K matter by reason of their fury: and bringing out Domitian, he declared vnto the people that he The people of Rome proclaime Vespasian Emperour. was to gouerne the citie till his father came. The people being deliuered from feare, proclaimed Vespasian Emperour, and made feasts and triumphs both vnder one, for his establishing in the Empire, and for ioy that Vitellius was deposed.
CHAP. XIIII.
How Titus was sent by his father against the Iewes.
WHen Vespasian came to Alexandria, newes were brought vnto him what was done at Rome. And Embassadours came vnto him from all parts of the world to congratulate L him. And although next after Rome this citie was the greatest in the world, yet was it scarcely able to receiue the people that came thither vnto him. Vespasian now being established Emperour of all the world, & the commonwealth of the Romans being contrarie to his expectation freed from troubles, he now began to thinke vpon the reliques of Iudaea. And so he himselfe, winter being ended, prepared to go to Rome, and in the meane time he hastened to dispose of all things at Alexandria. Moreouer, he sent his sonne Titus with certain chosen men to destroy Ierusalē. Titusrepaireth to Ierusalem. Who departed from Alexandria vnto Nicopolis by land, which is distant from it twenty furlongs, & there he did ship his men & so sailed along the riuer Nilus by Medensia vnto Thmuin, & there landing his men, he came to the citie called Tanis. And the second place he rested in was the citie Heraclea, & the third Peleusiū: & there resting & refreshing his souldiers two daies space M the third day he passed the borders of Peleusium, and hauing gone one daies iourney through the wildernes, he pitched his tents at the temple of Iupiter Cassian, & the next day at Ostracine, where there is no water, but all that the inhabitants do vse, they bring from other places. After that he rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence in foure daies he came to Raphia, where beginne the Titus commeth to Caesarea and gethereth his forces there. borders of Syria, & the fift day he lodged at Gaza, & from thence to Ascalon, and so to Iamnia & Ioppe, from whence he went to Caesarea, purposing to gather the rest of the souldiers there.
THE SIXTH BOOKE A OF THE WARRES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Of the three seditions in Ierusalem.
- 2 How Titus went vnto Ierusalem to see their strength, and how he was in daunger.
- 3 How the Iewes did issue out vpon the Romans pitching their Tents.
- 4 Of the fight within the Citie vpon the feast of unleauened bread. C
- 5 Of the deceite the Iewes vsed against the Romane souldiers.
- 6 The description of Ierusalem.
- 7 The Iewes refuse to yeeld, and assault the Romans.
- 8 Of the fall of the tower: and how two of the wals were wonne.
- 9 How Castor the Iew did floute the Romans.
- 10 How the Romans did twise get the second wall.
- 11 Of the mounts raised against the third wall, and a long Oration of Ioseph, perswading the Iewes to yeeld, and of the famine within the Citie.
- 12 Of the Iewes that were crucified, and how the towers were burnt.
- 13 How the Romans in three dayes space built a wall about Ierusalem. D
- 14 Of the famine in Ierusalem: and how they built another tower or mount.
- 15 Of the massacre of the Iewes, both within and without the Citie.
- 16 Of the sacrilege about the Temple: and the dead bodies that were cast out of the Citie: and of the famine.
CHAP. I.
Of the three sorts of seditions in Ierusalem. E
TItus being thus come out of Aegypt by the desert into Syria, hee departed The ye [...]re of th [...] world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. A three fold sedition in Ierusalem. from thence vnto Caesarea: for there hee purposed to set his armie in order. And whilest yet hee was with his father Vespasian at Alexandria, disposing of the Empire that God had giuen him, it happened that the sedition at Ierusalem was deuided into three parts, whereof one part fought against another, and one may say, it was a good turne that they were so equally deuided. Wee haue alreadie sufficiently declared who were the Authors and beginners of the faction of the Zelous, whose tyrannie ouer the Citie was the ruine thereof: and one may well call this a sedition raised out of a sedition; which, like a cruell and sauage beast in penurie and want of others, turned his crueltie against his owne bowels. So Eleazar the sonne of Simon, who F was the first that in the Temple deuided the Zelous from the people, faining himselfe to bee displeased with that which Iohn euerie day did; yet in truth, for that he enuied that a more tyrant of later time then himselfe should be his ruler, desirous to obtaine the principalitie, and make himselfe mightie, hee reuolted from the rest: and with him Iudas the sonne of Chelcias, and Simon the sonne of Ezron, two of the most potent amongst the [...]. Besides thē, was also Ezechias the sonne of [Page 698] Chobarus a Nobleman, and all these had many of the Zelous following them, and getting in G The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. possession the inner part of the Temple, they set a guard in the entrance and in the sacred gates, trusting in their aboundance of all necessaties: for there was great store of sacred prouision, and they thought it no impietie to vse it, yet fearing their small number, they permitted many of the companie that were killed, to remaine in the places where they were slaine. Iohn was superiour in multitude and number, but inferiour by the inequalitie of the place: and hauing his enemies aboue his head, he could not without danger make incursions, & yet for anger he wold not cease to persecute his enemie: notwithstanding that thereby his part had more harme then those of Eleazar's side, yet he still assaulted them though to his owne cost: thus many assaults were continually made and many darts cast, and all the Temple was prophaned with murders. And Simon the sonne of Giora (whome the people being in despaire, inuited to bee their leader, H in hope that he would haue assisted them, hauing in his hands both the higher part of the Citie, and the greater part of the lower) did now more boldly then before assault Iohn and his followers, because they were assailed by those aboue them: yet hee being as it were beneath Iohn and his adherents, he sustained as much losse at their hands, as Iohn himselfe did at theirs aboue him. So Iohn had double warres, and as Eleazar harmed him because of the higher place wherein hee The fight betweene Iohn and Eleazar. was, so likewise did he domage Simon for the like cause: and easily without any labour did repulse all his assaults, which hee made being in the lower ground, and terrified by engines those that cast darts at him from the top of the Temple: for he vsed all engines to cast darts and stones, and Simon & Iohn skirmish in the temple. killed many not onely of his enemies, but also of them that were offering sacrifices. For although that they were carried headlong vnto all vice, yet they permitted those that would, to offer sacrifice, I watching and diligently guarding them of their nation. For the strangers that came thither for deuotion were not mistrusted: yet afterward that they had intreated these wicked people to permit them to sacrifice, they when they had done were a pray for them, and consumed by this sedition. For darts and other shot with force of the engines came into the Temple and Altar, and slew the Priest at the Altar. And many who came from the vttermost parts of the world vnto Great slaughter in the temple. that holy place, were slaine euen as they offered sacrifice, and so imbrued the Altar with their bloud, which all the Greekes and barbarous people did reuerence: and strangers and the Priests being now prophaned, were forced to be amongst the dead bodies, and the place about the Altar stood full of bloud of men that were slaine. O miserable Citie! what didst thou suffer at the Romans hands, to bee compared vnto this, although they entred with fire to purge thee from K iniquitie? For now thou wast no longer the house of God, neither couldest thou endure being made a Sepulchre of thine Inhabitants, and hauing by ciuill warres made the holy Temple a graue of dead bodies. Yet maiest thou once againe come into better estate, if first thou appease Gods wrath, that hath made thee desolate. But I must not giue place vnto sorrow and write a lamentation of my miserable Countrie, seeing I haue vndertaken to write a Historie of all things that past there. Wherefore I will recount the residue of the impietie of these seditious.
The seditious people being deuided into three companies, Eleazar and his followers, who had the keeping of the holy first fruites, and all the sacred oblations, came against Iohn, when they were drunke. And they who followed Iohn spoyling the people, assaulted Simon, and the Citie did succour Simon. Wherefore when Iohn was assaulted on both sides, he turned some of L Iohn assaulted on both sides. his souldiers against Simon, and the rest against Eleazar: and against Simon hee vsed darts cast from the porches of the Temple: and against Eleazar hee vsed engines for shot. And alwayes so often as they aboue his head ceased (as they often did being either wearie or drunken) hee freely assaulted Simon and his men. Also as farre as he draue them into the Citie, so farre did he fire all, and burne houses full of Corne and other necessaries: and that which hee left vnburned, Simon at his returne (when Iohn was gone into the Temple) set on fire: As if vpon purpose to the great aduantage of the Romanes, they had consumed all that was prouided against the siege; so did They of Ierusalem had well nie burnt all their Corne. they destroy their owne forces and strength. To bee short, all was consumed with fire about the Temple, and the Citie was made a plaine ground to fight in, and all the Corne was burnt that might haue sufficed the Citie many yeeres, and so they were taken by famine, which they M could not haue felt, had [...]hey themselues not caused it. The Citizens were in euerie place a pray vnto those that were seditious on one side, and to them that besieged the Citie on the other side, and like a great bodie torne in peeces betweene these two. The old men and women astonished A wretched calamitie in Ierusalem. with these calamities, prayed for the good successe of the Romanes, and desired some forraine warre to deliuer them from their ciuill disagreement.
[Page 699] And forthwith great feare and terror fell vpon them all: besides, it was no time as now to take The yeare of [...]he world. 4034. after the [...] of C [...]st. 7 [...]. A counsel to change their minds, nor hope of agreement or of flight to them that desired it. For all plac [...]s were kept, and the rebels within, whomsoeuer they perceiued to wish peaceably to the Romans, or offer to flie vnto them, they presently killed them as their common enemies. And all these wicked persons agreed in this, to wit, to put the iust men to death, who best deserued to liue. Day and night nothing could be heard saue only the noise of them that sought one against another; yet the lamentable cries of them that liued in a perpetual feare was farre more miserable, Lamentation and mou [...]ng in [...]. who euerie day had new causes and occasions of sorrow giuen them: yet durst they not publikely lament for feare; and so not daring to shew their griefe, they secretly sorrowed, & now [...]o man obserued any reuerence to them that were aliue amongst them, nor tooke any care to burie the dead. The cause of both which was, that euerie man despaired of himselfe. For whosoeuer B were not ioyned with the seditious, grew to be carelesse of all things, as making account presently to die a thousand deaths. But the seditious gathering the dead bodies vpon heapes; The crueltie of the sed [...] in Ier [...]alem. continued their fighting, and troad vpon them, and as it were encouraging themselues by the dead vnder their feete, they became more cruell, still deuising one pernicious practise or other; and presently executing whatsoeuer they deuised without any commi [...]eration; omitting no way to murther, and leauing no tyrannie vnattempted: so that Iohn abused the holy things o [...] the temple Iohn made vse of the wood that was kept for holy vses to make engines of. to make engines of warre. For before time when the priests and people had determined to vnderprop the temple and build it twentie cubits higher, king Agrippa with great cost and charges brought them very goodly timber sufficient for their purpose from mount Libanus. And this worke being preuented by warres, Iohn tooke them, and seeing them fit for his purpose, he erected C a tower to fight against those that assaulted him frō off the temples which he bullt along the wall ouer against the chapterhouse, that standeth on the West side of the temple: for he could builde it in no other place, by reason that all other places were filled with staires. And hauing thus impiously prouided engines, he hoped hereby to destroy his enemies. But God shewed his labour to be in vaine, and before he could preuaile against them, he brought the Romans against the Citie.
For after that Titus had now gathered togither part of his army, and by writing appointed The order of Titus army. the rest to meete him at Ierusalem, he departed from Caesarea, hauing three legions that lately vnder the conduct of his father Vespasian had wasted all Iudaea, and the twelfth legion that sometime vnder Cestius were ouercome, and put to flight by the Iewes: who though they were otherwise D valiant enough; yet they desired to fight against the Iewes to reuenge themselues for that disgrace. Titus commanded the fist legion to meete him at Ierusalem, and go by Emmaus, and that the tenth legion should march by lericho: the rest he tooke with himselfe accompanied with the kings forces that came to helpe him; hauing now more helpe then before; and many also out of Syria. Titus also brought men with him to supply the number that was wanting, being sent by Vespasian with Mutianus into Italy: For he brought two thousand chosen men from the legions at Alexandria, and three thousand followed him from Euphrates, togither with Tiberius Alexander his chiefest friend, and one next him in most authoritie, who before was gouernour of Aegypt, and as then thought a fit man worthy to be gouernour of the army; for that he was the first that did entertaine the Emperour being new elected, who faithfully ioyned with Vespasian, E though yet he knew not what successe he should haue: and he was present with him in all his affaires as his chiefest counseller, renowmed both for his wisedome and experience.
CHAP. II.
How Titus went to Ierusalem to see their strength, and how he was in great danger.
TItus being now to go into the countrey of the enemy, caused all those that came to help Ti [...]us cōmeth to Iudaea. him to march in the formost place: after whom followed they that were to mende the waies, and to pitch the tents: and after them they which carried the baggage of the rulers F and gouernours of his [...]my, and with them the armed souldiers. Next after these came Titus himselfe accompanied with chosen men, and with him many that bare his colours: next, the horsemen going immediately before the engines. And the Prefects and Tribunes with certaine chosen men, and their companies followed. After them the Eagle with many other ensignes: and the trumpets went before them. And after them followed the army marching six in a rancke: then the multitude of seruants that followed euerie legion did driue their baggage before them: lastly [Page 700] came the hirelings and those that were appointed to guard them. Marching in such comly & warlike The yeare of the [...]ld, 4034 aft [...] C [...] birth 7 [...]. G manner, as the Romans are wont, he came by Samaria into Gophna, which place was already conquered by his father, and then also was vnder the custody of the Roman garrisons. And staying there one night, he departed from thence the next day: and after a daies iourney he pitched his tents in a place which in the Iews language is called Acanthonaulona, that is, the valley of thorns, neere vnto a village named Gabath Saul, which signifieth the valley of Saul, which is almost thirtie furlongs from Ierusalem. From thence accompanied with six hundreth chosen horsemen, Titus repaireth to Ierusalem, to found the dispositiōs of the people. he went to Ierusalem, to view how strong it was, & of what courage the Iewes were, to see if peraduenture at sight of him they would yeeld without any further war for feare. For Titus vnderstood (and it was true) that the people desired peace, but they were oppressed by the seditious, and so durst not attempt any thing being not able to encounter or resist the rebels. Titus riding H along the high way that went straight to the wals saw no man all the way: but turning aside towards the tower Psephinos with his horsemen, an infinite number presently issued out by the towers of women, at a gate opposite to Helens toombe; and brake his rancke of horsemen into two parts, and opposed themselues, hindring those horsemen that were yet in the high way to Titus in danger. come and ioine with the rest that had crost the way, and so did single out Titus accompanied only with a few men. So he could go no further for the ditch of the town wall on one side, & for the garden pales on the other side: and there was no hope for him to returne vnto his souldiers, the enemies being betweene him and home. And many of his souldiers not knowing their Generall Titus fighteth valiantly with his enemies. to be in any danger, but supposing him to haue been amongst them still, fled away. Titus seeing that he had onely his owne valour to trust vnto, turned his horse against his enemies, and I with a lowd voice exhorted his followers to doe the like, and so he brake violently into the midst of them, hastning to get vnto his companie. It was euident at that time that God giueth the victorie, and hath a particular care of kings and princes and Emperours. For notwithstanding that an infinite number of darts and arrowes were shot at Titus, and he had no armour at all (for as we haue already said, he came to espie & not to fight) yet had he not one wound, but all past him; as though vpon purpose euery one had striuen to haue mist him. But Titus with his sword made way, and cut many vpon the face that opposed themselues against him, and so they falling downe he with his horse past ouer them. The Iewes seeing Titus his valour, cried and exhorted one another to set vpon him; but whithersoeuer he turned, the Iewes fled, and would not abide by it: Titus putteth his enemies to flight, and returneth in safetie to his camp. likewise those souldiers that were in the like danger with him, came of either side him and behind K him. For no man had any hope to saue his life, but onely by making themselues way with Titus before they were so enclosed and oppressed. So of two of the most valiant amongst them one was slaine, and his horse likewise: the other was slaine, and his horse taken by the Iewes. And Titus with the rest of his followers came safe into the campe. And the Iewes getting the first victorie, rashly tooke courage, and that encouragement being of moment, made them verie confident a long time after.
CHAP. III.
How the Iewes did issue out vpon the Romans pitching their tents.
SO soone as the legion that was to passe by Ammaus, was ioyned to the rest of the army L that night, Caesar presently the next morning remooued, and came to Scopos, where he might perfectly view the Citie and the temple on the North part, where the ground adioyning vnto the Citie is verie low, and is properly called Scopos, being distant seuen furlongs from the Citie: and there Titus commanded two legions to encampe themselues, and the fift Titus campe was 7. stades off the Citie. legion to retire three furlongs further off, to the intent that the souldiers who were wearied with trauailing all night, might entrench themselues without feare or danger. No sooner had they began their worke, but presently the tenth legion came, who were to passe by Iericho, which Vespasian had already subdued, and had placed there a garrison. This legion was commanded to encampe six furlongs from Ierusalem, neere mount Oliuet, which is opposite to the East part of the M Citie, and is enclosed with a deepe valley called Cedron. This great and huge army so sodainly arriuing, presently staied the warres within the Citie: and these three sects of seditious people beholding with admiration the Romans campe, became friends, and made agreement amongst The seditious agree among themsel [...]es. themselues. They began also to question one with another what furie caused them to suffer themselues to be enclosed with three wals to their preiudice and losse of their liues: and seeing such preparation of wars towards, that they should be as it were beholders of that which was [Page 701] done, keeping themselues quiet; and not prouiding to resist the assaults of their enemies: and some The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. A cried, we are onely valiant against our selues, and we by our sedition massacring one another shall betray our citie into the Romans hands.
Thus they being assembled togither, exhorted one another, and presently arming themselues, they issued out of the citie, and assaulted the tenth legion, and with a huge crie set vpon the Romans The citizens assaile the Romans. that were entrenching themselues in the valley. The Romans being euerie one appointed to doe some busines for the furtherance of that worke, and for that cause the most of them hauing laid down their weapons (for they thought the Iewes durst not haue made any excursions, & although they would, that yet they were hindred being at variance amongst themselues) they were troubled aboue measure, and presently leauing the worke, some fled; many arming themselues to fight, were slaine before they were prepared to resist. The multitude of the Iewes was daily encreased B because that at the first they got the vpper hand, and notwithstanding their number was small, yet did they thinke themselues many: and so did the Romans thinke them to be, because of their good fortune. The Romans who were alwaies wont to obserue militarie discipline and order, at that time by their sodaine assaulting; were so troubled, that they obserued no order, and so fled: yet whensoeuer they turned againe vpon them that followed them, they easily wounded the Iewes, partly because that they were so earnest, that they did not greatly seeke to defend The Iewes driue the Romans frō their campe. themselues, and also they did easily stay the Iewes from pursuing them. Yet the number of them that pursued them still encreasing, they were also more troubled, and so at last forced to forsake the field, and leaue their tents: and the whole legion had beene in greater daunger had no [...] Titus, hauing present newes hereof, speedily came and succoured them, and vpbraiding their cowardlinesse recalled them from flight; who with them, and the chosen men he brought, encountring C the Iewes on one side, he slew many of them, and wounded diuers, and put the rest to flight, and forced them into the valley. The Iewes being now in the lower ground, and hauing endured much at the Romans hands, since fortune frowned vpon them, turned againe, & hauing the valley between thē, they fought with the Romans. And thus the fight continued til the midst of the day.
A little after midday Titus guarding the rest with those that he brought to succour them, and placing others, to preuent the excursions of the Iewes, he commaunded the rest to ent [...]ench The fight of the Iewes with the Romans. themselues in the toppe of the mountaine. The Iewes thought the Romans had fled, and their sentinell vpon their wals making a signe vnto them by shaking his garment vp and down, a great multitude of them ran so violently vpon the Romans, as though they had beene sauage beasts, D so that none of their enemies were able to withstand them; but as though they had beene stricken with some engine, so all of them were diuersly scattered & forced to flie into the mountaine. But Titus in the midst of the side of the mountaine remained alone, hauing but a fewe with him; notwithstanding his friends, who for the loue they bare to their Emperor, staied with him, and abode the daunger, did earnestly perswade him to flie from the Iewes, who desperately ran The Romans are dispersed by the Iewes, and driuen to the mountaine vpon their owne deaths, and not to endaunger himselfe for them, who ought rather to abide it thē he: And that he should think vpon his own estate, who was not a souldier, but general of them all, and Lord of the whole world, and that he should not abide when all others fled so fast, and in such daunger. But he made as though he heard them not, and opposed himselfe against them that offered to assault him; striking them vpon the faces, and killing them that made resistance, E and he pursued them downe the hill, and so forced them to retire. The Iewes amazed at his valour, did not yet flie into the citie, but auoided him on both sides, and fled into the valley: then againe pursuing them that fled from them, yet Titus crossing them as they went hindred their Titus valour against the Iewes. pursuit. In the meane time those that were encamping themselues aboue, seeing them beneath put to flight, were discomfited, and all fled, thinking that they were not able to resist the Iewes, and imagining that Titus was likewise fled: for had they thought that he had staied by it, they neuer would haue forsaken their quarters; yet being now terrified they knew not wherfore, some fled one way, and some another without anie order, till some seeing the Emperour in the midst of the Feare and trouble among the Romans. battaile, and fearing the mischance that might be [...]ide him, they with loud cries signified it vnto the whole legion. Then the Romans turning againe for shame, and accusing themselues guiltie F of a great offence in forsaking their Emperour amidst such daunger, came with all the violence they could vse against the Iewes, and driuing them downe the mountaine, forced them to retire; yet the Iewes fought flying, and seeing the Romans to haue the vpper hand of them, because they were vpon higher ground, they departed into the valley. Titus assaulted them that were opposite The Iewes fight in their retreat and are driuen into the valley. against him, and so commaunded the rest to goe and finish their trenches. And he with those that before were with him to defend the workemen, did now also keepe the Iewes from molesting [Page 702] them. So if I may speake without [...]atterie or enuie, Caesar himselfe did twise preserue G The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. the whole legion from destruction, and gaue the souldiers opportunitie to entrench themselues.
CHAP. IIII.
Of the fight within the Citie vpon the feast of vnleauened bread.
DVring the intermission of the forrain [...]; they fel to their former sedition againe, which caused ciuillwars amongst them. And against the feast of vnleuenedbread, which is the fourteenth day of Aprill (for vpon this day the Iewes say that they were deliuered out of Iohn entreth and seaseth the inward temple, and all the furniture therof, putteth the Zealous to flight, and raiseth a mightie sedition. the bondage of Aegypt) Eleazar and his companions opened the gats, to the intent [...] all that H would might come in to adore and do their deuotion. But Iohn vsed this festiuall day as a means to effect his deceit; and caused many of his companie that [...]vere vnknowne, to enter in amongst the people with weapons vnder their garments, giuing them charge wh [...] they were within to get possession of the temple: and so soone as they were within they cast off th [...] garments, and shewed themselues to be in armour. Presently a great tumult arose within the [...]ple for all the people that were not of the sedition thought themselues betraied: and the Zealous thought this [...]reason onely practised to preiudice them, and so leauing the gate which before they kept, and leaping downe from the towers, they neuer offering [...]o fight, fled into the vaults about the temple. And the people flocking about the altar, and others who were driuen into the temple, were killed with clubs and swords, and so troden vpon. And many were slaine vpon priuate h [...]ed vnder pretence I to be partakers with the enemies. And whoso [...]er before time had offended any of those traitors, he was put to death, as though he had beene one of the Zealous. But they, who had cruelly raged against the innocent, let the wicked haue leasure to escape out of those caues, whereby they had no harme: and hauing gotten the [...]inner part of the temple, and all belonging thereunto, they did now more confidently then before fight aganst Sim [...]: and thus the sedition A threefold sedition deuided into two parts. Whatsoeuer abou [...] [...]alem [...] hollow or troubled with [...] vallies is filled vp. that was before deuided into three parts, was now brought onely into two. Titus being desirous to bring his armie neerer the citie, sent a certaine number of horsemen & foot, which he thought sufficient to hinder all excursions of the Iewes from Scopos, and another companie he sent to plaine all the grounds betwixt him and Ierusalem, who [...]ting downe all hedges and pales, and fences and wood (though they were fruit trees) filled the vallies and made it all plaine ground, and K hewing downe all stones that standing vp made the ground vnequall, they plained all that ground from Scopos euen vnto Herodes monument, which adioyned to the [...]ake of Serpents called sometime Bethora.
CHAP. V.
Of the deceit the Iewes vsed against the Roman souldiers.
ABout this time the Iewes deuised this stratageme against the Romans. The most couragious amongst the seditions people went out vnto the places called the womens towers, and counterfaited themselues to be driuen thither by them within the city that desired peace, L and for that they feared the Romans, they were come thither to hide themselues one behind another: others standing vpon the wals, and counterfaiting themselues to be the citizens, with loud cries desired peace, and a league of friendship; promising to set the citie gates open, and inuiting the Romans to enter, and crying thus they also cast stones against their countrimen before spoken of, as though they did driue them from the gates; and they made as though they would by force breake through the people, & come to the gates, partly by force, partly by entreating the people to permit them. And making many offers to goe vnto the Romans, they turned againe like men troubled in mind, and studying what to doe. The Roman souldiers did not perc [...]e their subtill meaning, who seeing the seditious readie to fall into their hands, that so they might punish them, and seeing the people (as they thought) readie to open the gates vnto them, would in post M haste haue gone vnto the citie. But Titus inspected some deceit coloured with this kind inuiting The alacritie of the souldiers among the Romans contrary to Titus [...]. him to enter, because he did not see any reason for it. For the day before hauing by Ioseph off [...]red them a peace, he vnderstood that the [...] minds were farre from any peaceable cogitations: wherefore he now commaunded the souldiers to keepe their quarters and not to remooue; yet some of them appointed to worke in the trenches taking their weapons ranne vnto the gates, and the Iewes who seemed to be driuen out of the citie first fled; at last when they came vnto the [Page 703] gates of the towers, they inclosed the Romans round about, and assaulted them vpon their backs: The year [...] of th [...] world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. A and they that were vpon the wals; did cast all kind of darts and stones vpon them: so that they slew many and wounded verie many; for it was not easie to escape from the wals, others being behind them and offering them violence. Moreouer they were ashamed that their Captaines had so offended, and in feare for their offence committed, both which caused them still to perseuer in it. The victorie of the Iewes. And after a long conflict receiuing many wounds, and giuing as many, at last they put them to flight that enclosed them, and so the Iewes departed, and followed them vnto Helens monument, pursuing them with darts. And then the Iewes returned reioycing in their good fortune; and deriding the Romanes for being so deceiued, lifted vp their shields and bucklers, shouting and reioycing.
The Romane souldiers were receiued of their Captaines with threatnings, and of Caesar with B this speech. ‘The Iewes lead onely with desperation doe al things with aduise and counsell, deuising deceites, and fortune fauoureth their practises because they are ordered, and trustie to one another. And now the Romanes, whom for their obedience and discipline fortune was wont to fauour, doe contrariwise offend herein, and for their rash and vnaduised fighting are ouercome: & which is worst of al, in Caesars presence offering to fight without their Captaines. Truly the milita [...]e Caesars sharpe Oration to his souldiers. law & discipline wil be grieued hereat, & my father not a little sorrowful to heare of this. For he who from his infancie vnto old age, hath beene trained vp in armes, yet did he neuer offend in this sort: and what shall wee say to our law which punisheth the least offences against them committed with death, when our whole armie doth disobey their Emperours commaund? But (quoth he) they who so arrogantly haue disobeyed our command, shall presently vnderstand that C amo [...]gst the Romans, victorie against the Generals commaund is an infamie.’ Titus hauing thus spoken in anger vnto the Captaines, euidently declared vnto them what and how he purposed to punish them. And they presently despaired; as though by and by they were iustly condemned to die. But all the other legions flocking about Titus, besought him to pardon their fellow souldiers, and to remit the offence of the rashnesse of some fewe, for the obedience sake of all the The Romane souldiers beseech Titus for their fellowes in armes. rest: affirming that their future valour should bee a sufficient recompence for this their offence. Caesar was herewith pacified, partly thinking what was most profitable, partly for the intreatie of the rest: for he purposed to punish one man onely, and to rebuke the rest, and signifie vnto them his displeasure, and so he was reconciled vnto his souldiers, streightly charging them to bee more wise hereafter: and after he deuised how to bee reuenged vpon the Iewes for this deceite. When D all the ground betweene the wals of Ierusalem and his armie, was in fower dayes made plaine; Titus being desirous safely to conduct the baggage and the rest of the multitude in safetie, he placed the strongest of all his souldiers euerie one in his ranke seuen by seuen, and caused them to march from the North part of the Citie vnto the West, all along without the Citie wals, placing the footemen in the forefront, and in the last place the horsemen three in a ranke, and betweene them both the Archers. So the Iewes not able now to make any excursions, Titus souldiers being thus disposed of, the baggage of the three legions; and the multitude passed along without How and in what places Titus befieged Ierusalem. any daunger. And Titus himselfe being now within two furlongs of the Citie wals, pitched his Tent against that corner of the wall that is called Psephinos, where the compasse of the wall from the North bendeth into the West: the other part of the armie entrenched themselues against that E part of the wall that is called Hippicos, distant in like manner two furlongs from the Citie. But the tenth legion remained still in mount Oliuet where it was before.
CHAP. VI.
The description of Ierusalem.
THe Citie was compassed with a threefold wall on euerie side, saue onely on that part The treble wall of Ierusalem. where it was inclosed with vallies vnaccessible: for on that side it had onely one wall. It was built vpon two little hils, one of them being opposite vnto another, and separated one from another with a valley, which was wonderfully replenished with houses. F One of these hils whereon standeth the vpper part of the Citie, is farre higher and steeper then the other, in so much that because of the strength of it, King Dauid in times past called it a Castle. The Castle of Dauid. (This Dauid was the father of king Salomon, who first builded the Temple in that place) but wee at this day cal it the high market place. The other hil called Acra, is the place wher the lower part of the Citie standeth. Opposite against this hill, there was also another lower then this Acra was: Acra sustaineth the lower part of the Citie. which was first deuided from it with a large vallie, but afterward at such time as the Asmoneans [Page 704] reigned they did fill vp this vallie, to the intent that they might ioyne the Citie to the Temple, G The yeere of the world. 4034 after Christs birth 7 [...]. The fountaine Siloa. and cut downe the top of Acra and so made it lower, that it might not hide the Temple. The vallie by which wee haue said the two higher hils are separated one from another, is called Tyropoeon, reacheth vnto Siloa (which is a fountaine abounding with sweete water.) Without the Citie were two hils, compassed with deepe vallies, and being enclosed with high rockes, they were on euerie side inaccessible. The most ancient of the three wals by reason of the vallie about The older wall it and the hill whereupon it stood, could not easily be taken: and beside the opportunitie of the place, it was verie strongly built, at the cost and charges of Dauid, Salomon, and other kings. This wall beginning at the tower called Hippicos, reacheth vnto that called Xystus, and afterward being ioyned vnto the Pallace, it endeth in the West porch of the Temple: on the otherside towards the West it beginneth at the same tower, and passing by the place that is called H Betiso, it descendeth into the gate of the [...], and so into the South, and from thence againe it bendeth into the East, where also is Salomons pond, and reacheth vnto the place called Ophlan, where it is ioyned vnto the East porch of the Temple. The second wall beginneth at the The second wall. gate that is called Genath, which is a gate of the former wall, and it onely compasseth the North part of the Citie and reacheth vnto Antonia, a Castle so called. The third wall beginneth at the The third wall tower Hippicos, from whence it goeth into the North part, and from thence it commeth vnto the tower Psephina, ouer against the Sepulchre of Helena that was Queene of Adiabena, and mother of king Izates, and passing along by the Kings caues, it turneth towards the tower neere the monument of Fullo, and in the vallie called Cedron it ioyneth with the old wall. Agrippa compassed that part of the Citie that hee built with this wal, it being before all open without defence. I For the Citie grew so populous, that by little and little they were forced to inhabite some part without the wals: and this wall reached a great way, being ioyned vnto the hil next the Citie on the North side of the Temple. There was also a fourth hill inhabited, named Bezetha, situate [...]ezetha the fourth hill. against Antonia, but separated from it with verie deepe ditches, which were made of purpose, least that the foundation of Antonia being ioyned vnto it, it might bee easier to come vnto, and seeme lower: for the deepenesse of the ditch maketh the tower seeme much higher then otherwise it would. This place being added vnto the Citie, is called in that Countrie language Bezetha, which signifieth the new Citie. And the Inhabitants desiring that part to bee fortified, Agrippa father to this Agrippa that finished the wall, did beginne that wall afore mentioned, and fearing least Claudius Caesar hearing how sumptuous a wall hee built, should mistrust K Agrippas cost in building the wall. that he purposed to reuolt, he onely laide the foundation of it, and so left it vnfinished.
For the Citie could neuer haue beene taken by force, if he had finished that wall as he began it, it being builded with stones twentie cubites long, and ten cubites broad, which could neither easily be vnderminded, nor battered with engines: and this wall was built ten cubites high, and no doubt had beene raised higher, had not his liberalitie who began this building beene hindered. Yet againe by the Iewes industrie the same wall was raised twentie cubites high, the battelments hereof were two cubites high, and the tower three cubites, and in all it was twentie and foure cubite high, as before. Vpon the wall were three towers twentie cubites broad, and twentie cubites high built foure square verie strongly, and was builded of as firme a foundation as the wall it selfe, which for the building and faire stone, was not inferiour to the temple aboue. Within L this strong tower, which reached twentie cubites high, were roomes for men to dwell in, and cesternes to receiue raine water, and large turning staires to goe into euerie place there: and this The third wall had 50. towers third wall had fourescore and ten [...] these towers, and betweene euerie tower were two hundreth cubites space. The middle wall had fouerteene towers, and the old wall had threescore, and the compasse of the whole Citie was three and thirtie furlongs. And although the third wall was admirable, yet the tower of Psephina, which was built vpon a corner of the wall, betweene the North and the West part of the Citie, had a certaine excellencie of more wonder, against which Psephina was seuentie cubits hie. part Titus had encamped himselfe: for it was seuentie cubites high, so that from thence vpon a cleare Sunneshine day, one might discouer Arabia, and see the vttermost parts of all the dominions of the Hebrewes vnto the sea, and it had eight corners. Iust opposite vnto this was the M tower Hippicos, and neere vnto it were other two, that king Herode builded vpon the old wall, which in bignesse, beautie, and strength, did surpasse all others in the whole world.
For king Herode, beside his naturall liberalitie and desire to adorne this Citie, did also for his Herod called three towers by the names of three his most deerest friends. owne pleasure so beautifie this building, that it might excell all other, and dedicated them to three most renowmed personages; whose names they also did bear, to wit, to his brother, his friend, and to his wife, she being (as is aforesaid) put to death for iealousie; the other two being slaine in [Page 705] warres after they had fought valiantly. The tower Hippicos called by the name of his friend had The yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 72. Hippico. 85. cu [...]its high. A foure corners, and euerie one of them were fiue and twentie cubites broade, and as many in length, and thirtie cubits in height, being in no place hollow: and aboue the high places and stone worke there was a well to receiue raine water twentie cubites deepe: and aloft of it were houses with double roofes twentie fiue cubites high, and deuided into many roomes and aboue them were battlements two cubits high, and turrets three cubits high: so that the whole height was accounted to be fourscore and fiue cubits. The second tower that by his brothers name he called Phasaelus, was in breadth and length fortie cubits, and so many cubits high, in figure of a square pillar, all which height was solide and not hollow within: and aboue this a porch ten cubits high, decked with turrets and pinnacles. Ouer the midst of this porch he builded another tower distinguished into goodly rooms and sumptuous bathes, that it should not want any thing B necessarie for a prince: on the toppe it was beautified with turrets and pinnacles; so that all his Phasaelus 90. cubits hig [...]. height was almost fourescore and ten cubits: And it resembled the tower Pharus at Alexandria, wherein continuall light is kept to guide the seamen that saile thither, sauing that it had a greater compasse then it. And in this house now at this time did Simon lodge, who tyrannized ouer the people. The third tower was, according to the Queenes name called Mariamme the wife of Herode, Mariamme a goodly tower 55. cubits high. twentie cubits high, all solide, and other twentie cubits broade, hauing more magnificent and beautifull houses and lodgings then the rest. For the king so thought it meere that the tower called by his wiues name, should be more beautiful then they, who only bare the names of other men, like as they were stronger then this that bare the name of a woman. This tower was in all 55. cubits high. C
Notwithstanding these three towers were of such height, yet by reason of their scituation they seemed farre higher: for the olde wall whereupon they were built was placed vpon high ground, and the toppe of the hill whereupon they stood was ab [...]e thirtie cubites high, whereby their height was much increased. The greatnesse also was admirable, for it was not ordinarie stone which men might beare, but all white marble, whereof euerie stone was twentie cubits long, and ten cubits broade, and fiue cubits thicke: and they were so coupled one to another, that euerie stone by it selfe seemed a tower; and so cunningly conioyned by workemens hands, that euerie tower seemed one stone. And these were placed on the North side of the Citie; and adioyning to them within the Citie; was scituated the kings pallace, surpassing all that can be spoken of it: The kings pallace. which for greatnesse and excellent worke may be compared to all that were in the world. It was D compassed about with a wall thirtie cubits high, and adorned with goodly towers round about, euerie one of like distance from other, beautified with dwelling houses and lodgings for a hundreth of the nobilitie. The varietie of the marble it was built withall, was admirable, all sorts being there vsed that were neuer so rare to be found: and the tops of these houses for the length of the beames and the beautie thereof passed all credit; and the multitude of roomes and diuersitie of buildings, all filled and adorned with housholdstuffe and furniture. And in euerie roome there were many vessels of gold and siluer, and many porches round about, one answerable vnto another, and pillars in euerie one. And there were many pleasant walkes replenished with diuers trees, and many walking places or allies, all beset with conduits that spouted vp water on high, and cesternes full of brazen images, from which ran out water: and about the water many douehouses E full of tame pigeons. But it is vnpossible sufficiently to declare the riches and beautie of the kings pallace, and a griefe to thinke what goodly things, and how rich the theeues did there The kings pallace burnt by the theeues and rebels. set on fire: for these things were not burnt by the Romans, but by the seditious theeues (as is before said) at the beginning of this rebellion, who consumed all with fire euen from the Castle Antonia from whence the fire came, and destroied the kings pallace, and the couers and tops of the three towers. The temple was, as is before said, built vpon a hard mountaine, and at the first The temple builded vpon a most strong hill. the plaine vpon the toppe thereof was scarcely bigge enough to containe it and the temple yard, the hill being verie steepe. But when king Salomon, who also built the temple, had compassed the East part thereof with a wall, he also placed a porch vpon the rampire, and so for many ages after it lay vnfenced on other parts, wherfore the people euerie day bringing earth thither, at last F made it plaine and large enough: and breaking downe the North wal, they tooke in all that space which the temple hath continually occupied euen vntill now: and the hill being now enclosed with a threefold wal, it was a worke passing all expectation in building. To the effecting wherof many ages were spent, and all the holy treasure offered vnto God euen from all parts of the world All the sacred treasures spent in the building of the temple. were imploied therein, as well in the buildings of the higher as of the lower part of the temple; the foundations whereof, were laide three hundreth cubits deepe, and in many places more: yet [Page 706] could not all the height of the foundations be seene, being now buried in vallies that were filled G The yeare of the world, 4034 after Christs birth 72. vp to make them equall with the straight streers of the Citie. The stones of this building were of fortie cubits: for the abundance of treasure and liberalitie of the people did effect that which was scarcely possible: and that which all men thought could neuer haue come to passe, in time and by industrie came to perfection.
The building was answerable vnto these foundations. For all the porches were double, and euerie one was supported by pillars, each of them being fiue and twentie cubits high, and all of The porches were builded of white marble stone sustained by pillars. one piece and of white marble: the top whereof was all of Cedar, whose natural beautie for the good conioyning of this wood & polishing therof, did astonish all that beheld it, being adorned neither with painting nor carued workes. These porches were thirtie cubites broade: and the compasse of them altogither, with the fort of Antonia, was six furlongs. All the ground whereon H stood no building was curiously wrought & paued with al sorts of stones. The way to the second temple was al enclosed with stones of lattice work, which were three cubits high, and most beautifully wrought along: in which place also were placed certaine pillars equally distant one from another, to shew the law of purification; some being written vpon in Latine letters, other some in Greeke, forbidding all strangers to enter into the holy place, for the second temple is called the holy place. To go vnto the second from the first, one must passe vp fourteene staires, and it was fouresquare aloft, and enclosed with a wall by it selfe; whose outside being fortie cubits high, was all couered with staires to ascend vp into it, and within it was fiue and twentie cubits high: for al the part of the inner side was not seene, because it was built on the descent of a hil. After the foureteene staires there was a plaine made leuell with the wall of three hundreth cubits: from I thence passed on fiue other staires which lead vnto the gates, whereof on the North side and the South there were eight, foure on each side, and two on the East. For it was necessarie that there should be a peculiar place for women to exercise their deuotion in, which also was enclosed with A peculiar place destinated for women for religion sake. a wal. And so it was necessarie there should be two doores: and against the first gate there was opposite vnto it one gate on the North side, & another on the South, both separated from the rest, wherby one entred into the place alotted for women; for it was not lawful for any to passe by any other gate vnto the women, neither could they go beyond their owne doore because of the wal: for that place was common both to the women of that nation, and also to all strange women that came for religion sake. There was no gate on the West part, but a wall that reached all along in that place: Betweene the gates were porches opposite one against another, reaching from K the wall vnto the treasure house, supported with great and goodly pillars, being as plaine and fully as bigge as they below. The gates were couered vvith gold and siluer, as also the posts and Some of the gates were of gold, some of siluer, and one of Corinthian brasse. foreparts therof were, one onely excepted that vvas couered vvith Corinthian brasse, far surpassing in beautie the other that vvere couered with siluer or gold. In euerie gate there were two doores, each one thirtie cubits high, and fifteene cubits broad: and after the entrance where they were made larger, euerie one had on each side seates thirtie cubits long, and large like a tower, and fortie cubits high, each one supported vvith two pillars twelue cubits thicke. And all other gates were of like greatnesse, but that vvhich was couered with Corinthian brasse, which vvas the entrance into the place alotted for the women, and opened into the East gate of the temple, doubtlesse vvas bigger then the rest: for it was fiftie cubits high (the gates vvhereof vvere L fortie cubits) and was more richly adorned then the rest: for the couer of gold and siluer was thicker then it vvas in the rest, vvhich Alexander Tiberius his father had melted, to couer all the nine gates. And there vvere fifteene staires, that vvent from the vvall that separated the vvomen, vnto the great gate of the temple: for these staires vvere shorter by fiue degrees, then those that vvent to other gates. The temple it selfe vvas scituated in the midst of all, to vvit, the holy Sanctuarie, The sacred sanctua [...]ie. and had twelue staires to go vnto it. The forepart vvhereof vvas in height and breadth a hundreth cubits: and behinde, it vvas fortie cubits outright: and before, it vvas as it vvere two shoulders on each side rising vp in height twentie cubits. The first gate here of vvas seuentie cubits hie, and twentie fiue vvide, and had no doore: for it signified that heauen vvas spred al ouer & might be seene in euerie place: and all the foreparts vvere gilded vvith gold, and al the first building did M appeare and might be seene vvithout, and all that vvas vvithin and about the gate glistered vvith gold. The inner part thereof vvas deuided into two roomes, vvherof only the first roome might be seene, vvhich was in height fourescore and ten cubits, and in length fortie, and in breadth twentie. The inner gate vvas (as is already said) all gilded vvith gold, and all the vvall about it, and aboue it: it had a golden vine, vvhereon vvere hanging clusters of grapes all of gold, euerie cluster being as long as man is high. And because the height vvas seeled aboue, the inner [Page 707] temple did seeme to be lower then it was without, and it had golden gates fiue and fiftie cubits The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. A high, and sixteene cubits broad.
It had hangings also of the same length, which was a Babylonian vaile, all wrought with violet and purple silke and scarlet, admirable to behold: the permixtion of which colours had a mysticall The Babylonian vaile of admirable workmanship. The signification of the vaile. meaning, bearing as it were the signification of the whole world. For the scarlet doth seeme to expresse the fire, the silke signifieth the earth, the violet sheweth the aire, and the purple declareth the sea; partly in their colours resembling them, partly also as hauing their beginning from them: for the purple is ingendred in the sea, and the silke is produced by the earth. In this tapestry work was curiously wrought and deciphered all the speculations of the heauens, onely the celestiall signes excepted. Being entred within, you come into a lower place of the temple, which was three score cubits high, and as many in length, and twentie in breadth. Againe this place was deuided B into two, whereof the first part contained fortie cubits, hauing in it three most admirable things, Three admible works. The candlesticke, the table and censor. and famous throughout the world, to wit, a candlesticke, a table, and the altar of incense: vpon the candlesticke seuen lampes were placed, which signified the seuen planets (for so many did there come all out of one stemme of the candlesticke) vpon the table were standing twelue loaues of bread, signifying the twelue celestiall signes, and reuolution of the yeere. By the altar of incense, out of which proceeded thirteene odours, comming partly from the sea which is inhabitable, and partly from the earth, which is inhabited, is signified that al things are in the hands of God, & subiect to yeeld him obedience. The inner part of the temple contained twentie cubits, which likewise was separated from the other part by a vaile, and nothing was within it: and this place was the holy of holies, and no man might enter, looke into it, nor violate the same. On each side of the C lower temple, there were many lodgings and doores to passe into, euerie one of them hauing three roofes one aboue another: and there was a gate which led vnto both sides of the temple, and vnto these roomes: but the higher part of the temple had nor the like roomes on each side, and therefore it was made so much narrower then the other, yet was it higher then it by sorue cubits, neither was it so gorgious as the lower. For the whole height was a hundreth cubits, and the ground thereof sixtie. The vttermost part was so curious and richly wrought, that it was vnpossible The outward court of the temple couered with many plates of gold. for any one to imagine any workmanship that it wanted: for it was al couered with a massiue plate of pure gold, which shined far more bright then the morning sun, so that it dazeled the eies of the beholders, as doth the sunne when it is gazed vpon. And a farre off it seemed vnto strangers that came thither like a white mountaine: for where the tēple was not gilded with gold, there was D it milk white. The top hereof was all set ful of rods of gold, verie sharp at the vpper end like pikes, least the birds should come and sit thereon, and so defile it: many stones where withall it was built were fiue and fortie cubits large, fiue cubits in length, and sixe cubits broad. Before the temple there stood an Altar fifteene cubits high, being fortie cubits broad, and as many long, and foure square, hauing corners made like hornes. The way to this Altar was on the south side, where it by little and little mounted from below euen vnto the Altar. This Altar was builded without yron, and neuer yron did touch it. The temple and the altar were enclosed with stone-worke; beautifull to behold, which was a cubit high, separating the people from the priests. Those that were troubled with a fluxe of their seed, and leapers, were expulsed out of the citie; and women also hauing their monthly courses, and those that were not vncleane might passe this foresaid limit. E Likewise men that were not purified were not permitted to come within the inner temple, & those that were, might not come amongst the priests: those also that descended from the line of the priests, & for blindnes did not administer their function, were notwithstanding admitted into the place appointed for the rest of the priests that were sound, and had a share as they had; yet did they goe attired as laymen, for onely hee that did sacrifice might weare priestlie attire.
The priests that came vnto the altar and temple had no infirmitie; and they were cloathed in a fine linnen garment, and abstained from wine, and liued in abstinence for reuerence of religion, The priests in the old testament abstained from wine and were sober least they should sinne whilst they offered sacrifices. The high priest also ascended with the priests into the temple; yet not alwaies, but only euerie seuenth day, and in the Kalends of euerie mouth, F or on a festiual celebrated according to the custome of their countrie, or wherein all the people were present. And then he sacrificed being girded with a vaile, which couered his thighes euen vnto his priuities, vnder which beware a linnen garment hanging downe vnto his feet, and aboue it a round violet garment all fringed at the skirts, and hanged full of golden bels, and The hie priests garment. pomgranates of gold, first one and then another: the bels signified thunder, and the pomgranates lightning. Vpon his breast he wore a vesture of fiue colours, to wit gold, purple, scarlet, silke and [Page 708] violet, which also (as we haue said) the vailes of the temple were wrought withal. He had likewise a G The yeere of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. The precious stones in the high priests garment. rotchet of the same, wherein was more gold, and in shape it was like the garment he wore on his bodie downe to the thighes: it was also buttoned with two golden buttons, made in the forme of Aspes, wherein was enclosed the greatest & most precious Sardonych stones that could be found, bearing the names of the twelue tribes of Israel engrauen in them. On the other side did hang 12. precious stones, three and three in a ranke, deuided into foure rowes. In the first was the Rubie, the Topace and the Emraud: in the second the Carbuncle, the Iaspar and the Saphire: in the third the Acate, the Amethyst, and the Diamond: in the last the Onyx, the Beryl, and Chrysolite; in euerie one of which one name of the twelue tribes was written. Vpon his head he wore [...]miter of silke, which vvas crowned vvith Hyacinth: and aloft of it was another crowne of gold, wherein was engrauen sacred letters, to wit the foure vowels. He did not alwaies vse this garment, but an H other most commonly not so gorgeous: this he vsed when he entered into the sanctuarie, which he did onely once euery yeere alone, none else going with him, vpon which day all the nation was vvont to fast. But we will hereafter speake more at large of the citie and temple, the lawes and customes, the ordinances and obseruations; for these things cannot be briefely declared. The castle Antonia vvas scituate in a corner of the two porches of the first temple, vvhich looked vnto the West, and the North: and it vvas builded vpon a rocke of stone fiftie cubits high, vvhich The description of Antonia. on euerie side was inaccessible: this first vvas builded by king Herode, to shew the greatnes and magnificence of his mind. For first of all the rocke at the foot thereof, was all couered vvith thin, and slender stones like slates, vvhich did both adorne it, and vvould also easily slide downe, if any one walked vpon them. Before the battlements of the fort there vvas a vvall three cubits I high, within the vvhich the castle Antonia vvas built forty cubits high, being within all furnished, and contriued like the pallace of a king, hauing all kind of houses of office, and other necessarie roomes. For there were porches, bathes, and large hals, for to place tents in: so that for all conuenient roomes and places, it seemed to be a citie; and for the magnificence thereof a kings pallace. In outward fashion it was built like a tower, and inuironed about vvith foure other towers, at Antonia not much vnlike the citie. euerie corner one, vvhereof they that vvere on the South and East side were threescore and ten cubits high, the other two vvere onely fiftie, so out of these two highest one might haue a perfect view of all the vvhole temple. Where it ioyened vnto the porches of the temple, there vvas on either side a paire of staires, for the souldiers to come downe out of it into the temple. For alwaies the Roman souldiers lodged there, and guarded the temple in armour vpon festiuall daies, least K the people should attempt any rebellion or sedition. For the temple vvas as a castle to keepe the towne in awe, and the castle Antonia to ouerthrow the temple: there also vvere placed the souldiers: likewise in Herodes pallace, vvhich serued for a castle ouer the higher part of the citie. The hill Bezetha vvas deuided from the citie as is before mentioned, vvhich being the highest of all, was ioyned vnto part of the new citie, vvhich did obscure the view of the temple on the North side. And thus I haue here spoken sufficiently of the citie and the wall in this place, because we meane hereafter to describe them more at large.
CHAP. VII.
How the Iewes refused to yeelde, and how they assaulted the Romanes. L
THe most warlike of all the people ioyned with Simon, being in number ten thousand, beside the Idumaeans: and those ten thousand had fiftie captaines of their owne fellowes, yet all subiect vnto Simon. The Idumaeans that tooke his part were fiue thousand, and had Fifteene thousand follow Simon. ten captaines, the chiefe of whome were Iacob the sonne of Sosas, and Simon the sonne of Cathla. And Iohn, who kept the temple, had sixe thousand armed men, ouer whom were twentie captains: and then there came vnto him two thousand of the Zealous, and foure hundreth, who before had followed Eleazar and Simon the sonne of Iairus. So these warring one against another, the people was their bootie, and the multitude that were not seditious as they were, was their pray. Simon kept the higher part of the citie, and the greater wall euen vnto Cedron, and all that part of the olde wall which is betweene Siloa and the pallace of Monobazus, M Simons campe against Iohn. who was king of Adiabena, that lieth beyond Euphrates: he also kept all the hill Acra (which is the lower part of the citie) vnto Helenas pallace, who was Monobazus his mother. But Iohn kept all the temple and the space about it, Ophla, and the valley Cedron: and that which vvas betweene these two places vvhich Simon and Iohn kept, was all consumed with fire, and made a place to fight in. For although the Romans tents were pitched neere vnto the wals of the citie, yet did not this sedition cease, but hauing recouered some securitie a while at the Romans first [Page 709] comming, presently they returned vnto their former wont. And deuiding themselues againe, The yeere of th [...] world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. A euerie man fought for his owne part, doing all that the Romanes could wish to be done. For the Romans did thē no more harme then they did themselues: for after them the citie suffered no new calamitie; but indured farre more miserie before it was taken and destroyed by the Romanes, then it did at that time. For the Romans in destroying it did rather end their miserie, then bring The sedition tooke the City and the Romans ouercame & tooke the sedition. them into it. For the seditious did take the Citie, and the Romanes did ouercome and take the seditious, which was farre stronger then the wals: so that one may ascribe all their miseries to their owne nation, and equitie and iustice vnto the Romanes, as euerie one shall clearely see by that which ensued.
The Citie being in the estate before said, Titus with chosen horsemen went vp and downe Titus circuring the wall, seeketh which way he should attempt his batterie. without it, to espie where he might most easily assault the wals. And being in doubt a long time B what to doe, for that where the vallie was, footemen could not possible get vp to it: and where it was walled, they seemed to be impossible to be battered downe with engines: At last he determined to assault it on that part, where was the monument of Iohn the high Priest: for onely in this place the first wall was lower then in other places, and it was not compassed here with the second wall, for this place was not fortified, because that those parts of the new Citie were not much inhabited. So that from this place the wall might easily be assaulted: whereby Titus was perswaded that the higher Citie, and the Temple, and Antonia, might easily bee taken. As hee was thus viewing the place, one of his friends called Nicanor came vnto him, who was shot in the left shoulder with an arrow, because he desired to come neere Ioseph, who went thither of purpose to perswade the Iewes which were vpon the wall to yeeld. (For Nicanor was verie eloquent) Caesar Nicanor is wounded with an arrow in the left shoulder. C perceiuing their minds; and that they could not abstaine from him, who perswaded them to that which was most expedient for them, was now moued, and began earnestly to besiege them: and so he permitted his souldiers to wast all the suburbes, and to gather all the rubbish, stones, wood, & other matter together, and made therewith a mount. And deuiding his armie into three parts, he disposed of euerie one what he should doe, and in the middst of all vpon the mounts he placed archers, and before them engines for shot, where withall hee hindered the excursions of his enemies, least they should annoy the worke, and also did beate those off from the wall, who made anie resistance from thence. And presently all trees being cut downe, the suburbes appeared naked. Whilst the Romanes hauing gathered the wood together, were busied in their worke, the Iewes were not idle: and then the people, who were troubled with murders and robberies, did D hope to haue an end of their miserie; the seditious people being busied against their enemies, and they now hoped that if the Romanes did ouercome, they might bee reuenged vpon them. Iohn. still kept where he was, fearing Simon; yet were his followers verie earnest to assault the Romans. But Simon being next vnto the siege, did not rest, but placed all along that part of the wall men with darts, which before were taken from Sesleis Gouernour of the Romanes, and found in the Castle of Antonia. But the darts did the Iewes small pleasure, by reason that few of them knew how to vse them, onely some who were taught by certaine that had fled from the Romans, could vse them a little. Yet did they assault the Romane souldiers that were building the mounts, with The darts did the Iewes little good because they were not expert in vsing them. arrowes and stones; and also made excursions vpon them by companies, and fought with them. But the Romane workmen were defended by hurdles that were of purpose set before them: and E euerie legion had strange and admirable engines against the excursions of their enemies, and especially the engines that the tenth legion had to cast darts, and others that cast stones, which did not onely repulse them, by whom they were assaulted, but also those that stood vpon the wal: for euerie stone was a talent weight, and were shot more then a furlong, and slew not onely those that they did first strike, but also many that were stroken with the rebound. But the Iewes alwaies espied the stones before they came (for they were white) and so auoyded them: and they were not onely descried by the noyse they made in flying, but they might easily bee perceiued, and by this meanes the watchmen in the tovvers gaue vvarning alvvayes vvhen these engines vvere shot off, and vvhen the stones came; crying in their Countrie language: The sonne commeth, so the Ievves vpon the vvals knovving vvhat they meant, auoyded the stones & so receiued no harme. F Then the Romans deuised to blacke the stones vvith inke, and so they could not be seene as they flevv, but at one stroke slevv many. But the Ievves vvere not herevvith so terrified, that they permitted the Romans peaceably to build the mount, but night and day they hindered them vvith stratagemes and valour. Novv vvhen the Romans had finished their vvorke, the Carpenters measured the space betweene the mounts & the vvals with a plummet fastned vnto a line, which they cast from one place vnto another: for they could not measure it otherwise, because of the darts [Page 710] cast from the wals; and finding that they had Rams long enough, they set them vp, and Titus G The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. [...]tus comman deth the wall to be battered in three places commaunded the wall to bee battered in three places, to the end that the batterie might not bee hindred. The noyse that these rams did make, was heard round about the Citie; and the Citizens cried mainely out, and the seditious persons were also sore afraid. And seeing themselues all in like danger, they now determined to ioyne all together in resisting the Romans: and the seditious cried one vnto another, saying, that they rather assisted the enemies then resisted them: and therefore exhorted one another, at least for that time to become friends, if not for euer, onely to resist the Romans. And Simon sent a crier vnto the Temple, licensing all such as would to come vnto the wals: which also Iohn did permit, notwithstanding he mistrusted Simon: so they forgetting their old quarrell, ioyned al together, and resisted the Romans, and guarding the wals round The seditious forgetting their ha [...]ed and discords ioyne in one. they cast much fire vpon the engines of the Romanes, and against those that did rule them; and H threw darts against thē without intermission: & the boldest amongst thē in great companies lept downe, and destroyed that wherewith the engines were couered, and assaulted those that stood to defend them; and so did the Romans much harme, by reason of their desperate boldnes more then by their skill.
Titus was still at hand to succour them that stood in need, and placing horsemen and Archers about the engines, he repulsed the Iewes who came to cast fire, and repressed them that cast darts, and shot arrowes from the towers, and so gaue the rams time and opportunitie to beate the wals. Yet for all this the wall was not shaken with the rams, saue onely that the ramme of the fift legion The ramme shaketh a corner of a tower. did shake the corner of a tower; but yet the wall stood firme, and was not harmed by the shaking of the tower: for it was farre higher then the w [...]ll, and so could not draw downe any part of the I wall as it fell. So soone as they had a while ceased from excursions, they perceiued that all the Romans were busied in one labour or other, and so dispersed all ouer the campe, thinking that the Iewes for feare durst come no more. The Iewes all secretly issued out of the gate by the tower Hippicos, and cast fire vpon the works; and couragiously made incursion vpon the Romans euen vnto the tampire of their campe. The Romans seeing what danger might ensue, presently assembled themselues, both they that were neere and those that were farre off. The discipline of the Romans ouercame the furie of the Iewes, and putting those to flight that first met them, they assaulted those that opposed themselues against them afterward. So there began a grieuous battell about the engines, the Iewes striuing to fire them; and the Romans fighting to hinder them: and a doubtfull crie was raised on both parts, and many in the forefront were sla [...]e on both sides. But K the Iewes audacitie got them the vpper hand; and their fire did somthing touch the engines: and all had beene consumed quite with fire, had not the chosen souldiers that came from Alexandria hindred it, who for the opinion that they had of themselues did fight stoutly: for they were Titus putteth the Iewes to flight and driueth them into the Citie. accounted to haue beene the most valiant of all in this battell; till such time as the Emperour with certaine selected horsemen came and set violently vpon the enemies: and he himselfe slew twelue men that did resist him, for whose deaths the rest fearing fled, and were forced to retyre themselues into the Citie, and so saued the engines from being fired. It chanced that one of the Iewes was in this fight taken aliue, and Titus commaunded that he should be crucified before the wall, that perhaps the rest being herewithall terrified might yeeld. After Caesar was retired, Iohn the Iohn Captaine of the Idumaeans by the shot of an arrow that woundeth him in the brest dieth. Captaine of the Idumaeans talking vpon the wall with one of his friendes, being strucken in the L brest with an arrow by an Arabian souldier presently died, which caused great lamentation among the Iewes, and sorrow amongst the seditious, for he was valiant of his hands and verie wise and of good aduise.
CHAP. VIII.
Of the fall of the tower: and how the two wals were taken.
THe night following, there was a great tumult amongst the Romans. For Titus the Emperour had commaunded to bee builded three towers, fiftie cubits high a peece, each one vpon a seuerall mount, that from thence hee might the more easily beate the enemies from off the wals: but one of these towers in the middest of the night fell downe M without any assault. And making a great noyse with the fall, feare fell vpon the whole armie, who suspecting that it came to passe by some stratageme wrought by the Iewes, euerie one ranne and armed himselfe, and so there was a great tumult in the armie: and for that no man could tell what the matter was a longtime, they stoode as it were all amazed, euerie one asking his fellow what had happened, and seeing no enemies come, they began to feare some treason amongst themselues; and so were in a great feare they knew not wherefore, till such time as Titus vnderstanding [Page 711] the matter, caused the truth thereof to be presently proclaimed throughout the campe; and so the The yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 71. A tumult (although with much ado) was appeased.
The Iewes valiantly bearing and enduring all other dangers, were sore troubled by reason of these towers vvhich Titus had erected; for they were slaine and vvounded from thence with smal engine shot, darts & arrowes; neither could they build themselues any so high, nor was there anie hope to destroy them: for neither could they be throwne downe for their vvaight, nor fired because they vvere couered with yron: and so they flying out of the reache of the shot, did not seek to hinder the ram from battering their vvals; which neuer ceasing, at last preuailed somwhat. So the great ramme, vvhich the Iewes called Nicon, because it ouercame all, at last battered the vval; and the Iewes being wearie with fighting, for that they had watched al the night before, for Nicon that is to say Vistor, the Romans great ramme. sloth, or els because they perswaded themselues that the vvall was superfluous, they hauing two B more beside it, they all forsooke their quarters, and retired themselues vnto the second vvall; and the Romans entred the first, that the ram called Nicon had battered. Then the Romans that had The Romans get the first wall. passed and entred the first vval, vvent and opened the gates and let in the vvhole army. Hauing thus gotten the wall the seuenth day of May, they destroied the greatest part thereof; and also the North side of the Citie which before Cestius had vvasted.
Titus remooued his campe from thence, and vvent vnto the place called the Assyrians camp, and seased vpon all betweene that and Cedron; and being vvithout the shot of an arrow from the second vval, he began againe to assault it. Then the Iewes diuiding the wall betwixt them to defend each others part, they resisted most valiantly. And Iohn and his partakers defended all Antonia, and the North part of the temple from Alexanders toombe: and Simon defended all C from Iohns toombe vnto the gate by the tower Hippicos. And many times issuing out at the gates they fought hand to hand vvith the enemy, being alwaies repulsed by the discipline of the The Iewes conflict with the Romans. The Iewes boldnesse. Romans, onely for vvant of knowledge in vvarlike affaires; and stil in all fights vpon the vval they got the best: for the Romans vvere assisted by fortune and knowledge, and the Iewes with desperate boldnesse which came of feare; for they are of stout courage in aduersitie. Moreouer, the Iewes vvere mooued to fight in hope that vvay to saue their owne liues: and the Romans to get a speedy conquest. Neither partie was vvearie, neither did they euer cease from assaulting one another: all the day long the Iewes in vvhole companies made excursions against the Romans, and they omitted no kinde of fight beginning at sunne rise, and continuing all night long, farre more terrible to them both then in all the day before: the Iewes feared least that the Romanes D should get the vval; and the Romans likewise misdreaded that the Iews should inuade their camp. Thus stil al night long being armed, early in ye morning they vvere prepared againe to fight. The Iewes did one striue vvith another who should vndergo the most danger, and so deserue his captaines fauour. Simons followers did greatly reuerence and feare him, insomuch as if he should haue commaunded any of them to haue killed himselfe, he vvould presently haue done it. The The custome of the Romans to conquer. Romans vvere encouraged to fight by their vvont and custome in getting the victorie, and that they vvere not wont to be ouercome: againe their frequent and daily vvarres and continuall exercises and large dominions gaue the like courage, and especially Titus their General still present in all their affaires greatly sturred them forwarde: for euerie one thought it a hainous crime to be a coward in the presence of such a captaine as Caesar was. Caesar himselfe beholding and looking E on, vvho also was a witnesse of their deedes that behaued themselues valiantly, vvould reward euerie man for his valour: beside that, it vvas aduantage to be easily knowne vnto the prince for a valiant man: so that many of them shewed that their alacritie vvas farre greater then their strength. At this time Longinus one of the horsmen comming out of the Roman army, preased Longinus breaketh into the midst of the Iewes army, and disturbeth it. into the midst of the Iewes forces, and casting them downe that stood in his way, by this violence he slew two of the strongest of the enemies amongst them, striking one of them ouer the face, and slaying the other vvith his owne dart he rooke from him: vvho for this deed was greatly honoured, hauing broken thorow [...] strong army of the Iewes, that vvere placed before the vvals, and cast dartes at him on either side. Many of the Romans by this his example vvere entised to doe the like. The Iewes now regarded not vvhat they suffered, but onely deuised. which way to F harme their enemy, nothing esteeming death, so that they might kill some one of the Romans. But Titus had as much care to preserue his souldiers, as he had to get the victorie; affirming these rash assaults to proceed of desperation: and that onely was to be accounted for vertue, vvhen one did warily not indanger himselfe to atchieue any vvoorthy action, and vvilled them rather to shew themselues men where there was no danger.
CHAP. IX. The yeare of the world, 4034 after Christs birth 72. G
How Castor the Iew derided the Romans.
THen Titus commanded the ramme to be set vp against the tower on the North part of the Citie, wherein a craftie and politike Iewe accompanied with ten men had hid himselfe, all the rest being fled: this Iew vvas named Castor. These men hauing lien still a vvhile Castor a subtill and politique Iewe. there in their armour, at last being afraid and the tower beginning to shake, they start vp: and Castor stretching foorth his hand, did as it were humbly craue fauour at Caesars hands, and with a lamentable voice besought him to spare him. Titus seeing the mans simplicitie, as he thought, and perswading himselfe that the Iewes did now repent them of their enterprise, he caused the H ram to cease from batterie, and the archers to hold their hands; and withall permitted Castor to speake his pleasure. Castor said, that he desired to come and make a league of peace. And Titus answered, that he would grant it, if so be all the rest would doe so likewise; and that he would presently confirme a league of peace between him and the Citie. Fiue of Castors fellowes seemed to be willing, and to request the like; but the other fiue counterfeited to withstand them, crying out a lowd, that they would neuer be slaues vnto the Romans, seeing they might die in libertie. Whilest Castor and his fellowes were debating the matter, the batterie ceased. In the meane time Castor priuily sent word vnto Simon, willing him whilest the batterie ceased to deliberate what was expedient to be done in this necessitie: for he a while would deceiue the Roman Emperour, and hold him in suspence. And in the meane time he seemed to exhort his companions I that denied to embrace the kinde offer of Titus: and they as it were angrie hereat, drew their swords and stroke vpon their corselets; and they so striken seemed to fall downe, as though they had bin slaine. Titus and his soldiers were amazed at this their obstinacie; for being on the lower ground they could not well perceiue what was done: and so they woondred at their desperation, and also pitied their calamitie. At this time one stroke Castor in the buttocke with a dart, and Castor pulling it out of his flesh, shewed it vnto the Emperour; and complained of it, as being iniured. Titus presently with sharpe words corrected him that shot it, and forthwith would haue sent Ioseph to promise Castor pardon and peace. But Ioseph denied to go, affirming that Castor onely dissembled, and so hindred his friends that would haue gone. At last one Aeneas, who had fled vnto the Romans, offered himselfe to go. Castor inuited him, as though he would giue him some K thing in token of his true meaning. Then Aeneas opened the skirt of his garment, thinking Castor would haue cast him downe something of worth: and when he came vnderneath the tower, Castor tooke a great stone & threw it down vpon him; yet hurt him not because he was aware of it, and auoided the stone; but it wounded another souldier standing by. Then Caesar considering Mercie in wars hurtfull. this deceit, began to thinke that pitie and mercie in warres was hurtfull, and that crueltie was not so easily deceiued; and so being verie angrie at this deceit, he caused the wall to be beaten with the ramme more then before. Castor and his fellowes perceiuing the tower to shake, they set it on fire, and so passed through the flame, and conueied themselues into a mine of the tower; so that againe the Romans admired their courage, thinking that they had burned themselues. L
Titus assaulting the wall on this part, tooke it fiue daies after that he had taken the first; and causing the Iewes to flie from thence, he accompanied with a thousand chosen men about him, Titus taketh the second wall. entred in where the woolmen, and coppersmiths, and merchant tailors dwelt, which place was the new Citie, hauing only narrow and streight waies to go vnto the wall. And had he presently beaten downe a great part of the wall, or according to the lawes of armes destroied that which he had gotten, he had obtained the victorie without any losse on his side. Yet now hoping the Iewes would yeelde, seeing that if he pleased he might take them by force, he gaue the more ample and easie passage to retire: for he did not thinke that they whose good he sought, would haue been traitors vnto him.
CHAP. X. M
How the Romans did twise take the second wall.
WHen Titus was entred the citie, he suffred none of them that were taken to be slaine, nor the houses to be burned, but permitted the seditious (if they were so minded) to fight, and that without the preiudice of the people: and also promised the people to restore vnto them all their goods. For many besought him to spare the Citie for them; and the temple for [Page 713] the citie. The people were glad hereof: and many of the warlike Iewes thought the humanitie A The yeere of th [...] world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. They interpret war like Titus humanity for cowardize. of Titus to proceed from cowardize; and iudged that Titus, for that he despaired to winne the rest of the citie, did now cowardlike propound these conditions. They likewise threatned al the people, that whosoeuer should speake one word concerning peace, and yeelding vnto the Romans, should presently die: and some of them did resist the Romans from out of their houses, and others in the narrow waies: and others going out at the higher gates, began a battell, wherewith the watchmen being troubled, fled from the wall, and forsaking the towers, they retired themselues into their campe. The Romane souldiers within the citie cried out, because they were enclosed with the enemies, the gates being shut, and assaulted without by those who apprehended The Romans are driuen out by the Iewes. their companions to be in great daunger. The number of the Iewes encreasing, and preuailing, for that they knew the waies and turnings of the streets, many of the Romans were slaine, and violently B borne downe, when they offered to resist in that necessitie: for a multitude togither could not flie, by reason of the narrownesse of the streets, that went vnto the wall: and all that entered into the citie had beene slaine, had not Titus succoured them. For placing at the beginning of euerie street archers, & himselfe being where most need was, he so did driue away the Iewes with darts and arrowes: and with him Domitius Sabinus, vvho in that fight was proued a stout warriour, who so long continued beating the Iewes with arrowes, till all the souldiers were escaped away.
Thus the Romans hauing got the second wall were beaten from it againe: And the citizens fit for vvarre vvere hereat encouraged, and were drunken vvith this good fortune, thinking The Iewes courage increaseth. that now the Romans durst no more offer to come into the citie, and that they could not be ouercome if they did arme themselues to fight. For God, because of their iniquitie had darkened C their vnderstanding, so that they neuer considered that the Roman forces were farre greater then they that were ouercome, nor the famine that presently ensued: for as yet they liued vpon the destruction of the people, and dranke the bloud of the citie: but the good did euen now suffer famine, and many of them had alreadie perished for vvant of foode: yet the seditious did reioyce at the death of the Citizens, as though thereby they were eased of a great burthen, onely desiring their liues that bare rebellious mindes, and would ioyne vvith them The people in want, and many die for hunger. against the Romanes, reioycing at the death of the rest, as freed from a heauie clogge; and this vvas the affection they bare vnto their Citizens. And so they armed themselues, and resisted the Romans, who now againe did attempt to enter the breach: and they threw downe D stones and part of the vvall vpon them as they came vp, and so draue them backe againe, and valiantly resisted them for three daies. But the fourth day they were not able to vvithstand Titus his assault, but were forced to retire, as before: and he hauing gotten the wall Titus once more gette [...] the second wal. destroyed all the North part thereof, and placed a garrison in the towers and fortresses of the South part.
CHAP. XI.
Of the mounts raised to batter the third wall: and a long Oration of Iosephs to perswade the people to yeelde: and of the famine in the Citie.
TItus now determined to batter the third wall, and he thought to continue that siege but E a short time: and that it was conuenient to giue the seditious some time to bethinke themselues, to see if that either by the taking of the second wall, or terrified with famine, they would repent. For now there was no more praies for them left in the citie, and he lay before the wals thereof, euen as he desired. And the time being come, that euery souldier should receiue victuals and prouision for himselfe, Titus caused them to be led euery one in order Titus surceasing the siege commaundeth money to be distributed to all his soldiers. into a place, where the Iewes in the citie might perfectly behold them, and caused his captains to distribute money to euerie one. And the souldiers (as their custome is) all armed, and drawing their swords out of their sheathes, marched along, the horsemen leading their horses gallantly adorned, and a great part of the suburbes glistered with gold and siluer. This spectacle was gratefull F to their owne souldiers, and terrible to the Iewes: for all the old wals, and the North part of the citie, and many houses were filled with the multitude of them, who came to view this sight: and there vvas no part of the citie that was not filled with people to see and behold it. And feare came vpon the verie boldest amongst all the Iewes, seeing both the Romans armour and their order: and perhaps that shew would haue caused the seditious people to haue relented, had they not despaired to haue found mercy and pardon at the Romans hands for their offences committed; [Page 714] and so they thought it better to be presently slaine in warres, then to be put to death shamefully, The yeere of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. Destinie had decreed that the innocent should perish with the nocent, and the citie with the seditious. if they desisted from fight. Destiny also hindred this, vvhereby it was decreed that the G innocent should perish vvith the wicked, and the citie vvith the seditious. And for foure daies space they were distributing necessaries vnto the souldiers: and on the fift day Titus perceiuing that for ought he could do, the Iewes were still obstinate, he deuided his armie into two parts, and about Iohns tomb he began to raise mounts, & against Antonia, hoping that waies to take the higher part of the citie, & by Antonia to sease the temple, vvhich except he could effect, he could not safely take the citie: & against either of these places he raised two mounts, euerie legiō making one. The Iewes & Simons followers did hinder the vvorke that vvas begunne before Iohns tombe, and Iohn likewise with a great number of the Zealous hindred them that made the mounts ouer against Antonia: vvho not only did fight vvith the aduantage of the higher ground, but also had H now learned the vse of engines: for continuall vse by little and little made them skilfull, and The Romans in their labour are hindred by the Iewes. they had three hundreth engines called Balistaes, and fortie engines to cast stones, wherewith they greatiy annoyed the Romanes, and hindred them from their worke.
Titus foreknowing that fortune vvould fauour him, & that the citie was like to perish, he hasted to take it, neuer ceasing to perswade the Iewes to yeeld: and with his deeds he ioyned counsel. For he knew that many times vvords preuaile more then violence of armes, and exhorted them to saue themselues, and yeeld the citie vnto him: and told them of Ioseph, how that he should make a speech Titus bountie towards the Iewes. vnto them in their owne language, for he hoped that they would heare their owne countriman. Then Ioseph going about the citie without the daunger of shot, cried vnto them to spare themselues, the citie, the temple, the people, and not become more hard hearted against them, then I straungers vvere. For the Romans did reuerence the holy places, notwithstanding they had no societie or portion in them; and how euen till this day they had abstained from violating Iosephs Oration the Iewess. them: and they vvho were nourished within them, and might onely saue them, did vvilfully cause their destruction:and bad them consider that their strongest wals were battered downe; and onely now the weaker remaining vnbattered, hee willed them to consider, how they were not able to withstand the Romans forces. And that it was no newes to the Iewes, nor straunge, to be subiect vnto the Romans. For although it be a good and commendable thing to fight for libertie, yet that was to be done in the beginning: but he that vvas once subiect, and would rebell, hauing a long time liued vnder the obedience of the Romans, seemed rather to be desirous of a shamefull death then a louer of libertie. Moreouer, that they should disdaine to be subiect vnto K base people, and not vnto them whom the whole world obeyed. For (said he) what place haue not the Romans that may be inhabited? Nay themselues might perceiue how fortune did still fauour them: And that God who guided the Empire to be placed in all parts, was now in Italy.Fortune and God for the Romans.Also that euen by the law of nature, aswell by the example of beasts as of men, we are taught to giue place vnto them that are stronger then our selues, and be contented that they should get the victorie that are valiantest in armes. And this (quoth he) vvas the cause that your auncestors vvho vvere farre more strong and politicke then you, and had better meanes to resist; yet did they submit themselues vnto the Romans, vvhich if God had not beene pleased withall, hee would neuer haue permitted them to haue done. And how could they hope to resist, seeing the citie was as it were alreadie taken? And that the citizens supposing their wals were vvhole, yet L were they all destroyed. For the Romans well knew what famine was amongst them, and how itFamine in the Citie.did euerie day waste the people, and would also in short time destroy the warriors amongst them. For suppose that the Romans would cease, and not besiege the citie, nor offer with drawne swords to assault it: yet is there a ciuill warre within the citie, which the Iewes cannot ouercome or auert, it euerie day increasing: except they would also fight against hunger, and they alone ouercome aduerse fortune. Further he added, that it was best, before intollerable calamities befell them, to chaunge their opinion, and whilest they had time to be counselled by good aduise. And that the Romās would not punish them for that which was alreadie past, except they persisted obstinate euen vnto the end. For they are (quoth he) kind, courteous, and gentle to their subiects, and do prefer their commoditie before reuenge. And they thought it an aduantage to haue M the citie, and the country inhabited; therefore the Emperour would make a league of peace with them: but if he tooke the citie by force, he would not spare one, especially seeing that they were willed by him to saue themselues, euen in the greatest necessitie they refused to obey him. Likewise he told them that the third wall would also be taken verie shortly, as wel they might perceiue by the two other wals: and suppose that their citie was inexpugnable, yet the famine would cause it to be yeelded into the Romans hands in despite of them.
[Page 715] As Ioseph did thus aduise them, many standing vpon the wals did rayle against him, many vpbrayded A The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. The Emperor striueth to bee at peace with the Romans. Ioseph tippeth vp the ancient Histories, and some [...]aine. him, & others shot at him. Ioseph seeing hee could not auert thē from their imminent calamities, recounted vnto them all their own Histories making for his purpose. ‘O wretches (quoth he) and vngratefull to them that helpe you: you fight against the Romanes, and beare armes against them, as though this way you had cōquered some others that came, as they now do, against you. When doth God the maker of all things denie his helpe vnto vs if we be oppressed? Wil ye not remember your selues? For what cause did you enterprise these warres, and how great a friend and assister of yours doe you daily offend? Doe yee not remember the myraculous workes of your auncestors, and this holy place; and how in times past it was by the enemies destroyed? But I quake and tremble to recount the workes of God to such vnworthie hearers: yet hearken, that you may know that you doe not onely resist the Romans, but also God himselfe. Nechias at that time B king of Aegypt, who also was called Pharao, came, and with an infinite armie tooke away Queene Sara, the mother of our nation. And what did our first father Abraham in this case? Did he with Nechias a king of Egypt. weapons and armes reuenge this iniurie? hauing vnder his commaund three hundreth and eighteene Captaines, and vnder them an infinite multitude? Or did he rather desist from warre, perceiuing God not to accompanie him? Wherefore lifting vp pure and vndefiled hands towards this holy place, which now you haue defiled and prophaned, he chose God an inuincible helper to aide him. And was not the Queene the second night after sent home againe vnto him vntouched? And the Aegyptian adoring this holy place, which yee haue polluted with murders of your owne nation, and trembling at the visions he saw in the night time, fled, rewarding the Hebrewes with gold and siluer, whom he perceiued to bee so beloued of God. Shall I recount vnto C you the going of our auncestors into Aegypt, who hauing for fower hundreth yeeres beene slaues The Hebrewes vnder the tyrannie of Egypt foure hun dreth yeeres. vnto the Aegyptian tyrants and kings, and able to haue reuenged themselues by force of armes, yet did they rather expect and staie Gods leasure? Who knoweth not, that then Aegypt in reuenge of the Hebrewes, was filled with all kinds of serpents, and infected with all diseases, and the earth became so barren, that Nilus waxed drie, & the ten plagues followed one another without ceasing; whereby our auncestors were safely deliuered without any bloudshed: for God conducted them as willing to reserue them for his Priests. When the Assyrians had taken away from The sacred Arke taken away by the Assirians and restored to the Iewes. vs the holy Arke, did not Palestina and Dagon repent that fact? did not all the nation of them that tooke it, weepe and lament therefore? For their priuie parts being putrified, their bowels and the meate they did eate ranne out there, and so with vncleane hands they were forced to bring it D backe againe, with Cymbals and trumpets: thereby to make satisfaction for their offence. It was God that did this for our ancestors, because that they laying their arms aside, wholy resigned thē selues to his pleasure. Was Senacherib king of Assyria, comming with all the power of Asia and incamping himselfe before this Citie, ouercome by humane force? Did not our auncestors leauing Senacherib king of Assyria. armes, flie to praiers, and by an Angell God in one night destroyed an infinite armie? And the next day the Assyrian rising, found a hundred fourescore and fiue thousand of his men dead, and so fled with the rest from the Hebrewes being vnarmed, and not pursuing him? You The captiuitie of Babylon. know also that in the captiuitie of Babylon, where the people liued the space of seuentie yeeres, they got not their libertie till such time as God put in Cyrus heart, to suffer them to go into their owne countrie. Who still assisting them, they againe as the priests in old time were wont, did E serue and reuerence their helper. In briefe, our ancestors did neuer atchieue any great matter by force of armes, neither did they leaue any thing vndone, wherein they expected Gods helpe, but still remaining quiet at home, they ouercame their enemies through his prouidence: And when they did fight after their owne wils, they alwaies failed of their expectation. For when Zedechias our king, contrarie to the admonition of the Prophet Ieremie, did goe foorth, and fight with the king of Babylon then besieging the Citie, both he and all his were taken, and this Citie destroyed. The destruction of Ierusalē by the King of Babylon. Yet consider how farre your Captaines are inferiour vnto that King, and your selues vnto the people of those times. For Ieremie crying vp and downe the Citie, and saying that God was offended at their iniquitie, and that except they did yeeld the same, it should be taken by force; yet did not the King nor any of the people lay hands vpon him. And you (that I may omit your iniquitie F done within the Citie, which though I would, I could not sufficiently discipher) doe attempt to kill me, and vse rayling speeches against me, who once gaue you holesome counsell for your good onely; for that I put you in mind of your sinnes, you not enduring to heare of that which you daily commit. This same betided also when Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes besieged the Citie, God being highly displeased at our auncestors, who going out in armes against him Iosephs bitter inuectiue against them. were all slaine, the towne spoyled, and this holy place for three yeeres and sixe months made desolate. [Page 716] What should I shew vnto you any more examples. Who first incited the Romanes themselues The yeere of the world. 4034 after Christs birth 72. G against the Iewes? Was it not the impietie of our owne Countrimen that did it? Whence began our bondage at that time? Did it not proceede from the sedition of our auncestors, when the furie of Aristobulus, and Hyrcanus brought Pompey into our Citie: and so God subdued them vnto the Romans, being now vnworthie of libertie? And at length hauing for three months space endured a siege, being not so great offenders as you are, and better able to abide the siege then you, yet did they yeeld themselues. Are we ignorant of the end of Antigonus the sonne of Aristobulus, who inuading the kingdome, brought our nation againe into subiection. God so laying this bondage vpon them, for that he was moued at the iniquitie of our nation? And Herode the sonne of Antipater brought Sosius and the Romane armie, and besieged the Citie round sixe months space: and at last for the greatnesse of their iniquitie was taken and punished for their offences, H and the Citie sacked by the enemies. So you euidently see that our nation did neuer preuaile by force of armes. And assure your selues that the Citie will be taken by this siege. It is meet therfore that you who keepe this holy place, wholy commit your selues to Gods wil and pleasure, & then feare not the forces of the enemies, when by reason of your pietie, you are assured of Gods helpe and succour. But what one parcell of Gods law haue you obserued? Nay, what mischiefe The Iewes sins against the lawes. haue you left vndone, that hee detesteth not? How farre greater is your impietie then theirs, that did sodainly perish for their sinnes? For you making small accompt of secret sinnes, to wit, stealing, deceit, and adulteries, do violently take away mens goods by open force, and murder whom yee please; an [...] haue deuised new wayes to sinne. Moreouer, you haue made the holy Temple a place of all these your impieties, and the seate that the Romanes did adore, is by our owne nation I polluted: much derogating from the honour of our religion by your impious facts. Last of al, you hope of his helpe whom you haue so hainously offended. Truely you are verie iust people and obedient, and with pure hands you aske helpe of God. Did our king thus pray vnto God, when he The Romans vse the same maner of ouerthrow against the Iewes as the Assyrians did. obtained that in one night so many of the Assyrians should bee destroyed? Or doe the Romanes commit such impietie as the Assyrians did, that you may hope of the like reuenge against them? for he hauing receiued a peece of money to saue the Citie, did, not regarding his oth, seeke to destroy the same. The Romanes doe onely request the tribute that our auncestors were wont to pay vnto them: which if they haue, they will neuer destroy the Citie, nor touch our holy things. They will also permit you to enioy freely your families and possessions, and suffer our lawes to remaine inuiolate. It is altogether madnesse for you to hope that God will so punish iust men, as he did sinners God knoweth when to reuenge. K and impious persons, who knoweth to punish at his pleasure. To be short, hee destroyed the Assyrians the first night, that they encamped before the Citie. And if he purposed also to deliuer you, and punish the Romans, he would then haue done it, when Pompey and Sosius came against the citie, or when Vespasian wasted Galilee, or lastly now, when Titus came to assault it. But neither Pompey nor Sosius suffered any harme, yet both of them tooke the Citie. Vespasian so gained by The fountains that before time were d [...]y now flow to Titus. warring against vs, that he hath hereby got the whole empire. And the fountaines which before gaue you no water, yeeld it to Titus in great aboundance. You know that before his comming the fountaines without the Citie and Siloa were so dried vp, that water was sold by measure, yet now they flow so plentifully, that they doe not onely serue all the armie, & their cattell also; but besides that, do water all the gardens about. What this wonder foretelleth, you haue already experience. L When the king of Babylon came with his armie and destroyed the citie, who tooke it and fired it and the Temple, notwithstanding that (as I am perswaded) the Iewes of that time were nothing so wicked as you are. Wherfore I thinke that God hath forsaken this holy place, and is now gone to them that doe besiege you. Wil not a good man flie a wicked house, and hate the impious that dwell therein? And doe you then thinke that God will abide your impietie, who beholdeth all secrets, and knoweth al things that are hid? But what is secret amongst you? Or what doe you seeke to hide? Nay, what doe you that your enemies doe not know? All your iniquities are disclosed to all men: and you euerie day striue one with another who shall bee most impious. And you doe as God is wont to shew mercie to those who con fesse and be penitent. greatly labour to shew your selues vicious, as others doe to shew themselues vertuous. Yet for all this, there is time to amend, and Gods wrath will be appeased, if yee acknowledge your sins, & be M penitent for your offences. Cease from armes, be ashamed of your Countrie now ruined through your owne meanes. Turne your eyes and behold the beautie of the place, whose ruine you seeke. How braue a Citie, how gorgious a Temple, how rich with the giftes of all nations? Who would fire these? who would desire the ruine of these? Or what is there in the world, that better deserueth to bee serued then these? O hard hearted people, and more blockish then stones. If you doe not pittie these, yet let your families moue you; euerie one of you looke vpon your children,[Page 717] wiues and parents, who shall all presently be consumed, either with sword or famine. I know that The yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 72. Iosephs loue and constancie towards his countrey. A together with you shall perish my family, and wife and house, which sometime were of no small account: And perhaps some of you doe thinke me therfore to speake this vnto you; but kill them, and take my bloud for recompence of your welfare and liues: I my selfe am also prepared to die, if after my death you would remember your selues.’
Ioseph crying thus vnto them with teares trickling downe his cheekes, the seditious were nothing mooued, but told him that it was not safetie for them to yeeld. But the people were perswaded to flie, and some selling their possessions, and that they had for smal prices, they did swallow downe the gold, for feare the theeues should take it from them. And so when they had escaped The people flie with their money. vnto the Romans, they emptying their bellies found it againe, and so had money to buy them necessaries. Titus also permitted many to go away whither soeuer they pleased, which thing caused B diuers to flie, seeing that thereby they were deliuered out of their calamitie, which in the citie they aboad, and were not forced to serue the Romans. But Iohn and Simon were as diligent to stop the waies least the Citizens should escape, as they did hinder the Romans from entring into the Citie: so that whosoeuer did but giue any suspition of flight, he was presently by them put to death. The richer sort, whether they staid or fled, were slain for their wealth and possessions. The A wonderfull famine in the Citie. famine of the citie, and the desperation of the theeues both increased alike, euerie day more and more; so that now there was no more corne found. Wherfore the seditious persons brake into the houses and searched euerie corner for to find corne; and if after their search they found any, then they did beat the owners for denying it at the first; and if they found none, they tortured the housholders, as hauing more cunningly hidden it: And whosoeuer was yet strong of body and well liking, C The argument of store of meat. him they presently kild; for hereby they deemed him to haue store of food, or els he should not haue bin in so good plight of body as he was. And they that were pined with famine, were by these barbarous seditious people slain, who esteemed it no offence to kil them, who would shortly after die though they were left aliue. Many both rich and poore secretly exchanged all that they had for one bushell of corne, and presently shutting themselues in the secretst roome of their house, some of them did eate the corne as it was vnground: others made bread therof as necessitie and feare required. No man in the whole Citie sate downe to eat his meate on a table, but greedily taking it not boiled from the fire, they euen rawe as it was did eat it. Most miserable was this manner of liuing, and a spectacle which none without tears was able to behold; for the strongest A miserable kind of liuing, and a spectacle of great compassion. still got the most, and the weakest bewailed their miserie: for now famine was the greatest calamitie D they endured. And nothing doth arme men more then shame: for during this famine no reuerence was had towards any man: for wiues tooke the meate euen out of their husbands mouths, and children from their parents, and mothers euen from their infants, which was the most lamentable thing of all. No body had now any cōpassion, neither did they spare their dearest infants, but suffered them to perish euen in their armes, taking from them the verie drops of life. Yet could they not eate thus in such secrecie, but presently some came to take away from them that whereon they fed. For if in any place they saw any doore shut, presently hereupon they coniectured that they in the house were eating meat, and forthwith breaking downe the doores, they The souldiers enter the houses, & take the meat vnchuēd out of the Citizens mouths. came in; and taking them by the throat, they tooke the meat out of their mouths already chewed, and ready to be swallowed downe. The olde men were driuen away, and not permitted to keepe E and defend their food from being taken from them: the women were drawn vp and downe by the haire of the head, for that they hid betweene their hands some part of their meat, and would not forgo it. No pitie was now remaining, neither to olde age nor infancie, but they tooke young babes eating, their mouth full of meat, and not permitting it to be taken out of their mouths, and threw them against the ground. Now if any one had preuented these theeues, and eaten their meat before they could come at them, then they were more cruell; and the other so much more tyrannously handled, as hauing committed some greater offence against them. They also deuised most barbarous and cruell torments to extort food from others: for they thrust sticks or such like into the cauitie of mens yards, and sharpe thornie rods into their fundaments: and it is abominable to heare what the people endured to make them confesse one loafe of bread, or one F handfull of corne which they had hidden.
These miscreants did not yet for all this feele either hunger or thirst: for then these their impieties had been more tolerable; but they did it only to exercise their crueltie, preparing six daies food for themselues aforehand. Wherfore meeting such as had escaped the Roman watch in the night, and gone into the fields to gather weeds or herbs, when they againe came into the Citie, and thought they had now escaped the danger of their enemies; they there tooke from them the [Page 718] hearbs they had gotten with hazard of their liues, denying to giue them any smal part of that for G The yeare of the world, 4034 after Christs birth 72. which they had vndergone such danger: and they required them for Gods sake to doe it; yea they thought it a benefit, if being thus robbed and spoiled, they did not also perish by the swords of these miscreants. These calamities the baser sort of people endured at the hands of the common souldiers: but the nobles and chiefe men of the citie were led vnto the tyrants, and accused before The honorable and rich are drawne before the tyrants. them of betraying the Citie vnto the Romans; and so by some forged treason or other put to death. And many times their suborned accusers would testifie against them, that they purposed to flie vnto the Romans. And those that Simon robbed, he sent vnto Iohn; and those that Iohn spoiled, he sent vnto Simon: and so they did as it were one drinke vnto another the bloud of the people, and diuide their dead carkases betweene them; insomuch that they disagreed onely for their desire of rule and domination: but both conspired to doe mischiefe and commit iniquitie. H The dissension betwixt Iohn and Simon was for rule, their concord was in wickednesse. For he that did not giue to the other part of that which by crueltie he had extorted from the miserable Citizens, was accounted impious: and he that receiued not part, did now grieue as sustaining losse, in not hauing a share in crueltie and impietie. I am not able to recount all their iniquities: but briefly, I thinke that neuer any Citie endured the like, nor neuer any people since the memorie of men were so cruell and barbarous: and finally, to the intent that their impietie vnto strangers might seeme the lesse, they spake euill of the nation of the Hebrewes, and cursed them, and openly confessed themselues to be slaues, people of diuers countries, vnited togither in wickednesse, bastards and abortiues of their nation. They ouerthrew the Citie, and forced the Romans (though against their wils) to accept of this sorrowfull and heauie victorie; and almost drew the fire into the temple, as though it staid from it too long. Neither did they weepe or lament I when they saw the higher part of the city on fire; but many amongst the Romans did with sorrow behold that sight: which we will speake of hereafter, where we wil describe the euent of that businesse.
CHAP. XII.
Of the Iewes that were crucified, and the rampiers burnt.
THe mounts and rampiers that Titus built did greatly aduantage him: and although his souldiers endured some losse by the Iewes who were vpon the wal; yet he sent part of his horsemen, and commanded them to lay wait for the Iewes that came out of the Citie into K the vallies to fetch food: and amongst them were also some fighting men. For now that which they could rob and take from the Citizens was not sufficient for all of them: yet the greater part of them were poore people, who durst not flie vnto the Romans for feare that some harme should The poore peoples miserie. thereupon betide their dearest friends, not induring to leaue them behinde to be murthered by the theeues. Famine did now embolden them to go foorth of the Citie; and now it only remained for them to go forth priuily, and be taken by the enemies. And being taken, necessitie forced them to fight for feare of torments; for they now thought it too late to request mercie: after the fight they were beaten and tortured al waies possible, and then crucified before the Citie wals. Titus Titus crucifieth many Iews before the wals. deemed this calamitie most miserable: for euery day fiue hundreth Iewes and sometime more were taken; and yet did he not thinke it expedient to dismisse so great a multitude, nor to keepe L them who would be as a guard of guards. But the principall point for which he did not hinder this, was, that by this spectacle he might terrifie the Iewes and make them feare to suffer the like, except they did quickly render themselues and the citie vnto him. Wherefore the souldiers for a hatred which they conceiued against our nation, crucified all they took one after one fashion, and another after another in derision. And the multitude of the captiues was now so great, that there remained no more space to set crosses in, nor any more crosses to crucifie bodies vpon. But the seditious Iewes within the Citie were so farre from relenting by this massacre, that rather their The Iewes catried the kinred of those that were fled out of the Citie to the Romans, and shewed them the tortures they suffred. harts were hereby more hardned; so that herewith they terrified the rest of the multitude: for they catried the kinred of them that had fled vnto the Romans to the walles, and bad them behold how those were vsed that had fled vnto the Romans: the same sight they also shewed vnto them M that desired peace; affirming that they whom the Romans had so vsed were those that fledde vnto them for succour, and not captiues by them taken. This terrified many who desired to flie vnto the Romans, from effecting their desire; till such time as the truth hereof was knowne. Yet some presently went boldly vnto the Romans, as it were intending to suffer death and torment at their hands, accounting that death comming vnto them by their enemies hands was farre more tolerable then the famine they endured.
[Page 719] Hereupon Titus cut off many of the captiues hands, and so sent them into the Citie vnto Simon A The yeare of this world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. and Iohn, that their calamitie might testifie them to be captiues, and not such as had fled and yeelded vnto the Romans; willing to admonish them at least now to yeeld, and not compel him to destroy the citie: telling that in so doing, euen now at the last they should saue their owne liues, country, and temple, which had not the like in the world: and he continually went about the Rampiers hastening the workemē in their busines, as though he presently meant to effect that in deeds which in words he had spoken. The Iewes that stood vpon the wals, cursed both him and his father, reuiling them, and affirming that they contemned death; and that they did chuse rather to die then to become bondslaues: and that whilest life lasted they would as much as lay in The Iewes both curse Caesar and his father. them harme the Romanes, neither hauing care of themselues nor of ther countrey; which Caesar sent them word were both presently to perish. Moreouer he said, that the whole world was a B temple dedicated to God farre more excellent then that of theirs, which notwithstanding should be conserued by him that dwelt in it; whose helpe they also enioying, would deride all his threatnings, which could not come to passe God being the end of all. And thus opprobriously they exclaimed against the Romans.
At this time arriued also Antiochus Epiphanes, and with him many armed men; and beside them, guarded with a companie called the Macedonians, who were all of like age and little older then young men in their youth, all trained vp in armes and armed after the Macedonian manner, whereof also they tooke their name: yet for the most part not able to answere the expectation that men had of the Macedonians. For the king of Comagene was the most fortunate and happie of all kings, that were subiect vnto the Roman Empire; till such time as he C felt the frowne of fortune: who in his aged yeeres shewed that none ought to be accounted happie before his death: he yet florishing, his sonne (said hee) marueiled that the Romans did delay so long to assault the Citie, and enter the battered walles (for this young man was a fine warrior, and of exceeding strength, to the which he trusted too much, so that he did many things rashly.) Titus hereat smiled and answered, that that was a labour not onely for the Romans, but for all in common. After he had said thus, presently this young man Antiochus, as he was accompanied with his Macedonians, assaulted the wall, and himselfe with his strength and dexteritie auoided the dartes of the Iewes, and cast his darts at them: but all his young men (only a few excepted) The insolence of Antiochus and the souldiers. were there slain: for ashamed of their boasting speeches, they cōtinued longer in fight then it was expedient for them; at last many being wounded retired themselues, now perceiuing that the D Macedonians to win a victorie had need of Alexanders fortune. The Romans the 12. day of May began to build their Rampires, and labouring full ieuenteene whole daies, with much ado The Romans in 17. daies build foure huge bulwarks. they ended them the nine and twentith day of the said moneth. For they builded foure most huge rampiers, one of them ouer against Antonia, which was builded by the fift legion opposite to the midst of the Struthian waters: another was builded by the twelft legion, 20. cubits distant from the other. But the tenth legion which was of more account then the two former, erected a mount opposite to the pond called Amygdalon on the North side: and the fifteenth legion made the fourth, thirtie cubits distant from the other, ouer against the monumēt of the high Priest Iohn. The mounts being thus finished, Iohn vndermined that which was ouer against Antonia, and vnderpropped it with posts of wood, and filling the mine with wood, bitumen and pitch, he fired it: E so the post that held it vp being burnt, the mine fell, and the mount also with a hideous noise fell into it: and first of all there arose a great smoke and dust, for the mines did couer the flame; at last the fire hauing consumed the matter that couered it, the flame cleerely appeared. The Romans at this sodaine and vnexpected exploit were amazed, being grieued at it: so that thereby those who before made account of the victorie, as though it had beene theirs alreadie, began to despaire. Two daies after Simon and his associates did set vpon the other Rampiers: for thereon were planted Rammes, where with the Romans began to beate the wals. Amongst the rest a certaine man named Tepthaeus of Garsus a citie of Galilee, and Megassarus one of Queene Mariammes seruants, and with them one of Adiabena the sonne of Nabateus, who for his fortune was named Three valiant Iewes. Agiras, which signifieth lame: these three taking firebrands ran vnto the engines, and there was F none found in all the Roman armie more valiant then these men, nor more terrible: for they ran amidst the throng of their enemies so boldly, as though they had gone amongst their friends, and neuer made any stay, but breaking through the midst of their enemies, they fired their engines: The Romans inuironed with fire lose the mounts they had built. and notwithstanding that on euerie side they were assaulted with darts and arrowes; yet did they not giue backe, nor seeke to auoid the daunger, till such time as the fire had taken hold of the engines. The flame mounting on high, the Romans now came running out of their campe [Page 716] to succour their fellowes: and the Iewes vpon the wall with dartes and arrowes hindred G The yeere of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. them, fighting with them that sought to quench the flame, nothing sparing their owne bodies. The Romans began to draw away the Rammes, their shelters being fired. And the Iewes amidst the flames sought to keepe them there: yet for all this the Romans saued their Rammes. From thence the fire caught hold of the Rampiers, and those that would haue preuented it were burned: and the fire so increased, that it could not be extinguished; so the Romans now enuironed with a flame, and despairing to rescue their workes, retired themselues into their campe, and left them on fire. But the Iewes were so much the more earnest, their number still encreasing by new supply comming out of the Citie, so encouraged by this their victorie they rashly aduentured vnto the Romans campe, and assaulted the guard there. Whichguard was a A most bitter law among the Romās against those that forsooke their places. companie placed round about before the campe in armour, and there was a law made, that H whosoeuer of them that forsooke his place, he should lose his life: so that they esteeming rather to die a glorious death, then ignominiously to suffer a penal punishmēt, resisted verie valiantly: so that many that had fled retired themselues back againe to fight, both for shame that they had forsaken their place, and for feare of punishment therefore: and placing Engines vpon the rampier of their campe, they hindred the Iewes from issuing out of the citie any more: for they came out vnarmed, hauing nothing to defend their bodies withall. For the Iewes fought with whom soeuer they met, and rashly running amongst their enemies pikes, they stroke them with their fists. For the Iewes preuailed more by their hardinesse, then by their deeds: and the Romans fled more for the Iewes boldnesse, then for any harme they sustained by them. Then Titus came from Antonia, where he had beene to view a place to build an other rampier, and he I greatly blamed the souldiers, who hauing gotten their enemies wals, did now suffer themselues to be in daunger in their owne wals; and now forced to abide that, which earst the Iewes did Titus accuseth his souldiers of negligence. suffer, being now as it were broken out of prison: and so he with certaine chosen men assaulted the enemies on one side; and they though stricken vpon the faces, yet did they not giue backe, but stoutly resisted him, and so ioyning the battaile, the dust was so thicke, that none could see one another, nor any heare what was said for the cries and noise, so that now no man could discerne his friends from his foes. The Iewes persisted still in the battaile, not for that they trusted to their force, or thereby preuailed, but because they were desperate. The Romans on the other part tooke courage, and fought stoutly for shame, and for that Caesar himselfe was in daunger amongst them. So that I thinke that had not the Iewes retired themselues into the K The Iewes retire within the citie. citie, the furie of the Romans had then consumed the whole multitude. The Romans were now sorrowfull for the losse of their rampiers, who in one houre had lost that, which with such labour and so long time they had beene making, and many of their engines being now displaced, they despaired to take the citie.
CHAP. XIII.
Of the wall which the Roman armie built about Ierusalem in three daies space.
TItus now deliberated with his captaines what was to be done, and they that were most L forwarde amongst them, thought it best with all the whose armie to assault the wals: for Titus consulteth with his captains. that as yet the Iewes had onely fought with one part of the armie, but they were not able to withstand the force of the whole armie, but would be all consumed with darts and arrowes. The wiser sort againe perswaded Titus to build rampiers: but others counselled the contrarie, to hold themselues quiet there, and onely to keep all places about, that no food should be conueied into the citie, and so famish the citie, and neuer fight with the enemie. For that the Iewes being now desperate, and desiring to be slaine, would not be ouercome by force; or if not, to slay others which was worse of all. But Titus thought it a shame to lie there idle with so huge an armie, and do nothing, yet he deemed it superfluous to fight with them, who would willingly fight to be slaine▪ and he could not make any mounts because he wanted matter, & it was most difficult of all M to guard euerie place about the citie, that none could go forth, for that it could not be beleagerd round on euery side, by reason of the difficult places, and huge compasse thereof, fearing also the daungers that so might ensue, the Iewes issuing out of the citie. For the Iewes seeing their open waies all guarded by the Romans, they would deuise some secret waies, both vrged thereunto by necessitie, and also because they knew all places there about verie well. And if so be that the Iewes should secretly effect any thing to preiudice them, that then their siege was like to continue [Page 721] so much the longer: so that he feared that the countinuance of time would diminish the glorie of The yeere of the world. 4 [...]34. after Christs birth 72. Titus determineth to inclose the Citie with a wall. A his victorie. For though all these waies might be taken, yet he preferred haste before glorie: and if so be hee would both vse celeritie and safetie, that then it was needfull for him to compasse the whole Citie round about with a wall: for so all wayes and passages might bee hindred: and so the Iewes seeing now no hope of saftie, should either be compelled to yeeld the Citie, or else be consumed with famine, otherwise he could not be in saftie and at quiet; and that so hee might erect mounts, hauing that wall to defend them. And if any one thinke that worke difficult, and not to be atchieued, let him cōsider that it did not become the Romans to make a base or slender peece of worke: and that no man in the world could without labour effect any great matter, but God onely. Hauing with these speeches encouraged his Captaines, he caused them to leade the souldiers, and dispose them all in these businesses. The souldiers had as it were some diuine force and B courage fallen vpon them: for the Captaine parting the circuit amongst them, not onely they, but the souldiers also did striue who should first effect their part. And euerie souldier laboured to please his Decurio, the Decurio to content the Centurion, and the Centurion the Colonell, the The Romans with ceasles labour build the wall. Colonell to please the Captaine, and the Captaine to please Caesar, who euerie day went round about, and beheld the worke: and so beginning at the place called the Assyrians campe, where he was encamped, he drew a wall all about, euen vnto the new Citie, and from thence by Cedron and mount Oliuet, and so turned toward the South, and inclosed the mountaine to the rocke called Peristereonos, and the hill next adioyning thereunto which hangeth ouer Siloa: and from thence bending his worke into the West, hee brought it downe all along the valley of the fountaine: from thence ascending to the monument of Ananus the high Priest, where Pompey pitched his Tents, & so brought it about by the North side of the Citie: and comming a long C vnto the village called Erebinthonicus, hee compassed the monument of Herode towards the East, and so ioyned the wall vnto his campe where he began. This wall was nine and thirtie furlongs about. Without this wall he builded also thirteene forts, euerie one ten furlongs in compasse. One wall of 39 stounds, wherof one containeth eight surlongs or there about. The Romans plant their courts of guard in seuerall Castles. And all this whole worke was finished in three dayes space, which desired moneths to haue beene builded in: so that the celeritie in the building thereof doth make it scarcely credible. The Citie being thus encompassed with a wall, and guards placed in euerie fort, Titus himselfe did still goe round about the first watch, to see al things in good order: the second watch hee allotted vnto Alexander; and the third vnto the Captaines of the legions, and the watchmen appointed euerie one in his turne to sleepe in: and so all night long some of them went about the Castle. D
CHAP. XIIII.
Of the famine in Ierusalem: and of the building of the second rampire by the Romans.
THe restraint of libertie to passe in and out of the Citie tooke from the Iewes all hope The houses & wayes full of dead men. of saftie; and the famine now increasing, consumed whole housholds and families, and the houses were full of dead women and infants: and the streetes filled with the dead bodies of old men: And the young men swollen like dead mens shadowes, walked in the market place, and fell downe dead where it happened. And now the multitude of dead E bodies was so great, that they that were aliue could not burie them, neither cared they for burying The dead li [...] vnburied in the streetes. them, being now vncertaine what should betide themselues. And many endeuouring to burie others, fell downe themselues dead vpon them as they were burying them. And many being yet aliue, went vnto their graues and there died. Yet for all this calamitie was there no weeping nor lamentation, for famine ouercame all affections. And they who were yet liuing, without teares beheld those, who being dead, were now at rest before them. There was no noyse heard within the Citie, and the still night found all full of dead bodies: and which was most miserable of all, the theeues at night came and tooke away that which couered the dead bodies nakednesse, and went laughing away, and in their bodies they proued their swords, and vpon pleasure onely thrust manie thorough yet breathing. Yet if any haue desired them to kill him, or to lend him a sword to The crueltie of the the eues against those that lie a dying F kill himselfe, that so he might escape the famine, they denied him. And euerie one that died, as he was dying, fixed his eyes vpon the Temple, and beheld it now with griefe, leauing the seditious behind them. The seditious now not able to endure the stincke of the dead bodies that lay corrupted aboue the ground, first commaunded that all such should be buried at the charges of the Citie: at last finding not place wherein to burie them all, they threw them ouer the wals into the ditch. When Titus going about the wals, beheld all the ditch filled with dead mens bodies, hee [Page 722] lamented, and lifting vp his hands to heauen, he called God to witnesse, that it was not his doing. G The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. Thus lifting vp his hand to heauen, calleth God to witnes that the fault is not his. The Romans shew the Iewes their aboundance of victuals. Titus pitying the remainder of the nation, laboureth to saue them. The blindnesse of the Iewes. Such was the estate of the Citie. Now the Romanes, when none of the seditious durst make any more excusions, passed their time in ioy and myrth: for they neither suffered famine nor sorrow, hauing aboundance of Corne, and all other necessaries out of Syria, and the prouinces adioyning: and many standing before the wals, and shewing their aboundance of victuals vnto the Iewes, did so much more increase their famine. Yet were not the seditious people moued at these calamities: wherefore Titus pitying the reliques of the nation, and minding at least to saue them that were left aliue, hasted to take the Citie, and so he began anew to build mounts, although he scarcely found matter to doe it withall. For all the wood neere vnto the Citie was consumed in the first workes, so that now the souldiers were forced to fetch more wood nintie furlongs off; and onely against Antonia, were erected in foure places foure mounts greater then the former. Caesar H went about and hastned the workmen, and now shewed the theeues that they were fallen into his hands. Yet for all this they would not repent: and now as it were depriued of their wits and bodies, they vsed both as though borrowed, and not their owne. For neither did any affection moue their minds, nor any griefe their bodies: for they rent and tore the dead bodies like dogges, and filled the prisons with weake and languishing people.
CHAP. XV.
Of the massacre of the Iewes both within and without the Citie.
AT last Simon hauing tormented Matthias put him to death, notwithstanding that by his I Simons crueltie against Mat thias and his sonnes. meanes he had obtained the Citie. This Matthias was sonne vnto Boethus a Priest, whom the people for his fidelitie towards them greatly esteemed of, who seeing the outrage of the Zelous towards the people, Iohn being now ioyned with them, perswaded the people to call in Simon to helpe them, conditioning nothing with him before, for that they misdoubted no euil. And when he was come into the Citie, hee held him for his enemie as well as the rest: notwithstanding, that by his onely aduice hee was receiued into the Citie, as though Matthias had onely done that of simplicitie. Wherefore calling him before the people, he accused him that hee did fauour the Romanes, and so condemned him to die, not suffering him to cleare himselfe; and put to death likewise his three sonnes with him, for the fourth was before this time fled vnto Titus. Matthias requested Simon that he might bee put to death before his sonnes: but Simon in regard K that by his meanes he had gotten the Citie, caused him to be executed last of all. And so hee was killed vpon the murdered bodies of his sonnes, in a place where the Romanes might behold him: Ananus one of the cruellest souldiers about Simon. for so Simon commaunded Ananus his executioner who was the sonne of Bamadus. This man was the most cruell of all Simons followers, who euen when he was to kill Matthias, derided him, asking what they could now helpe him, to whom hee sought to flie, and not permitted their bodies to be buried. After them Ananias a Priest the sonne of Masbalus a nobleman, and chiefe Ananias the Priest with fifteene of the noblest people slaine. Iosephs father taken. Iudas consulta tion with his companions. secretarie to the councell, a valiant strong man and borne at Emaus, and with him fifteene of the chiefest men in the Citie were put to death. They tooke also Iosephs father and kept him in prison, and with the publike voice of a crier proclaimed, that no man should talke with him nor visit him, pretending feare of treason: and whosoeuer bewailed his estate, were put to death without any L triall. It happened a certaine man called Iudas the sonne of Iudas, who was one of Simons Captaines seeing this (who also kept a tower that Simon committed vnto his charge, perhaps moued with compassion towards them that perished without desert, yet rather fearing his owne life) assembled together ten of his most trustie companions, & said; ‘How long shal we endure these calamities? Or what hope haue we of life in being trustie to a most impious man? Behold now famin doth take our Citie. The Romanes are almost within our wals, and Simon is cruell and faithlesse, euen towards them that haue wel deserued at his hands: with him we are in feare of punishment; if we flie vnto the Romans, we shall assuredly bee receiued into fauour. Wherefore let vs deliuer the wall vnto them, and saue our selues and our Citie. Neither can Simon hereby sustaine any great losse, in being punished a little sooner, then otherwise hee should be, being now desperate M of his owne health and saftie.’The ten men, to whom in this maner he brake his mind, agreed herevnto, and so he in the morning sent the rest of the souldiers vnder his rule into diuers places, that they might not perceiue his intent, and he at the third hower of the day standing vpon the tower called the Romans. But some of the Romans proudly contemned their offer, and other scarcely Iudas with his companions is slaine by Simon. belieued them, and the rest made no speede to come. In the meane time while Titus with certaine armed men came vnto the wall, Simon had notice of their intent; & so speedily got the tower, and [Page 723] slew thē that were within in the sight of the Romans, & cast down their bodies ouer the wal. And The yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 72. Ioseph wounded in the hed with a stone, and the rumor is spred thorow the citie. A Ioseph going about the wal, and comming thither (for he neuer ceased from requesting the Iewes to remember their estate) he was strook vpon the head with a stone, & so amazed with the blow fell down: who being fallen down, presently the Iewes made excursion out of the Citie, and had carried him away into the citie, had not Titus sent men to defend him: and whilest they fought, Ioseph was carried away, scarcely knowing what was done. The seditious with lowd cries reioyced, as hauing slaine him whose death they chiefely desired; and so they reported within the Citie. Hereupon the people were most sorrowfull, verily beleeuing him to be slaine, by whom they had confidence to flie vnto the Romans.
When Iosephs mother who was in prison heard this, she said vnto those of Iotapata that were her keepers, that she verily beleeued it, for that he was neuer taken aliue by the Romans: yet secretly B vnto her maidens she wept, and said, that this benefit she receiued by hauing borne a son, that she could not burie him by whom she hoped to haue been buried her selfe. But this false report did not long grieue her, nor cōfort the theeues: for Ioseph was quickly healed of his wound, Ioseph recouereth vpon his wound. and recouered; and shewing himselfe he cried vnto them, that ere long they should finde that he would be reuenged on them for his wound; yet he ceased not to exhort the people to obey the Romans, and yeeld: but the seditious seeing him aliue were astonished, and the people conceiued good hope. Many (present necessitie vrging them) leapt off the wals and fled vnto the Romans; diuers with stones going forth vnder pretence to fight with the Romans, yeelded themselues, Many that fled from famine at home mette with more speedy death among the Romans. who had harder fortune there then within the Citie; and were now more harmed by plentie of victuals which they found amongst the Romans, then with their famine they suffred in the Citie: C for many became by famine all swollen, as though they had the dropsie, & presently filling their emptie bodies they brust; and so all died, saue onely those who being warie did by little and little accustome their bodies to food, which they had long wanted. Yet they who thus escaped fel into another grieuous misfortune: for one of the Iewes that were fled vnto the Romans was found amongst the Syrians, gathering gold out of his owne dung which he had swallowed, as is before said, for that the seditious did search all, and take that they could finde from them: and there was verie great store of gold in the Citie, and that now was sold for twelue Atticks which before was worth twentie fiue. This deuice being discouered in one, presently a report was spred all ouer the whole campe, that the Iewes that fled from the Citie came full of gold. And now the Arabians and Syrians did rippe the bellies of their poore suppliants, to see if they could find any gold D or siluer within them. And I am perswaded that there was no greater calamitie befell the Iewes then this was: for in one night the bellies of two thousand Iewes were ript. Titus hearing of this Two thousand Iewes embowelled in one night. crueltie, had caused the authors here of to haue been compassed round with horsemen, and slaine with darts, had the multitude of the offenders been knowne; many more of them should haue bin punished, then of the Iewes that were so murthered. Wherfore he called togither the leaders of the souldiers that came to helpe him, and the Roman captains (for some of the Romans also did Titus displeased at this cursed act. commit this fault) and said vnto them in anger, that if any of his souldiers did commit any such acts for vncertaine gaine, and were not ashamed that their armour should be made of gold and siluer: or if the Arabians in these warres against strangers did what they pleased, and presently cause the infamie of their vile facts to redound vnto the Romans, they committing such murders E and exercising their hatred against the Iews (for now euerie one that bare armes vnder him were di [...]amed with this vile report) he declared vnto them, that such being hereafter found in that fact, should be put to death. Also he commanded his owne legions to make enquirie, who were suspected among them for this matter, and bring him word thereof. But auarice is not terrified Auarice is not terrified with any punishment. by feare of punishment, and cruell people haue naturally a desire of lucre and gaine, and no one calamitie may be compared to the desire of wealth; yet sometime it is bridled and restrained for feare. But now God who had giuen ouer the people to perdition, suffred all things to be turned to their destruction: for that which Caesar did so streightly forbid, was stil secretly committed against the poore Iewes that fled for mercie vnto the Romans. So that now whosoeuer fled out of the Citie, the souldiers first looking about them, least any of the Romans should see them, ript F their bellies, and so got an vngodly and impious booty; yet in verie few did they finde that they sought for; and the most of them that were slaine had no gold nor siluer found within them. And this mischiefe caused many that fled vnto the Romans to returne againe into the Citie.
CHAP. XVI. G The yeare of the [...]ld, 4034 after Christs birth 72.
Of the sacrilege committed about the Temple: and the dead bodies cast out of the Citie: and of the samine.
WHen Iohn could rob no more, nor get any spoile from the Citizens, whom he had robbed of all they had, he presently fell to sacrilege, and tooke many gifts that were bestowed Iohn falleth to sacrilege, and taketh away many presents out of the temple. vpon the temple, and carried away sacred vessels for diuine seruice, as cups, plates, tables, and the cruets of gold that Augustus and his wife sent. So that now a Iew robbed and spoiled the temple of all gi [...]ts wherewith the Roman Emperours and other nations had honoured it: affirming vnto his associates, that without feare they might vse the holy things of the temple, seeing H they fought for God and the temple, and therfore it was lawfull for them to be fed by the riches of the temple. Moreouer, that it was lawfull for them to spend the holy wine and oile which the priests reserued for diuine sacrifice, which he distributed in the temple amongst the multitude, and they without feare were annointed therewith, and dranke thereof. I will not cease to speake that which griefe compelleth me. I verily thinke that had the Romans forborne to haue come against these seditious, that either the earth would haue swallowed the city vp, or some deluge haue drowned it, or els the thunder and lightning which consumed Sodome would haue light vpon it: for the people of this Citie were farre more impious then the Sodomites. In briefe, by their desperation and obstinacie the whole nation was extinguished. What need I recount euerie particular miserie? Mannaeus the sonne of Lazarus flying to Titus out of the gate that was committed I vnto his custodie, and yeelding himselfe vnto him, recounted vnto Titus that from the time that the Romans army was placed neere the Citie, from the fourteenth day of Aprill, vntill the first of Iuly, were carried out of that gate he kept, a hundreth, fifteene thousand and fourescore dead bodies; yet was not he the keeper of the gate, but being appointed to pay for the burying of the dead at the charges of the Citie, was forced to number the dead bodies. For others were buried by their parents, and this was their buriall, to cast them out of the Citie, and there let them lie. And certaine noble men flying vnto Titus after him, reported that there were dead in all the citie 600000. poore folks which were cast out of the gates, & the others that died were innumerable: & Six hundreth thousand dead carcasses cast out of the city. that when so many died that they were not able to burie thē, that then they gathered their bodies togither in the greatest houses adioyning, and there shut them vp. And that a bushel of corn was K solde for a talent, which is six hundreth crowns: and that after the Citie was compassed with a wal that now they could not go out to gather any more hearbs, many were driuen to that necessitie, that they raked sinkes and priuies to finde olde dung of Oxen to eate; and so the dung that was Cow dung and durt gathered togither is the Iewes food. loathsome to behold, was their meate. The Romans hearing this, were mooued to compassion; yet the seditious within the Citie who beheld this miserable sight were nothing mooued, nor repented not, but suffered them to be brought to that calamitie: for their hearts were so blinded by the prouidence of God, that they could not see what hanged ouer their heads, and ouer the Citie.
THE SEVENTH BOOKE A OF THE WARRES OF THE IEWES,
- 1 Of the breach made in the wals: & how the mounts were fired: & how Sabinus assaulted the wal.
- 2 How the Romans assaulted Anto [...]a, and were [...]pulsed by the Iewes.
- 3 Of the exceeding valour of Iulian a Roman souldier.
- 4 Iosephs speech, perswading the Iewes to yeeld their Citie: and how the Iewes fled vnto the Romans.
- 5 Of another battaile, the Rampiers being againe builded: and of the excursions of the Iewes.
- 6 How the Romans were by the deuice of the Iewes consumed with fire.
- 7 Of the famine amongst the Iewes.
- 8 Of a woman that for hunger did seethe her own sonne.
- 9 How the wall was taken, and the Temple burnt. C
- 10 How the Temple was set on fire against Titus his will.
- 11 Of the Priests: the treasure house: and the porch.
- 12 Of the signes and tokens which appeared before the destruction of the Citie.
- 13 Of Titus his rule and gouernment: and how the priests were staine.
- 14 Of the pray of the seditious, and the burning of the inner part of the Citie.
- 15 How the higher part of the Citie was assaulted: and how some of the Iewes fled vnto Titus.
- 16 How the rest of the Citie was taken.
- 17 Of the number of the captiues, and them that were slaine.
- 18 A briefe histor [...]e of the Citie of Ierusalem. D
- 19 How the souldiers were rewarded.
- 20 Of Vespasians sailing: & how Simon was taken: & of the spectacles, & shewes made vpon Vespasian birth-day.
- 21 Of the calamitie of the Iewes amongst the Antiochians.
- 22 How Vespasian at his returne was receiued by the Romans.
- 23 Of Domitians actes against the Germans and Frenchmen.
- 24 Of the riuer Sabbaticus: and of the famous triumph of Vespasian and Titus.
- 25 How Herodium and Machaera were taken by Bassus.
- 26 Of the Iewes that were slaine by Bassus: and how Iudaea was sold.
- 27 Of the death of King Antiochus: and how the Alans brake into Armenia. E
- 28 How Massada, the strongest Castle of all, was taken and destroyed.
- 29 Of the death of the Sicarians that fled into Alexandria and Thebes.
- 30 How the Temple which Onias built at Alexandria was shut vp.
- 31 Of the Massacre of the Iewes at Cyrene.
CHAP. I.
Of the breach made in the wals: and how the mounts were burned: and how Sabinus assaulted the wall.
THE miserie of Ierusalem euery day encreased, the seditious being by reason The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. The multitude of carcasses heaped in the citie is hideou [...] to behold. of their miserie more & more incited against the people: for now the famine F was not only amongst the people, but amongst them also. And it was a miserable sight to see the multitude of dead bodies heaped togither in the Citie, from which came a pestilent & infectious smel, so that it hindred the soldiers from making excursions. For they were forced to tread vpon dead bodies, as though they were to march along a field couered with dead carcasses. Hauing now embrued their hands in the bloud of their countrimen, they prepared to resist and fight with [Page 726] their enemies, and (as it seemeth to me) hereby vpbraiding God in that he so deferred to punish G The yeere of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. The Iewes vpbraided God in that he so long delayed to punish them. Iudaea desert and desolate. them. For the greatest part of them did now fight more earnestly then before, not for hope of safetie, but as despairing of all. The Romans though much troubled to get wood to build withall; yet did they in one and twentie daies finish their mounts, hauing cut downe all the woods neere the citie by nintie furlongs. It was miserable to behold that countrey and place, before all beset with trees and fertile plants, now to lie plaine like a desart, all cut downe: neither was there any straunger that before time had seene Iudaea, and the beautifull suburbs of Ierusalem, who now beholding it could abstaine from teares, or not lament the woful change so farre different from the former? For now this warre extinguished vtterly all signes of beauty: neither could one comming sodainly now know the place which he well knew before.
When the mounts were ended, both the Romans and the Iewes greatly feared: the Iewes for H that except they were destroyed, their citie would be presently taken: the Romans, for that if The Iewes and Romans are equally afraid. these were ouerthrowne, they knew not how to erect more wanting matter: and now their bodies were wearied with labour, and their minds with many griefes and molestations. But the Romans were more grieued at the calamitie of the citie then the citizens within: for the Iewes notwithstanding these miseries did neuerthelesse stoutly defend their wals: but the courages of the Romans failed, whē they saw that the Iewes policy made their mounts vnprofitable, that the strength The Romans most of al feare the desperatnes of the Iewes. of the wals resisted their engines, that the Iewes boldnesse ouercame their strength in sight; and especially seeing that the Iewes hauing endured such calamitie, famine, and miserie, were still more couragious then before: so that they deemed their strength not to be ouercome; and that their minds were inuincible, who were hardened and encouraged by miserie. For who were able I to abide their forces in prosperitie, who by aduersitie were incited to vertue? Wherefore the Romans made a stronger watch about their mounts. But Iohns followers who were in the Castle Antonia, fearing what might ensue if the wall were battered, preuented it in what they could, before the Rams were set vp: and taking firebrands in their hands they assaulted the mount; but deceiued The Iewes with firebrands set vpon the engines, but losing their hope returne backe againe. The valour & violence of the Iewes decreaseth. with a vaine hope they retired themselues. For first of all they seemed to disagree amongst themselues; so that they came from their wals one after another, and some space betweene euery one; so that they came softly and fearefully; and briefely, not after the manner of the Iewes: for they wanted courage, rashnes, and a flocking togither at once, which is proper vnto all that nation, and so came more soberly, and with lesse courage then they were wont. They did also finde the Romans more couragious then of late, who so defended their mounts with their bodies K and weapons, that it was not possible to come and fire them; and euerie one was fully determined not to shrinke out of his place till he were slaine. For besides that if so be that worke were destroyed, they had no hope left to build more; they also accounted it a shame that their vertue should be ouercome by subtiltie, or their weapons by rashnes and temerity, or their skil by a multitude; or the Romans by the Iewes. Also they had engines to cast darts at them as they came downe their wals. And when any one of the Iewes that was slaine fell downe, he hindred them that followed, and the daunger of him that went before terrified them that came after: They also that rashly aduentured within the shot of a dart, either were terrified with the discipline, and multitude of their enemies, or else wounded with their darts; and so they all retired, one accusing The Iewes retire arguing one another of cowardize. another of cowardlines, and atchieued nothing. L
The first day of Iuly the citie was assaulted, and the Iewes being now retired, the Romans set vp their Rammes, notwithstanding that they were assaulted from Antonia with stones, fire and sword, and whatsoeuer their enemies in that extremitie could finde. For though the Iewes had great confidence in their wals, as that they could not be battered; yet did they not permit the Romans The assault of the citie the first day of Iuly to place their Rammes against them. And the Romans being perswaded that the Iewes so laboured, because they knew their wals to be weake, and least Antonia by the breach of the wall should be hurt, did striue to place thē against the wals. But the wal would not yeeld vnto the Ram, yet did the Romans safely & without danger (notwithstanding that many darts were cast at them from off the wals) persist to beat the wal with their Rams: who being below and seeing the stones broken with the force of their engines, they shielded themselues with their bucklers: and so some M with their hands pulled the stones out of the wall; some digged vnder the foundation thereof: and when foure stones with much labour were broken and shaken, the night hindred both parties from doing any more at that time, and in it the wall now shaken with the Ramme (in the The Romans vndermine the wall. place which Iohn had vndermined to destroy the mounts, the mine setling) fell downe. So that fell out otherwise then either part expected: For the Iewes who indeed had cause to be sorrowfull for the mine of the wall, and for that they did not preuent that mischance, were ioyfull and [Page 727] couragious, as though Antonia did yet remaine firme and [...]ong: And the Romans reioycing for The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. No man dare ascend the wal that Iohn built. A this vnexpected fall, were againe dismaied, seeing the other wall that Iohn had built within, yet they iudged it easier to be taken then the former; but no man durst ascend it, for that he who first assaulted it, was certaine to die. Titus▪ thinking that by hope and perswasion his souldiers might be encouraged, and knowing many times promises and exhortations made men forget daunger, and sometime to contemne death it selfe; hee called together the most valiant of all his souldiers, and spake thus vnto them as followeth. ‘Fellow souldiers, it is manifest cowardlinesse to exhort men to enterprise a thing without danger, both in them that are exhorted, and in him that exhorteth Titus exhortation to the most valiant & strongest. for exhortations are onely to be vsed in doubtfull affaires, wherein it is praise worthie for euerie man to aduenture himselfe. So that I confesse it is hard for you to ascend the wall, yet will I shew you that it is a glorious death to die in such a fight, and especially it becommeth them that B are desirous to winne honour; and that they that first aduenture valiantly to doe it, shall not goe The patient minds of the-Iewes & their constancie in misfortunes. away vnrewarded. And first let this moue you which terrifieth others, to wit, the patient mind of the Iewes, and their constancie in aduersitie. For it is a shame for the Romane souldiers who in time of peace practise themselues in warlike feares, and are accustomed in warre to get the victorie, now to be ouercome by the Iewes; and that in the end of the victorie, wee hauing also God to helpe vs: for all our harmes proceede from the Iewes desperation; and their destruction and calamitie by Gods fauour and your valour is euerie day increased. For what else is betokned by their sedition amongst themselues, their famine, the fall of their wals without our engines to batter them, and the siege it selfe; then the wrath of God towards them, and his fauour towards vs? Wherefore it is vnseemely for you either to giue place to your inferiours, or to betray Gods fauour C The wrath of God against the Iewes is the Romanes furtherance. and furtherance. It is not a shame that the Iewes, who, were they conquered, sustained no great reproch as being accustomed to serue & obey others, should so valiantly contemne death, least they should hereafter suffer or endure the like; and many times boldly to aduenture & make excursions euen amongst the midst of vs, not for hope they haue to ouercome vs, but onely to shewtheir valour: and that we, who haue conquered almost the earth and sea, to whom it is an infamie not to be victorious, to lie idle, and neuer make any valiant assault vpon our enemies, but being thus armed, to expect till fortune and famine deliuer them into our hands? Especially seeing that by vndergoing a little danger, all will be ours. If we get into Antonia, we haue taken the Citie. For suppose that we were then to fight against them, that are within the Citie (which I doe not thinke) we hauing gotten the highest part of the Citie, being aboue our enemies head, are D then assured of a perfect victorie ouer them. I omit now their commendations who haue beene slaine in warres, and their immortalitie whom Martiall furie hath depriued of this life: and those that doe not so thinke, I pray that they may die of some euill death in peace, whose soules are condemned to be enterred with their bodies. For what valiant man knoweth not that the soule of Titus speaketh of the life to come after a poeticall maner. him that dieth in warre, is presently receiued into the most pure ayrie element, and from thence carried and placed amongst the sta [...]es of heauen, and the good and valiant ghosts doe alwayes assist his posteritie? And that all that in peace doe die of some disease and sicknesse, their soules are kept in the bowels of the earth in darknesse: notwithstanding, that they bee most iust and pure, and presently they are forgotten, and their life and memorie together with them extinguished. Seeing therefore that we are all certaine to die, and that to die by the sword is a more easie death E then to die by any disease, why should wee depriue ourselues of this opportunitie, seeing that at last we must necessarily forgoe our liues as due debt vnto the destinies? And this I haue spoken as though it were vnpossible to escape with life, you doing your endeuours; yet they that beare the minds of men can find meanes to saue themselues, euen in the greatest dangers. For first of al, that part of the wall that is fallen may easily be entred, and the wall new built is not hard to be throwne downe: and many of you together enterprising this worke, may one exhort and helpe another, and your audacitie and courage will quickly daunt the enemies hearts, and perhaps may get vs the victorie if we get this one place without bloudshed. For they will not resist vs if wee offer to ascend the wall, and let vs but effect any one exployt either secretly or openly, and the Iewes will neuer more endure vs, though we be but a few in number. And I would be ashamed if I did The reward of valiant men. F not so reward him, that doth first begin and make all that are in our armie to enuie his happines: and from hence forth I decree that whosoeuer escapeth, shall be Gouernour ouer them that are now his equals; and who so is slaine in this quarrell, I will doe him great honour.’
Titus hauing thus spoken, the rest of the multitude feared the greatnesse of the daunger: but one of them that warted in the companies named Sabinus, a Syrian borne, a man of excellent strength and courage; yet of so small stature, that if one had seene him, they would haue deemed [Page 728] him vnfit to haue beene a souldier: for he was of verie small stature and of blacke colour, but hee G The yeere of the world, 4034. after Christs birth 72. Sabinus a man of low stature, but valiant both in hand and heart. Sabinus with cleauen men Approcheth the wall. had a mind farre bigger then his bodie, and strength scarcely able to bee contained in so little roome. This Sabinus rising vp said: I offen my selfe vnto thee, O Caesar, first of all to ascend the wall, and that with a willing mind, requesting that thy fortune may assist my strength and mind: yet if fortune shall hinder my enterprise, know that I die not against my expectation, but that I will gladly giue my life for thee. When hee had so said, hee tooke his shield in his left hand, and holding it aboue his head, with his drawne sword in his right hand, about the sixt hower of the day he went vnto the wall: and eleauen men followed him, who onely enuied his vertue. But Sabinus with a diuine seruour of spirit went before them all: notwithstanding, that on euerie side the Iewes vpon the wall cast an infinite number of darts at him, and rowled downe vpon him huge H stones, which did strike downe some of the [...] that followed him. But Sabinus meeting the darts and pestering arrowes, yet did not remit his force; till such time as hee had gotten vnto the top of the wall, and put the enemies to flight who terrified with his strength and courage, and indeed The power of fortune. thinking that more had come vp after him, fled. Wherein, who may not iustly blame fortune, and accuse her; as enuying at vertuous actes? For this man failed not of his purpose, yet was hee stricken with a stone, and throwne downe flat vpon his face most violently with a great noyse: so that now the Iewes seeing him alone, and lying vpon the ground, returned againe, and shot at him on euerie side: and he kneeling vpon his knees, and couering himselfe with his shield, did first of all reuenge himselfe vpon his enemies, and wounded many that came neere him, till that with wounding them he was so wearie, that he could strike no longer; and so at last was slaine Sabinus with three companions slaine. with arrowes: a man who for his valour deserued better fortune, and died as valiantly as his enterprise I was couragious. Those that were left of his companie, hauing almost gotten to the top of the wall, were slaine with stones, and the rest being wounded were carried into the campe. And this was done the third day of Iuly.
CHAP. II.
How the Romans assaulted Antonia, and how they were driuen backe from thence by the Iewes.
TWo dayes after, twentie of the watchmen which guarded the mounts, two horsemen, and one trumpetter gathered themselues together: and about the ninth houre of the K The Romans inuade Antonia. night, they came by the ruines into Antonia without any resistance: and finding the first watchmen a sleepe, they slew them, and got the wall, and commaunded the trumpetter to sound; by which sound, the rest of the watchmen were awaked, and fled for feare before they saw what companie of the Romans were gotten vpon the wall: and the sound of the trumpet perswaded them, that a great multitude of enemies were come vp the wall. Caesar hearing the sound of the trumpet, presently armed his souldiers; and accompanied with his chiefe Captaines, and a companie of chosen men, hee ascended the wall. The Iewes fled into the inner Temple, and the Romans also brake in amongst them by the mine that Iohn had made to destroy the mounts of the Romans. And the followers both of Iohn and Simon did couragiously driue them backe: for they thought it the vtter ruine of all, that the Romans were now gotten into the holy place, which indeed L was the beginning of their victorie. So they began a sore fight euen in the verie entrance, the Romans striuing to get the inner Temple, and the Iewes indeuouring to beare them back towards Antonia. And now arrowes, darts, and speares, nothing auailed either part, but they both A most stout fight about the entrance of the inner Temple. fought it out at handie blowes with swords: and in that conflict no man could discerne on which side any one fought; for the souldiers on both parts were mingled together, & for the streightnes of the place, could not keepe their roomes: for there was such a noyse that no man could heare one another, and many were slaine on both parties: & the dead bodies of those that were slaine and their weapons falling with them, did hurt many that troade vpon them; and who soeuer had The streightnesse of the place was incommodiu [...] for the fight. the worst, presently cried out pittifully, and the victors shouted for ioy: neither was there any place to flie or follow; the fight was such, that now one had the better, and now the other. Moreouer, M they that stood in the forefront of the battell, were either of necessitie to kill, or bee killed: for there was no voide space left betweene the two armies. At last the Iewes courage ouercame the Romans skill, and they were all beaten backe (hauing fought from the ninth houre of the night vnto the seuenth hower of the day.) The Iewes were encouraged to fight, for feare they should be ouercome. And that parcell of the Romane armie (for as yet the legions were not come) thought it sufficient at that time to haue gotten the Castle of Antonia.
CHAP. III. The yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 72. A
Of the exceeding valour of Iulian the Roman souldier.
THere was one Iulian a Centurion borne in Bithynia of good parentage, who (as my selfe Iulians famous fortitude. well knew) was most valiant of all, both in strength of body, and skill, and couragious minde. This Iulian seeing now the Romans to haue the worst (standing by Titus in Antonia) he presently leapt downe, and all alone pursued the Iewes, who had the victorie into the inner temple. And the whole multitude fled, deeming him by his force and courage, not to haue been a man. But he amongst the midst of them, slew whomsoeuer he light on, one of them for haste casting downe another. So that this his deede seemed admirable vnto Caesar, and terrible B to his enemies. Yet did that destinie befal him, which no man can escape; for hauing his shooes full of sharpe nailes, as other souldiers haue, running vpon the pauement, he slipt and fell down, Iulian running falleth vpon the pauement. his armour in the fall making a great noise: whereat his enemies, who before fled, now turned againe vpon him. Then the Romans in Antonia fearing his life, cried out: but the Iewes many at once strooke him with swords and speares. And he defended many blowes with his shield, and many times attempting to rise, they strooke him down againe: yet as he lay, he wounded many, neither was he quickly slaine, because that all parts of his body, which being wounded might cause present death, were armed, and shrunke in his necke a long time til the rest of his body being cut off, & no man helping him his strength failed. Caesar was verie sorrowful to see a man of Iulians death. so great force and fortitude slaine in the sight of such a multitude: and that the place wherein he C was, hindred him from helping Iulian; and others that might haue helped him, durst not for feare. At last when Iulian had a long time striuen with death, and wounded many of them that slewe him, he was with much ado killed, leauing behind him a renowmed memorie, not only amongst the Romans and Caesar, but also amongst his enemies. Then the Iewes tooke his dead body, and did beate backe the Romans, and shut them in Antonia. In this battell one Alexas and Gyphthaeus Valiant souldiers among the Iewes. two of Iohns companie fought valiantly, and of Simons companie Malachias and Iudas the sonne of Merton, and Iames the sonne of Sosa, captaine of the Idumaeans; and two brethren of the Zelous the sonnes of Iairus, Simon and Iudas.
CHAP. IIII. D
Iosephs speech, perswading the Iewes to yeeld their Citie: and how many of them fled vnto the Romans.
AFter that Titus had commanded his souldiers to pull downe the foundations of Antonia, and make an easie entrance for the whole army: He called Ioseph vnto him (for he vnderstood that day being the seuenteenth of Iuly, that the Iewes were woont to celebrate a certaine feast to God, which they called Entelechismus, and that it was not solemnized for want of men; so that the people greatly mourned therfore) and againe commanded him to tell Iohn that, whereof before he had sent him word, to wit, that if he desired to fight, he should haue libertie to come, with what multitude he pleased; so that the Citie and the temple might E not both perish with him, willing him now to desist from prophaning the holy place, and not Titus willeth Iohn to come out to fight least with him the citie and temple should perish also. from sinning against God: sending him also word, that if he so pleased, he would grant him leaue to celebrate the festiuitie which had been now long time omitted, and that by what companie he pleased. Ioseph to the intent that not onely Iohn might heare this offer of Titus, but also the rest of the people, he stood in an eminent place, from whence he might be heard, and in the Hebrew tongue he recounted vnto the Iewes Caesars pleasure, earnestly requesting them to spare their countrey, and forbid the fire now ready to take holde of their temple, and to offer the accustomed sacrifices vnto God. When he had thus said, the people were verie sorrowfull, and euerie one held his peace not knowing what to say. But the tyrant Iohn hauing vsed many railing speeches Iohn raileth against Ioseph. against Ioseph, at last he answered that he need not feare the destruction of the temple and F Citie, seeing that it belonged to God.
Then Ioseph with a lowd voice cried out,‘true it is, you haue kept it pure, and vnprophaned for God, and the holy things you haue kept inuiolate, neither hast thou committed any iniquitie against him, from whom thou expectest helpe, but hast offred solemne sacrifice vnto him. If any man should take from thee thy daily food, no doubt thou wouldest account him thy enemy, canst thou then hope that God whom thou hast depriued of daily sacrifice, wil assist thee in these wars? [Page 730] Doest thou impute these offences to the Romans? why they euen now doe defend our religion, G The yeare of the world, 4034 after Christs birth 72. and commaund sacrifice to be offered, which thou hast forbidden. Who doth not bewaile this vnexpected change, and lament our Citie? strangers and enemies correct thy impietie, and thou a Iewe borne and brought vp in our lawe, art more cruell then they. But consider Iohn, it is no shame to repent thy wickednes in extremitie: and at the last cast, if thou be desirous to saue thy countrey, thou hast a good example of Iechonias, sometime king of the Iewes, who when the Iechonias sustained a voluntarie banishment in Babylon. Babylonians warred against him, of his owne accord, went out of the Citie before it was taken, and willingly endured captiuitie with all his family and kinred only, least he should betray these holy places vnto his enemies, and behold the temple fired. And for this act of his, he is of sacred memorie amongst the Iewes, and hath thereby gained immortall credit amongst all his posteritie. This is a good example, O Iohn, although danger be at hand: and I wil promise thee also pardon H from the Romans, onely remember that I thy countriman admonish thee, and promise this vnto the Iewes, behold who is the author and counsellor hereof. God forbid that euer I should so liue a captiue, that I should not liue according to the lawes of our countrey. Yet againe art thou incensed against me, and exclaimest vpon me, and cursest me. But true it is, I deserue worse then The Citie by the ordinance of fate & Gods will was to be ouer throwne, this, who seeke to perswade contrarie vnto the determination of Gods prouidence, and striue to saue them whom his sentence hath condemned. Who is ignorant of the writings of the auncient prophets, and their prophecies, now hanging ouer this wretched citie? For then it is foretold by them to be destroied, when we murther our owne nation: and now not onely the citie, but also the temple is full of your dead bodies. Certainly it is God, God it is that togither with the Romans, bringeth in fire to purge this citie filled with iniquitie. I’
Ioseph thus crying with teares and lamentations, he could speake no more for sobbing: And Iosephs speeches interrupted with sighs. the Romans compassionating his sorrow and affliction were astonished. But Iohn and his confederates were so much the more incited against the Romans, and sought to take Ioseph; yet his speech did mooue many of the nobles, and diuers fearing the seditious watchmen, remained still where they were, making full account both of their owne destruction, and the subuersion of the Citie. Yet some there were, who, finding opportunitie, fled vnto the Romans: amongst whom were two priests, Ioseph and Iesus, and three sons of Ismael the priest, who was beheaded at Cyren, Some of the nobilitie amōg the Iewes escape to the Romans. and foure sonnes of Matthias the priest, and one of the other Matthias, who escaped vnto the Romans before his father was put to death by Simon Giora, with his three sons, as is before said: and many other nobles reuolted with the priests, whom the Emperour receiued verie curteously, K and then sent into Gophna; knowing that it was a griefe for them to conuerse amongst people of diuers manners from them, and willed them to remaine there, and promised euerie one of them great possessions, after the warres were ended. So they ioyfully departed vnto the place appointed. But the seditious, for that they were not seene, reported vnto the people, that they who had fled vnto the Romans were slaine, meaning hereby to terrifie the rest from flying to them: and this their deuice a while preuailed, as their former did; and they that faine would, durst not now flie for feare. But afterward when Titus recalled them from Gophna, and commanded Caesars humanitie towards the Iewes. Those Iewes that were sled besought the besieged with [...] & sighes to submit themselues. them to go about the wals with Ioseph, and shew themselues vnto the people; then many of the Iewes fled vnto the Romans. And after they had gathered themselues togither, standing all before the Romans, they besought the seditious with teares, first to receiue the Romans into L the Citie, and saue their countrey: or if this pleased them not, at least to depart out of the temple, and deliuer it vp vnto them. For the Romans durst not, except necessitie vrged them thereto, fire the holy temple. But their malice against the Romans encreasing, and rayling against them that had fled vnto them, they planted all their engines to cast stones, darts and arrowes vpon the holy porches. So that all the voide space about the temple was filled with dead bodies like a Sepulchre, The temple after the manner of a Castle. and the temple it selfe resembled a castle, and they now with their weapons hauing their hands imbrued with the bloud of their countrimen, presumed to enter into the Sanctuarixe where none ought to come, and they became so iniurious against their owne lawes, that looke vvhat indignation the Iewes ought to haue conceiued against the Romans if they had so prophaned the holy places, the same they caused the Romans to haue against them, for doing the like. For there M was no one amongst the Roman souldiers, that did not with reuerence behold the temple, and adore it, and that did not hartily wish that the theeues would repent themselues before it was too late. Moreouer, Titus pitying the seditious once againe spake vnto Iohn and his adherents, saying: O yee impious people, haue not you inuironed the temple about with a cloister? haue not Titus speaketh to Iohn and his companions. you your selues in Greeke and our language engraued in tables, forbidden all men to enter into those limits? did not we licence you to kill any man that should passe them, notwithstanding that [Page] he were a Roman? Why then ye wickd wretches do you tread vpon dead mens bodies within The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. Titus in despite of the Iewes striueth to saue the temple. A your temple? Or wherefore haue you polluted the temple with the bloud of straungers, and of your countrimen? I call my countrey gods to witnesse, and him who sometime dwelt in this place, if euer there were any (for now I am perswaded there is none) I call also my armie to witnesse, and protest vnto the Iewes that are with me, and vnto your selues, that I wil not compel you to violate these sacred things: but that if your armie vvill depart from this place, that then no Roman shall come into these holy places, nor commit any thing in contumely of them, but I will preserue the temple for you against your wils.
CHAP. V.
How the battaile was renewed, the Rampiers being againe builded, and of the excursions of the Iewes. B
IOseph hauing deliuered these words of Titus vnto the Iewes, the seditious thinking that they proceeded not of good will but of feare, began to be more proud hereat. Then Titus seeing that they neither pitied themselues nor the temple, determined againe to fight, though very loth so to doe; yet could hee not bring all his a [...] my against them, the roome Titus chose thirtie out of euery hundreth most strong and able men & biddeth them charge the besieged. vvas so little. Wherefore out of euerie hundreth he made ch [...]ice of thirtie of the strongest amongst them, and ouer euerie thousand he appointed a colonell, and made Cerealis their captaine or generall, commaunding him at the ninth houre of the night, to assault the watchmen of the enemie. Also he himselfe would haue gone downe with them armed, but his friends and the captains about him foreseeing the great daunger that he might fall into, would not permit him: C affirming that he might doe more good sitting in Antonia, and incouraging the souldiers that fought, then if he himselfe should go and indaunger himselfe: for euerie man being in the view of the Emperour would fight more couragiously. Titus herewith was perswaded, telling the soldiers that the onely cause he went not with them was this, that he staid behinde to view & iudge euerie ones valour and vertue, and to the intent that none behauing himselfe valiantly should go away vnrewarded, nor any coward escape vnpunished, but that he himselfe would be a beholder of euerie mans vertue, and a witnesse thereof, vvho was their Lord either to reward or punish. Then Titus beholdeth from a window in Antonia what his souldiers performe. he went vnto a watchtower in Antonia, from whence he beheld vvhat was done. But they whom Titus sent, did not finde the watchmen asleepe as they hoped, but with a crie assaulted the Romans that came against them: and at this noise they awaked their fellowes: who came in D whole companies to assist them, and made excursions vpon their enemies. So the Romans sustained the violence of their first companies: but the second that came fell vpon their owne fellowes, and vsed them like their enemies: for no man could know one anothers voice for the noise there, neither could one see another by reason it was night: and moreouer some were blinded with furie, some with anger, some with feare: vvherefore euerie one stroke him that met him vvithout any respect. And the Romans receiued small domage hereby, because that they were defended with their shields, and remembred one anothers vvatchword. But the Iewes fel on euerie side, shewing themselues rash as vvell in excursions, as in their retiring; so that many times one of them tooke the other to be his enemie, euery one falling vpon him that retired, as though he had beene a Roman, assaulting them in the darke. Briefly, more were vvounded by their fellowes then by their E enemies, til day breaking euerie one knew his companion, & each one keeping his ranke, did then betake themselues to their darts and arrowes. Neither part gaue backe, nor was vvearied with labour, but many Romans togither & apart did in the view of the Emperour shew their courage, euerie man accounting that day the beginning of his preferment; if he behaued himselfe valiantly. The Iewes fought stoutly, both for that they feared their owne imminent daunger, if they were ouercome, and the destruction of the temple: and Iohn standing by encouraged them to fight, some vvith blowes, other some vvith threatnings, They fought most commonly vvith handie blowes; yet fortune often changed: for neither part had either farre to flie, or any The euents of battails are chaunged very shortly. space to follow them that fled. The Romans in Antonia cried vnto their fellowes, that fought the battaile now for hope of victorie, presently encouraging them to stand to it, vvhen they began F to giue backe; so it vvas as it had beene a theater of vvarre: for Titus, and they with him beheld all that was done; so at last in the fifth houre of the day the fight ceased, hauing continued from the ninth houre of the night, neither party forsaking the place where first they began battaile, neither any part hauing the victorie. Many Romans there fought couragiously, and amongst the Iewes these that follow: Iudas the sonne of Merton, Simon the sonne of Iosias, & Iacob and Simon Idumaeans; this the son of Cathla, but Iames vvas the sonne of Sosa: and all these were of [Page 732] Simons company, and of Iohns followers Gyphthaeus, and Alexas; & of the Zealous Simon the son G The ye [...]re of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. Foure mounts raised neere vnto the tēple. of Iairus. But the seuenth day the rest of the Romans pulling downe the foundations of Antonia, made a large entrance for the rest of the armie. And the legions comming vnto the wal, presently began to raise mounts, one against the corner of the inner temple, vvhich was scituat north & east: & another against the gallery on the north side between the two porches: & the other two, one against the porch on the west side of the outward temple; the other against the north porch. So with much toile & labour they finished this work, ferching wood to build it withal a hundreth furlongs off. And many times they were endomaged by trechery, not being wary by reason of their victory: & the Iewes despairing of themselues euerie houre more & more were encouraged. For many of the horsmen going either to get wood or hay, whilest they were about it, they took the bridles frō H off their horse, & permitted them to feed til they had ended their busines; and presently the Iewes issuing out in troups vpon them, tooke them away. Titus seeing that this fell out, deemed (as in The Iewes surprise the Romans horses. deed it was) that his mens horses were stolen rather by their negligence, then their enemies valour: wherefore he thought by the seuere punishment of one, to make others looke better to their horses. And so he condemned to death one of the souldiers that had lost his horse, by whose punishment the rest of the souldiers being terrified, kept their horses better. For after that, when they went about any busines, they neuer left their horses in the pastures, but kept alwaies with them. Thus the Romanes assaulted the Temple, and builded there mounts.
The day following certaine of the seditious, who now could get no more booties in the Citie, and now also began to taste of hunger, assaulted the Romans that were placed towards mount The fight of the Iewe [...] and Romans neere vnto the moūt [...]lcon. Oliuet about the eleuenth houre of the day: for they hoped to take them vnawares, as being now I at dinner. But the Romans vnderstanding their intent, came and out of their places resisted them who attempted violently to breake in vpon them ouer the wall, so that there was a hot fight, and many worthie deeds were done on either partie, the Romans hauing both strength and knowledge in warlike affaires; the Iewes led with a desperate furie: and shame forced the Romans to fight, and need compelled the Iewes: for the Romans accounted it a shame not to ouercome the Iewes, who were as it were fallen into their hands; and the Iewes thought it the onely way to saue their owne liues, to breake downe the wall by force. And one of the horsemen called Pedanius, the Iewes being put to flight & driuen into the vally, pursued them with his horse as fast as Pedanius a strong and expert horsman. he could gallope, and ouertooke a young man one of his enemies, being of a heauie bodie, armed all ouer, and taking him about the anckle, he caried him violently away: thereby shewing the K strength of his arme and of the rest of his bodie, and his skilfull chiualrie, and so brought the captiue vnto Caesar as a present. Titus admiring Pedanius his strength, and punishing the captiue for hauing attempted to assault the wal, he now hasted to assaile the temple, & commanded The captiue punished. the workemen quickly to dispatch their mounts. In the meane time the Iewes being ill handled in the former wars, and warre still encreasing to the ouerthrow of the temple, they did, as the custome is in a putrified bodie, preuent the plague from going any further by cutting off the corrupted members. For that part of the porch that reached from the North vnto the East, ioyned vnto Antonia, which they firing separated it twentie cubits from it, hauing now with their own [...] hands begunne to cast fire into the holy place. Two daies after, which was the foure and twentith The Iewes burnt ye porches of the temple. day of the foresaid moneth, the Romans set the porch on fire, and the fire hauing gone fourteene L cubits, the Iewes pulled downe the toppe thereof, and not desisting from their accustomed works, they pulled downe all adioyning vnto Antonia when it was easie for them, and that they ought to haue hindred the fire. The porch being on fire, they permitted so much to be burned as they thought good for their purpose. The fight about the temple neuer ceased, many excursions The Iewes are too slacke in putting out the fire. were made one against each other.
About this time a certaine Iew of low stature, and to see to a contemptible person, euery way an abiect, both by reason of his base parentage and otherwise, named Ionathan, who going to the monument of Iohn the Priest, dared the strongest amongst the Romans to come and fight Ionathan prouoketh the stoutest Romā to a single cō bate. a single combate with him. The Romans that beheld him disdained him: yet some amongst them (as commonly it is seene) were afraid of him: others wisely deemed, that they ought not to M fight with one that was desirous to die: for they that vvere desperate, neyther fought aduisedly, nor had the feare of God before their eies: and so that it was not a signe of valour, but of ouermuch hardines, to fight with such a one; whom though they ouercame, yet they could win no credit, but with infamie hazard themselues to be vanquished. So a long time none of the Romans came against him, and he vpbraided them of cowardlinesse. At last an arrogant and proud fellow, one of the Roman horsemen named Pudens, disdaining his insolency, and [Page 733] perhaps also for that hee was of little stature, came against him, and fighting with him, fortune The yeere of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. Pudens fighting with Ionathan is slaine by him. Priscus the Ce [...]urion killeth Ionathan with an arrow. A frowned vpon him, so that he was laught to scorne by his fellow: for hee falling downe Ionathan slew him; and setting his foote vpon the dead body, with his left hand he flourished his shield, and with his right his bloudie sword, and striking his weapons one against another, hee insulted ouer the Romane armie, and ouer the dead body, vpbraiding the Romanes, so long till Priscus a Centurion, as he was thus vanting, shot him through with an arrow, and so hee fell downe dead vpon the bodie of his enemie: at which deed, both the Romans and the Iewes raised a confused crie or noyse. So Ionathan here shewed how quickly reuenge pursued the felicitie of warlike victorie, falling out contrarie to all reason.
CHAP. VI. B
How the Romans through the deceite of the Iewes were consumed with fire, and of one Artorius.
THe seditious that kept the Temple, did now euerie day openly in fight resist the Romans that kept the mounts, and the seuen and twentie day they deuised this stratageme. They filled the voide part of the East porch of the Temple with drie wood and brimstone, and The Iewes fill the voide part of the East porch with drie wood, sulphure and bitumen. bitumen, and then fled out of it as not able longer to resist. Wherefore many of the Romanes rashly pursued the Iewes that fled, and with ladders got into the galleries. But the wiser sort considering that the Iewes had no iust occasion to flie, kept their place. The porch being now full of Romans that were got vp into it, the Iewes gaue fire to the wood and brimstone, and vpon a sodaine C all the porch was compassed with the flame: so that the Romans who were out of daunger The Romans calamitie in the fire. were here at amazed, and those that were amidst the flames became desperate; and inuironed with the flames some sought to runne backe into the towne, other some vnto the enemies; others killed themselues, so preuenting the furie of the fire; and presently the flame ouertooke those that sought to flie. Caesar, though offended at the souldiers for hauing ascended into the porch vnbidden, Caesar hath compassion of the Romans that were in the fire. yet seeing them die so wofully in the flames, he compassionated them. And although that the fire could not be quenched, yet the poore souldiers dying amongst the flames were hereat comforted, in that they perceiued him to bee sorrowfull for them, for whom they had lost their liues. For they beheld him crying to their fellowes to helpe to extinguish the fire, & he himself labored D what hee could to doe it; so that euerie one esteemed his sorrow and lamentation for them as much as a sumptuous funerall: but some escaped the fire and got into the largest part of the porch; yet inuironed round about with Iewes, hauing long resisted, though with many wounds, yet in the end they were all slaine.
At last a young man named Longus, was an honour to all this miserie, and notwithstanding that euerie one that there perished deserued particularly to be remembred, yet hee shewed himselfe Longus killeth himselfe. the most valiant of them all. The Iewes were desirous to kill this man for that he was strong, and willed him to come downe vnto them, swearing vnto him to spare him. But his brother Cornelius, who stood on the other side, intreated him not to discredite his owne honour and the Romans, whom he obeyed: and he lifting vp his sword on high, that either part might see, slew himselfe. E Yet one Artorius from amidst the fire escaped by this deuise, he called vnto him one Lucius his fellow souldier and chamber fellow; I will (quoth he) make thee heire of all my inheritance if thou wilt catch me in thy armes. Lucius willingly endeuouring to doe it, Artorius cast himselfe Lucius dieth but Artorius saueth himself by a stratagem downe vpon him, and so escaped with his life, but Lucius vpon whom he fell was brused against the pauement, and so died. This calamitie a while did greatly grieue the Romanes, yet it made them more warie afterward, and acquainted them with the Iewes subtilties, whereof before being ignorant, they sustained great domage; so the porch was burnt vnto the tower which Iohn built, during his warres against Simon: and the Iewes, after the Romanes that were ascended into it were consumed, pulled downe the rest. The next day the Romanes fired the North porch, The porch of the Temple fired. euen vnto the foresaid East porch, which contained the corners of the wall builded ouer the valley F Cedron, so that it was terrible to behold the valley from thence, by reason of the depth.
CHAP. VII. G The ye [...]re of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72.
Of the famine amongst the Iewes.
SVch were the affaires about the temple, but an infinite multitude perished within the citie through famine, so that they could not bee numbered, for in euerie place wher any shew The intestino warres of the Iewes that were welnie famished with hunger. or signe of foode was, presently arose a battell and the dearest friends of all now fought one with another, to take the food from other poore soules, neither did they beleeue them that were now a dying for famine, but the theeues searched them, whom they saw yeelding vp the ghost, thinking that they dying for famine, had hid about them some food, but they were deceiued H of their hope, being like mad dogges, greedie of meate, and fell against the doores like drunken men, searching the selfe same houses twise or thrise together in desperation, and for verie penurie they eate whatsoeuer they light vpon, gathering such things to eate, as the most filthie liuing creatures in the world would haue loathed. In briefe, they did eate their girdles and The Iews eate their owne girdles, shoes, the leather of their Targets & old [...]ay. shoes, and the skins that couered their shields, so that a little of olde hay was sold for foure Attiques. But what need is it to shew the sharpnesse of this famine by things that want life? I will recount an act neuer heard of, neither amongst the Greekes, nor any other barbarous people, horribly to be rehearsed, and incredible, so that I would willingly omit this calamitie, least posteritie should thinke I lie, had I not many witnesses hereof, and perhaps should incur reprehension, not fully recounting all accidents of them that are dead. I
CHAP. VIII.
Of a woman that for famine killed her sonne, and dressed him for meate.
A Certaine woman named Marie, dwelling beyond Iordaine, the daughter of Eleazar of the towne of Vitezokia, which signifieth the house of Hysope, descended of noble & rich parentage, flying with the rest vnto Ierusalem, was there with them besieged, her other goods the tyrants had taken from her, which shee had brought from beyond the riuer into the Citie, and whatsoeuer being hid, escaped their hands, the theeues daily came into her house and K tooke it away, whereat the woman greatly mou [...]d, cursed them, and with hard speeches animated them the more against her, yet no man either for anger, or compassion would kill her, but suffered her to liue to get them meate, but now could shee get no more, and famine inuaded her, with rage and anger more then danger. Wherefore by rage and necessitie shee was compelled to doe that which nature abhorred, and taking her sonne vnto whom shee then gaue sucke, O miserable child (quoth shee) in warre, famine, and sedition, for which of these shall I keepe thee? If The [...]thers speach before shee slew her sonne. thou continue amongst the Romans, thou shalt be made a slaue, yet famine wil preuent bondage; or else sedition worse then them both. ‘Be therefore meate for me, a terror vnto the seditious, a tragicall storie to be spoken of by posteritie, and that which is onely yet heard of amongst the calamities of the Iewes. Hauing thus sp [...]en she slew her sonne, and did seeth the one halfe of him, and eate it, the rest shee reserued couere [...] Presently came the seditious, smelling the sent of that excecrable L meate, threatning presently to kill her, except shee foorthwith brought some of that vnto them which shee had prepared. Then shee answered that shee had reserued a good portion therof The seditious challeng [...] the meate which the desolate mother had dressed. for them, and presently vncouered that part of her sonne which shee had left vneaten, at which sight they trembled, and a horror fell vpon them. But the woman said this is truely my sonne, and my doing, eate you of it, for I my selfe haue eaten thereof. Be not more effeminate then a woman, nor more merciful thē a mother. If religion make you refuse this my sacrifice, I haue already eaten of it and will eate the rest. Then the seditious departed hereat onely trembling, and scarcely permitting this meate to the mother. Presently the report of this hainous crime was bruted all about the Citie, and euerie man hauing before his eyes this excecrable fact, trembled as though himselfe M had done it. And now all that were vexed with this famine, hastned their owne deathes, and he was accounted happie that died before he felt this famine.’This vnnatural fact was soone after recounted vnto the Romanes, and some of them would not beleeue it, others pitied them within The calamitie recounted to the Romans. the Citie, and many hereat encreased their hatred towards that nation.
Caesar before Almightie God protested, that hee was not the cause of this, hauing offered the Iewes peace, free pardon & forgiuenesse for all their offences past, and that they did rather make [Page 735] choyce of warre then peace, of sedition then quietnesse, of famine rather then vvealth andThe yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 72.A plentie, hauing with their owne hands begunne to set on fire the temple, vvhich he had preserued for them, and that therefore such like meate vvas fit for them, and that hee vvould burie this abhominable crime of eating their owne children in the ruines of their countrey, and that he would not in any part of the world suffer the sunne to shine vpon such a Citie, wherein mothers did eate their owne children, and that such food did more beseeme fathers then mothers,4. Reg 6. Ant. lib. 9. cap. 4.who for all their miseries would not yet cease from armes. Hauing thus spoken he considered the desperation of the enemies, and that they would not recall themselues, who had already endured all such calamities, which might if it had been possible haue altred their opinions rather then haue endured them.
CHAP. IX. B
How the wall was taken, and the temple burnt.
THe eight day of August two of the Roman legions hauing finished their mounts, they began to place their rammes against the East galleries without the temple, hauing six daies togither without intermission already beaten the wall with their strongest rams, and nothing preuailed, the stones being so strong, that the rams could not mooue them: others of the Romans laboured to dig vp the foundations of the porch, that was on the North side, and after much toile, they only could pul away the outward stones, & the inner stones did stil support C the porch. At last the Romans seeing themselues not preuaile by their iauelines and other instruments, they set ladders to ascend into the galleries. The Iewes did not greatly labour to hinder them from getting vp, but when they were within the galleries, then they came and fought with them, and cast some of them downe headlong, forcing them to retire, others they slew that stood to it; and others that were vpon the ladders going downe before they could defend themselues with their shields, were with swords strooken downe, and they also thrust downe some ladders full of armed men. So that there was a great massacre of the Romans, some fighting for The Iewes ouercome the Romans and [...]eaze their ensignes. their ensignes, which the Iewes had taken from them, esteeming the losse thereof a great shame vnto them. At last the Iewes got their auncients, and slew them, that came vp to rescue them; and the rest terrified with their deaths that were slaine, went downe againe, and no one of the D Romans died, who before he was slaine did not some valiant act, and those seditious people that in the former battels did shew themselues valiant, did now also fight valiantly, and beside them Eleazar sonne vnto the tyrant the brother of Simon. Then Titus perceiuing that he spared the temple of the Iewes to his losse, and to the death of his souldiers, he commanded fire to be put vnto the temple gates, presently Ananus of Emaus the most cruell of all Simons followers, and Two of Simons guard reuolt from him. Archelaus the sonne of Magadatus, fled vnto Titus, who for their cruelties committed, determined to put them to death: yet they hoped for pardon, for that they had now forsaken the Iewes when they had gotten the better hand. But Titus affirmed they came not of goodwill, but for necessitie, and that they did not deserue to liue forsaking their countrey now set on fire for their offences: yet his promise bridled his wrath, and he dismissed them, but they were not so much esteemed E Titus promise restraineth his wrath. as the rest. The Roman souldiers did now put fire vnto the temple doores, and the siluer plates wherewith they were couered being molten, the flame quickly fiered the wood, and encreasing tooke hold presently on the next porch. The Iewes seeing themselues inuironed with None of the sewes goeth about to extinguish the fire. flames, were now altogither discouraged, and their strength failed them, and being amazed no man sought to extinguish the flame, and so they stood still beholding the fire, yet not lamenting that which was set on fire, more then desiring to saue the rest: and so that day and all the next night the fire encreased, for the porches were burnt by little and little, and not all at once.
The next day Titus caused part of his army to quench the fire, and calling vnto him his captaines, and six that were the chiefest amongst them, to wit, Tiberias Alexander Generall of the Titus calleth the chieftain [...] before him. F whole army, Sextus Cerealis commander of the fift legion, Largius Lepidus of the tenth, Titus Frigius of the fifteenth, with whom was also Aeternius Fronto commander of the two legions that came from Alexandria and Marcus Antonius Iulianus Gouernour of Iudaea, and with them the colonels and captaines, he deliberated with them what was to be done concerning the temple. Some councelled to vse the custome of warres, for that the Iewes would neuer liue peaceably [Page 736] their temple standing, all their nation wheresoeuer liuing assembling themselues thither at G The yeare of the world, 4034. after Christs birth 72. certaine times. Others perswaded Titus that if so be the Iewes yeelded their temple, and sought not for it, then to saue it: but if they fought for it, to burne it: for now it seemed a Castle and not a temple: and if any man were offended hereat, it should not be imputed to the Romans or to their general, but to the Iewes who constrained them to do it; and he offended not, they forcing him to fire it. But Titus affirmed that although the Iewes fought for their temple being men without Titus counsail as concerning the temple. conscience, yet it should not be destroied: for he would not so be reuenged of their iniquities: neither would he euer fire so goodly a building; for so it would redound vnto the losse of the Romans; as also it would be a credit vnto them, if it were left remaining. And now Alexander, Fronto, and Cerealis, perceiuing Caesars minde were of his opinion, and so he dismissed the conuocation, and commanded the souldiers and captaines to rest, that they might be more able to H fight when need required: and presently he appointed certaine chosen men to make the waies euen, & easie for the army to passe by the ruines, commanding them to quench the fire; and that day the Iewes being fearefull and wearie did make no resistance. The day following taking heart and assembled togither, they assaulted the watchmen that kept without the temple, the second houre of the day. The Romans valiantly resisted their first assault, so defending themselues with their shields as though they had a wal before thē; yet sure it was that they would not long abide, for that they were fewer in number then their enemies, and not so desperat as they were. Then Caesar before his men retired (beholding the fight from Antonia) with certain chosen horsmen came Titus with his chosen horsmē commeth to rescue the Romans. to succour them: whose force the Iewes not sustaining, but the first of them being slaine, the rest fled: and the Romans departing, they returned, and fought against them; and when the Romans I returned againe, presently they fled, till about the fift houre of the day the Iewes were forced to betake themselues into the temple, and there they were shut vp. Then Titus returned into Antonia, purposing the next day to assault them with all his armie, and winne the temple. But the sentence of God had already determined, that it should be consumed with fire, and now the fatal The temple was burnt by the Romans the tenth of the moneth of August, on which day before time it was burned by the king of Babylon. day was come after many yeeres, which was the tenth of August: vpon which day also the king of Babylon did once before fire it, yet was it now first set a fire by our owne countrimen, who were indeed the cause thereof. For the seditious being quiet till Titus was departed, then againe they assaulted the Romans, and so fought with the guard that were without the temple, labouring to extinguish the flame, who putting the Iewes to flight, came vnto the temple.
CHAP. X. K
How the temple was burnt against the will of Titus.
THen a certaine souldier, who expected no commaund, nor feared to doe so execrable a fact, being mooued with some diuine furie and lifted vp by his fellow, tooke in his hand a flaming firebrand, and cast it into the golden gate which entred into the roomes on the North part of the temple, and the flame presently arose: which caused a great crie amongst the Iewes, expressing their calamitie, and euerie one hasted to extinguish the fire; now neither accounting of their liues nor forces, hauing lost that for which they so fought. Newes hereof was L A soldier contrarie to Caesars will burned the tēple. presently brought vnto Titus by one who came from the fight, who then was resting in his tabernacle, and he presently arose and ranne vnto the temple to hinder the fire, and all the captaines after him; whereat the souldiers being terrified followed, and there arose a great crie and tumult in that army being vnordered. Caesar both with voice and hand made a signe vnto the souldiers, that were fighting to quench the fire. But they did not heare him, there was so great a noise, neither did they perceiue the signe he made vnto them with his hand, because that some were distracted with fight, others with anger: and the soldiers issued in, not restrained neither by commaunds nor threatnings, but euerie one went whither furie carried him, and thronging togither at the entrance, many pressed one another to death: and many being amongst the firie ruines of the galleries perished as miserably as those that were ouercome. When they came M vnto the temple euerie one counterfeited himselfe not to heare Caesars command, and so exhorted his fellowes that were before him to fire the temple. The seditious now had no hope to The burning of the temple. withstand them, but either fled or were slain; and many vnarmed and vnable people wheresoeuer they were found, were slaine: so that about the altar was an innumerable companie of dead bodies Great slaughter in the temple. heaped togither, and their bloud flowed down the temple staires: and their bodies that there [Page 737] were slaine rouled downe Caesar seeing he could not restraine the surie of the madbraine soldiers, The yeere of the world. 403 [...]. after Christs birth 72. Titus striueth to saue the inward temple. A and that the fire encreased, entred into the temple with his nobles, and beheld all the holy things there, and vvhat soeuer else vvas there, farre surpassing all report vvhich straungers had giuen of it, and equall to that report vvhich the Iewes made of it. And the flame not hauing yet pierced into the inner part of the temple▪ nor yet consumed the houses and roomes about it, he deemed that as yet it might be preserued: vvherfore himselfe came and intreated the soldiers to extinguish the fire: commaunding Liberalis the Centurion of his guard to beat those with a trunchion that vvould not be obedient, and driue them away. But their furie and the rage of vvarre, and the hatred they bare against the Iewes ouercame in them all Caesars commaunds, and feare of them that forbad them. Many were incited so to do hoping of some bootie, thinking that all the temple within vvas full of money, because they saw the gates of gold. Moreouer a certaine B souldier, vvhen Caesar sought to queneh the flame, fired the poastes aboue the doores, and presently the flame appearing within, Caesar and the Captaines departed, and so euerie one stood looking vpon it, and no man sought to extinguish it. Thus the temple vvas burnt against Titus his will. And although enerieman will iudge it a lamentable case that such a building surpassing all that euer was seene or heard of, both in greatnesse, workemanship, costlinesse and plentie of all things; in this yet we may comfort our selues, in that the destinies had so determined. For neither liuing creatures, nor places, nor buildings can auoide their destinie. One may How many yeeres there were betweene the first building of the temple vnder king Salomon and the destruction vnder Titus. also admire the exact and iust reuolution of time: for it was now destroyed in the same moneth, and on the same day that the Babylonians first destroyed it: and from that time that Salomon beganne the first temple vnto the destruction of the second temple, which hapned the second C yeere of Vespasians raigne, were a thousand, a hundreth and thirtie yeeres, seuen moneths, and fifteene daies: and from the building of the latter temple which Aggaeus built in the second yeere of the raigne of King Cyrus, vnto the destruction thereof now in Vespasians raigne, were sixe hundreth thirtie nine yeeres and fiue and fortie daies.
CHAP. XI.
Of the Priests: the Treasure house: and the Porch.
WHen the temple was thus consumed with fire, whatsoeuer the soldiers found therein they D caried away, and put all to the sword that were in it, which was an infinite number: neither did they shew any pitie to olde age, or infants: but olde, young, priests, & common people all were slaine without respect, & all sorts of people tasted the calamitie of war, whether they resisted, or intreated mercy. And now the flame encreased, which grieued euen thē that were yeelding The crie and howling of the murthered Iewes. vp the ghost: and by reason of the height of the hill, and the building togither, one would haue thought the whole citie had beene on fire. Then a most lamentable crie was raised betweene the Roman legions, and the seditious now enuironed with fire and sword, and of the people that vvere taken in the higher part of the citie, & had fled vnto the Romans, lamenting their calamitie; and they of the citie answered the teares and cries of them in the hill, and many whose eies death E by famine had alreadie closed, tooke strength a while to bewaile the temple, which they now opening their eies beheld on fire. The countrey beyond Iordan, and the mountains about did eccho with their laments: and yet the calamitie surpassed that tumult. For one would haue iudged the hil whereon the temple was scituate, to haue beene burnt vp by the rootes, it was so ful of fire: Yet The temple filled with fire and bloud. the multitude of bloud there shed surpassed the fire. Many that were slaine were couered with them that slew them, and all the ground was ouerspred with dead bodies, so that the souldiers ran vpon the dead bodies to pursue them that fled. At last the theeues hauing driuen the Romans without the temple, they ran into the citie, & the rest of the people that were left, fled into the outward porch. And many of the priests first vsed spits, and then their seats made of lead in steed of darts against the Romans; at last nothing at all preuailing, and the fire falling vpon them, they F went vnto a wall eight cubits broad, and there staied. Yet two of the nobles, when they might Two noble men cast themselues into the fire. either haue fled vnto the Romans, and there haue beene saued, or else haue endured like fortune with the rest, they notwithstanding cast themselues into the fire, and so were burnt with the temple: one of them was named Meierus the sonne of Belga, the other Ioseph the sonne of Dalaeus.
[Page 738] The Romans thought it in vaine to spare the buildings about the temple, seeing the temple G The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72, was alreadie consumed, and so set fire on them all, the porches, galleries, and gates; two onely excepted, one on the East side, and the other on the South side, both which afterward they raced vnto the ground: they burnt also certaine chests called Gazophylacia, or money boxes, wher [...]in was great store of coine, and rich garments, and other pretious things, and indeed all the Iewes treasure, for the richest of the citie had brought all their wealth thither. There came into the porch that was left standing many men, women & children to the number of sixe thousand. And before Caesar and the captains did determine any thing what should be done with them, the furious soldiers fired the porch wherein they were, and so they all perished in the flames; saue a fewe, that Sixe thousand in the porch consumed by fire. leaping downe to auoid the fire, were slaine in the fall, so that no one escaped of all that multitude. A certaine false prophet was cause of all their deaths; who the same day preached in the H Citie, and commaunded them to go into the temple and behold signes of their deliuerance: for many false Prophets were then suborned by the tyrants, to perswade them to expect Gods helpe, thereby to hinder them from flying vnto the Romans, and to cause the souldiers to fight more valiantly False prophets suborned by the seditious. to defend their citie. Men easily beleeue and are credulous in aduersitie, so that if any deceitfull person promise deliuerance out of calamitie, hee that suffereth miserie is in full hope thereof.
CHAP. XII.
Of the straunge signes and tokens that appeared before the destruction I of Ierusalem.
THese miserable people were thus easily perswaded by impostors who did belie God, yet would they not beleeue, nor giue any eare or regard vnto certaine tokens, & signes of the The blindnes of the people The first prodigie. A comet like vnto a sword. The second prodigie was that a bright light shined about the altar and temple by night. The third prodigie was of a co [...] ye brought forth a lambe in the midst of the temple. The fourth the brasen gate of the temple opened it selfe. ruine of their citie but as it were blinded, neither hauing eies nor soules, they counterfaited themselues not to see what God foreshewed them. One while there was a comete in forme of a firie sword, which for a yeere togither did hang ouer the citie: an other time before the first reuolt & warre, the people being gathered togither to the feast of vnleuened bread (which was the eight day of Aprill) the ninth houre of the night, there was so much light about the altar and temple, as though it had beene bright day, which remained halfe an hower: this the ignorant people interpreted K as a good signe, but they that were skilfull in holy scripture, did presently iudge, what would ensue before it came to passe. The same festiuitie a cow ledde to be sacrificed at the altar, brought forth a lambe in the midst of the temple: and the inner gate of the temple on the east side being of massiue brasse, which at night time had alwaies at least twentie men to shut it, & was bound with locks of yron, and was barred with barres, the ends whereof went into morteis holes in the stones on either side the doore (the foresaid stones being on each side, one whole stone) was seene at the first houre of the night to open of his owne accord, which being presently related vnto the Magistrate by the keepers of the temple, he himselfe came thither and could scarcely shut it, and this also to the ignorant seemed a good signe, affirming that God opened vnto them the gate of his blessings. But the wiser sort iudged that the defence of the temple would decay of his owne accord, and that the opening of the gate foretold, that it should be giuen to the enemies, L affirming one vnto another that this signe signified desolation. A little while after the feast daies on the one and twentith day of May there was seene a vision beyond all beleefe, and perhaps that which I am to recount might seeme a fable, if some were not now aliue that beheld it, and that calamitie vvorthie to be so foretold ensued: for before the sunne set, were seene in the ayre yron chariots all ouer the countrey, and an armie in battell aray passing along in the clouds, and begitting the citie. And vpon the feast day called Penticost, at night the priests going into The fift armed chariots and men seene in the aire. The sixt a voice in the inward temple The Seuenth prodigie Iesus a countrey mans crie and death. the inner temple to offer their vvonted sacrifice, at first they felt the place to moue and tremble, & afterward they heard a voice vvhich said, Let vs depart hence. And that vvhich vvas most wonderfull of all, one Iesus the son of Ananus a countrey man of the common people, foure yeeres M before the wars began, vvhen the Citie flourished in peace and riches, comming to the celebration of the feast to Ierusalem, vvhich vve call the feast of Tabernacles, sodainly began to crie out thus; A voice from the East: A voice from the West, A voice from the foure vvinds, A voice against Ierusalem and the Temple. A voice against men and women newly maried: A voice against all this people: and thus crying night and day, he vvent about all the streets of the citie. [Page 739] Some of the nobilitie disdaining misfortune, tooke him and scourged him with many stripes, but The yeare of the world. 4034, af [...]r Christs birth 72. A he neither secretly speaking for himselfe, nor vnto those that did beate him, perseuered crying as before. The Magistrates then thinking (as in deed it was) that the man spake this through some diuine motion, led him vnto the Generall of the Romans, where being beaten till his bones appeared, he neuer intreated nor wepts, but as well as he could, framing a weeping voice, hee cried woe, woe vnto Ierusalem. Albinus (being then Iudge) asked him what he was, or of whence, or wherefore he said so, but he made him no answere. Yet hee ceased not to bewaile the miserie of Ierusalem, vntill Albinus thinking him to bee out of his wits, suffered him to depart. This man euen vntill the time of warre neuer went to any Citizen, nor was seene speake to any one, but stil as it were studying of some speech: he cried woe, woe vnto Ierusalem. Neither did he euer curse any one, though euerie day one or other did beate him, nor thanke any one that offered him B meate. All that he spake vnto any man was this heauie prophecie. He went crying as is aforesaid, chiefely vpon holy-dayes, so doing continually for the space of seuen yeeres and fiue moneths, his Iesus for seuen yeeres space & fiue months cried about the Citie. A stone shot from an engine killeth Iesus. voice neither waxing hoarse nor wearie, till in the time of the siege, beholding that which he foretold them, hee ceased, and then once againe vpon the wals going about the Citie, with a lowde voice he cried; Woe, woe vnto the Citie, Temple and people and lastly he said, woe also vnto my selfe; which words were no sooner vttered, but a stone shot from out an engine smote him, and so he yeelded vp the ghost lamenting them all.
If any one doe diligently consider all these, he shall find that God hath a care of mankind, and doth euerie way foreshew betime, what is most expedient for them, and they through their owne madnesse, to haue voluntarily perished in their wickednesse. For the Iewes when the Castle Antonia C was taken, made the Temple foure square: notwithstanding, that it was written in the holy Scripture, that the Citie and Temple should be taken, when the Temple was made foure square. The Iewes interpret the signes to their own good liking, are their Countries ruine and the cause of their owne calamity. But that which chiefely incited them to warre, was the doubtfull prophecie likewise found in the holy Scriptures: that at the same time, one in their dominions should be Monarche of the whole world; and many wisemen were deceiued in this interpretation; making account that hee should be one of their owne nation, yet indeed thereby was foretold Vespasians Empire. But men cannot preuent destinie, though they foresee it. Thus the Iewes interpreted some of the signes as they pleased, and at others they laughed, till by the ruine of their Countrie, and their owne wofull ouerthrow, their iniquitie appeared.
CHAP. XIII. D
How Titus was made Emperour: and of the death of the priests.
AFter the seditious were fled into the Citie all the Temple and places thereabout being set on fire, the Romans placed their ensignes in the Temple ouer against the East gate, and there celebrating sacrifice, with great cries declared Titus Emperour, and the Romans Gold was sold for halfe the price. got such prayes and booties, that they sold gold in Syria for halfe the valew. And amongst those Priests that kept on the wall, a child being thirstie, desired peace of the Romane watchmen, saying, that he was thirstie. So they pittying both his yeeres and his need, gaue him their hands B that he should haue no harme, and then he came downe and drunke, and filled a bottle which he brought with him, and when he had done, hee ranne vp againe to his fellowes, and none of the The craft of a boy. watchmen were able to ouertake him, and they vpbraided him with falsehood. But he answered, that he had done nothing, but that which hee and they intended: for they did not giue him their hands to secure him to remaine with them; but onely to come downe and take water which hee had done. The Romane watchmen greatly admired the subtiltie of him that was but a child. The fift day the Priests being almost famished came downe, and the watchmen carried them to Titus, The Priests [...]raue pardon, but Titus commandeth them to be led to execution. whom they besought to graunt them their liues: But he answered them, that the time of pardon was past, seeing that was destroyed, for the which he might haue pardoned them, and that it was meete that the Priests should perish with the Temple: and so he commaunded them to be put to F death. Then the tyrants with their followers being on euerie side beset with warres, and hauing no way to flie, they being thus beleaguerd rounde; requested to parly with Titus, who for his The seditious summon Titus to a parly. naturall meeknesse, his friends also perswading him thereto, thought at least to saue the Citie (iudging indeed that now the seditious had altered their minds) and so he stood in the West part of the inner Temple: for there was a gate built aboue a gallerie, and a bridge that ioyned the [Page 740] Temple and Citie together, which was then betweene Titus and the tyrants. Many souldiers on G The yeare of the [...]ld. 4034. after Christs birth 71. Titus Oration to the Iewes by an interpreter. both parts flocked about their rulers; the Iewes about Simon and Iohn, hoping for pardon: the Romans about Titus; desirous what he would say vnto them: and Titus by an Edict commaunding the souldiers to be quiet, and to shoote no arrowes, spake vnto them first by an interpreter, thereby shewing that he had the vpper hand, and said ‘O yee men of Ierusalem, are you not now glutted with the calamities of your Countrie? Neither calling to mind our power, nor your owne infirmitie, but with a rash furie haue destroyed your people, Citie, and Temple: your selues also hauing instly deserued to perish, who since Pompey first conquered you, haue neuer ceased to be seditious, and at last haue openly borne armes against the Romans. Did you trust vnto your multitude? You haue seene that a small parcell of the Romans armie hath sufficiently resisted you. Or did you expect forraine aide? What nation is not vnder our dominion? and who wold rather make H choyse of the Iewes then of the Romans? Did you trust in your strength of bodie? Why, you know that the Germanes serue vs. Or in the strength of your wals? What wall? or what greater hinderance then the Ocean, wherewith the Britaines inuironed; haue yeelded vnto the Romane forces? Or to your courage, and politicke counsell of your Captaines? You haue alreadie heard that the Carthaginians haue beene by vs surprised. It was therefore the Romanes humanitie that incited you against themselues, who first of all permitted you to possesse your Countrie, and gaue The Romans humanitie incited the Iewes against them. you Kings of your owne nation: and after all this, wee kept your lawes inuiolate, and suffered you to liue as your selues desired, not onely in your owne Countrie, but also amongst other nations; and which is the greatest of all our benefits bestowed vpon you, wee permitted you to gather tribute and gifts, to the maintenance of your Temple and sacrifices to God; of all which we neither I forbad any to be brought vnto you, neither hindered any that would offer vnto your Temple, but suffered you our enemies, to be made more rich then our selues, so that you haue vsed our owne money against vs. Wherefore hauing receiued so many benefits at our hands, you haue now disgorged your selues vpon vs, and like spitefull Serpents, spit your poyson vpon them that made much of you. Let vs omit that by Nero his negligence you became forgetfull of your dutie, and like some member in the bodie broken or shrunke, you being still tumultuous, at last were taken in a greater offence, and were incouraged with immoderate desires to hope for vnlawfull libertie. My father came into your Countrie, not to punish you for your misdemeanour toward Cestius, but by good counsell and warning to reprehend and quiet you. And whereas if he had come to destroy your nation, hee ought first to haue cut downe the verie roote, and to haue come vnto K this Citie and destroyed it, with the Inhabitants: hee rather chose first to waste Galilea, and the places adioyning, that in the meane time you might repent you, and consider of your estate. But this his mercie towards you was held for cowardlinesse and infirmitie in him, and by our long suffering you were emboldned against vs: and when Nero was dead, you did as treacherous subiects are wont to doe, taking occasion by our ciuill dissension, to reuolt from vs: and whilest my father and I were gone into Aegypt, you prepared your selues to war against vs; neither were you ashamed to trouble them that were designed Pinces, whō notwithstanding you had found most gentle Captaines vnto you. At last when the Empire fell vnto vs, and all things being now quieted, all nations with gifts and presents came to congratulate vs: Behold againe, the Iewes shewed themselues our enemies, and you sent an Ambassador beyond Euphrates, onely to nourish your L rebellion, walling & fortifying your townes a new, and contending like seditious and tyrants one with another, set abroach ciuill warres: al which none but impious people would haue committed. Wherefore being commanded by my father, who was now vrged thereunto, I came against this Citie with a heauie charge; yet did I reioyce when I heard that the people desired peace. Before I warred against you, I exhorted you to peace: after warre was begun, I desisted awhile from vsing seueritie: I spared all them that of their owne accord fled vnto me, and kept my promise vnto them, pitying those that were captiues. I with strokes restrained them that hasted the warre against you against my will, and euen forced so to doe; I set the Romans against your wals, and alwayes restrained my souldiers so much desirous of your bloud. How often did I ouercome you, so often did I exhort you to peace, as though I had beene vanquished. Againe; when I approched M vnto the Temple, I willingly omitting the law of armes, requested you to spare your Temple and holy things, offering you leaue to depart, and promising you safetie, or else I gaue you leaue to fight another time in another place, if so you thought good. Al these my offers you refused, & with your own hands fired your temple. And now you wicked wretches prouoke me to parly with you. What thing can you now preserue so excellent, as that which is already perished? what pardon can[Page 741] you expect, seeing your temple is destroied? nay, euen now yo [...] stand armed, not so much as counterfeiting A The yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 72. submission in the last cast. O wretches with what hope? Is not your people dead, is not your temple destroied, & your citie now in my hands, yea your liues also? But do you thinke death the renowne of fortitude? I will not striue with your obstinacie: yet if you will cast downe your Titus granteth the Iewes li [...]e, on condition they should lay aside their weapons and submit themselues. weapons, and yeeld your bodies, I will spare your liues: And like as in priuate house I wil shew my selfe vnto you a gentle maister; and after I haue punished that which otherwise is incurable, I will reserue the rest for my selfe.’
To this they answered, that they could not receiue pardon at his hands, hauing vowed the contrarie: wherfore they requested licence to depart with their wiues and children by the camp, which he had enuironed with a wall, and so to go into the wildernesse, and leaue the Citie vnto the Romans. Titus was hereat greatly enraged, that they being in a manner captiues, should impose B vpon him conditions, as though they were victors; and commaunded a crier to tell them, that hence foorth they should not flie vnto him, nor hope that he would pardon them: for hee would spare nothing, willing thē with all their forces to fight and saue themselues as they could, The souldiers set the citie on fire. for he would now in all things vse the law of armes: and so he permitted the soldiers to sack the Citie, and set it on fire. And that day they did nothing, but the next day following, they fired the councell-house, the pallace Acra, and Ophla, and the fire came vnto Queene Helens pallace, which was scituate in the midst of Acra: also the houses and streets of the Citie full of dead bodies were set on fire. The same day the sons and brethren of king Izates, and with them many nobles of the people assembled togither, befought Caesar to pardon them: and he though incensed Caesar cōstant in his resolution. against them all; yet not changing his manner, receiued them to mercie, and put C them all in prison, and afterward carried them bound to Rome for hostages, that were the kings sonnes and kinsmen.
CHAP. XIIII.
Of the pray of the seditious, and how the inner part of the Citie was fired.
THe seditious went vnto the kings pallace, where many had left all their wealth, because it was a strong place, and driuing the Romans from thence, they slew all the people there assembled, amounting to the number of eight thousand and foure hundreth, and carried The seditious resorting to the kings house take away the treasure. D away all the money, and they tooke there two Roman souldiers aliue, one a horseman, and another a footman; and they slew the footman, and drew him all along the Citie, as it were in the body of that one, reuenging themselues vpon all the Romans. But the horseman affirmed that he had something to say vnto them, which would greatly profit them, and saue their liues: who was carried vnto Simon, and not hauing there any thing to say, Simon deliuered him to one of his captaines called Ardala to be slaine, and he brought him where the Romans might behold him with his hands bound behinde him, and a veile before his eies, meaning there to behead him: but he whilest the Iew drew out his sword fled vnto the Romans. And Titus would not put The punishment of a Roman souldier taken by the Iewes. him to death, because he had escaped from the enemies: yet deeming him vnworthy to be a Roman souldier, who suffred himselfe to be taken aliue, he tooke from him his armes, and discharged E him from bearing them any more, which to a wiseman was worse then death. The next day the Romans putting the seditious to flight that were in the lower Citie, they fired all vnto Siloa, reioycing that the towne was destroied: yet they got no booties, because the seditious had already robbed and spoiled all, and carried it into the higher Citie. For they nothing repented them of their wickednesse, but were as arrogant, as though they had been in prosperitie: so that they The Iewes are arrogant in midst of their calamitie. with ioy beheld the Citie on fire, affirming that they desired death; for that the people being slaine, the temple destroied, and the Citie on fire, they should leaue nothing vnto their enemies. Yet Ioseph in that extremitie laboured to saue the reliques of the Citie, much inueighing against their crueltie, & earnestly exhorting them to saue thēselues: yet he nothing profited in al this, but The Iewes refuse to submit themselues to the Romans, yet are they vnable to wag [...] warre with them. was derided for his labour: for neither would they yeeld vnto the Romans for their oths sake, neither F were they able to fight with the Romans, being now as it were besieged round by them; yet their accustomed murthers did encourage them to stand out.
Thus dispersed all ouer the Citie, they lurked in the ruines, lying in wait for those that sought to flie vnto the Romans, and many of them were taken, and all of them were slaine; for famine had so weakned them, that they could not flie, and they cast their dead bodies vnto dogs. And any [Page 742] death were easie in respect of famine. So that many fled vnto the Romans, hauing no promise, G The yeare of the world, 4034. after Christs birth 72. no nor hope to be pardoned by them, and vpon purpose fell into the hands of the seditious; who neuer ceased from murther, and now there was no place in the whole Citie voide, but was filled with dead bodies, who either perished by famine or sedition. But the tyrants and factious The tyrants vttermost hope was in their vaults. theeues put their last refuge in the vaults, where they hoped whatsoeuer hapned to saue themselues, hoping that there they could not be found, and so after the Citie was destroied, to escape, which was only their vaine phantasie. For they could neither be hid from God nor the Romans, yet at that time they trusted in those caues, from whence they fired the Citie more then the Romans, and cruelly murthered them that hauing escaped the flames, came and fled into secret places, and spoiled them, also if they in any place found any meate though all bloudy, yet they tooke it and did eate it, and now one of them began to fight with an other about the spoile they H gotte. And I verily perswade my selfe that had they not beene preuented by the destruction of the Citie, their crueltie would haue beene such, that they would haue eaten the bodies Rapine and slaughter in the vaults. of dead men.
CHAP. XV.
How the higher part of the Citie was assaulted: and how many Iewes fled vnto Titus.
Caesar perceiuing that the higher part of the Citie could not be woon without mounts, I being scituate in a soile, round about the which were high and deepe places, on the twentith day of August he set all his souldiers on worke, and the carrying of wood for that purpose was verie painfull, all trees within a hundreth furlongs off the Citie were already cut downe, and vsed in the former worke as is before said. So the foure legions raised a mount on the West side of the Citie, and all the rest made a mount against the porch, bridge and tower, which Simon during his warres with Iohn had built. About this time the captaines of the The Idumaeans consult in their assembly about their submission. Idumaeans assembling togither, deliberated to yeeld themselues, and sent fiue of their companie vnto Titus beseeching him to confirme a peace vnto them, and he hoping that the tyrants would yeeld after them, who were the greatest part of his army, with much ado granted them life, and so sent them vnto their fellowes, but Simon had notice of their departure, and presently slew those K fiue that were sent vnto Titus, and taking the captaines (the noblest of whom was Iames the son of Sosa) he put them in prison, and also kept and guarded the Idumaeans, who now hauing no gouernours knew not what to do, yet the guard could not hinder them from flying, for although many of them were killed, yet diuers fled and escaped, and all were receiued by the Romans. Titus curtesie being such, as that he remembred not his former edict to the contrarie, and now the souldiers hoping for gaine and hauing already gotten sufficient, abstained from murthers, for leauing onely the common people, they solde the rest with their wiues and children for a small price, many being exposed to sale and few comming to buy them: so that he hauing made an edict that none should flie vnto him alone, intending thereby to bring their families with them, yet he now receiued them also appointing some to enquire who had deserued punishment, L and to inflict it on them. And an infinite number was solde, and more then fortie thousands of Fortie thousand of the people saued. Iesus a priest the sonne of Thebathus. Phineas the treasurer of the temple taken. the people were saued, whom the Emperour dismissed and permitted to go whither they pleased. The same time a certaine priest the sonne of Thebathus named Iesus, was promised pardon vpon condition that he should deliuer certaine holy things giuen vnto the temple, and so he came and brought out of a wall two candlesticks, like vnto them that were in the temple, tables, goblets, cuppes, all made of solide and massiue golde: also, the veile and the ornaments of the priests, and the precious stones about them, and many vessels made for sacrifice. Moreouer, the keeper of the holy treasure called Phineas brought forth the garments, and all things that did belong vnto the priests, and much purple and scarlet, which were laid vp in store to make tapestrie or hangings, amongst which also was some Cinamon, Cassia, and many other odoriferous M things, whereof were compounded sweet odors to be offered to God. He also deliuered him much wealth of other mens, and much sacred treasure, for the which notwithstanding that he was taken by force, yet he was pardoned as they were that fled vnto Caesar.
CHAP. XVI. The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth 72. A
How the rest of the Citie was taken.
THe seuenth day of September the mounts being finished, which was the eighteenth day after they were begun, some of the Romans placed theie rammes and engines to batter Some of the seditious kept in Acra, the rest in the vault of the clue. them, & some of the seditious who now despaired to keepe the citie, left the wals; and fled into A [...]a, others hid themselues in certaine vaults, and many hindred the Romans and resisted them for placing their rammes against the wals, who were ouercome by them being both more in number then they were, and also stronger and more valiant. The Iewes being now all discouraged B and sorrowfull, so soone as any part of the wall was broken downe, or shaken with the force of the ramm [...]s straight waies fled, and now the tyrants were surprised with a greater feare then The feare and amazement of the seditious. needed. For euen before such time as the enemies had entred the wall, they stood in doubt whether they might flie or no, and they who a little before were proud and arrogant malefactors, did now [...]emble and quake, so that it was pitifull to see such a chaunge in them, though they were wicked persons. And they endeuored to assaile the vvall that Titus had built, to compasse the whole citie vvithall, but seeing themselues forsaken of all those that vvere vvont to be trustie vnto them, euerie one fled vvhether necessitie did driue him. Presently newes vvere brought them that all the west vvall of the citie was beaten downe, others affirmed that the Romans had entred, and that they had seene the enemies in the towers, feare daseling their eies, and prostrate vpon C the ground, they bewailed their misfortune, and as though they had beene lame they stood still & sought not to flie. From vvhence one may chiefely perceiue Gods iustice towards the impious, and the Romans fortune, for the tyrants depriued themselues of their strong holds, and voluntarily The tyrants do inieble themselues, and of their owne accords for sake the towers frō whence by nomeanes but famine they might be driuen. departed out of their towers, vvherein they could neuer haue beene taken but by famine, and the Romans hauing so much laboured at the lower vvals, did now by fortune take these, which their engines could neuer haue shaken, for there vvere thre inexpugnable towers, that could not be battered vvith the engines, vvhereof before vve haue made mention. So the tyrants hauing forsaken these, or rather being by Gods vvill driuen from hence, presently they fled vnto the valley Siloa, after the feare was past they againe tooke heart and vvent vnto the wall that was in that place, yet not vsing such courage and violence as their need required, they were beaten by the D watchmen that guarded it; their strength now failing & vvearied with labour, feare, famine and calamitie. And some was driuen one way, and some another, & so were forced to hide themselues in vaults and sinks. The Romans hauing obtained the wal, placed their colours in the towers, and clapping their hands, and singing for ioy, they cried victorie, finding the end of the warre nothing The Romans enter the town and obtaine the victory. so terrible as the beginning. Yet did they not beleeue that vvas the end, because they got the vvall without any bloudshed, but admired, seeing no man did offer to resist them. And now issuing into euerie street, they slew whom soeuer they found without any respect, and fired houses, The houses and [...]ilie of best reckoning are left full of dead bodies. and all the people that had fled into them, and destroying many whereas they entred [...] to get a pray, and they found whole families dead, and houses full of dead bodies, consumed by famine. Thus terrified with that heauie sight, they departed out, not taking any thing away, yet for all E that they pitied not them that were left aliue, but slew whom soeuer they met, whereby they filled the narrow streets so ful of dead bodies by them slaine, that none could passe that way for them, all the whole citie flowed with bloud, so that many things set on fire, were quenched with the bloud of them that were slaine. At euening they ceased from killing, but all the night long the fire increased, and so in the morning which was the eight day of September, all was now on fire, the citie in the time of the siege hauing endured more miserie and calamitie then euer it receiued ioy and happinesse, from the time of the first foundation, notwithstanding that they were so great that all cities might iustly enioy it, and it no wise deserued so to be oppressed with such miserie, saue onely for that it fostered and bred such impious persons as wrought the ouerthrow thereof. F
Titus entring into the Citie amongst the rest admired the strong holds thereof, and the rockie towers which the tyrants like madde men depriued themselues of, & seeing the height, firmenes, bignesse, and the ioyning of the stones togither, and their breadth and hight, he said: surely God hath assisted vs in the fight, and he it was that did withdraw the Iewes from these fortresses. For what could mens hands and engines preuaile against them? And hauing spoken much to this [Page 744] effect, communing with his friends, he set them at libertie whom the tyrāts had left bound in the G The yeere of the world. [...]034 af [...]er Christs birth 72. These munitions of the citie and defence of the tower which the tyrants abandoned for feare, impregnable. Fortunes monument. The olde and weake Iewes are slaine, and the strong and Iustie relerued. castles, & when he destroied the rest of the citie & wals, he left those towers standing as a monument of his good fortune and victorie, by the which he had gained them, though vnexpugnable. The souldiers now being wearie with killing the miserable Iewes, and yet a great multitude remaining aliue, Caesar commaunded, that onely the armed Iewes and they that resisted should be slaine, and the rest left aliue. But the souldiers also killed olde folkes and weake persons, [...] king all able men and lusty, they caried them into the temple, and shut them there in the place appointed for the women. Caesar left one Fronto a libertine and his friend to keepe them, giuing him also charge to make inquirie, who had deserued punishment; whollew all the th [...] and seditious, one of them bewraying another, and reserued certaine chosen young men of [...] stature and beautiful withall for the triumph, and all the rest that were aboue s [...]uenteen yeeres olde, H he sent bound into Aegypt, to be imployed in certaine workes there, as digging▪ d [...]ng, [...] manuring the fields, and to be vsed in other publike busines. Titus also sent many of [...]em vnto diuers prouinces to be slaine in the theaters with beasts; or swords: and they that were vnder seuenteene yeeres of age were sold. And during the time that Fronto kept them, ten thousand died for hunger; partly for that their keepers hating them, would not giue them any meat; par [...]y for that Titus distributeth the Iewes. som refused meat when it was offered them. For there was now scarcitie of come by reason of the great multitude of the people.
CHAP. XVII. I
Of the number of the captiues, and them that were slaine.
THe number of all the captiues that were taken during the whole time of warre, was The number of the captiues, and such as died during the siege of the citie. foure score and seuenteene thousand: the number of all that died and were slaine during the siege, was eleuen hundreth thousand, the most of them being Iewes by natiō, but not inhabitants of that place. For being assembled togither from all parts to the feast of vnleauened bread, presently & on a sodaine were enuironed with war, and first of al a plague amongst them by reason of the streightnesse of the place, and immediately after famine worse then it. And that the Citie was capable of so many men it is euident, for that Cestius before numbred them, who desirous to signifie the flourishing estate and strength of Ierusalem vnto Nero, who contemned our K nation, requested the high priests, that if possibly they could, they should number all the people in their Citie: and that vpon the feast of Easter, when they killed offerings from the ninth houre of the day vntill the eleuenth: & to eate a lambe, not fewer then ten persons were assembled, for it is not lawfull for any to feast alone, yea many times twentie are in a companie: they numbred two hundreth fiftie & six thousand, & fiue hundreth oblations or lambs to be killed, so that if we reckon to euery lambe ten men, the number amounteth vnto seuen and twentie hundreth thousand men, all purified whole & sound: For it was not lawful for any that were leapers, or had a fluxe of seed, nor women that had the monthly tearmes, to eat of that sacrifice, nor for any stranger, except he came thither for religion sake. And this multitude was assembled togither from other places, & was there by the prouidence of God shut vp as it were in a prison. And the city being filled with L men of warre was besieged, that the number of them that were slaine passed all that euer perished either by any plague sent from God, or by the means of men, who were partly openly slaine, partly taken by the Romans: who searching the vaults, & opening the sepulchers, spared none they met The Romans searching the graues and vaults finde much treasure. with all. There also were found more then two thousand, whereof some slew themselues with their own hands, other some killed by others, the rest perished with famine. The stinch of dead bodies vvas so great, that many minding to go and search the foresaid places, & being entred into them, were forced to retire: yet others for lucre sake treading on the dead carcasses, searched the dead bodies, if they could find any thing: for much riches were hidden in the vaults, and couetousnes omitted no way to gaine. Moreouer many were taken out from thence, whom the tyrants had Iohn and Simon apprehended in the vaults. bound, who euen in their extremitie ceased not to tyrannize: yet God plagued them both according M to their deserts: for Iohn being now almost famished with his brethren in a vault, besought the Romans to saue his life. And Simon hauing long striuen with necessitie, as we shall hereafter make mention of, at last yeelded himselfe, who was kept for the triumph, and Iohn was condemned to perpetuall prison. Then they destroyed the wals, and fired the outward parts of the Citie.
CHAP. XVIII. A The yeere of the world. 4034. after Chris [...] birth 7 [...].
A briefe historie of the Citie of Ierusalem.
THus was Ierusalem taken the second yeere of Vespasians raigne, on the eight day of September, and hauing beene alreadie fiue times before surprised, it was finally againe destroyed. First, Asochaeus king of Aegypt, and after him Antiochus, then Pompey, and after Ierusalem being fiue times spoyled was at that time once more sackt. them Herode with Sosius tooke the Citie and yet destroyed it not. But before them the King of Babilon destroyed it, when hee had inioyed the same, a thousand three hundreth and threescore yeeres, eight moneths and sixe daye after it was first built, but hee that first built it was one of the Princes of the Cananeans, in his owne language called the iust king. For he indeed was so, B & therefore was the first Priest that sacrificed vnto God, and dedicating a Temple, called the Citie Solyma, but Dauid the king of the Iewes hauing driuen out the Cananeans, gaue it vnto his people to bee inhabited, and after foure hundreth threescore foure yeeres and three moneths, it was destroyed by the Babilonians: and from king Dauid who was the first Iewe that raigned there vntill the time that Titus destroyed it, were a thousand one hundred seuentie and nine yeeres, and from the time that it was first erected vntill it was by him destroyed, were two thousand one hundred and seuentie seuen yeeres: yet neither the antiquitie nor riches, nor the same thereof now spread all ouer the world, nor the glorie of religion did any thing profit or hinder it, from being destroyed. Such was the end of the besieging of Ierusalem. When there was none left to kill, nor any thing remaining for the soldiers to get, & that now their was nothing, against which the souldiers C could shew their outrage (for they would haue spared nothing that they could haue spoiled) Caesar commaunded them to destroy the Citie and Temple, onely yet leauing standing certaine towers, that were more beautifull and stronger, then the rest, to wit, Phasaelus, Hippicos, and Mariamme, and the wall that was on the West side, meaning there to keepe a garrison, and that The Roma [...] wholy ruinate both the Citie and the temple they should be monuments of the Romans vertue, who had surprised a Citie so well fortified as it appeared by them. All the rest of the Citie they so plained, that they who had not seene it before, would not beleeue that it had beene euer inhabited. This was the end of their madnesse, who were alwayes giuen vnto sedition in Ierusalem, a most worthie Citie and famous amongst all nations.
CHAP. XIX. D
How the souldiers were rewarded.
CAesar determined to leaue the tenth legion for a garrison in Ierusalem, with some troupes of horsemen and other companies of footemen, and all wars being now ended, he purposed to thanke the whole armie for their valiant acts, and reward the most couragious for their deserts. And placing a great tribunall in the middest before the campe, standing in it, with the chiefe peeres about him, from whence the whole armie might heare him, hee gaue them heartie thankes for that of their good will towards him, they had patiently E abode with him during those warres, praising them for their loyaltie during all the foresaid time, and that in many skirmiges they had shewed themselues valiant, and by their valour had enlarged Titus thanketh his souldier [...] for that they had continued their loue towards him. the dominions of their countrie: likewise they had now giuen al nations to vnderstand, that neither the multitude of enemies, nor strong holds, nor greatnesse of Cities, nor rashnesse, nor barbarous crueltie of their aduersaries could euer resist the forces of the Romanes, nor escape their hands; notwithstanding, that in many things fortune fauoured them, adding that it was a credite for them to haue ended those warres that had continued a long time; which was all that they hoped for at their comming, and which was most glorie of all vnto them, that those Captaines whom they had elected to be the Romane Emperours, were well liked and imbraced of all men, all standing to their appointment; and acknowledging themselues beholding to them that F elected them. Moreouer that hee admired them and loued them all, for that euerie one shewed himselfe valiant and couragious, affirming that he would now recompence those with honours Titus promises recompence to his valiant souldiers. and due desert, who had behaued thēselues most valiantly, & most hasarded themselues, & effected worthy deeds, & whosoeuer was more forward thē the rest should haue a reward according to his desert. And that he would be more diligent in honouring thē that had bin his companions in that [Page 746] warre, then in punishing their offences; then presently hee willed them to whom it appertained, G The yeare of the world. 4034. after Christs birth [...] 72. Titus larges to his souldiers. to nominate them who had valiantly behaued themselues in those warres, and had performed anie worthie exployt, which being done, hee called euerie one by his name, and praised them, as greatly reioycing at the valour of his Countrimen, crowning them with crownes of gold, & put chaines of gold about their neckes, and gaue them large speares of gold, and ensignes made of siluer, he also preferred euery one of them, & gaue them of the spoyle, precious garments, with gold and siluer verie plentiously: and thus hauing rewarded euerie one according to his merite, and praising God with all his armie, hee descended with great applause out of the tribunall, and went and offered sacrifices for the victorie, [...]nd hauing gathered a great multitude of Oxen about the Titus sacrifice for his victorie Altar to sacrifice them, hee offered them all, and there with feasted his armie, and himselfe three dayes with all his nobilitie, dismissing all the souldiers to depart whether they would, or thought H good, appointing the tenth legion to keepe Ierusalem, and did not send it backe vnto Euphrates, where before it was. He banished also the twelfth legion out of all Syria, remembring that vnder The twelfth legion vnder Cestius leading gaue place to the Iewes. Cestius his gouernment they fled from the Iewes, being before at Raphanaeas, which he sent vnto Mal [...]o that is situate by Euphrates, in the confines of Armaenia & Cappadocia, and the other two [...]e kept with himselfe, as sufficient to guard him into Aegypt, which were the fift and fifteenth legions. And comming to Caesarea by the Sea coast, hee the [...] laide vp all his spoyles, and caused the captiues to be kept, because that the winter season permitted him not to saile into Italy.
CHAP. XX. I
Of Vespasians voyage by Sea: and how Simon was taken: and of the spectacles, and shewes made vpon his birth-day.
WHilest Titus was busied in the siege of Ierusalem, Vespasian in a Marchants ship sayled to Rhodes, and from thence departing in a Gally, hauing visited all Cities by the which he Vespasians sayling and iournie. passed, being ioyfully receiued of them all, he went from Ionia into Greece, from thence vnto Corcyra, and then vnto Iapygia, and afterwards by land. Thus Titus being returned from Caesarea on the Sea coast, he came vnto Caesarea Phillippi, and there he made a long abode, proclaiming Shewes at Caesarea. all sorts of pastimes wherein many captiues perished, some being cast vnto wild beasts, others forced in great companies to fight one against another; being in this place he vnderstood K that Simon the sonne of Giora was taken. This Simon at such time as Ierusalem was besieged, was in the higher part of the Citie, when the Romane armie had entred the wals, and began to waste Simon getteth downe into the vault and hopeth to escape from thence in saftie. it, and with his most trustie fellowes, and certaine Masons, hauing prouided them all necessarie tooles, and victuals that might haue sufficed them all for many dayes, hee accompanied with them, and went into a secret caue, vnto the end thereof, and there hee caused them to digge further, hoping so to get out at some place where he might safely escape away. Yet this his hope had not so good successe as hee expected, for they had but digged a little way, ere victuals failed them: notwithstanding, that they had made verie great spare thereof. Then Simon thinking to feare the Romans, cloathed himselfe in white, and a purple cloake buttened about him, and so came out of the earth in that place where the Temple had beene builded before time. And they L that did first see him, were astonished a while, and sturred not, but let him alone, yet at last they came vnto him, and demaunded what hee was, but Simon would not tell them, willing them to Simon i [...] taken by the Roman [...] cal their Captaine vnto him, and presently some of the souldiers ranne to cal him, and so he came, (at that time Terentius Rufus was Captaine of the souldiers) Terentius hauing learned the truth of all, kept him bound, and related vnto Caesar the manner of his taking, and thus Simon was by the power of God deliuered into his enemies hands, who hated him aboue measure, and so was iustly hereby punished, for hauing so cruelly tyrannized ouer his owne Countrimen, not taken by their force, but yeelding himselfe vnto them, hauing cruelly butchered many, vnder pretence of false criminations: to wit, for hauing reuolted vnto the Romans.
But impietie cannot escape Gods vengeance, neither is the diuine iustice of so weake force, but M that it can at one time or other punish them that violate it, & it many times infflicteth a grieuous Sinne cannot shunne Gods iustice. A great multitude of the seditious taken in vaults. punishment vpon men, when they thinke they haue escaped all, for they were not presently punished, which also Simon felt, after hee fell into the Romans hands: his comming out of the earth, made a great many more of the seditious at that time to be taken in the Caues. When Caesar was returned into Caesarea by the Sea coast, Simon was presented bound vnto him, who commanded [Page 747] him to be reserued for his triumph, vvhich he purposed to make at Rome. After making The yeare of the world. 4034. after the birth of Christ. 72. In a shew in Caesarea 2500. Iewes die. A some aboade in that place, he celebrated his brothers birth day with great solemnitie, and in that solemnitie bringing foorth diuers Iewes, whose punishment he had of purpose deferred till that time for the number of all that perished there with fighting against beasts and amongst themselues, and by fire, amounted to more then two thousand & fiue hundreth men. Yet the Romans thought all these punishments too light and easie for them. After this, Caesar came to Berytus (which is a Citie in Phoenicia, and a colonie of the Romans) and here also he made some long Titus celebrateth Vespasians birthday. aboade, and celebrated the birth of his father, with far greater solemnitie then the former, as well in making diuers shewes vnto the people, as in great expences and sumptuousnes, and causing many captiues to perish as before.
CHAP. XXI. B
Of the calamitie of the Iewes at Antiochia.
AT the same time the rest of the Iewes were in great miserie, the Citie of Antiochia was incited against them, both for certaine criminall causes laid now vnto their charge, as also for certaine offences before committed, which necessarily I must recount, before I speake any thing of the rest. The nation of the Iewes is mixed almost amongst all nations of the world, and especially amongst the Syrians, by reason of their vicinitie, and many of them were at The nation of the Iewes intermixed among all the people of the world. Antiochia because it was a great Citie, and the kings that succeeded Antiochus, permitted them C freely to inhabite there, and to enioy all liberties of the Citie. For Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes, destroied Ierusalem, and sacked the temple, but the kings successors restored all the brasse that was taken from the temple vnto the Iewes, offering in vnto their Synagogue in Antiochia, and permitted them to haue the same liberties in the Citie, that the Greeks enioyed, and the other kings also of latter times vsed them after the like sort: so that their number greatly encreased, and they enlarged their temple and enriched it, with sundry offerings, oftentimes winning A number of Iewes in Antioch. many Pagans to be of their religion, and so as it were made them also a part of their nation. Now about the time that the warres began, and Vespasian was newly arriued, the Iewes began to be generally hated of all men; then one of them named Antiochus, reuerent for parentage, whose father was chiefe of all the Iewes in Antiochia, at such time as the people of Antiochia were assembled A Iew called Antiochus is the cause of their mightie miscrie in Antioch, D in the Theater, this man came in amongst them, and accused his owne father, and the rest of the Iewes to haue conspired togither to burne the Citie in the night time, and deliuered some Iewes vnto them that were his guests as conspirators with the rest. The people hearing this, could not represse their rage, but presently caused them that were offered vnto them to be burnt in the Theater, and made great speed to set vpon all the Iewes, hoping that by speedy dispatch they might preserue their countrey, which otherwise was like to perish. And then Antiochus to enrage them the more, did now offer to sacrifice according to the custome of the Pagans, therby Antiochus perfidious to his Citizens. Antiochus forbiddeth to sanctifie the seuenth day. as it were assuring the Antiochians, that he hated the Iewes and their customes, wiliing them also to compell all the rest of the Iewes to doe the like, for whosoeuer refused so to doe were traitors. The Antiochians followed his counsell, but few Iewes would obey them, yet they that denied E to sacrifice, were slaine. Then Antiochus receiuing a charge of souldiers from the captaine of the Romans, became most cruell against his countrimen; and would not permit them to keepe holy the seuenth day, but vpon it to do all labour and businesse, that they were accustomed to do vpon any other day, & vrged them hereto, that within short time the seuenth day was not onely violated amongst them of Antiochia, but also in other places and Cities round about. The Iewes at Antiochia hauing then indured the foresaide miserie, now fell into as great calamitie Another calamitie at Anuoch. as that was, whereof I intending to speake, was forced to relare the former. For it hapned that the fouresquare market was fired, and the publike places, where all writings and registers were kept, as also the kings houses, and the fire so encreased, that with much adoe it was hindred from firing the whole Citie. Of this fact Antiochus accused the Iewes, thereby sufficiently inciting F the Antiochians against them, although that they had not before borne them any malice, and making them so easily beleeue his calumniations, who now gaue full credit vnto his accusations, by reason of that which was past: so that now they almost perswaded themselues, that they did see the Iewes put fire vnto them, and so in a great rage all of them set vpon them that were accused. Wherefore Collega the younger, had much adoe to pacifie the people, notwithstanding [Page 748] that he requested them to permit him to informe Caesar of all that was past. For Vespasian had G The yeare of the world, 4034. after Christs birth 72. A sort of wicked men by meanes they were indebted, burne the market place and the publike records. already sent Caesennius Portus to be gouernor of Syria, but he was not as yet arriued there. Then Collega making diligent enquirie of the matter, found out the truth, and not one of the Iewes accused by Antiochus was guiltie, for certaine impious people had done all this mischiefe, being indebted, thinking, that if they had burnt the ma [...]et place, and the publike writings, that then their debts could not be required at their hands. Yet the Iewes liued in great feare, and expected the euent of those forged accusations.
CHAP. XXII.
How Vespasian at his returne was receiued by the Romans. H
AFter that Titus had receiued letters from his father, that he was arriued in Italy, and all The yeare of the world, 4035. after Christs natiuite. 73. The Citie of Rome entertaineth Vespasian with all willingnesse and pompe. Cities wherein he as yet came, welcomed him verie ioyfully, and that especially Rome had entertained him with great pompe and triumph, he was now eased of the care he had before, and verie ioyfull for his fathers welfare, and good fortune. For all the people of Italy did reuerence Vespasian, though absent, as though he had been present with them, desiring to see his expected arriuall, whose comming they so hartily wished for. For the Senate remembring what calamities had befallen the Citie in the change of princes, desired to receiue their Emperour dignified with the honor of olde age, and martiall renowme, whose presence only would be to his subiects profit and safetie. And the vulgar sort also troubled before with ciuil I wars, long expected his artiuall, assuring th [...]elues therby to haue an ende of their calamitie, and to recouer againe their woonted affluence. Especially he was expected by the souldiers, who The Romans issue out to meet with Vespasian. knowing his skill in martiall affaires by that which himselfe had already done, and finding their other captaines, vnder whom they warred, ignorant and vnskilful, they wished for his comming, thereby to be deliuered from the disgrace, wherein they liued, desiring to receiue him by whom they might both be honoured, and preserued from danger. The nobilitie seeing him so beloued of all men, could no longer wait his comming, but went and met him, he being farre from the Citie and accompanied him, and no man staied his comming, but in whole multitudes they went to meete him, they were so desirous to see him: so that more went to meete him then staied at hom [...] K
When newes was brought that he approched neere vnto the Citie, and how friendly and curteously he had entertained all men, the people with their wiues and children staied in the way he came, to salute and see him, and wheresoeuer he came with ioyfull applauses, and acclamations they cried, calling him their conseruer and benefactor, and he who onely was woorthy to be the Roman Emperour, and the whole Citie was as it had been a temple all hung with garlands, and full of sweete odors and perfumes, and the multitude of people being such that he could scarcely get into the pallace, he offered sacrifices vnto his houshold gods for his safe returne, and Vespasian celebrateth gratulatory sacrifice for his safe arriuall. all the people were feasted by their tribes, kinred and neighbours, sacrificing vnto God, and requesting that Vespasian might long continue their Emperour, and his sonne after him, and that the Empire might neuer depart from his linage. The Citie of Rome hauing thus receiued Vespasian, L it presently was blessed with all happinesse and felicitie.
CHAP. XXIII.
The exploits of Domitian against the Germans and Frenchmen.
BEfore such time as Vespasian was gone to Alexandria, or that Titus besieged the Citie of Ierusalem, a great part of Germanie was reuolted, with whom the Frenchmen that bordred vpon them renouncing their allegeance they were in great hope to free themselues from the yoke and gouernments of the Romans. The first motiues that caused the Germans to M reuolt, and to warre against the Romans, was their temeritie and rash natures prone to fight, hauing The causes of the reuolt of the Germans and French from the Romans. but a verie little hope of successe, then the hatred of their nobles, who knew that none could by force bring them into subiection but only the Romans, and chiefly thereunto encouraged by the opportunitie they had. For they seeing the Empire greatly afflicted with ciuil wars, by reason of the often changing of Emperors, and knowing that all the world vnder their dominions was [Page 749] now in suspence, they thought that by reason of their troubles and ciuil wars fit opportunitie was The yeare of the world. 4035. after Christs birth 73. Ciuilis compelleth the Germans to subiection. A offered them, and they were hereunto perswaded by one Cassius and Ciuilis two of the most potent amongst them, who long before desired alteration, and now finding opportunitie, shewed what minds they bare, who now taking courage, made triall what the common people thought of this point, and the greatest part of them manifestly condescended hereunto, and perhaps the rest were not vnwilling. At this time as it were by Gods prouidence, Vespasian sent letters vnto Petilius Cerealis (who before time had beene gouernour of Germanie) and declared him Consull, commaunding him to go into Brittaine and take the rule of the countrey. He forth with obeyed Vespasians commaund, and hearing that the Germans had reuolted, hee came against them, they hauing now leuied an armie, and gaue them a great ouerthrow, killing many of them, and forced them to their due obedience vnto the Romans. Notwithstanding if he had not come B thither, not long after, they had assuredly beene punished for their offence. For so soone as newes of their rebellion was brought to Rome, Caesar Domitianus hearing of it (not as one of his yeeres Domitianus Titus brother. would haue done, being verie young) vndertooke that expedition to go and conquer them, but hauing his fathers courage, and being more skilfull then his age required, he presently went against them, who terrified with the report of his comming, yeelded vnto him, thereby gaining this, that without bloudshed they were brought vnder subiection as before. Now all things in Gallia being well disposed of, so that it was not easie for them although they vvould, to rebell any more, Domitian returned againe to Rome, being a credite vnto his age and countrey.
At the same time also the Scythians rebelled, and the Sarmates assembled in great multitudes, The Scithians and Sarmates rebellion against the Romans. and passed ouer the riuer Istrum, and with great violence and crueltie comming vnexpected, C slew many of the Roman garrisons, whom they found in strong holds, and Fonteius Agrippaes Lieutenant, who had beene Consull, meeting them, bad them battell, and sought verie valiantly, which done, they went all ouer the countries adioyning, wasting, robbing, and spoyling them. When Vespasian heard thereof, and how Maesia was all wasted, he sent Rubrius Gallus to be reuenged vpon them, who hauing slaine many of them in fight, he forced the rest to retire into their owne countrey. The generall of the armie hauing thus ended that warre, prouided to preuent them, if hereafter they did attempt the like, for he built farre more stronger forts then were before, so that the enemie could no way passe out of their owne countrey, by which meanes the wars in Maesia were quickly ended. D
CHAP. XXIIII.
Of the Riuer Sabbaticus, and the famous triumph of Vespasian and Titus.
TItus the Emperour hauing some while remained at Berytus (as is before said) and being returned from thence, he shewed many spectacles in all the cities of Syria, wherein he Titus celebrateth many sumptuous pastimes in all the cities of Syria. came, reseruing for that purpose the Iewes, that were captiues, to let all men vnderstand of their ouerthrow: in his iourney, he beheld a riuer worth the recital, which runneth in the midst E betweene Arcas and Raphaneas, two cities of the kingdome of Agrippa, which hath a miraculous nature, for when it floweth, it is verie full of water, and runneth with a swift streame, yethauing flowed sixe daies, it is on the seuenth day so drie, that you may see the bottome, and so continueth his course, which for this cause the Iewes call Sabbaticus, taking the name thereof from the Iewes Sabbaoth, which is the seuenth day. When the Antiochians vnderstood that Titus was comming to their citie, they could not containe themselues within their wals for ioy, The floud Sabbaticus. but all went out to meete him, and not onely men, but also women and children, expecting his comming thirtie stounds off, & when he approched neere vnto them, they holding vp their hands to him saluted him, with great ioy, and hauing receiued many courtesies from him, they returned with him, and amongst other acclamations, they often besought him to banish the Iewes out of Titus comming to Antioch. The praiers of the citizens against the Iewes. F their citie. But Titus returned no answere, making as though he heard not what they requested. Yet the Iewes doubtfull what he would doe, and what his intent was, were all in exceeding great feare. For Titus did not tarie at Antiochia, but passed from thence to Zeugema towards Euphrates, where Vologesus the king of Parthians messenger came vnto him, bringing him a golden crowne for his conquest of the Iewes, which he receiuing, feasted the kings Embassadours, and [Page 734] so returned to Antiochia, where the senat & people besought him to come into the theater, where G The yeere of the world. 4036. after Christs bir [...] 74. al the people were assembled expecting him, & he accorded so to do, & again they besought him to expel the Iewes out of their city, but he answered that their country wherunto he might haue banished them, was now destroyed, & there was no place that would receiue thē, so the Antiochians seeing that they could not obtaine their former petition, they requested an other thing of him, to wit, that he would take away the brasen tables, wherein vvere engrauen the Iewes priuiledges: but Titus vvould not grant that, but leauing the Iews in the same estate he found them, he departed Titus lamenteth the losse & desolation of Ierusalem. from thence into Aegypt, and as in the way he passed by Ierusalem, comparing the desolation of that place vvith the beautie and goodly buildings that were before it was destroyed, he lamented & pitied the ouerthrow therof, not insolently reioycing as an other vvould haue done, for hauing destroyed so faire and strong a citie, but cursing the seditious vvho forced him to destroy it, not H The Romans find no small part of the riches of Ierualem. purposing to make his vertue knowne by the calamitie of wretches. For as yet great part of the treasure of the Citie was found in the ruines, and some the Romans found of themselues, but the most they got, the captiues told them of, which vvas gold and siluer and other precious things buried by the owners in the earth, being vncertaine what vvould betide them. Titus going forward in his iourney speedily past the vvildernesse, and came to Alexandria, and determining now to saile vnto Italy, he sent the two legions that accompanied him vnto the places, Iohn and Simon and seuentie other goodly Iewes are reserued by Titus to be sent into Italy. from vvhence they came, the fift into Maesia, the fifteenth into Panonia, commaunding Iohn and Simon captaines of the prisoners and others to the number of seuen hundreth all of goodly stature, and beautiful, to be caried presently into Italy, meaning to vse them in his triumph. When he was now arriued at Rome as he desired the people were so affected towards him, as if he had I beene their father, & came to meet him. Vespasian also honoured his sonne Titus meeting him in his owne person with great ioy, all the citizens likewise receiued him with exceeding ioy, seeing that now the father and his two sonnes were met: Within a few daies after, they purposed to make a triumph in common, but the Senate had decreed them a priuate and peculiar triumph, for their valiant deeds, and in the day prefixed for the same, no man in all the citie remained at home, but euerie one got a place to stand in that they might see the Emperours, leauing onely roome betweene them for their passage. All the souldiers before it was day-light, euerie one with his captaine in companies, came and expected the Emperour, not at the pallace gates, but neere the temple of Isis, for the Emperours that night lodged there, and at day breake Vespasian and Titus came forth both crowned with lawrel, & in purple garments made after their countrie K The triumphāt attire of Vespasian and Titus. fashion, and they went vnto Octauians walks, where the Senate, captaines and knights expected their comming. Before the porch was made a tribunall, and in it placed seats of Iuorie, which they ascending sate downe in, and presently all the souldiers with loud voice declared their valor and fortitude. The Emperours were vnarmed and cloathed in silke, and crowned with lawrell. Vespasian hauing receiued their praises, they offering still to speake now in his commendations, he beckned with his hand, and made a signe vnto them to be silent, which being done, he arose vp, and couering the greatest part of his head with his garment, he performed his solemn vowes, and Titus also did the like. That done, Vespasian spake vnto them all in generall in few words, and Their vowes and dinner before their triumph. so dismissed the souldiers to goe to dinner, which according to the custome the Emperour was to prouide for them, himselfe departed from them to the triumphant gate so called, for that all triumphs passed that way, and they did eate meat and put on triumphant apparrell, hauing offered L sacrifices vnto the Gods that were placed by the gate, and so went in triumph all along the place, where people striued to see them, to the end that all people might haue a better view of them. But the spectacles there exhibited, both for number, varietie, and costlinesse, cannot be described sufficiently, being excellent in all things, which any man could deuise, both workmanship, The magnificence of the triumph. riches, and varieties, and nouelties of nature. For almost all things that euer were in any place amongst men that liued in felicitie, either rich or beautifull, and pleasant to behold, all of them were that day shewed and seene in that triumph, giuing a testimonie of the large dominions of the Romans. For there was such store of works of gold, siluer, and yuorie, that one would not haue deemed them, to haue beene made onely for the pompe of that day, but to beene so The most precious garments. plentifull, as if they had flowed all about the citie, some caried fine tapestrie made of all sorts of M purple, othersome caried others, diligently wrought with pictures and Babylonian worke, and there were so many gemmes and precious stones, some set in crownes of gold, some in other works, that it appeared, that without reason we iudged them to be rare and scarce. Moreouer the pictures of their Gods were caried with them, which were admirable both for greatnesse and [Page 751] workmanship, and all of pretious matter. And diuers sorts of liuing creatures were there to be The yeare of the world. 4036. after Christs birth 74. A seene, all adorned with some attire, agreeing and alluding vnto their nature. There was also an infinite multitude of men, in purple garmentes, ouer wrought with gold which carried all these things, and they who were separated from the rest to bee seene, were attired in such garments, that as many as beheld them admired. The captiues went not without their gorgeous attires, but the varietie and beautie of the garments hid all the deformitie of their bodies, which happened through their bad vsage. The Pageants that were borne in that triumph, were of an admirable The building of the Pageants. bignesse, so that the people that beheld them wondred how it was possible, that men should carie them, for many were builded with three or foure lofts one aboue another, surpassing all that can be imagined of them for worke and cost, for many of them were hanged about with Tapestrie of gold, and all things annexed vnto them, whereon they were carried, were made B of wrought gold or Iuorie. Therein was curiously represented the maner of warre, and stratagemes, and maners of fighting, that could bee deuised; some in one part of the Pageant, some in another. There might one haue beheld a most fertile and fortunate land destroyed, and all the armie of enemies to be slaine, and some flying, others taken prisoners, and strong and huge wals The yeare of the world, 4037. after Christs birth 75 battered downe with Rammes, and Castles and strong holds destroyed, and the wals of populous Cities to be ruined, and the armie entring the wals, all places filled with massacred men, and how those that were not able to fight, yeelding themselues, asked mercie, the temples set on fire, and after al else was wasted, the houses throwne down vpon the owners heads, and a riuer representing sorrow, not flowing as it was wont into tilled places, and to serue the vse of man nor for cattell to drinke, but into a Countrie which was in euerie part burning, and enuironed with flames, C all which the Iewes in their warres endured. These things were so artificially represented vnto their viewes, that had not seene them, as though they were now a doing: Before euerie Pageant A table of gold of the weight of a great talent. went the Captaine of the Citie, representing the maner how it was taken. After all these followed many ships, and in euerie place were caried the spoyles taken in warre, amongst all which, those that were taken in the Temple of Ierusalem, were most excellent, for there was a golden table weighing many talents, and likewise a golden Candlesticke; the vse whereof was now not such as we were wont to put it vnto, for in the middest of the stem thereof was fixed a base, and out of it proceeded many smal branches, framed like a three forked speare, euerie one being at the The last of the spoyles was the law of the Iewes. top made like a Lampe, which were seuen in number, shewing the honour of the seuenth day, which is called the Sabaoth amongst the Iewes. After all this, was carried the Iewes law, which D was the last of all the spoyles. Then followed many carrying the image of victorie, all made of gold and Iuorie. Afterwards came Vespasian, and after him Titus, and with him Domitian, gallantly adorned and mounted vpon an excellent horse, and so they went al to the Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus, and there was the end of all this pompe, where they made some abode. Simon the sonne of Giora, is drawne with a halter about his neck, through the market place
For it was an auncient custome of their Countrie, to repose themselues there till some came and brought newes vnto them, of the death of him, who was Generall of their enemies. This as then was Simon Giora, who was also carried in the triumph, and hauing a rope fastned about his necke, was drawne all along the market place, where they that drew him did kill him. For it is the custome of the Romanes there, to put malefactors to death that are condemned. After word was brought that he was dead, all the people made ioyfull exclamations, and so they began E to sacrifice, which done according to the custome, they returned into the pallace, and they feasted some, other some had prepared banquets for themselues at their owne houses. For this day was sacred amongst the Romanes, in ioy of the victorie ouer their enemies, and an end of ciuill calamitie, and the beginning of good fortune, and hope, which they had in their new princes. When the triumphs were ended, and all the Romane Empire quieted, Vespasian built a Temple and dedicated it vnto peace, which hee did in so short a space as it was admirable, and hauing bestowed Vespasian buildeth and dedicateth a Temple to peace. great cost vpon it, he also beautified it with diuers pictures, and carued workes. And hee placed in that Temple all things that men of former ages had come to see, from the vttermost parts of the earth. And he placed there all the golden vessels, and other necessaries that the Iewes vsed in their Temple, doing them great reuerence. But their law and the Tapestrie or purple veiles F of the Sanctuarie he commaunded to be kept in the pallace.
CHAP. XXV. The yeere of the world. 4037. after Christs birth 75. G
How Herodium and Machaerus were taken by Bassus.
Caesar sent Lucius Bassus into Iudaea to bee Lieutenant there, who receiuing an armie of Cerealis Vetilianus, hee tooke the Castle and garrison of Herodium, being yeelded vnto him. After this, gathering together all his armie, who were dispersed in diuers places of the Countrie, he with the tenth legion purposed to warre against Machaerus, for he thought it necessarie to destroy that Castle, least that for the strength it might moue many to rebell, for by reason of the situation of the place, they that were in it, had certaine hope of their safetie, and those that sought to assault it, were in great daunger; for it was built vpon a rocke that was exceeding H high, which made it almost inexpugnable, and nature had so deuised, that it is hard to come vnto it, who hath enuironed it round about with vallies, so deepe, that the bottome thereof cannot bee descried, neither could one passe ouer them, nor fill them vp, for that which is on the West part is threescore stounds large, and endeth at the lake Asphaltites, and on this side Macherus hath a verie high prospect, and it is inuironed on the North and South with vallies of the like measure, Herode inuironeth Mache rus with a great wall and towers. that the former is, whereby it is impossible to winne the Castle, but that vallie which is on the East side, is at least a hundred cubits deepe, and it endeth vpon a mountaine neer vnto Machaerus. King Alexander seeing the nature of the place, did there build a Castle, which afterward Gabinius in the warre against Aristobulus destroyed. But Herode when he was King, iudged this place I worthie to be fortified, as a principall defence against the neighboring Arabians. For it was aptly situate vpon a mountaine, where one might behold their borders, wherefore making a large wall, he builded a Citie there in the place that men doe enter vnto the Castle, he also compassed the verie top thereof with another wall, and in the corners he placed towers that were threescore cubites high, and in the verie middest of all he built a pallace, for largenesse and beautie admirable, and made many Cesterns to receiue water in conuenient places, which serued the people aboundantly, Wonderfull store of arrows and other engines in this tower. as it were striuing with nature, that the places which he had made inexpugnable, he by Art might make places more strong then that was. He also laid vp there in store, arrowes and engines, and made all prouision wherewith the Inhabitants might bee able to hold out a great siege. K
In the Kings pallace, there grew the herb called Rue, which was verie admirable for the greatnesse, Rue of admirable greatnes for there was no figge tree taller or broader then it, and it was reported that it had continued euer since Herods time, and had endured longer, had not the Iewes, Inhabitants of the place cut it downe. In the vallie that lieth on the North side of the Citie, there is a place called Baaras, where also groweth a roote of the same name, the colour whereof resembleth the flame, How Baaras is to be gathered. and it shineth at night like the Sunne beames, and is not easie to bee pulled vp, till that one cast vpon it the vrine of a woman or her flowers, which done, whosoeuer toucheth it is sure to die, except he carrie the roote hanging on his hand. It is also gathered another way without daunger, after this manner. They digge all round about it, so that they leaue a verie little of the roote couered with earth, and then they tie a dog vnto it, which striuing to follow his master, who maketh L as though he would goe away, he easily pulleth vp the roote, and the dogge presently dieth as it Another fashion how to dig the roote. were in his stead that seeketh to get it, so that afterward none that handleth it or taketh it, neede to stand in any feare therof. This herb notwithstanding al this danger, is diligently sought out for the vertue it hath. Fo [...] it driueth away diuels (which are the spirits of wicked men) out of mens bodies, if it be but applied vnto them, whereas otherwise if they had no helpe, these diuels possessing their bodies would kill them. Out of that place also doe spring certaine hot waters, verie different in taste one from another, for some are bitter, some sweete, there are also sources of could waters, one neere vnto another in a plaine, but which is most admirable, there is a caue hard by, Hot bathes. not very deepe, enuironed with an eminent rocke aboue, from the which their cōmeth as it were two dugges or paps, hard by one another, and out of the one of them their floweth verie cold M water, out of the other verie hot, which mingled together make a pleasant bath, and serue to cure many diseases, and especially helpeth all paines of the sinnewes. In the same place also are mines of Sulphure and Alume.
Bassus hauing viewed this place on euerie side, resolued to besiege it, and endeuoured to fill vp the valley that was on the East side, and so make away vnto it, which he began to doe, hastening [Page 753] to raise a verie high mount, and so make it easie to be taken. Those that were inhabitants, A The yeare of the world. 4037. after the birth of Christ. 75. The Iewes that were for [...]ners dwelt in [...]he lower Citie. constrained Iewes that were strangers, to go into the lower citie, iudging them an vnprofitable multitude, and so caused them to endure the first brunt of the enemies, and they themselues kept the Castle both for that it was strong, and also to preserue themselues, hoping that by yeelding the place vnto the Romans, they might obtaine pardon of them; yet first they purposed to make triall if they could auoide the siege: and therefore verie couragiously, euerie day they made excursions, and fought with them they found, and many were slaine on both parts. Fortune and opportunitie sometime caused one to be victors, sometime another, for the Iewes got the best when they could assault the Romans at vnawares, and the Romans ouercame, when The conflict of the Iewes with the Romans. they were aware of the Iewes comming and armed themselues. But the siege was not ended by these skirmishes: yet a chance befell, that forced the Iewes to yeelde their Castle. Amongst B them that were besieged was one Eleazar a young man, and verie hardy and bold in any enterprise, Eleazar a Iew strong in hand and fierce in bold attempts. who oftentimes made excursions and sought to hinder the Romans worke, who alwaies in euerie fight did greatly endomage the Romanes, and by his valour and aduenturous courage, he gaue them that were his fellowes opportunitie to assault the Romans, and to flie againe and retire in safetie, himselfe being alwaies the last that so retired. It happened one day that the fight being ended, and both parts parted, he as it were contemning all men, and thinking that none of his enemies durst vndertake to combate with him, staied without the gate speaking to them that were vpon the wall, giuing great attention vnto them. Then one Rufus an Aegyptian one of the Roman army, espying this opportunitie ranne vpon him so suddenly, that he at vnawares tooke him all armed as he was, and they vpon the wals stood amazed, whilest C Rufus led him vnto the Romans campe. Then the General of the Romans caused him to be led Eleazar is taken, and stripped naked and whipt. into a place, where they in the citie might see him, & there to haue all his cloathes taken off him, and whipped; and the misfortune of this young man did greatly discourage the Iewes, and all the citie was resolued into teares for the calamitie of that one man. Bassus seeing this, he deuised this councell against them; for he sought to mooue them so to compassion, that for to saue him they should yeeld their castle, which fell out as he desired. For he presently commanded a crosse to be erected, as though he would presently haue crucified Eleazar, which sight greatly mooued Eleazars calamitie moueth the Iewes to submit themselues. them in the Castle to sorrow: so that now with lowd cries they lamented, saying that this calamitie was insupportable. Then Eleazar besought them not to despise him, who was now to die a most miserable death, and moreouer to prouide for their owne safetie in yeelding the castle vnto D the Romans vertue and fortunate successe.
Then they mooued with his words, and many also within the Citie intreating for him (for he came of a great parentage and had many kinsfolks though contrarie to their natures) compassion tooke place in them: and so sending some of their companie speedily, they desired to parley, affirming that they would yeeld their castle vpon condition that they might safely depart away, and Eleazar might be likewise restored vnto them. Which offer of theirs the Romans accepted, and the Iewes in the lower part of the Citie hauing intelligence of this couenant, resolued themselues to flie away in the night, but so soone as they had opened their gates, those that had agreed with Bassus gaue him intelligence thereof, either enuying that their countrimen should escape, or els fearing that Bassus would punish them for their flight: yet for all this the most valiant of One thousand seuen hūdreth Iewes slaine by the Romans E them that sled, escaped, who were gone before the rest, and the rest were slaine to the number of a thousand and seuen hundreth men, for the women and children were made bondslaues. And Bassus thinking it meete to keepe his promise vnto them of the castle, permitted them safely to depart, and restored Eleazar vnto them.
CHAP. XXVI.
Of the Iewes that Bassus slew: and how he sold Iudaea.
THis done, he prepared to carrie his army into the pasture called Iardes, for he had notice F Iardes a wood inuironed by the Romans. that many Iewes were there assembled togither, who had escaped from Ierusalem and Machaera during the siege. So comming vnto the place and finding it to be as it was reported vnto him, he first of all enuironed it with horsemen, that if any one of the Iewes sought to escape, the horsemen might withstand them, and he commanded the footmen to cut downe the wood, into the which they fled to hide themselues. And so through necessitie [Page 754] they were constrained to fight, hoping by a couragious fight to find opportunitie to flie: wherefore The yeare of the world, 4037. after Christs birth 75. G they altogither with a crie violently assaulted them by whom they were inuironed, and they did valiantly withstand them, and by their valour, and the Iewes desperation the fight endured a long time: yet the euent of the warre was not like vnto the rest of the fight, for onely twelue Romans were slaine and verie few wounded, and all the Iewes were slaine in that fight, being in number three thousand, and their captaine Iudas the sonne of Iairus (of whom we haue already made mention, who during the siege of Ierusalem was commaunder of a companie there) hid Three thousand Iewes slaine. himselfe in a certaine caue, and secretly escaped from thence. At that time Caesar writ vnto Liberius Maximus his Gouernour, and vnto Bassus, to sell Iudaea: for he did not build in all the countrey any Citie but appropriated it vnto himselfe, leauing there onely eight hundreth souldiers, and giuing them a place to dwell in called Emaus, thirtie stounds distant H from Ierusalem, and he imposed a tribute vpon all Iewes vvheresoeuer they liued, commanding euerie one of them euerie yeere to bring two drachmes into the Capitole, according as A tribute imposed by Caesar on all the Iewes. in former times they weere woont to pay vnto the temple of Ierusalem: and this was the estate of the Iewes at that time.
CHAP. XXVII.
Of the death of King Antiochus: and how the Alanes inuaded Armenia. I
IN the fourth yeere of Vespasians raigne, it happened that Antiochus king of the Comagenes with all his family fell into great miserie vpon this occasion. Cesennius Petus gouernour of Syria (either for enuie, or for that indeed it was so, for it is not wel knowne) Cesennius Petus president of Syria, accuseth Antiochus before Caesar. sent letters vnto Caesar declaring vnto him that Antiochus was determined to reuolte from the Romans, togither with his sonne Epiphanes, and had made a league with the king of the Parthians, and that therefore it was necessarie to preuent them in time, least that if they first began to reuolt openly, they might trouble all the Roman Empire with warres. Caesar did not neglect these newes, for that the neerenesse of both the kings countries one to another, seemed to require that they should be quickly preuented: for Samosata the greatest Citie of Comagena is scituate vpon Euphrates, which might both easily receiue the Parthians, and be a strong hold for K them, and also there they might easily passe ouer the riuer. Wherfore Vespasian beleeuing it, permitted him to doe what he thought expedient, and he forthwith, Antiochus thinking nothing, suddenly entred into Comagene, with the sixt legion, and certaine other companies of footmen and troupes of horsemen, accompanied with Aristobulus king of Chalcidis, and Sohemus king of Emesa, who came to assist him. So they entred the countrey without any fight, for none of Antiochus is sodainly inuaded by Cesennius. the inhabitants offered to resist. Antiochus daunted with these vnexpected newes, did not so much as thinke of any warre against the Romans, wherefore he determined to leaue the whole kingdome in that estate that then it was in, and with his wife and children depart from thence, hoping hereby to cleare himselfe vnto the Romans, from that which they suspected of him: and going almost a hundreth and thirtie stounds from the Citie into a field, there he placed a tabernacle. L And Petus sent men vnto Samosata to take it, and left them to keepe the Citie, and he Antiochus chuseth rather to depart out of his country with his wife and children then to fight with the Romans. with the rest of the souldiers purposed to go against Antiochus. But for all this the king though by necessitie vrged thereunto, yet would he not fight against the Romans, but bewailing his misfortune, enduted patiently all whatsoeuer, but his sonnes being Iustie strong young men, and skilfull in martiall affaires, could not easily abstaine from fight in that their distresse. Wherefore Epiphanes and Callinicus his two sonnes had recourse vnto their forces, and in a great fight that dured a whole day they shewed their valour, and departed receiuing no losse. But Antiochus after this fight would not any longer abide in his countrey, but taking his wife and daughters Antiochus flieth with his wife into Cilicia. Epiphanes flieth to Vologesus the king of Parthia. he fled into Cilicia, and thereby discouraged his souldiers, who despairing to keepe the kingdome for him, reuolted vnto the Romans. But Epiphanes and the rest were forced to seeke to M saue themselues, before such time as they were left destitute, and so accompanied with ten horsmen, he passed the riuer Euphrates: and thus being out of daunger they came to Vologesus, of whom they were receiued, not as fugitiues, but with great honor, and according to their degree, as though they yet possessed their auncient dignitie. And Petus comming to Tarsus of Cilicia, he sent a Centurion to carrie Antiochus bound vnto Rome. But Vespasian permitted not a king Antiochus taken. [Page 755] to be so brought vnto him, thinking it meete to consider the olde friendship betweene them, The yeare of the world. 4037. after Christs birth 75. A then to perseuer in danger, and not to be pacified by reason of vvarre. Wherefore he commaunded that in the way as he came, he should be vnbound, and a while to liue at Lacedemon, and leaue his iourney towards Rome, allowing great store of mony, sufficient to maintaine a kingly dignitie.
Epiphanes, and they with him hearing this, were eased of the great care they tooke for their father, whom they greatly feared to be fallen into some danger, and now they also conceiued some hope to be reconciled vnto Caesar. Whereof Vologesus writing vnto Caesar (for they were not Antiochus reconciled to Caesar. The Alans enter Media to spoile the same. contented to liue out of the Roman Empire, notwithstanding that they were honorably entertained) Caesar. courteously gaue them leaue, & they came to Rome, & their father was presently sent for vnto them from Lacedemon, & so they remained at Rome in great honour. The nation of the B Alans being Scythians, inhabited about Tanais, & the marishes of Maeotis, as in an other place we haue recounted. Who conspiring with the king of the Hyrcans to passe into Media, and sacke it (for he was king of that passage) which king Alexander had made in such wise, that it was shut vp with yron gates, obtained leaue to passe, and so came into Media, the Medes nothing fearing any such matter, and sacked and spoiled all their populous and wealthie borders, being full of cattel, none daring to resist them: for Pacorus king of that countrey, for feare fled into the strongest hold he had, and left all his goods behind him, and with much adoe redeemed his wife, and concubines whom they had taken, for one hundreth talents. Hauing therfore licence to rob and Armenia wasted. spoile, for that no man resisted them, they came into Armenia, & wasted all the countrey there about, & Tyridates was then king of that country, who with an armie comming to fight against C them, was almost by them taken aliue in the battaile, for one cast a halter about him, & began to draw him amongst the enemies, & so had done, but that he with his sword did quickly cut the rope and fled, and they being more enraged, by reason he fought against them, wasted all the countrey, and carying with them a huge multitude of men and cattell out of both countries, they returned into their owne.
CHAP. XXVIII.
How Massada a most strong Castle was taken. D
BAssus dying in Iudaea, Flauius Sylua succeeded in his place, and now perceiuing that all the countrie else was conquered saue one only castle, he with al the forces he could make, The yeare of the world, 4038. after Christs birth 76 went against it. This castle is called Massada. The captaine of the Sicarians named Eleazar, who first inuaded it, was a verie strong and valiant man, borne of the tribe of Iuda, who perswaded a great many Iewes as is before said, not to inrole themselues when Cyrenaeus was Censor and sent to tax Iudaea. For at that time the Sicarians had conspired against them that obeyed the Romans, and in all things vsed them like enemies, taking and driuing away their goods, and firing their houses, affirming that they did not any thing differ from straungers, who betraied the libertie of their countrey rather then they would fight for it, and that they had rather haue them warre on the Romans side. But that was onely an excuse to hide their auarice and iniurious dealing, as E the proofe made manifest, for they themselues reuolted and bare armes against the Romans, and their enterprises against the Romans was worse then the rest, and when their first forged pretence was known and confuted, they did rage more then before against those that vpbraided them with [...] For that was amongst the Iewes abounding with all manner of iniquitie, so that none was left The time among the Iewes which was most fruitful in all manner of impiety. vndone, yea though one indeuored to inuent some new villanies, yet could he deuise none that was not then practised, all laboured with this maladie both, in particular and in common, and euerie one did striue with other, to surpasse his fellow in impietie against God, and iniustice towards his neighbour. The mightie vexed the weaker sort, and the meaner sort destroyed the potentates, and tooke their riches away from them; they gaped after rule and dominion, these after mischiefe. F
The Sicarians were the first that were so cruell and iniurious against their neighbours, for not Iohn Giscala. prouoked thereunto, neither by deed nor word, they slew and iniured all men without cause, but Iohn shewed them to be verie moderate. For he did not onely slay all that counselled that which was good and profitable, as his greatest enemies, and especially dealing thus with the citizens, but also many waies iniuried his countrey, like one who had impiously also contemned God himselfe. [Page 756] For he did eare forbidden meats, and violated his countries temperancey so that it was no G The yeere of the world. 4038. after Christs birth 76. Simon sonne of Giora. wonder to see him obserue no iustice nor fidelity towards men, who had now infringed the lawes▪ of God. Againe what villanie did Simon Giora leaue vndone, or what iniurie did he abstaine from to offer vnto▪ [...]hier bodies▪ who had chosen him for their ruler? What did kinred and friendship▪ then preuaile any man, saue onely this, that it made them be more cruelly vsed, and euery day, to be more tyrannously butchered, then otherwise? For they thought it a hainous offence to abuse straungers, and a glory to exercise crueltie vpon their most familiar friends. The Idumaeans were followers of this furie, who killed the high priests, and left not any one of [...] [...] [...]he citie, The Idumaeans. The Zealous. whereby God might be honoured, and induced all iniustice possible, wherein the Zealous excelled. For they committed all mischiefe, leaning nothing vnattempted that had euer before that time beene practised, yet they tooke their name from them that imitated good and godlines, but H in truth it was to mocke and [...]out them that did well, so sauage and cruell was their nature, or else The end of the Iewes answerable to their liues. accounting the greatest impietie to be goodnes. But their end was as they deserued, and God punished their desert with his iust vengeance. For euen vnto the latter end of their liues, they endured all the miseries that is possible for mans nature to abide, being killed with diuers sorts of torments. Perhaps one will say that their punishment was not so greatas they deserued, but what punishment could be deuised sufficient for their defert? But I cannot now stand to lament those who perished by these mens crueltie, wherefore I will returne to that where I left.
The Roman captaine came against Eleazar, and them that kept Massada with him, who were Sicarians, and he brought an armie with him, and presently subdued all the confines and borders I Silua the captaine of the Romans besiegeth Massada. round about, and he placed i [...] euerie fit place garrisons, and enuironed the castle with a wall, least any of them that were besieged should escape, and that they that besieged them might▪ there keepe a continuall guard. Moreouer he placed his campe in a fit place for the siege, euen there where the rocke that the castle was built vpon, ioyned vnto the other mountaine, which was an vnfit place to get necessaries in. For not onely victuals were fetcht farre off by great labour of the Iewes who were commaunded to doe it, but also water for the whole armie somewhere else, for there was no fountaine neere that place. This done Silua attempted the siege, wherein it was requisite for him to vse both art and labour, by reason of the strength of the castle, which is thus scituate. It is enuironed round with a huge stone verie high on euerie side, and the valley vnderneath The scituation of Massada. is so deepe, that one cannot see the bottome, all rockie and inaccessible, to all liuing creatures, K saue onely that in two places there is a difficult passage vnto it, one of them is from the lake Asphaltites towards the East, and the easiest of the two is the West [...]side, the first is called a snake taking his name of the strai [...]es and crooked turnings, for the rocke that is eminent The iourney by the rock called the Snake. seemeth as if it were broken insunder, and by little and little often returneth againe vnto it selfe, and it is by little & little extended in length, so that he that goeth that way, can make no haste but must step with one foot first vpon them, and the other vpon another, & must stand vpon one foot whilest he remoueth the other, and he that falleth is sure to be slaine in the fall, for there is such a hollow place on either side between the rocks, that it is able to terrifie the boldest man aliue. Whē thou hast gone thirtie stoundes by this way, then thou commest to the top of the hill, which is not steepe at the top, but hath a plaine aboue it, and Ionathas the high priest was the first that L built a castle in this place, and called it Massada: and Herode after him bestowed great labour and cost in building that place, for he enuironed it all with a wall, seuen stounds circuite all of white stone, twelue cubits high, and eight cubits broad, and placed vpon it seuen and twentie towers, that were fiftie cubits high, by the which men passed into the houses that were round about the wall within, for the king appointed the top of the hill for tillage, because it was a more fertile and fatter soyle then any ground else, so that if at any time they within the castle wanted prouision The top more fruitfull, and fatter soile the the plaine. Herods pallace from other▪ places, yet they might not be famished, hauing this to finde them. He also builded in this place a pallace for himselfe, the way to which was on the West side within the Castle wall, whose prospect vvas toward the North, and enuironed the same vvith a most strong wall, and in the corners thereof he built foure most firme towers three score cubits high, verie sumptuous M within, hauing diuers roomes and galleries and bathes, supported in euerie place with pillars, euere one of vvhich was one onely stone, the vvals thereof vvere of solide stone of diuers colours, and to euerie house, and in the top of the hill, and round about the pallaee, he hewed certaine cesternes out of the rocke [...] to beare water, so that by this meanes water vvas as plentifull▪ as though they had fountaines within the castle. There was a way vnto the castle vnder the ground [Page 757] from the Kings pallace, which they that were without could not perceiue, the way aboue ground The yeere of the world. 4038. after Christs birth 76. A [...]ower to the Westside. A was inaccessible, for as wee haue alreadie said, the way on the East side no man could passe, and as for that on the West side, it was stopped vp with a tower built in the striect thereof, distant a thousand cubites from the Castle, by which it was impossible to passe, and it was not easie to get it by force, and the more leasurely they went, the neerer they were to danger. And thus was this fortresse strenghned both by art and nature.
The prouision within the Castle was admirable both for the magnificence thereof, and also for the long time it had continued, for there was corne sufficient for many yeeres, and Wine and Great store of prouision in the Castle. Oyle and diuers other prouision and heapes of dates. All which Eleazar found readie there, hauing deceitfully obtained the Castle with his Sicarians, which prouision was all as sound and as fresh, as though it had newly beene laid vp in store: notwithstanding, that from the time it remained B there, vnto the time that the Romans tooke it, were a hundred yeeres, and the Romanes found the reliques of the fruite incorrupted, and one may iustly thinke that the cause hereof is the Fruit for a hundreth yeeres kept vncorrupt ayre about the Castle, which by reason of the height of the place is most pure, and free from all earthly corruption. Therewas also found all manner of Armour in great quantitie, which Herode made, and would haue armed ten thousand men, also vnwrought yron, brasse, and lead, so that one may iudge that prouision to haue beene reserued for some great cause. It is reported that Herode prepared that Castle for his refuge, when hee doubted two great daungers, first that the people of the Iewes would depose him, and make them Kinges whose auncestors had before reigned.
The other which was more dangerous then the first, was, for that he feared Cleopatra Queene Herode suspecting a double perill, builded this place for a refuge. of Aegypt, who not concealing her intent, did often request Antonius that Herode might be slaine, C and that shee might haue the kingdome of the Iewes giuen to her. And it was a great maruaile that Antonius doting so vpon her, did not fulfill her request. Herode for these occasions hauing b [...]ilded Massada, left it furnished as the last bulwarke for the Romanes to make warre against the Iewes. For the Generall of the Romanes, hauing now compassed all the place without it with a wall, (as is before said) to the end that none might escape, he did verie wisely, and so began to assault the Castle, finding one onely place that would bea [...]e a mount. For behind the tower that There was but one place about Massada to raise a mount to batter one. on the West side stopped vp the passage into the Castle and pallace, there was a great rocke verie large and long, yet not so high as Massada by three hundred cubites. This rocke was called Leuce, which signifieth white. When Silua had gotten this rocke, and ascended it, he commanded D his souldiers to build a mount thereupon, and they chearefully labouring, raised a sodaine mount two hundred cubites high: by reason of the height it seemed not firme nor sufficient enough to beare the engines, but vppon it was built a Tribunall with great stones fiftie cubites high; and as many cubites broade, and the engines were such as first Vespasian, and after him Titus deuised two batter walles with, and so they made a tower threescore cubites high all plated about with yron.
Now the Romans with many shot did driue the Iewes off from the Castle wals, not suffering them to lif [...] vp their heads. And Silua hauing builded a mightie Ramme, caused the wall to bee continually beaten therewith, but it could scarcely enter vpon it, and the Sicarians quickly preuented that, building another wall within, which could not bee broken with the Ramme being E yet soft, and so would breake the force thereof, for they did sawe timber in peeces, and as it were The Citie battered with a large Ramme, and by Siluas appointment. made two rayles, and then filled the space betweene the two rayles with earth, and with other planckes they kept the earth from falling downe; so that they made a worke like the wall of a house, and for that it yeelded vnto the blowes of the Ramme (being soft earth) the Ramme could not preuaile against it; but rather made it more stronger then before by ramming the morter together.
Silua perceiuing this, iudged that he might sooner destroy the wall with fire then with his engine Firebrands da [...] [...]ed against the wal [...]. and so he commaunded the souldiers to cast vpon it many [...]uming firebrands, and the fire did quickly take hold of the wall, because it was for the most part built with wood, and easily also pe [...]ced through it, by reason it was not cleane wrought together, and there was a great F flame.
At the verie beginning of the fire, the North wind did greatly annoy the Romans, for the fire The North wind diuerting the flame, turneth it vpon the Roman [...]. blowing furiously from aboue against them that were Romanes, it did driue it extreamely vpon them, so that they were in great dispaire, fearing their engines would be burnt, and presently [Page 758] the wind chaunging and blowing from the South, (as it were by Gods prouidence) it turned G The yeare of the world. 4038. after Christs birth 76. the fire againe vpon the wall, and now all of it euen vnto the foundation thereof, was there most cruelly on fire. And the Romanes hauing. Gods assistaunce, returned againe vnto their Campe ioyfully, purposing the next morning betimes to assaile their enemies, and that night to place stronger watches, least any of the enemies should escape. But Eleazer thought not to flie, neither would hee permit any one of his companie so to doe. And seeing now the wall was fierd, and not knowing any way else to helpe himselfe, considering likewise what the Romanes would doe vnto their wiues and children if they should take them, hee deliberated of all their deaths, which he in that extremitie iudged to bee the best way they could take. And so hee assembled the most valiaunt of all his companie, and exhorted euerie one of them thereunto after this manner. H
‘Valiant companions, we long agoe resolued our selues neither to serue the Romanes, nor any other saue onely God, for he alone is the true and iust Lord of all men. Behold the time is now Eleazars Oration to his companions. come, that exhorteth you to shew your resolute minds: let vs not therefore dishonour our selues, and besides our slauerie, suffer also intollerable torments if we bee taken aliue by the Romanes. For we were the first that reuolted from them, and the last that warre against them. And I verily thinke that God hath giuen vs this benefit, that wee may die well and in our owne libertie, which Eleazar conte [...] Gods wr [...]t▪ [...]o bee k [...]led against t [...]e people. he denied to others who were ouercome contrarie to their expectation. We are certaine to bee conquered as soone as it is day light, but to die valiantly with our dearest friends, is a glorious resolution vnto valiant men, and of this our enemies cannot debarre vs, who doe labour to take vs aliue, and carrie vs away captiues, and wee are not able to vanquish them in fight. For truely I at the first (when we who coueted libertie, suffered all miserie at the hands of our owne Countriemen, and worse at the hands of our enemies) we should haue considered that God who was some time fauourable vnto the nation of the Iewes, had now condemned them vnto perdition, for had he yet beene fauourable vnto vs, or had he beene but lightly offended at vs, hee would not haue permitted so many men to haue perished, and haue deliuered his holy Citie into the hands of the enemies to bee consumed with fire. And we onely amongst all our nation, hoped to liue in libertie, as though wee had no wayes offended the diuine maiestie, nor beene guiltie of any offence who indeede taught others iniquitie. So you see how we are checked for longing after vaine hope, being brought into greater extremitie then we expected. Neither hath our Castle by nature in expugnable, any thing profited vs to our preseruation, but wee hauing store of victuals K and armour, and all other necessaries, haue lost all hope of safetie, God himselfe openly taking it from vs. For the fire that once was carried against our enemies, did not of it selfe returne against vs and vnto the wall wee built. But it was the punishment of our offences, who furiously raged The punish [...] [...]ese [...] which [...] [...]es [...]n [...] attemp [...] ag [...]inst the [...]es [...] graue [...] [...]en l [...] [...] ▪ maintained. against our own nation. For the which I request you, let vs not be punished by the Romans, whose forces are inuincible, but by our selues let vs satisfie the ire of God, and so it will bee more tollerable for vs; euen by that meanes our wiues shall die vndefiled, and our children shall not taste of seruile captiuitie. After whose deathes, wee will one helpe another to die with credite, conseruing our libertie, which is the best sepulture of all, yet let vs first fire our Castle, and burne our treasure: for it will be no small griefe vnto the Romanes, if they neither get our bodies aliue, nor can finde any one iot of our riches for recompence of their labour. Let vs onely leaue our victuals L as sufficient testimonie, that famine did not at any time cause vs to be conquered, but that we as at the first wee resolued, preferred also death before bondage.’
Eleazer hauing thus spoken, they that were present did not all accord vnto him, for some ioyfully hasted to execute his aduise, thinking it so glorious a death. But they who mooued with compassion towards their wiues and families, were some thing effeminate, or else abhorred to kill themselues. One looking vpon another with teares, did shew his mind to disagree from that which Eleazer perswaded. Which when Eleazar perceiued, and that his counsell through feare was defeated, fearing also that they who couragiously had accorded thereunto, should be with drawne by the teares of the others, hee did not so end his exhortation, but standing vp, and with M a vehement spirit he began to speake vnto them of the immortalitie of the soule, and fixing his eyes vpon them that wept, he vsed a vehement exclamation, saying.
How much am I deceiued, who thought that valiant men fighting for their libertie, would Eleazars Ora [...]n as touch [...]g the immor talitie of the soule. rather chuse to die then liue, but yee doe shew your selues nothing to excell any ordinarie men, who feare to die, notwithstanding, that thereby you may escape great miserie, and [Page 759] calamitie, when in this point you ought not to haue expected any admonition thereunto, no [...] to The yeare of the world, 4038. after Christs birth 76. A haue made any delay to doe it. ‘The auncient customes which haue endured euer since men had reason, the diuine doctrine of our nation, which hath continually been confirmed by the deeds of our predecessors, doe instruct vs, that it is miserie to liue, and not to die. For death freeth our soules from prison vnto their most pure & proper place, where neuer after they shall be touched with any calamitie. Which whilest they are bound in a mortall body, and doe participate of his A soule tied in a mortal body. miseries, may probably be affirmed to be dead. For it is an vnseemly coniunction for that which is diuine, to be coupled and connexed vnto that which is mortall. True it is that our soules can do much being ioyned to our bodies, for they vse the bodies as their instruments secretly producing The power of the soule. in them motion, and many other actions passing the nature of mortal things. But when the soule is loosed from that heauy burthen which doth weigh it downe euen vnto the earth, which B hangeth vpon it, and hath receiued his proper habitation, then it enioyeth free & perfect [...], and remaineth inuisible to our mortall eies as God himselfe is, neither is it visible in our bodies. For it commeth secretly into them, and so departeth from them againe, that no man can perceiue it, hauing onely a nature incorrupt, and causing a change in our bodies. For whatsoeuer the soule toucheth, that presently liueth and flourisheth, and what it forsaketh, that incontinently withereth and dieth: so much doth it participate of immortalitie. The sleepe Sleepe the argument of the immortalni [...] of the soule. may be an euident argument vnto you of this which I speake, where the soule not distracted taketh a most pleasant and sweete repose; and [...]ommunicating with God, it is with him present in euene place by reason of affinitie, and foretelleth many future euents. Wherefore should we then feare death, who loue the rest that we take in sleepe? were not he a mad man that C for a short life would hinder himselfe of eternall life? It were necessarie that we who are instructed in the law of our nation, should giue example to other to despise and contemne death. But if we seeke confirmation hereof from strangers, let vs see the example amongst the wiser sort of the Indians: for they being iust men doe tolerate this life as a necessarie office of nature for a certaine The professors of wisedome among the indians burne themselues. time, though against their wils▪ yet do they hasten to vnloose the soule bound in this mortall body, though not vrged thereunto by any calamitie or necessitie, but onely for desire of immortalitie, telling others that they will depart out of this life; neither doth any one seeke to hinder them, but all men esteeming them most fortunate; send by them commendations and other messages vnto their friends departed: so firme is their beliefe that the soules of them that are dead haue communion and conuersation togither: And so they hauing all instruction what to say to D the soules departed, doe with great applause leape into the fire, that thereby their soules may be purified from their bodies. And their friends go more ioyfully with them when they go to their deaths, then any doth that bringeth his friend on the way when he is to go a great iourney, and An exhortation to contemn death drawne from the time and place. they bewaile themselues, not those who are dead and haue attained immortalitie. Shall not we then be ashamed not to beleeue so firmly as the Indians do? despising through our own sloath our countrey lawes which are to be emulated of all men? Nay supposing that by our law we had bin instructed contrariwise, to wit, that to liue in this life is blisse, and to die is calamitie: yet notwithstanding this present necessitie, this present time had been a sufficient motiue to cause vs to embrace death rather then life, seeing that by Gods appointment, and of necessitie we must now die. In times past it appeateth God so prouided, that he shortned their daies of our owne nation E that would not vse their life as they ought to haue done. I dare not ascribe it vnto the Romans, nor report of our selues that their warres consumed vs all. For this did not happen through their Example taken from the Iews that were staine in Caes [...]a. forces, but a more potent cause hereof there was which made them conquerours. Which of the Romans slew the Iewes that inhabited at Caesarea? whom the inhabitants thereof vpon the Sabaoth day, they being assembled in one place togither with their wiues and children, did massacre, notwithstanding that they had no intent to reuolt from them, nor neuer lifting vp their hands in their owne defence, nothing fearing the Romans, who onely accounted them of our nation their enemies that reuolted from them. But some may obiect the Iewes at Caesarea, and the inhabitants thereof were alwaies a [...] variance, and that now they reuenged their olde quarrel hauing gotten opportunitie. What then shall we say of the Scythopolitans? who bare armes The Calamitie of the Iewes in Scithopoli [...]. F with the Graecians against vs, and denied to assist their owne kinred against the Romans. What profit did they receiue by this their goodwill and fidelitie? for they were altogither with their whole families cruelly slaine, and this was the reward they had for their labour, for hauing with stood vs to haue done the like vnto them; it were too long to recount all things seuerally to this effect. For as ye know there is no Citie in all Syria that hath not massacred the Iewes their inhabiting, [Page 760] being more our enemies then the Romans were, where they of Damascus although they G The yeare of the world, 4038. after Christs birth 76. Eighteen thousand Iews slain in Syria, and threescore thousand in Aegypt. could not deuise any probable cause for it, yet did they massacre all the Iewes liuing amongst them, who amounted to the number of eighteene thousand beside their wiues and families. And as we haue heard it reported, the number of the Iewes slaine by the Aegyptians, were aboue three score thousand: It may be that finding no aduersitie in a strange countrey, they were put to death by their enemies. But they that in their owne countrey fought against the Romans, wanted nothing that might haue caused a perfect hope of a full victorie ouer the Romans, they had weapons, armour, wals, and strong holds inexpugnable, their valorous courage in fighting for libertie shunned no danger, and encouraged men to reuolt, which all, hauing a while serued their turnes, at last was a cause of their greater miserie. For all were taken and subdued by the enemies, as though they had been built and made to make their enemies victorie more famous, and not to H The calamitie of those Iewes who were taken by the Romans. doe them seruice. And we may iustly deeme them happy who were slaine in the warre, for they died in libertie. Yet who doth not pitie the multitude of them that fell into the Romans hands; or who would not hasten to die, rather then endure the like miserie that they suffered? Some of them being tortured, and some with fire and stripes perished; and others halfe eaten of wilde beasts, were reserued aliue for their second foode: and they are most miserable of all that are yet aliue, who often wish for death and cannot finde it. Where is now that gorgeous Citie? where Ierusalem the Metropolitane citie razed frō the foundations. is it that was once the mother Citie of all the nation of the Iewes? so strengthened with such strong wals, so fortified with towers and castles to defend the wals, scarcely able to containe the prouision made for warre, hauing in it so huge a multitude of men to fight for it; what is it now become, wherein God himselfe was thought to dwell? It is now razed downe euen vnto the I verie foundations, and no other memorie or reliques thereof is left standing; their campe is destroied, onely a few olde men and vnhappy suruiue, who sate amongst the ashes of the temple and a few women whom their enemies reserued to satisfie their filthie lust. And will any amongst vs considering all these things, desire to behold the light of the sunne, although he could liue without molestation? Who is such an enemy to his natiue soile? who is so effeminate or desirous of his life, that doth not grieue to haue liued till this time? Would God we had all been in our graues before we had seene that sacred Citie fired by a hostile hand, before we beheld the holy temple destroied by impietie, and seeing that the hope we had to be reuenged vpon our enemies is now vanished away, and that we are left alone in miserie and necessitie, let vs hasten to die well, and take compassion vpon our selues, our wiues, and children, and that whilest we haue K time, to compassionate our selues. For both we are borne to die, and all that are begotten by vs, and the strongest men liuing cannot auoid it, but iniurie, and bondage, and to see our wiues and We are borne to die, and the most strongest cannot auoid the same. children abused before our faces is no necessitie, proceeding from mans nature, but they onely are forced to endure it, who when they might haue died without it, did refuse for feare. We first of all trusting to our strength, rebelled against the Romans; nowe lastly they exhorting vs to obedience, we denied, which of them then will not be enraged against vs, if they can take vs aliue? Most miserable shall those young men be, whose strength will endure many torments, and those olde men will mooue compassion whose aged yeeres cannot suffer tortures; one shall Eleazar telleth the Iewes of the Romans tyrannie. It is a happines among the Iewes to die free. see his wife carried away from him, and another his sonne, hauing his hands bound behind him crie vnto his father for helpe: who now whilest they are free from the thraldome of their enemies, L may gloriously assist vs with their swords. Let vs with our wiues and children die freemen, let vs altogither depart out of this life. This our religion commandeth, this our wiues and children perswadeth; God himselfe hath driuen vs vnto this necessitie for this purpose. The Romans would haue it otherwise, who feare least any of vs should perish, and not fal into their hands aliue. Let vs therefore hasten, that in steed of their expected hope, whereby they verily perswaded themselues to take vs aliue, we may contrarie to their expectation daunt them with asodain admiration of our glorious deaths.’
Whilest Eleazar was yet speaking, and desirous still to continue his exhortation, they all interrupted him, euerie one now in a furie bent to follow his aduice, made haste to effect it, and as though they had been vrged by some bad spirit thereunto, euerie one laboured to preuent one M another in the execution thereof, iudging him to shew most valour and fortitude, that first dispatched himselfe. They were also desirous to kill their wiues and their children with themselues. And which is most strange, their mindes were nothing altered when they came to effect this bloudy worke, but with the same resolution that they had, when they heard Eleazars speech, euerie one retained his good affection towards his friends: yet permitting reason to take no place, [Page 761] and perswading themselues that thus they had well prouided for their children, they all at once The yeare of the world. 4 [...]38. after Christs birth 76. A embraced their wiues and children for their last farewell, and tooke their leaues of them kissing them with teares, and then at once slew them, as though it had been done by the hands of other men, and not their owne, comforting themselues being forced so to doe, in that hereby they should escape the tyranny and crueltie of their enemies. Finally no man was so cowardly, who durst not presume to this action; so euerie one of thē killed his deerest friends. O miserable people whom necessitie forced to slay their wiues and children, accounting the action thereof to be the verie least of all their miseries. Wherefore now not enduring the griefe that ensued vpon this fact, and thinking that in liuing any while after them, they should iniure them whom they had slaine, they with all speed possible gathered all their riches togither and set them on fire, which done, they elected ten by lot, who should slay the rest, euerie one prostrating himselfe vpon his The Iewes gathering all their goods togither cast thē into the fire. Ten chosen by lot to kill the rest of the Iewes. B wife and children, & embracing them in his armes, and was was so slaine willingly by them that executed that wretched office, who hauing without feare dispatched them, they cast lots whose fortune it was to kill all the rest, and he vpon whom the lot did fall, should kill the other nine, and lastly himselfe vpon them all, euerie one so encouraging one another, that there was no difference betweene them that were to be killed, and them that were to kill, and so the rest offered themselues to death, which done, one who was the last of all, being yet aliue, went amonst the dead bodies and searched to see if none liued that needed his hand in so great a multitude of slaine people, and finding all of them dispatched, he went and fired the pallace, which done, he with all his force thrust his sword into his owne bodie vp to the hilts, and so fell downe by his deerest freinds.
In this maner they died, thinking they had left no one aliue to haue fallen into the Romās hands, C but one certaine olde woman, & another that was Eleazars cosins, who in learning & wisedome surpassed all other women, & fiue children, who all hid themselues in a caue wherein water was reserued to drinke, whilest the rest were busied in this massacre, who were in number 900. and 60, beside women and children. This calamitie hapned the fifteenth day of Aprill. In the morning The Romans expect the fight. the Romans expecting that the Iewes would fight with them, made bridges from their mounts vnto the wals, and so assaulted the wals, and seeing none of their enemies appeare, but all the wals wasted and on fire, and deepe silence in euerie place, they could not coniecture what was done, and at last they made a crie at once, as though they had beene beating the wals with a Ramme, thereby to see if they could make any enemies come out. The women in the vaults heard D this crie, and comming forth, they declared vnto the Romans all that had hapned, one of them relating vnto them the euent of all the whole matter: yet for all this the Romans did not easily beleeue her words, by reason of the greatnesse of that fact, but they endeuored to quench the The Romans admire at the Iewes fortitude and obstinate contempt of death. fire, and passing through it, they presently came into the pallace, where they beheld all the dead bodies, yet they did not insult ouer them as their enemies, but admired that so many should be so obstinately minded to despise death.
CHAP. XXIX.
Of the death of the Sicarians that were fled vnto Alexandria and Thebes. E
THe Castle being thus taken, the generall of the Romans leauing a garrison there, went vnto Caesarea, for there was no one enemie left in all that countrey, but now all Iudaea The murtherers authors of new calamitie. was destroyed through continuance of long wars, and many of that nation though far distant from it, tasted of those troubles, for it so fell out that afterward many Iewes perished in Aegypt at Alexandria, for those Sicarians who had escaped thither, were not content to be safe and free from daunger, but there also they attempted alteration, and to defend their liberty against the the Romans, esteeming themselues nothing inferiour vnto them, and that onely God was their Lord. And some of the nobler race of the Iewes, seeking to withstand that their enterprise, were by these Sicarians slaine, which was no sooner done, but they exhorted the people F to reuolt. The chiefe and elders of the Iewes seeing this, and that they could not represse them without daunger, they assembled all the Iewes togither, and declared vnto them the temeritie of The Iewes assemble and consult about the murtherers these Sicarians, shewing them to be the authors of all the miserie that had befallen the Iewe [...] and that now notwithstanding they were escaped, yet they were not certaine of their liues, for that if they were knowne, the Romans would presently put them to death, and draw them also [Page 762] into the like miserie, who were not partakers of their wickednesse. Wherefore they admonished G The yeere of the world. 4038. after Christs birth 76. the multitude to beware least they drew themselues into the same daunger, wherein they were, and to make satisfaction vnto the Romans for themselues by deliuering such people vnto them. The Iewes were perswaded by these speeches, and foreseeing the daunger that might ensue, they furiously assaulted the Sicarians, and tooke of them sixe hundreth, and shortly after those who there escaping, fled into Aegypt and Thebes, were taken and brought backe againe, whose hard hearted obstinacie was so great, that none can without admiration, heare of. For notwithstanding Diuers sorts of torments and tortures inflicted on them who re [...]use Caesars soueraintie. that all torments and tortures that could be deuised were inflicted vpon them, only to force them to confesse that Caesar was their Lord, yet no one of them vvould say so, nor make any shew thereof, but all perseuered in their former opinion, as though the bodie tormented had beene dead, and not aliue. Moreouer their children were most to be admired, for not one of them H could be constrained to call Caesar Lord. So much did their boldnesse ouercome the torments inflicted vpon their bodies.
CHAP. XXX.
How the Temple of Onias at Alexandria was shut vp.
AT that time Lupus was gouernour of Alexandria, who with all speed by letters gaue Caesar notice of these troubles. And Caesar, seeing that it was necessarie to beware of the Iewes, vvho were naturally enclined to sedition & vnquietnesse, fearing also that they would once I againe gather themselues togither, & cause some to ioyne vvith them, he commaunded Lupus to destroy the temple, vvhich Onias erected in Aegypt, vvhich vvas builded and named vppon this occasion. Onias the sonne of Simon one of the high priests, being driuen out of Ierusalem, Antiochus Onias by Pto [...]es consent buildeth a citie and temple in Egypt. king of Syria then warring against the Iewes, he came vnto Alexandria, & was courteously entertained by Ptolomaeus who was then also enemie vnto Antiochus, affirming that he would annex vnto his country the people of the Iewes, if he would agree to that vvhich he required. The king according to al that could be grāted, he requested him to permit him to build a tēple in some place of his country, & that he might vvorship God therein according to the custome of their country: for so the Iewes would hate Antiochus the more, who had destroyed their temple at Ierusalem, & be frindly vnto him, & many of them did flie vnto him for religion sake. Ptolomaeus agreed so to do K & gaue him a peece of ground for that purpose, a hundreth & fourescore stounds from Memphis, in that place vvhich vvas called the vvay to Heliopolis, vvhere Onias building a castle, made also a temple vnlike to that of Ierusalem, but he erected a tower like that of Ierusalem with stones, that was threescore cubits long, and he built an Altar after the fashion of that of his owne countrey, and adorned it with all manner of gifts (saue onely a candlesticke) which had in steede thereof a lampe to giue light, which he caused to be hung before the Altar in a golden chaine, Onias temple built in Egypt. and he enuironed all the temple with a wall made of bricke, and the gates he made of stone, and the king granted vnto it great reuenewes of mony and ground, to the intent that the priests might haue aboundance of all things which they required.
But Onias did not this with a good conscience, but for that he was at variance with the Iewes L of Ierusalem, for that they forced him to flie, and he perswaded himselfe that by the building of this temple, he might withdraw all men from Ierusalem thither, and of this, there was a prophecie nine hundred threescore and ten yeeres before, and Esaias foretold that a certaine Iewe should build a temple in Aegypt. And thus that temple was build, and Lupus hauing receiued the Emperours letters went vnto the temple, and taking away certaine gifts from it, he shut it vp: And after him Paulinus who succeeded in his steed, left not one gift there (for he threatned Lupus shutteth the Iewes out of the temple. the priests if they did not bring forth all) and permitted not any that came thither for to sacrifice to come neere it, but shutting vp the gate thereof, he left no signe of diuine seruice there, and from the time it was built till the time it was shut vp; were three hundreth thirtie and three yeeres.
CHAP. XXXI. A The yeare of the world, 4038. after Christs birth 76
Of the Massacre of the Iewes at Cyrene.
THe boldnesse of the Sicarians, like some infectious disease infected also the townes about Cyrene. For one Iohn, a weauer, and a wicked man hauing escaped, perswaded many simple people to follow him, and led them into the wildernesse, promising to shewe them signes and visions, and thus hee deceiued the simplest sort of the Iewes, but the noblest of them of Cyrene vnderstanding his deceite, gaue Catullus notice of his preparation and departure, A part of Ionathans companions were taken and slaine, the rest kept captiue aliue and brought to Catullus. who was then Gouernour of Lybia, who sending horsemen and footemen, did easily B surprise them being vnarmed, and the most part of them were slaine, yet some were taken aliue, and brought to Catullus. But their leader Ionathas at that time escaped, yet being diligently laide and sought for, ouer all those Countries, hee was at last taken, and being brought vnto Catullus, he sought to delay his owne punishment, in offering an occasion of iniquitie vnto Catullus. For he accused the richest amongst the Iewes, to haue beene his aduisers to doe this matter. Catullus was glad of those allegations, and exaggerated his accusations verie much with tragicall termes, so that he seemed to haue made an end of the wars against the Iewes, and which was worst of all to be content to credite, whatsoeuer was maliciously spoken, he himselfe instructed the Sicarians to framescandalous accusations, & commanding them to nominate one Alexander a Iew, whom he had long hated and his wife Berenice, he put them first of all to death, and after them all that C were well monied, who amounted to the number of three thousand, and this he thought hee did Three thousand Iewes slaine by Catullus. without controwle, because hee confiscated their possessions vnto Caesar. And least that any Iew liuing in any other place should complaine of his iniustice, he extended his malicious lies against others further off, and perswaded Ionathas and certaine others that were taken with him, to accuse the most trustie and faithfull Iewes at Rome and Alexandria: one of whom who were thus falsely accused, was named Ioseph, who writ this Historie. But this deuise of Catullus had not such Ioseph by Catullus perswasion is accused by Ionathas. successe as he hoped, for he came to Rome, and brought Ionathas and the rest bound with him, thinking that no more inquirie would be made of the false accusations inuented by himselfe.
But Vespasian suspecting the matter, made diligent inquirie to know the truth, and finding these crimes iniuriously imposed vpon those men, at Titus intreatie, he acquited them, and punished Ionathas according to his desert; who being first whipped, was afterward burned aliue. And Ionathas being first beaten is burnt aliue. D Catullus at that time, by reason of the mildnesse of the Emperours, had nothing said vnto him, but not long after he fell into a grieuous disease, and was cruelly tormented, not onely in bodie, but also in mind. For he was greatly terrified, and still imagined to see the ghostes, of them whom hee had so vniustly slaine, readie to kill him, so that hee cried out; and not able to containe himselfe, lept out of his bed as though hee had beene tortured with torments and fire. And this disease dayly increasing on, his guts and bowels rotting and issuing out of him, at last he died in this manner, leauing behind him an euident argument, that the diuine iustice doth punish impious malefactors. And this is the end of the Historie, which we promised to bee set downe The conclusion of the seuen bookes of the warres of the Iewes. with all fidelitie, for them that are desirous to know the euent of the warres, betweene the Iewes and the Romanes. And as for our stile, we leaue it to the iudgement of the Reader, but touching E the veritie of the Historie, it is such, as no man neede to doubt of, for I doe affirme that to bee the onely scope, which I aymed at in this whole worke.
THE FIRST BOOKE G OF FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS THE SONNE H OF MATTHIAS, WRITTEN AGAINST APION, AS TOVCHING THE ANTIQVITIE OF THE IEWES.
ISuppose (O thou worthiest amongst worthie men Epaphroditus) that I haue sufficiently testified vnto them, who shall reade those I bookes which I haue written, as touching the autentique historie of the Iewes, that our nation is most auncient, and that they haue had their originall from themselues, and haue from the first beginning inhabited that Countrie, whereof they are now possessed at this present. To which effect I haue gathered out of our sacred writings, and published in the Greeke tongue, The historie of the antiquitie containeth the euents of fiue thousand yeers a Historie containing the occurrences of fiue thousand yeeres. And for that I see their are diuers, who (being too much addicted and seduced, by the scandalous blasphemies and reports, which some of those who are Iewdly affected towards vs, haue published against vs) haue misconceited K and misbeleeued that which I haue written of our antiquitie, and labour to approue our nation to bee moderne, because none of the most auncient and most renowmed Historio graphers The causes that moued him to write this book among the Grecians, haue thought our auncestors worthie to bee enrowled in their writings: I haue for these causes held it a part of my dutie to write som short treatise hereupon; both to reproue the euill intent and affected lying of those our calumners, as also to correct their ignorance, by teaching those who are desirous to know the truth, what the originall of our motion is. For proofe whereof, I will reduce no other testimonie then those, who from antiquitie haue beene iudged worthie of credite among the Greekes, laying open before their eyes, that they who haue slaunderously and falsely written against vs, are conuicted by their owne mouthes: I will also enforce my selfe to expresse the causes, wherein verie few Grecians haue made mention L of vs in their Histories, and moreouer, I will make it knowne to those that are ignorant (either in effect or in pretence) who they haue beene that omitted not our Historie. First of all, therefore I doe not a little maruaile at those (who in respect of antiquitie) suppose that the truth ought onely to be gathered from the Greekes: and that they iustly may claime the honour and knowledge of faithfull writing, whereat they neither vouchsafe either vs, or any others, the credite or truth in that wee set downe, although I am able to proue, that all things haue fallen out quite contrarie. For which cause it behoueth vs not to looke vnto mens various opinions, but to examine that All things among the Greekes are moderne, but such things as were done among the Egyp tians, Chaldies and Phaenicians, are of happie memorie and venerable antiquitie. which is right and gather the same by the effects. For all that whatsoeuer is set downe by the Greekes is new, and of late memorie, and hath beene brought to execution, in a maner but yesterday: I meane the foundations of Cities, the inuentions of Arts, and the descriptions of Lawes, M and the latest practise amongst them, hath beene, and is, the diligent trauaile in Historie.
But among the Aegyptians, Chaldeis and Phoenicians (for I presume not to compare my countrimen with them) as they themselues confesse, the memorie of their writings is most ancient and infallible. For all these nations dwell in such countries as are not subiect to the corruption of aire; and haue carefully prouided, that none of those things that haue been done by them [Page 765] should sleepe in obscuritie, but should be kept in memorie in the publike writings of the learnedest A men. Whereas innumerable corruptions haue crept in among the Greeks, by which the Innumerable corruptions inuaded Greece. memorie of things forepassed, is defaced. But they alwaies who haue established new estates, haue each of them supposed in their owne behalfe, that whosoeuer was of theirs, he was the first of the world. Yet notwithstanding they haue had the knowledge of the nature of letters verie late, and haue attained the same with verie great difficultie. For they that speake of the most auncient vse of the same, doe boast and glorifie themselues, that they haue receiued the knowledge The Phoenicians and Cadmus the first inuentors of letters. thereof from the Phoenicians, and Cadmus. Yet notwithstanding there is not any one of them that can shew any record of that time, either in their temple, or in their publike registers: whereas after there arose a great doubt and question, whether those letters were in vse during their time, who sithence haue for the space of many yeeres continued the siege before Troy. And in sooth, B their opinion who affirme that they were ignorant of the vse of those letters, which are at this present allowed and accustomed amongst vs, is not to be refused. For it is most manifest that there is not any writing extant among the Greekes that is more auncient then Homers poesie, which Among the Greekes there is not any writing more ancient then Homers poem. as it is most manifest hath bin in allowance and continuance since the time of the siege of Troy: and yet it is reported, that he left no part of that his poesie in writing, which was composed of diuers songs, and onely sung by roate, by which meanes it came to passe that there are so many contradictions in the same. And as touching those who haue vndertaken to write histories among them, I meane Cadmus the Milesian, and Acusilaus the Argiue; and after him if there were any others, they were not aliue, but verie little time before the passage of the Persians into Greece. Furthermore, they who among the Greekes were the first that introduced Philosophie, and the C knowledge of celestiall and diuine things, that is to say, Pherecydes the Svrian, Pythagoras, and Thales, these all of them confesse with one accord, that being instructed by the Aegiptians and Chaldeis, they haue published some few writings, which are supposed to be the most auncient that are among the Greekes, and it is hardly beleeued also that they were written by them. What reason therefore haue the Greeks to be so proud, as if there were none but themselues only, who knew the affaires of antiquitie, and could exactly expresse their truth and veritie? Or who cannot easily coniecture by their owne writers themselues, that their writings were onely vpon hearesay and supposition, and that their stile was onely tied to their vaine coniectures. Hence commeth it to passe, that in their bookes they cauell and reproue one another, & make no conscience to maintaine and write contradictions in one and the same things. D
But it may be said, that I taske my selfe to a fruitlesse labour, if I should go about to informe those who are better experienced then my selfe; in how many points Hellanicus differeth from Acusilaus as touching the Genealogie: in how many places Acusilaus hath corrected Herodotus; or how Ephorus hath approoued that Hellanicus was a liar in the greater part of that which he reciteth. Ephorus hath been reprooued by Timaeus, and in generall all them haue taxed Herodotus. Neither hath Timaeus vouchsafed to accord with Antiochus, or Philistus, or Callias, in the histories of Sic [...]ly. Neither haue they who haue written the histories of Athens, or those who haue entreated of the Argoliques, followed others. What neede I recken vp those who in particular haue entreated of Cities, or of succinct and short matters: whereas in the description of the Persian warre, and those exploits that were performed therein, those of greatest authoritie are E most at oddes. Thucidides is accused by some for a liar in diuers places, notwithstanding that he Thucidides writ a most exact historie of his time. The causes of discord among the Iewes. seemeth to haue described the historie of his time most exactly. But the causes of this discord are diuers, and it may be that they who shall narrowly prie into them, shall find more. For mine owne part those two which I shall here set downe in my opinion are of greatest weight. The first, and in my iudgement the chiefest is, that amongst the Greekes, from the beginning we haue not been industrious to keepe publike registers of such matters as hapned in any time or place, which hath made them erre, and giuen those a priuiledge to lie, who afterwards would looke to write any thing of such matters as were acted long since. Neither are the other Greekes onely to be touched with this negligence for not making account of such registers, but amongst the Athenians also (who are reputed to be glorious for the antiquitie of their countrey, and who are exercised F in sciences) there is no mention of them. For it is said, that the most auncient and publike writings which they haue, are those capitall lawes which were set downe by their lawmaker Draco, who liued but a little time before Pisistratus tyrannie. What neede wee speake of the Arcades, who vaunt themselues of their antiquities? For they haue learned the vse of letters with verie great difficultie, and sometime after this: whereas therefore there was not any writing published [Page 766] before that time which might instruct▪ those that would learne or reprehend those that G published vntruths, from thence is it, that so many differences haue happened among Historiographers. A second cause is, for that they who addicted themselues to compose histories, did not busie themselues about the inquisition of the truth (notwithstanding that each of them did Another cause of their discord recorded by the Graecian Historiographers. ordinarily promise no lesse, but they laboured to expresse how [...] they were, and fixed their whole study theron, as the onely means wherby they hoped to obtaine reputation aboue the rest. Some of them therefore addicted their stiles to [...]ables, othersome by flattering praises thought to currie fauour with kings and Cities. The rest inforced their studies to accusations by obtaining the worke of the writer thereof, under trust to get the more credit thereby. In effect they haue followed that coursd in composing their hitorie that was [...]uerie way different The signe of a true historie. from the true nature thereof. (For the assured signe of a perfect and true historie is, whereas all H men accord both in word and writing i [...] so [...]ing down the same thing) and they who haue written diuersly, made men beleeue that they were the [...]est amongst a [...] th [...] rest. We ought therefore to grant the superioritie to the Grecians in all that which concen [...]h eloquence, and the ornament of language, but not in that which appertaineth to antiquitie or truth of Historie, and especially when the question is, that each man writ as touching his owne nation.
Seeing therfore that both the Aegyptians and Babylonians long time since vsed all diligence in writing, in so much as their priests were hereunto enioyned, who did most curiously entreat of all such points: the same also did the Chaldeis amongst the Babylonians; and the Phoenicians also (inhabiting amongst the Greekes) vsed lawes (both concerning priuate and publike affaires) I which because all men confesse it, I will omi [...]to speake of. I let passe also to recount what care our nation had of this point (no doubt greater then those nations aboue mentioned had) charging our high priests and prophets, to execute this office, which custome hath been obscrued euen vntill this our age: yea (and if I may presume so farre) will be obserued in all succeeding ages, as by the scope of my speech ensuing, I will endeuour to make manifest. For our nation did not onely depute this office to the most iust men amongst them in the beginning, and vnto such as were alwaise ready to appease the heauie displeasure, and wrath of God kindled against them; but they also prouided to preserue the line and dissent of priests from all impuritie, and from being intermingled with others. For no man amongst vs can be a priest, who is not borne of a woman descended from the priests line; neither in this case is any respect made either of riches or K A custome which the priests obserued. honours, but the partie who claimeth the dignitie of priesthood, must by many witnesses proue his Genealogie, and that he is descended from priests. This custome is not onely of force in Iewrie, our owne countrey, but wheresoeuer else any of our nation inhabite, as in Aegypt, and Babylon, and in any other place, where continually the priests in their marriages haue this respect not to marrie with any woman that is not of their owne line, and they send vnto Ierusalem the name and petigree of the woman whom they haue married, and all testimonie hereof which they can deduce from her auncestors. Now if warres molest our nation (as often they haue) in the time of Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes, of Pompey the great, Quintilius Varo, and especially in this our age, then those priests who suruiue make new Genealogies, and pedigrees out of our holy writ for the foresaid women, that are not deuoured by the furie of war. For they come vnto L these women, not fearing the companie of strangers amongst whom they li [...]e: yea this is an euident The priests amongst the Iewes are euerie one registred with the name of their fathers and this custome hath continued 2000 yeers. token of the priests integritie, that euerie priest during the reuolution of two thousand yeers are registred togither with the names of their fathers, and if any one doe erre or falsifie any of the things beforesaid, he is then interdicted from the altar, and from exercising any priestly function. So that in the writings of such men all things must of necessitie be true, and as they ought to be, for that neither all men are permitted to write, nor yet any dissonance and disagreement is found in their writings. For such things as past in auncient times quite beyond the memorie of men, were onely written by our Prophets, who had the knowledge thereof by inspiration from God himselfe, but other things of latter time are onely recorded by those, who liued in the age wherein the things they writ of were done. The bookes amongst vs containing the histories of M all ages, are neither infinit nor one repugnant to another, for all our Chronicle is contained in Two and twentie bookes of holy writ. two and twentie bookes, to which bookes it is impietie to denie credit.
Fiue of these bookes were written by Moses, comprehending Genealogies, and the beginning of mankind, and such notable euents as hapned euen from the beginning of the world vntill his death, which is little lesse then three thousand yeeres. After the death of Moses vntill the time [Page 767] wherein Artaxerxes liued, who was king of the Persians, and sonne to Xerxes, the Prophets of our A nation euerie one writ the historie of his time wherein he liued, so that of these mens writings we haue thirteene bookes: the foure other bookes which make vp the number alreadie mentioned, are knowne to containe holy Hymnes dedicated vnto God, and wholsome precepts for mans life and conuersation. All things which from Artaxerxes vntill our time haue hapned are also set downe in writing, yet the bookes wherein they are registred, do not deserue so much credit, as the former of auncient times, for that there was no certaine successor of Prophets in this age. Moreouer it is euident, that to the former works we giue as great credite, as to the things we our selues write, and notwithstanding they haue been so long written, yet in all that time no man durst presume, either to alter or to blot out any thing therein contained. For all Iewes euen from their cradle do beleeue these bookes to be sacred, holy, and diuine, and therefore do giue all credite B possible vnto them, and so would willingly suffer death, rather then to doe the contrarie. Many captiues also of our nation haue alreadie been cruelly tormented, and diuers waies put to death in open theaters, only for that they would not cōmit any thing, either in word or deed against their lawes, nor violate the writings of their forefathers. Now who amongst the Greekes did euer sustaine the like? nay they are so farre from doing it, that none can be found amongst them who The Iewes and Greeks are compared together. would any losse in his goods, or fortunes, thereby to preserue all the writings of their nation from perdition: and the reason hereof is, that euerie one esteemeth the veritie of their Histories to depend vpon the will of the writer. And this they do also of their most ancient Historiographers and not without cause, for they euery day see men of their owne times, writing Histories of matters past long before in former ages, wherin neither themselues were present, neither yet C vouchsafe they to credit the writings of such as were then eye witnesses thereof, yea some amongst Some others haue written of the wars of the Iewes. them haue diuulged Histories of such things as of late befell our nation, when themselues neuer haue beene in the place where such matters past, as they did write of warre, nor haue liued in any neighbour place vvhere they might haue probable report how matters past, but onely making a few centones or broken newes, they most impudently arrogate vnto therr patcht, stuffe the name of a Historie.
I my selfe haue composed a most true Historie of those vvars, and of enerie particuler thing there done, as well I might, hauing beene present in all those affaires. For I was captaine of the Ioseph was present in all the wars of the Iewes. Galileans amongst our nation, so long as any resistance could be made againg the Romans, and then it so fell out, that I was taken by the Romans, and being prisoner vnto Titus and Vespasian, D they caused me to be an eye witnesse of all things that past. First in bonds and fetters, & afterward freed from them, I was brought from Alexandria with Titus, vvhen he went to the siege of Ierusalem. So that nothing could then passe whereof I had not notice. For beholding the Roman armie, I committed to writing all things with all possible diligence. My selfe also did onely manage all matters disclosed vnto the Romans by such as yeelded themselues, for that I only did perfectly vnderstand them. Lastly, being at Rome, and hauing now leasure all buisines being past, I vsed the helpe of some (for the puritie of the Greeke tongue) and so I published a historie of all that had Ioseph did write the historie of the Iewes wars being at Rome. hapned in the foresaid wars, which Historie of mine is so true, that I feare not to call Vespasian and Titus Emperors in those wars to witnesse for them. I first gaue a copie of that booke to them, afterwards to many noble Romans, who also were present in those warres, I solde also many E of them to our owne nation, to such as vnderstood the greeke language, amongst whom were Iulius Archilaus, Herode the honest, and the most worthie king Agrippa, who all doe testifie that my historie containeth nothing but truth. Who would not haue beene silent, if in any thing either for ignorance or flatterie I had chaunged or omitted any particuler? yet notwithstanding all this, some ill disposed persons endeuour to discredit my historie, as though they were disputing pro and contra amongst children in schooles, being sometime on a sodaine too for a feined accusation, and otherwise to feine a slaunderous and sodaine detraction, neuer considering that Ioseph sold his bookes to many. he who promiseth other men a true relation of matters past, must either be priuie vnto them by his owne knowledge, as hauing beene present in the affaires, or else haue that which he speaketh from other mens mouthes by report of them who know them both, which I haue done. For I F gathered my other bookes of Antiquitie out of holy Scripture, being my selfe a Priest, and skilfull in our law, and the historie of our wars I haue written my selfe being an agent in many matters Some do derogate from Iosephs historie. therein contained, and an eye witnesse of the rest; so that nothing was said or done whereof I had not notice. How then can any man excuse them from impudencie and malice, who labour against me to proue my relation false? They perhaps alledge that they haue read the commentarie [Page 768] containing the Emperours acts, yet for all this they were not present in any action, repugnant G to that, which my history recounteth.
Thus haue I (as I thought it necessarie) made a digression to shew how they are able to performe their word, who discrediting my historie, promise to set downe truth in writing. I haue also sufficiently (as I thinke) demonstrated, that the registring of things is more ancient amongst other nations, then amongst the Greekes. I will now first of all dispute against those, who with all might and maine labour to proue our nation of no antiquitie, for that (as they say) no Greeke Two things which Ioseph entendeth. writer maketh any mention of it. This done, I will bring forth proofe and testimone of the antiquitie hereof out of other writers, and so I will shew that their tongues are no slaunder, who seeke to discredit our nation. First therefore our nation, neither inhabiteth a countrey bordering vpon the sea, neither are wee delighted in marchandise, nor for this cause wearied with pilgrimages from place to place. But our cities are scituate farre from the sea in a most fertile H soile, which we till with all industrie, and our whole indeuours are how to get foode for our The Iewes careto bring vp their [...]heildrē. The ancient Iewes had no need to trafficke with the Graecians. children, and to keepe our countrey [...]awes, and how to leaue vnto our posteritie the knowledge of pietie, which worke we thinke all our age ought to be imployed in. Beside all this before mentioned, we ha [...]e a forme of liuing, different from all other nations, all which concurring together, we had no need to trafficke with the Greekes as the Aegyptians, and the Phaenitians do, who giue themselues to bargaining and marchandize onely for coueteousnes of money. Neither were our auncestors delighted in thefts and robberies, nor did our fathers make warre vpon any nation for desire of larger possessions, notwithstanding our countrey was furnished with many thousands of strong warlike men. Wherefore the Phaenicians sayling vnto the Greekes to trafficke I with them, they were thus made knowne vnto them, and by them the Aegyptians, and all other nations; who sailing vpon the seas, brought marchandize into Greece. The Medes also and Persians were knowne vnto them after such time as they openly raigned ouer Asia, and the Persians warred euen vnto the other opposite continent. Moreouer the Greeks knew the Thracians, because they were their neighbours, and the Scythians by sayling to Pontus, and finally all that were disposed to write, knew al the nations bordering either vpon the Easterne & Westerne seas, but such as dwelt farre from the sea & sea coast, were long time vnknowne, as also appeareth in The Romans were lately knowne to the Greekes. Certaine Historiographers report Spaine to be onely one citie. Europe: for neither Thucidides nor Herodotus, nor any other of that time, maketh any mention of Rome, notwithstanding that so long since it was so mightie, and made so great wars; yet at last with much adoe the Greeks heard of it. Yea their most curious writers, and namely Ephorus, were K so ignorant of the Frenchmen & Spaniards, that they thought the Spaniards to be a people only denominated of one citie, wherein they inhabited, whereas the whole world now knoweth them to inhabite a vaste countrey, and a great part of the westerne world. Likewise the said Greeke writers relate the manner of the foresaid people to be such, as neither are, nor were euer vsed amongst them. And the onely cause why they were ignorant of the truth, was the distance of the place, and these writers would seeme to tel something which others of former times had not spoken of. No maruaile therefore though our nation was vnknowen, and none of them in their writings made any mention of vs being both so farre from the sea, and liuing after a different manner.
Put case therefore that I denied the Greeks to be of any antiquitie, and to proue my assertion L should conclude their nation to be moderne, for that our histories made no mention of them, would they not laugh at this reason, and vse the testimonie of their neighbour nations to proue their antiquitie? I therefore wil do the like, and vse the testimony of the Aegyptians & Phaenicians, Arguments to proue the Iewes of more antiquitie, then the Greeks. whose records the Greeks cannot denie. For all Aegyptians in generall are our enemies, and amongst the Phaenicians they especially of Tyre; Which I cannot iustly say of the Chaldeis, who haue been princes ouer our nation, and because of their affinitie and alliance with our countrimen haue in their Chronicles made mention of the Iewes. Yet when I haue prooued what I now auerre, and refelled the slanderous reports against vs, I will then also shew who amongst the Greeks speake of vs, that so the Greeks may also be depriued of this shift, and refuge, to excuse their malicious lies falsely forged against our nation. And first of all I will begin with the writings M Manethon an Egyptian writer. of the Aegyptians, who as they well know, doe nothing at all fauour vs. Wherefore Manethon an Aegyptian borne, skilfull in the Greeke tongue, as by his works appeare (for he writ in Greeke) compiling a historie of the customes and religion of his forefathers, collected (as himselfe reporteth) out of the Aegyptians holy writings, often reprehendeth Herodotus, who being indeed ignorant, did much helpe the Aegyptians. This Manethon in his second booke of the [Page 769] Aegyptian customes saith thus (I will set downe his owne words, because I vse them for a witnesse.) A We had a King (quoth hee) named Timaus, in whose reigne God being angrie with vs, contrarie to all expectation, an obscure people taking courage, came from the East, and pitching their Tents in our countrie conquered it by force, no man resisting them, & committing our princes to bonds, did finally burne our cities, and destroy the temples of our Gods, & behaued themselues most cruelly against all the Inhabitants, killing many of them, and making slaues of the rest with their wiues and children: finally they chose a King amongst themselues, who should bee then of our Countrie, his name was Saltis, who comming to Memphis, made both the higher and lower Prouince tributaries, leauing garrisons in strong holds, and fortifying those places in Saltis subdued the Egyptians. the East: Likewise foreseeing that the Assyrians were more mightie then he, and would inuade his Countrie, he found out in this Prouince a Citie called Saite fit for his purpose, being situate on B the East side of the riuer Bubastis, which by an auncient diuine was called Auaris, he builded vp this Citie and compassed it with most huge wals, and placed in it two hundred thousand armed men to keepe it. This Saltis came in Haruest time; to the intent that hee might both pay his souldiers, and bee a terror vnto other people, and after hee had raigned nineteene yeeres hee died.
After him succeeded another King called Baeon, who reigned foure and fortie yeeres, next to him Aphinas, who reigned thirtie sixe yeere and seuen monethes, then Aphocis, who reigned threescore and one yeeres, and then Iandas who reigned fiftie yeeres and one moneth, after them all reigned Assis, nine and fortie yeeres and two moneths, and these sixe were the first Kings amongst them, euer destroying and warring vpon the Aegyptians, and labouring to extinguish their race. This nation was called Hiscos, which signifieth Kings shepheards, for Hic in the sacred Kings shepheards. C tongue, signifieth a King, and Sos a shepheard or shepheards, according to the common speech, and Hicsos is a compound word. Some say these people were Arabians, but in other coppies I find that Hicsos, is not interpreted kings shepheards, but shepheards that were captiues, for Hic and Hac, also when it is pronounced, doth in the Egyptian tongue signifie a captiue, and this latter exposition seemeth to me to bee the truest, for it is more agreeable with the historie. Wherefore Manathon reporteth these foresaide kinges and sheapheards to haue ruled Egypt fiue hundreth and eleuen yeares, and after these the king of Thebes, and the king of the residue of Egypt, vniting their forces togither, inuaded the sayde sheapheards, and held on great and long wars against them, and that the sayde sheapheards were ouercome by the king Alisfragumthosis, D also that then they lost all Egypt which hee had in their power, and that they were shut vp in a place called Auaris conteining ten thousand acres of ground, which as Manathon reporteth these shepheards enuironed round about with a huge wall, to the end that all their whole prouision might be fortified, and all their prayses which they got, defended. Moreouer that Themosis sonne of the saide Alisfragumthosis endeuored by force to subdue them, and for this cause besieged them with foure hundreth and foure score thousand armed men, and at last despairing to take them by siege, he couenanted with them that they should safly depart out of Egypt whether they would, and that they vpon these conditions togither with all their families and goods and cattle departed out of Egypt into the wildernes, & so into Syria, being in number two hundreth & fortie thousand, & that fearing the puissaunce of the Assirians who at that time raigned in Asia, they E builded a citie in the countrie now called Iudea, which they made so large as that it might receiue them all, and this citie they called Ierusalem. Further the saide Manathon in an other booke of the Egyptians affaires sayth, that in the holy writings he sendeth the foresaide shepheards called captiues, wherein he saith most true. For our auncesters were wont to feede cattle, & so leading a pastorall life, were called shepheards, neither are they vniustly called captiues for our forefather Ioseph tould the king of Egypt that he was a captiue, and long time after hee called his brethren into Egypt by the kinges commaund; but wee will hereafter examine this point more straightly, I will now cite the testimonie of the Egyptians concerning this point, and also relate the words of Manethon touching the time when this befell, who sayeth as followeth.
After that the nation of shepheards were departed out of Egypt vnto Ierusalem, king Themosis F who droue them out of the land, raigned twentie fiue yeares and foure moneths, and then dyed: and his sonne Chebron succeeded him who raigned thirteene yeares, and after him Amenophis twentie yeares and seuen moneths, next, his sister Amesses one and twentie yeares and nine moneths, then raigned Mephios twelue yeares and nine moneths, & Mephamuthosis twentie fiue yeares and ten moneths, Thimosis nine yeares and eight moneths, Amenophis thirtie yeares and [Page 770] ten moneths, Orus thirtie sixe yeeres and fiue moneths, after him his daughter Achencheres, G twelue yeeres and one moneth, and the brother of Rathotis nine yeeres, Achencheres twelue yeeres and fiue moneths, an other Achencheres twelue yeeres and three moneths, Armais foure yeeres and one moneth, Armesis one yeere and foure moneths, Armesesmiamus threescore and sixe yeeres and two moneths, Amenophis nineteene yeeres and sixe moneths. Moreouer that Sethosis hauing made readie a huge armie both of foote and horse, and also a Nauie at Sea, left Sethosis king of Egypt, made his brother Ar mais Gouernour of his Countrie. the gouernment of Aegypt vnto his brother Armais, and permitted vnto him all other kingly authoritie, onely forbidding him to weare a Diademe, and to oppresse the Queene, mother to his children, commaunding him also to abstaine from the rest of the Kings concubines. And Sethosis himselfe went to Cyprus and Phaenicia, against the Assirians and Medes, and subdued them all, partly by the sword, partly by feare of his power and greatnesse, and being proud of all H this his fortunate successe, he bent himselfe against the Easterne Countrie, and destroyed with fire and sword the Cities of that place, with whole Prouinces, and spending much time in these warres, his brother Armais whome hee left in Egypt, did without feare commit all that hee forbad him to doe, for hee oppressed the Queene violently, and dayly lay with the rest of the Kings concubines, and being thereto councelled by his friends, hee put a Crowne vpon his head and rebelled against his brother. Also that he who was then [...]hiefe of the Egyptians holy customes, sent letters vnto Sethosis containing all that had happened, and how Armais had rebelled against Where upon Egypt tooke his name. him, who returning to Pelusia, came and enioyed againe his owne kingdome which by his name was called Egypt: for Manethon writeth that this Sethosis was named Egyptus, and his brother Armais Danaus. I
Thus farre Manethon, out of whome it is euident by computation of the foresaid times, that our nation was deliuered out of Egypt, three hundred nintie and three yeeres before Danaus, and inhabited this Countrie of Iudaea so long, before Danaus came vnto Argos: notwithstanding, the Inhabitants of Argos boast that their Citie is most auncient. Wherefore Manethon recounteth two things for vs out of the Egyptian letters, first that we came from another place to them, Manethon sheweth the Iewes comming into Egypt and their departure. afterwards went out of their Countrie againe, and that so long agoe, as it was almost a thousand yeeres before the Troyan warres. Touching those things which Manethon professeth himselfe, not to haue gathered out of the writings of the Egyptians, who did write out of certaine tales and reports, I will hereafter shew, how they are alleadged without any reason for them. For I will once againe leaue these, and go to the testimonie of the Phaenicians, which they writ concerning K our nation. The Tyrians therefore haue Chronicles of verie great antiquitie, which they haue kept with all diligence, concerning that which hath beene done amongst them, and indeed Salomon built a [...]emple in [...] 143. yeeres and eight months, before the Tyrians builded Carthage. they are worthie of memorie. Amongst these Recordes it is written, that king Salomon built a Temple at Ierusalem, a hundred fortie three yeeres and eight months, before the Tyrians erected Carthage. So they haue registred the building of our Temple, for Hiramus king of the Tyrians, was our kings Salomons friend, obliged vnto him for his fathers sake, who for this cause also of his owne liberalitie, gaue Salomon a hundred and twentie talents of gold towardes the building of the Temple, and cut downe the most goodly wood called Libanus, which hee bestowed vpon him, to make the roofe of the Temple withall: for which bountie, Salomon gaue him againe manie liberall gifts, and among the rest a Countrie of Galilee named Zabulon: but Salomons wisedome L was the chiefe cause of this Kings friendship towards him. For they sent problemes one to The friendship of the Tyrian king, and o [...] king Salomon. Problemes of Hiramus and Salomon. the other to bee answered, and Salomon in his answeres appeared most wittie, as also hee did in many things else; and euen vntill this day, many of their Epistles sent one vnto another, are kept amongst the Tyrians. And that I doe not feare the authoritie amongst the Tyrians, I will proue by the testimonie of Dius, a man who by common consent hath faithfully written the Phaenician Historie, wherein he writeth as followeth.
After the death of Abibalus, Hiramus his sonne reigned in his steade, who increased the number of his Easterne Cities, and inlarged Ierusalem, hee also ioyned the Temple of Iupiter Olimpius, situate in an Iland vnto it, filling vp the water with earth, and adorned it with golden gifts. After this ascending into Libanus, he cut downe the wood to build Temples, and that the M king of Ierusalem named Salomon, sent vnto him certaine riddles to be expounded, and he againe the like vnto him, couenanting together, that he who could not tel the meaning of one an others riddles, should pay vnto the other a some of money, and that Hiramus confessing he could not expound Salomons riddles, did pay vnto him much money: Lastly that one Abdemonus a Tyrian did expound the said riddles, and writ more vnto Salomon, which if Salomon could not interpret hee [Page 771] should pay vnto Hircanus a sum of mony, & this testimonie Dius beareth vs concerning the foresaid A The testimony of Menander the Ephesian. matter. But I will now recount the words of Menander an Ephesian, who hath registred the acts of al kings both at home and abroad, endeuouring to make a true historie out of the writings of enerie country. This man writing of the Tyrian kings, and comming to Hiramus he saith thus of him. Abibalus dying, there succeeded in the kingdome his son Hiramus, who liued 34. yeers: The Genealogie of king Hiramus. this king with a rampier conioyned Eurichorus, and erected there a pillar of gold in Iupiters temple, and went into the woods, and cut downe the Cedars of Libanus to make couerings for the temples, of which, pulling downe the olde, he erected new and dedicated the temple of Hercules and Astartus, but that to Hercules in the moneth of Peritius, and then the other to Astartus, when he w [...]an army went against the Tyrians, who did not pay him tribute, whom when he had subdued, he returned againe. B
At this time also liued Abdemonus a seruant vnto the king, who was wont to expound the parables, which king Salomon of Ierusalem sent vnto king Hiramus: now how long it was from this kings time till the building of Carthage, we may thus calculate. After the death of Hiramus, his sonne Beleastartus succeeded him, who liued fortie and three yeeres, and raigned [...]en: after him his sonne Abdastartus, who liued twentie yeeres, and raigned nine; but this king was treacherously slaine by the foure sonnes of his nurse, the eldest of whom raigned twelue yeeres. Next whom Astartus the sonne of Beleastartus, who liued fortie and foure yeeres, and raigned twelue: after him ruled his brother Astarimus, who liued fiftie and foure yeeres, and sate in the kingdome nine, then he was slaine of his brother Phelletes, who raigned eight moneths, and liued fiftie yeeres, and was slaine by a priest of Astarta named Ithobalus, who liued three score C and eight, and raigned thirtie two yeeres, him succeeded his sonne Badezorus, who liued fortie fiue yeeres, and raigned six yeeres, to him succeeded his sonne Mettinus who liued thirtie two yeeres, and raigned nine. After him Pigmalion who liued fiftie sixe yeeres, and raigned fortie; in the seuenth yeere of whose raigne, his sister Dido builded a Citie in Africa, and named Carthage built in Affricke by Dido Pigmalions sister. it Carthage: so that from the time of king Hiramus vnto the building of Carthage, is by this computation a hundreth fiftie fiue yeeres, and two moneths: and for as much as the temple of Ierusalem was built in the twelfth yeere of Hiramus his raigne, the computation of the time since that yeere vntill the building of Carthage is 143. yeeres, and 8. moneths. What need we alleadge more, seeing this testimonie of the Phoenicians? The truth is now sufficiently made manifest, for our auncestors must needs haue come into this countrey we inhabite, before D such time as they built a temple in it, as I haue also made manifest in my bookes of Antiquitie, collected out of our holy Scripture.
I will now speake of that which the Chaldeis writ of vs in their histories which do much agree in all other matters with those of our nation. And first let Berosus be my witnesse, who was a Berosus the Historiographer a Chaldean. Chaldean borne, yet a man famous and knowne vnto all that loue learning, for he in the Grecian tongue did write Astronomie, and the Chaldeis Philosophie. Berosus imitating the most auncient histories writeth of the diluge, and how mankinde was therein extinguished, and he in all things imitateth Moses. He also speaketh of the Arke wherein our forefather was preserued, and affirmeth that it was carried vnto the tops of the mountaines in Armenia: after this he prosecuteth the Genealogie of all that raigned from Noe, vntil Nabulassarus king of the Babylonians Nabulassarus father to Nabuchodonosor the king of Babylon and Chaldea. Nabuchodonosor conquered the rebels. E and Chaldeans. He likewise setteth down how long euerie one raigned, and in prosecuting the deeds of this king he recounteth how he sent his sonne Nabuchodonosor into Aegypt, and to our countrey with great power, who finding them rebels, subdued them and burnt the temple at Ierusalem, and so departed, carrying with him all our nation into Babylon: whereupon our Citie was desolate seuentie yeeres vntill the raigne of Cyrus king of the Persians. Moreouer, he affirmeth that the Babylonian kept Aegypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia, exacting more of his subiects then euer any king of Babylon or Chaldea had done before his time. And the words of Berosus must needs be to this effect: Nabulassarus his father hearing that his substitute in Aegypt, Caelesyria, and Phoenicia had rebelled, he himselfe not being able to take such paines, committed these affaires vnto his sonne Nabuchodonosor, and gaue vnto him a part of his army, for that F he was in the [...]ower of his age, and sent him against him: and Nabuchodonosor fighting with the said Champion, ouerthrew him, and subdued the countrey which of olde belonged vnto them, and at the same time his father Nabulassarus fell sick in Babylon, and died, hauing raigned twentie Nabuchodonosor succeedeth in his fathers kingdome. nine yeeres. But Nabuchodonosor long after vnderstanding his fathers death, he disposed of Aegypt and other prouinces as he thought good, and taking the captiues of Iudaea, Phoenicia, and [Page 772] the Syrians that liued in Aegypt, he committed them to certaine of his friends, to be brouglit G with other carriage and his army to Babylon, and so he himselfe accompanied with a verie few to his iourney to Babylon through the desart, and finding that the Chaldeis ruled all, and that their nobilitie reserued the kingdome for him, he was made king, and commanded houses to be built for the captiues that were comming, in the most conuenient places of Babylon, and he of the spoile beautified the temple of Belus and other places most richly, and built a new citie without the wall of the olde, and prouiding least hereafter the enemies might tume the riuer and so haue accesse vnto the Citie, he inuironed the inner Citie with three seuerall wals, and the outmost Citie likewise. The wals whereof were made of brick, but the wals of the inner Citie were of bricke and bytumen: this done, he builded most sumptuous gates which might haue become Nabuchodonosor builded a pallace. temples: and moreouer neere vnto his fathers pallace he builded another farre greater, and more H costly then it was, the pompe wherof it were hard and perhaps tedious to expresse. Yet this we will rehearse worth the nothing, that this so ambitious and aboue all credit gorgeous pallace was builded in fifteene daies, in it he erected rocks of stone like mountaines, beset with all sorts of trees; he also made a famous garden, all supported with pillars, for that his wife being brought vppe in the countrey of the Medes, desired to haue a prospect into the fieldes and mountaines.
This he relateth of the forementioned king, and many things more in his booke of the affaires of the Chaldeis, wherein he reprooueth the Greeke writers, who falsely affirme that Semiramis the Assyrian Queene built Babylon, and that they falsely report those wonderfull works Semiramis did not build Babylon. about Babylon, to haue been by her made and finished. We must needs thinke that the Chaldean I historie is true, seeing it agreeth with that of the Phoenicians, which Berosus writ of the king of Babylon, who subuerted both Phoenicia and al Syria, with them also accordeth Philostratus in his historie in the siege of Tyria, and Magasthenes also in his fourth booke of the affaires of India, The king of Babylon excelled Hercules in strength and noble valorous deeds. where he laboureth to proue, that the said king excelled Hercules in strength and valour, affirming that he subdued the greatest part of Affrique, and Spaine, and that the temple of Ierusalem was burnt by the Babylonians, and againe reedified by Cyrus; we will prooue it out of Berosus, who in his third booke saith as followeth. Nabuchodonosor hauing begun the third wall, fell sicke and died, when he had raigned fortie three yeeres, and his sonne Euelmaradochus succeeded him; who for his iniquitie and lustfull liuing, was treacherously slaine by his sisters husband named Niriglissoroor, after he had raigned two yeeres. He being dead, the traitor Niriglissoroor vsurped K the kingdome, and raigned foure yeeres, whose sonne then a childe was made king, called by name Laborosardochus, and he raigned nine moneths, who for that he seemed to be of verie corrupt manners, was slaine by his owne friends: after whose death they who slew him consulting The wals of Babylon built of bricke and bytumen. togither, did make one Nabonidus a Babylonian, king. At this time the wals of bricke and bytumen about the riuer of Babylon were built. In the eight yeere of this kings raigne, Cyrus comming with an army out of Persia, conquered all Asia, and came with his forces against Babylon, but the king of Babylon hauing notice of his comming, leuied an army meeting him in the way, and ioined battell with him, but being ouercome in the fight, he accompanied with a verie few of his men, was forced to flie into Borsippa. Cyrus now besieged Babylon, and purposed to destroy the outward wals thereof, by reason that it was too strong and too hard to win, and so he L Cyrus expelled Nabod [...]us from Babylon. returned to Borsippa to besiege Nabonidus the king of Babylon who was fled thither. But Nabonidus not abiding the euent of war, yeelded himselfe vnto Cyrus, who dealt mercifully with him and gaue him a territorie in Carmania, but expelled him out of Babylon, so Nabonidus led the rest of his life in that prouince. This historie agreeth with ours, for in our writings we finde that Nabuchodonosor in the eighteenth yeere of his raigne did destroy our temple, and that it so remained threescore and ten yeeres: Also that in the second yeere of king Cyrus, the soundations thereof were laide againe, and that it was finished and reedified in the second yeere of king Darius his raigne. This done, I will also relate the histories of the Phoenicians, that we may abound The testimony of the Phoenicians touching the Iewes Antiquitie. with proofe of that we say, for they make a computation of the yeeres after this manner. In the raigne of king Ithobalus, Nabuchodonosor besieged Tyre thirteene yeeres, after whom Baal raigned M ten yeeres, next him iudges were appointed, to wit, them that follow, E [...]nibalus the sonne of Balachus iudged two moneths, Chelbis the sonne of Abdaeus ten moneths, Abbarus the high priest three moneths, Myttonus and Gerastus sonnes of Abdilimos iudged six yeeres, after whom Balatorus raigned one yeere, and after his death the Tyrians called Merbalus from Babylon, and made him king, and he raigned foure yeeres, and he then dying, they sent also to Babylon for his brother [Page 773] Iromus, who raigned twentie yeeres, in whose raigne Cyrus obtained the Persian Empire, so Nabuchodonozor besieged Tyre. A that this whole time is fiftie foure yeeres & three moneths, for Nabuchodonozor began to besiege Tyre in the seuenth yeere of his raigne, and in the fourteenth yeere of king Iromus his raigne Cyrus was made Emperour of Persia.
Wherefore both the Chaldeis and Tyrian Historiographers agree with vs concerning our The Chaldaeis and Tyrians agree with the Iewes historie. temple. So that the antiquitie of our nation aboue mentioned is now made manifest, and without all controuersie. And that which is alreadie alleaged to this end, may be sufficient for them, who are not vpon purpose contradictions. It is therefore requisite (to satisfie them who giue no credit to the writings of other nations, and contend that the Grecian histories onely are to be beleeued) to bring many testimonies from the Greeks themselues, who haue as opportunitie serued, made mention of our nation and knowne it. Pythonis a Samian borne both of great antiquitie B and excelling all other Philosophers in holinesse towards the Gods, is not onely conuinced to haue knowne the customes of our nation, but he did also as it plainely appeareth imitate them in many things. His writings are in no place extant, but diuers haue recorded many Hermippus writings and testimony of Pythagoras. notable things of him, and especially Hermippus a man most diligent in searching of histories. This Hermippus recounteth in his first booke of Pythagoras, that the said Philosopher (hauing one of his familiar friends named Calliphon dead, who was a Crotonian borne) reported this mans soule to be perpetually with him, and that the said soule commaunded him not to passe the place where his asse fell, and that hee should abstaine from vncleane water, and that he should with all diligence eschue blasphemie, and then it followeth, this he did and said, imitating the opinions of the Iewes and Grecians, and applying them to himselfe. For it is certainly reported, that this man gathered much of his philosophie out of the Iewes lawes. Our nation in C times past was well▪ knowne to diuers cities, so that many of them do now obserue our customes, and others esteeme them worth the imitation, as Theophrastus doth witnesse in his booke entituled de legibus: for he saith that the Tyrian lawes forbid to sweare by any straunge sacrament, and Theophrastus▪ Corban the gift of God. Herodotus the Halicarnassian touching the Iewes circumcision. amongst these straunge and forraine sacraments, he reckoneth the oath called Corban, which oathe is vsed onely amongst the Iewes, and in our language signifieth the gift of God. Herodotus of Halicarnassa knew our nation also, and in a manner maketh mention of it, for speaking of the Colchains; he saith thus in his second booke. The Colchians, Aegyptians, and Aethiopians onely amongst all other nations did vse circumcision in the beginning, for the Phaenicians and Syrians liuing in Palestina do confesse themselues to haue learned this custome from the Aegyptians, D and the Syrians liuing neere vnto Thermodoontes, and the riuer Parthenius and their neighbours the Macronians, are reported lately to haue learned it of the Colchians, and these are they onely, that vse circumcision, and they doe like vnto the Aegyptians, but I am not able to say, whether the Aegyptians or Aethiopians learned it of the other. Herodotus therefore affirmeth the Syrians in Palestina to vse circumcision, and it is manifest that of all that inhabite Chaerilus an ancient Poet his testimonie of the Iewes. Palaestina, the Iewes onely vse it, which he knowing writeth so of them. Chaerilus also an auncient Poet maketh mention of our nation, and affirmeth that our countrimen warred vnder Xerxes against the Greeks, and numbring them of the countries that followed him, he lastly spake thus of our nation.
It is euident as I thinke that he speaketh of the Iewes, for the mountains of Solimus are in our countrey, and that lake also called Asphaltites, which is the greatest and vastest of all lakes that are in Syria, and thus Chaerilus maketh inention of vs. And that the Iewes were not knowne Asphaltites the lake. only to the Greeks, but also admired of them, it is easie to proue not out of the obscurest writers▪ but by the testimonie of their wisest Philosophers: For Clearchus disciple vnto Aristotle, and the F best amongst all the Peripateti [...]kes in his first booke de somno, saith that his master Aristotle spake thus of a certaine▪ [...]ew, and reporting Aristotles words he saith thus: It were too tedious The testimony of Clearchus disciple of Aristotle touching the Iewes to recount all things else which he alleageth, but I will set downe that onely that may cause the man to be admired. Hyperochides▪ answered that they all were verie desirous to heare it, then quoth Clearchus according to Aristotles precepts in his Rhethoricke I will first recount of what [Page 774] nation the man was least I seeme to oppose my selfe to him set downe the foresaid precept, doe G so quoth Hyperochides if so you please, then he said, this man before mentioned was by nation a Iew (borne in Coelesyria) one of the sect of the Indian Philosophers, & they are called (as I heere reported) amongst the Indians Calani and amongst the Syrians, Iewes, taking their name from the place where they inhabite, called Iurie; the name of their citie is hard to pronounce, for they call it Ierusalem. This man entertained many straungers, and he came from out of the higher countrey downe vnto the sea coast, and he was verie cloquent and of great courage. We at that time liued in Asia: when this diuine man came vnto the place where we were, and began to conferre with vs, and with other Philosophers, making triall of their knowledge, and for that many learned men were assembled about him, he at last for this cause more willingly imparted some of his knowledge vnto them. Thus farre Aristotle in Clearchus: recounting moreouer at H large the admirable abstinence of the foresaid Iew from meat, and his chastity, all which they that are desirous to know may read in Clearchus, for I am loath to write any thing superfluous: So now it is euident how Clearchus by the way of a digression speaking of an other matter maketh mention of vs. But Haecateus Abderita a Philosopher, and one brought vp with king Alexander, and dwelling with Ptolomaeus of Lagus, did not onely briefly make mention of vs, but also writ a whole booke of our nation the Iewes, out of the which I will briefly note some few points that occurre, but first I wil shew of what antiquity he is. For he recordeth the time whē Ptolomaeus Hecataeus Abderita brought vp with king Alexander. neere vnto Gaza faught with Demetrius, which hapned the eleuenth yeere after Alexanders death in the hundreth and seuenteenth Olympiade, as Castor writeth, who speaking of this Olympiade saith: that in this time Ptolemaeus Lagus ouercame Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus I at Gaza in fight: which Demetrius was called Polior [...]etes, and all men confesse that Alexander died in the hundreth and fourteenth Olympiade, so that it is euident that at that time wherein Alexander liued, our nation flourished. And Hecataeus saith that after that battaile fought at Gaza, Ptolomaeus was made Lord of the places bordering about Syria, and that many men hearing of the clemencie of Ptolomaeus, followed him into Aegypt, and conuersed with him, amongst the which one was called Ezechias the Iewes high priest, a man about threescore and A thousand & fiue hundreth priests receiue the Iewes tenths. sixe yeeres olde, and of cheifest notice and dignitie of all his nation, and most prudent and [...]loquēt, one also who in all affaires had more experience then any man else, he likewise reporteth that the number of the Iewes priests who receiue their tenths, & rule al in general is a thousand & fiue hundred or there about, and againe making mention of the same Ezechias, he saith, this man K being in this reputation and honour, and conuersing with vs by the helpe of some about him, declared all things wherein we and his nation differ, and shewed vnto vs the place of his dwelling, and the maner of his conuersation, which he had in vvriting.
After this Hecataeus sheweth what maner of people we are, & how religious in our lawes, & how that we rather will sustaine all torments and death it selfe then violate them in any thing, and that we account it a worthy thing so to do: adding moreouer that being much hated of our neighbors and hauing suffered all contumelies both at the hands of the Persian kings, and their officers, yet that we could not be forced to chaunge our opinions, but that we are continually exercised to to giue a reason thereof. He also recordeth an example of our constant minds, for Alexander (quoth he) being at Babylon, and purposing to reedifie the temple of Bell, he commaunded L The Iewes constancy against Alexander. The largnes of Iurie. all his souldiers to carie timber to the building hereof, and the Iewes onely disobeyed his commaund, for the which they endured many stripes and torments, till such time as the king freed them from it: and they (quoth he) returning to their owne countrey, destroyed all the temples and altars that they found there, and some of them were by the officers therefore punished, other escaped free, adding that we may iustly be admired for these things, and that our nation is exceeding populous, likewise that many of vs were caried captiues into Babylon, and there serued the Perfians. Moreouer that many more were dispersed into Aegypt after Alexanders death, Fiftie stounds are almost sixe Germaine miles. for a tumult begun in Syria: He also recordeth the greatnesse of our countrey, and the fertilitie thereof; they inhabite (quoth he) a countrey that hath almost thirtie hundreth thousand acres of most fertile ground; for Iurie is of this largenesse, & that in time past we inhabited a large and very M great citie, which was verie populous; he speaketh also of the building of our temple in this manner. The Iewes haue many other townes and villages in euerie prouince, but they haue one most strong citie, the compasse of whose wals is fiftie stounds, and in it inhabite a hundred and fiftie thousand men, and this citie they called Ierusalem, in the midst of it is a building of stone with foure porches a hundreth cubits about, it hath also double gates wherein is a foure squared [Page 775] Altar made of vnhewen stones ioyned together, and it is twentie cubites square euerie way, and A ten cubites high, and about it is a most huge building, where in is an Altar and a Candlesticke both of gold, weighing two talents, and there is kept a continuall light night and day, which neuer goeth forth: therein is no Image nor gift, notrees nor wood growing there, nor any thing of The Priests do dwell in the Temple and drink no wine. this sort. Therein inhabite Priests both night and day, celebrating certaine purifications, and they drinke no wine in the Temple.
Moreouer, he shewed how our nation warred vnder Alexanders successors, and he reporteth that which he heard of a certaine Iew in the armie, and I will set downe the Authors owne words. As I went (quoth he) to the red Sea, a certaine Iewe one of the horsemen that conducted vs, named Mosollamus, who was a couragious man, and one who excelled all archers else both Greeks and other nations; This Iewe (euerie one hasting on forward of his iourney, and being willed by B a southsayer to stand) he asked for what cause the multitude staied and went not forward: presently the Southsayer shewed him a bird which hee diligently viewed, and told the Iewe, that if that bird did stand still in the place, that then it was expedient for them to stand, and if the bird did mount vp and flie, that then they ought to march on forward; but if it flew towards the place from whence they came, that then it was wisedome to retire. The Iewe hereat was silent, yet drawing his bow; hee shot an arrow and killed the bird, whereat the Southsayer and certaine other were offended, and cursed him. But he taking the vnhappie bird in his hand, said vnto them:‘Are yee so mad, as to thinke that this bird not hauing the foresight to preserue her selfe from this death, is able to direct vs in the successe of our iourney? Had this bird foreknowne future euents, shee would haue eschewed this place for dread, that Mosollamus a Iewe should haue strucken her with C an arrow.’ But wee will now leaue the testimonie of Hecataeus, for euerie one that list may reade his booke, and there vnderstand this more at large. I will not omit the testimonie of Agatarchides, Agatarchides his testimonie of the Iewes. a man of no euill in his owne opinion, yet indeed one who hath vsed detraction to our owne nation. This man speaking of Stratonice, how leauing her husband Demetrius, shee came into Syria, and how Seleucus would not marrie her as shee hoped, (who hauing an armie at Babylon warred against Antioch, and had taken the Citie) and that shee fled into Seleucia, where as she might haue made a more speedie escape by water, but that shee was forwarned in a sleepe so to do, & that she was there taken and died, &c. Agatarchides hauing vsed this Preface, and inueighed against Stratonices superstition, he vseth an example of our nation in this manner. The people The Iewes Sabaoth. that are called Iewes inhabite a most strong Citie, which they call Ierusalem, these people are D wont to rest vpon the seuenth day, and doe neither beare armes nor till their grounds, nor doe anie other businesse vpon that day, but their custome is to remaine in their Temple, and there, with stretched out armes continue in praier till night. And so vpon a time they perseuering in that foolerie, whilest they should haue defended their Citie, Ptolomaeus Lagus entered it with many people and a great armie: who greatly tyrannized ouer them, and so they found by experience that the solemnitie appointed by their law was preiudiciall vnto them: such like Churches as this, did teach them and all nations else to flie vnto dreames, which their law teacheth, neuer considering that humane pollicie cannot preuaile against that which must necessarily happen. Agatarchides thought this which he reporteth of vs to be ridiculous, but they who weigh it with indifferencie shall perceiue, that it is great commendation to our nation, who rather suffer their Countrie E and our saftie to be lost and endamaged, then to violate the lawes of God.
I thinke I am thus able to shew, that many writers omitted to make mention of our nation, not for that they knew vs not, but for enuie. For Ierome who writ a booke of succession, in the Why certaine writers omit to speake of the Iewes. same time that Hecataeus liued, who was a friend vnto King Antigonus, and being president of Syria, neuer mentioneth vs in all his Historie; notwithstanding he was brought vp almost in our Countrie. But Haecataeus writ a booke of vs; so different are the minds of men, for one of them thought our nation worthie to bee diligently recorded; the other through malice was hindred from speaking the truth: yet the Histories of the Chaldies, Aegyptians, and Phaenicians, may suffice to proue our antiquitie, together with the Greeke writers; for besides those before mentioned, Theophrastus also, Theodotus, Manaseas, Ariphanes, Hermogenes, Euemeus, Conon, Zopyrion, F and many others, no doubt (for I haue not perused all mens bookes) haue manifestly restified of vs. For many of the foresaid men were blinded with errors; as not hauing gread our holy Scriptures, yet they all ioyntly testifie our antiquitie, for which I now alleadge them. Truely Demetrius Phalereus, Philon the elder, and Eupolemus did not much erre from the truth, and therefore reason it is that they should be borne with al [...] for they were not so skilful as to search our writings [Page 776] with so much curiositie. Being come thus farre it resteth, that I now present one point more, G wherof I made mention in the beginning of this booke: to wit, that I declare the detractions and The last part, against certain detractions & [...]aunders. slaunderous reports of diuers, concerning our nation, to be false and voide of truth, and I will vse the testimonie of those writers, who record, that the lying Historiographers at such time as they committed to writing the foresaid detractions, did also euen against themselues register such like slaunders, as they did against vs. And I doubt not, but that all those who are conuersant in Histories can testifie, that the like hath beene done by most writers for certaine priuate hatred, or such like respects. For some of the Gentiles haue attempted to deface the honour and reputation of the most renowmed Cities, and to defame the manners of their Inhabitants. Thus did Theopompus to Athens, and Polycrates to Lacedaemon; and the Author that writ Tripoliticum (for it was not Theopompus as some suppose) vsed the Citie of Thebes verie hardly, and Timaeus in his Histories of the foresaid places doth many times detract both them and others. And this they doe, H calumniating the most excellent that are, in something or other, some for enuie and malice, others The cause of malice betweene the Egyptians and Iewes. that their fond babling may make them famous, and so indeede it doth amongst fooles, that are knowne to haue no sound iudgement, but wise men will condemne their malice. To bee short, this is the cause of so many slaunderous reports forged against our nation: Some to gratifie the Aegyptians haue attempted to depriue the truth, and so haue neither reported the veritie concerning our auncestors comming into Egypt, nor touching their departure from thence, and they haue had many causes of malice and enuie vrging them hereto. And chiefely for that our progenitors in their countrie waxed mightie, and so departing to their owne Countrie, were made happie and fortunate. Secondly, the diuersitie of our two religions, made great discorde I and variance amongst vs, our religion so farre excelling theirs in pietie, as the diuine essence of The Egyptians Idolatrie. God excelleth vnreasonable creatures, for they commonly worshippe such bruite beastes for gods, and euerie one worshipeth diuers kinds, vaine and foolish men, who from the beginning haue beene accustomed to such sottish opinions, as would not permit them to imitate vs in our diuine religion, and conformable to reason: and yet seeing many fauour and followe our religion, they were hereby incited to such hatred, that to derogate from vs, they feared not to falsifie their owne auncient Recordes, not considering that in so doing, they were led through a blind passion, to wit, against themselues. Moreouer, I will proue all I haue now spoken, to bee true by one mans words, whom a little before (being a famous Historiographer) we haue produced as a witnesse of our antiquitie. K
Manethon therefore, who professeth himselfe to haue gathered the Egyptian Historie out of their holy writings, hauing by way of a Preface, recounted how our predecessors came into Egypt Manethon an Egyption Historiographer. with many thousands, and there conquered the Inhabitants, hee afterwards confesseth that loosing all their possessions in Egypt, they got that Countrie which is now called Iewrie, and in it builded a Citie named Ierusalem, and a Temple; and thus farre hee imitateth auncient writers. And then vsurping to himselfe authoritie to lie, protesting that hee will in [...]ert into his Historie, [...]aine reports diuulged amongst the common people, hee reporteth things of the Iewes all together incredible, intending to mixe with our nation the Lepers of the Egyptians, and other sicke people of other Countries, who (as he saith) being abhominable to the Egyptians, made an Manethons fabulous reports of the Egyptian Lepers. escape frō thence; affirming also that they had a King named Amenophis, which is a fained name, L and therefore he durst not presume to speake determinately of the time of his reigne: whereas hee speaketh exactly of the reigne of all other kings. Hereupon also he addeth certaine fables, forgetting himselfe that he reported the shepheards departure out of Egypt to Ierusalem, to haue beene almost fiue hundred and eighteene yeeres before his time: for king Themusis reigned when they departed out of Egypt, from whome the time that other kings did reigne, vntill the two brethren Seth [...] and Hermeus, accomplisheth the terme of three hundred fourescore and thirteene yeeres. Hee also saith, that the eldest of these two Sethon, was called Egyptus, and the other Herm [...]as was called Danaus, whome his brother Sethon expelled, and afterward reigned fiftie [...]ne yeeres, and after him Rampses his eldest sonne, reigned threescore and sixe yeers. Hauing therfore confessed our auncestors to haue departed out of Egypt so many yeeres be [...]e, now lastly hee M addeth that Amenophis was their king, who was a contemplator of the gods, as Orus their king before him was, and that one Amenophis a Priest the so [...]e of Papius, did in all things most excellently accomplish his desire, which Priest seemed to participate of some [...]ne nature, for he excelled in wisedome, & could foretell things to come, and that he gaue the king his surname, that he might also see the gods, if so be he would [...] to clense the countrey from Lepers, [Page 777] and other vncleane people. Wherat the king reioycing, gathered togither all the impotent people A of his land, amounting to the number of foure score thousand, and sent them and other Aegyptians appointed to this worke, into the East part of Nilus, there to hew and square stones. And that amongst them there were also certaine learned priests infected wich leprosie, also that this diuine priest Amenophis greatly feared, least the indignation of the gods would fall vpon the king and himselfe (who had perswaded and councelled the king to doe violence vnto the foresaid Lepars) likewise that he said, that because he vsed the helpe of vncleane persons, they should obtaine dominion ouer Aegyp [...] for thirteene yeeres; yet durst he not presume to signifie this vnto the king, but he killed himselfe, leauing this written in a booke where men might finde it: and the king hauing notice hereof, fell into great sorrow and heauinesse. This done, he speaketh as followeth. So the king being requested for their quietnesse and defence to assigne them a Citie B to inhabite, he appointed vnto them a desolate place called Auaris, which had been the shepheards Citie (this Citie the auncient diuines call Triphonis) but they hauing gotten the possession of this place fit for rebellion, they made choice of one of the priests of Heliopolis to be their captaine, whose name was Osarsiphus, and bound themselues with an oath to obay him in all Osarsiphus capt [...]ine of Aua [...]is. things, and he presently made a law that they should neither worship the gods of the Aegyptians, nor that they should abstaine from those beasts which the Aegyptians count holy, and that they should marrie with none but such as they iudged to be their friends.
Hauing ordained this and many things els contrarie to the Aegyptians religion, he commanded them wi [...]h great labour to enuiron their Citie with a wall, and to make preparation to warre against king Amenophis, and he himselfe making choice of some priests and a few other vncleane C persons sent to Ierusalem to the shepheards which were driuen out of Aegypt by king Themusis, The warre of the banished against the Aegyptians. declaring vnto them their owne and their fellowes iniuries, and requesting them to leuie an army to fight with them against Aegypt, promising them free entrance into Auaris the countrey, where their forefathers inhabited, and that he would furnish them with all necessaries, telling them that they should now fight in so happy a time, as that without all doubt they might conquer the countrey. The shepheards hereat reioycing, all of them armed themselues to the number of two hundred thousand, and leauing their Citie they came to Auaris. But Amenophis king of Aegypt hearing of their inuasion, and remembring what Amenophis the sonne of the priest Papius had left in writing, was in great feare, and presently assembling togither the people of Aegypt, and consulting with the princes of his countrey, he sent all holy beasts, and all that D the priests esteemed before him, giuing the priests especiall charge to hide their Idols, and he commended his sonne Sethones (who also by his father Rampses was called Ramesses) being but fiue yeeres olde vnto the custodie of a friend of his, and then accompanied with three hundred fighting men he met his enemies, but would not fight with them, fearing least he should fight against the pleasure of the gods; and so he retired himselfe vnto Memphis, and taking Apis and the rest of the Aegyptian gods, hee with all his troupes of Aegyptians tooke shippe, and fled into The Aegyptian king fled into Aethiopia, and was by the Aethiopian king courteously entertained. Aethiopia. For the king of Aethiopia vpon curtesie obeied him, and for this cause he entertained him & his followers, & prouided all necessaries for them, for that fatall thirteen yeers banishment, and this was done in Aethiopia. In the meane time the inhabitants of Ierusalem came downe into the country with the vncleane Aegyptians, and did so tyrannize ouer the inhabitants, E that all their beholders iudged their victorie to be full of crueltie, for not contented to fire the cities and townes, and to commit all manner of sacriledge, and to destroy the Idols of the gods, they did also most cruelly teare in pieces the sacred beasts, and forced the priests and prophets to lay violent hands vpon them, and kill them, after which deed they draue them out of the countrey naked. It is therefore reported, that a Heliopolitan priest Osarsiphus by name, made lawes for them, and statutes to gouerne them. This priest was called Osarsiphus, taking his name from the Osarsiphus was afterwards called Moses. God of Heliopolis called Osiris, who being now thus conuersant with this people, changed his name and called himselfe Moses.
Thus the Aegyptians report of the Iewes and many things els, which for breuitie sake I omit. Manethon furthermore writeth, that afterward Amenophis the king came with a great power out F of Aethiopia, and his son Rampses with him, accōpanied with a great army, and that ioining battell with the shepheards and polluted persons, he gaue them an ouerthrow, and pursued them vnto the borders of Syria. And this is Manethons report: but for as much as he writeth olde wiues Manethons lies are confuted. tales, dotages, and lies, I will by manifest reason conuince him; first distinguishing that whereof I am to speake hereafter. He of his owne accord granteth and confesseth, that our auncestors at [Page 778] first were not Aegyptians, but strangers, that came thither from another place and conquered G the countrey, and againe departed from thence. I will now out of his owne writings endeuour to shew, that the weake people of Aegypt were not mixed with vs, and that Moses who indeed was our conducter out of Aegypt, and liued many ages before, was no Lepar. He therfore first of all setteth downe a ridiculous cause of this forementioned faction, which was, that king Amenophis was desirous to see the gods. Which gods trow yee? he could already see the Oxe, the Goate, the Crocodile and the Munkey, but the God of heauen how could he see? And why had Amenophis this desire? forsooth because a certaine king one of his predecessors had seene them, he therefore knowing by him what things they were, and how he came to the sight of them, needed no new deuice to accomplish his desire: but perhaps the foresaid prophet was a man of great wisedome, by whom the king had confidence to attaine his desire: but if so he had been, how H chanceth it, that he was so vnwise he could not perceiue, that it was an impossible thing to satisfie the kings desire? for that which he promised was not brought to passe. Or what reason mooued him to thinke that the gates were inuisible, because of Lepars and weake people? The gods are offended with mens impieties, not with the defects of their bodies. And how was it possible that at one instant so many thousand Lepars and infirme persons should be gathered togither? or wherein did not the king obay the Prophet? he commaunded that the Lepars and infirme persons should be exiled the countrey, and the king did not banish them the countrey, but sent them to hew stones, as though he had needed workemen, and not purposed to cleanse the countrey from Lepars. Lastly, he saith, that the Prophet foreseeing that Aegypt was to suffer, and fearing the wrath of the gods, he killed himselfe and left his minde in a booke I written vnto the king. How chanced it then that the prophet did not at first foresee his own death, and so opposed himselfe vnto the kings desire to see the gods? or wherefore did he feare such calamities as were not to fall in his life? or what great miserie hanged ouer his head, which might worthily cause him to kill himselfe to preuent it? But let vs heare that which followeth more sottish then all the rest.
The king (quoth he) hearing this, and stroken with feare did not for all this expell those Lepars Manethons words repeated. he ought to haue exiled, but at their request gaue them (as he saith) a Citie wherein before time the shepheards did inhabite called Auaris, whereinto they being come, they made a priest of Heliopolis their prince, who deuised lawes for them, commaunding them neither to adore the gods nor to abstaine from offering violence to such beasts, as amongst the Aegyptians are K sacred, but that they should kill and spoile all things, that they should marrie with none but such as were their confederates, that he bound the people with an oath to keepe those lawes, and that they fortified Auaris to fight against the king. Adding moreouer, that he sent to Ierusalem for helpe, promising to yeeld Auaris vnto them, being a place sometime possessed by their ancestors, and that they from that place leading their forces, might easily subdue all Aegypt, he then saith that the Aegyptian king Amenophis came against them with three hundreth thousand, and yet for that he would not striue againct the decree of the gods, he fled into Aethiopia, and carried with him Apis and other holy beasts, and that the inhabitants of Ierusalem comming downe inuaded the land, fired the townes and Cities, slew their nobles, vsed all sort of crueltie possible, and that the priests name who made lawes and statutes for them to liue vnder, L was one of Heliopolis Osarsiphus by name, deriuing the same from Osiris the god of Heliopolis, and that this man changing his name was afterward called Moses. Moreouer, that Amenophis hauing liued in banishment thirtie yeeres, came with a strong power out of Aethiopia, and fighting with the shepheards and polluted, he slew many of them, and put the rest to flight, pursuing them vnto the borders of Syria. Manethon remembreth not, that heere againe he telleth a verie vnskilfull tale, for although the Lepars and impotent persons were offended with the king, for appointing them to hew stones; yet is it to be thought that they receiuing their owne desire at the kings hands, to wit, a Citie to dwell in, that now they againe became the kings welwillers. Supposing also their hatred still continued towards him, they rather should haue attempted reuenge by treason against him, then towards all their nation wherin M they had many deare friends and alliance. And although they had purposed to warre against these men, yet would they not haue been so impious as to haue rebelled against the gods, and to haue violated the lawes wherein they were brought vp.
We haue therefore cause to thanke Manethon, in that he cleareth vs, and affirmeth his owne countrimen (yea a priest) to be authors of this impietie, and that by oath bound themselues so A con [...]utation of Manethons words alleadged. [Page 779] to doe. But is it not against all reason that neither any of their countrimen nor kinsmen rebelled A with them, but that the poore distressed people were glad to send to Ierusalem for succour? But what societie or friendship had they with the people of Ierusalem, of whom they came to demaund help? Why? they were more their enemies then the rest of their countrimen, & were all of quite different manners from vs. They of Ierusalem (as he saith) presently did as they were willed to do, in hope that according as they were promised, they might subdue Aegypt: were they ignorāt of that countrey out of the which they had beene driuen by force? had they liued in pouertie or miserie, perhaps they might haue beene induced to haue done it, but seeing they inhabited a fortunate and rich citie, and passed a goodly fertile soile far better then Aegypt, what might moue them therto? what reason had they, at the request of their ancient enemies (and they also so diseased as they of Ierusalem could not abide their owne friends amongst them that had the like diseases) B to thrust them selues into daunger? they could nor foreknow the kings intent to flie, for as Manethon himselfe saith, he met them at Pelusia with three hundreth thousand men. And this they that went to warre well knew. But what reason had they to coniecture that the kings mind would change and he flie? Then he saith the armie of Ierusalem getting the granaries of Aegypt into their hands, did much harme: and this he vpbraideth them withall, as who should say they were not requested to come as enemies? or as though these matters be to be cast in souldiers teethes, that are straungers and sent for, from out of another countrey, when as the Aegyptians themselues had before their comming done the like, and bound themselues by an oath to performe the same. But short time after Amenophis fought with his enemies and got the victorie of them, and put them to flight, and pursued them vnto the borders of Syria. As though that Aegypt were a contrie C so easily to be wonne by any man, that at any place or part thereof inuadeth it? and that the souldiers The Epiloge that the Iewet came not of the Egyptians. of Ierusalem hauing now by the lawes of armes possessed that, and knowing Amenophis to be yet aliue, would not haue fortified that part of the countrey, where by he might haue inuaded them, hauing all opportunity to doe it? or at least they would haue gotten more helpe from one place or another. Amenophis as he saith pursued them euen vnto Syria through the sandie and drie places, as though it were easie for an armie that had nothing else to doe, but to march on forward to passe leasurely thorough them. To conclude therefore, our nation, neither came of the Aegyptians as Manethon confesseth, neither was it mingled with the deseased of that countrie, for it is probable that many of those sicke people perished in the stone works, many in the great fight and battaile; and the rest of them in the flight. It now remaineth that I refute that D which he speaketh of Moses.
The Aegyptians do all agree that this man was a diuine person and one to be admired, but they commit great impietie in labouring to challenge him for their contriman, saying that he was a An answere vnto Manethous slanders touching Moses. a priest of Heliopolis banished with the rest for leprosie. For he is recorded to haue liued fiue hundreth and eighteene yeeres before this time, and to haue guided our auncestors out of Aegypt into that countrey wherein we now inhabite, and his owne words testifie his bodie to haue beene cleane from that disease of leprosie, for he commaundeth all lepers to be expelled out of the Moses was not a leper. townes and villages, and to liue a part by themselues, also to be clothed in some torne garment, & that whosoeuer toucheth them or commeth vnder the same roofe with thē, is to be accounted an vncleane person. And if so be a leper happen to be cured of that disease, he appointed certaine E purifications, clensings, and bathes of fortunate waters, and all his haire should be shaued off, and that then after many and sundrie sacrifices, he should be admitted into the holy citie. But contrariwise, had he bin vrged with that misfortune, and calamitie himselfe, he would surely haue beene more prouident, & more mercifull to such as should haue beene afflicted with that disease. He did not onely make these seuere lawes against lepers, but he also interdicted all that wanted any ioint or parcell of the bodie from being priests, or exercising any office at the Altar, yea he also appointed that if any priest should haue any of these defects b [...]tide him after he was a priest, that then he should be be depriued of the dignitie. How can it then be probable, that to his owne preiudice and discredit he would haue enacted such lawes? Also the changing of his name is incredible, for he was called (as he saith) Osarsiph, which nothing agreeth with the transmutation of F his name, but his true name betokeneth that Moses was saued from the water. For, Moy in the Hebrew tongue signifieth Water. But I haue now sufficiently as I thinke declared how Manethon Moses tooke his name of Moy which in the Egyptian tongue signifieth water. whilst he followed the auncient writers, did not much erre, but when he fell to olde wiues tales, he then either absurdly feined them of his owne head, or else for hatred he bare to our nation, beleeued them. I now thinke it not amisse to examine alittle the words of Chaeremon, who professing [Page 780] himselfe to write the Aegyptian historie, maketh mention of the sameking Amenophis G his sonne Rhamesses as Manethon doth, and he reporteth that Isis appeared to Amenophis in Against Chaeremon the historiographer his sleepe, checking him for that her temple was destroyed, and that Phiritiphantes a holy scribe told the king, that if he would expell all polluted and vncleane persons our of Aegypt, that then he should not be any more terrified with these night visions. Moreouer that hereupon he making search for all sicke and diseased persons, he banished them out of his land, to the number of two hundreth and fiftie thousand, and that their captaines were called Moses and Ioseph holy scribes, also that theis Aegyptian names were so that Moses was named Tisithes, and Ioseph Petesephus, and that they came vnto Pelusium where they found three hundreth and fourescore thousand left thereby Amenophis, whom he would not permit to come into Aegypt, also that they al entering into a league togither sodainly inuaded Aegypt, and Amenophis not biding the brunt fled into H Aethipia leauing his wife great with child, who hiding her selfe in caues & dens did bring forth a child whom they called Messenes, who afterward draue the Iewes into Syria, being in number Messenes son of Amenophis. 200000. & this done he recalled his father Amenophis out of Aethiopia. And thus Chaeremon saith.
But I imagine that which I haue alreadie said, to be sufficient to declare the vanitie of both these two men. For if that which they report were true, it were vnpossible that they should so much differ, but they labour to deuise lies, and write not any thing agreeable to other mens writings. Manethons historie, and Chaeremons compared together. For Manethon faineth that the cause of the banishment of the lepers was the kings desire to see the Gods, and Chaeremon saith that it was for that Isis after appeared vnto him in his sleepe. Manethon also saith that Amenophis gaue the king that councell so to cleanse the countrey, and Chaeremon saith that he that councelled the king was called Phiriphantes: the number also of lepers I hath nerie good consonance I warrant you. Manethon saith they were almost fourscore hundreth, Chaeremon saith two hundreth and fiftie thousand. Moreouer Manethon writeth how that these lepers were first sent to a place to hew stones, and afterward came to Auaris to dwell, and that they hauing already begun wars in Aegypt, that then they sent for helpe from Ierusalem. And Chaeremon saith that they hauing left Aegypt found at Pelusia two hundreth and fourscore thousand men, whom Amenophis had kept there, with whom they ioyning againe, returned and inuaded Aeigypt, and then Amenophis fled into Aethiopia, and which is worth the noting, he setteth not downe what countrimen or to what purpose this great armie was, whether Aegyptians or straungers, neither doth he shew any reason why the king would not carie them into Aegypt. Moreouer Chaeremon feineth a dreame of the lepers and Isis, and reporteth that Ioseph K together with Moses was expelled, whereas Ioseph liued foure ages before Moses, euerie age containing at least a hundreth and seuentie yeeres. Rhamesses also Amenophis sonne according to Manethons The difference betweene Manethons and Chaeremons historie. historie, being a young man fled into Aethiopia, and was banished with his father, and afterward assisted him in the wars: whereas Chaeremon reporteth that he was borne in a caue after his fathers departure, and that he getting the victorie did driue the Iewes into Syria who were in number two thousand. O felicitie in lying, for he neither told what nation those three hundred and fourescore thousand was, nor yet how a hundred and fourescore thousand of them perished, neither were they slaine in the fight, or fled vnto Rhamesses, and which it is most to be admired, one cannot gather out of his words whom he calleth Iewes, or whether he attribute this name vnto the two hundreth and fiftie thousand lepers, or vnto the three hundreth and fourscore thou L sand which were at Pelusium.
But it is folly to oppose my selfe against them who haue sufficienly contradicted themselues, for had other men controlled their writings they had beene the more to be borne withall. I will add Lysimachus vnto the two former, who hath the same lye that they haue, yet farre more absurd Lysimachus is reproued for lying. a fiction then theirs. For he saith that at such time as Bocchoris raigned in Aegypt, the people of the Iewes being scabbed and infected with leprosie, fled into the temples to beg maintenance, and that so many men were with this disease infected, that a dearth and scarcitie fell vpon Aegypt. Likewise that king Bocchoris went vnto Ammon to know of the Oracle what caused the death, and that answere was made that if he would expell all lepers and vncleane persons According to Lysimachus, ye [...]abbed and leprous Iewes were to be conueied into the wildernes, and cast into the sea. from out of the temples into the desert, that then the famine would cease, and that he should drowne these lepers, as if the sunne disdained that they should liue, and that then he should purifie M the temples, and so the earth would againe yeeld fruit, also that Bocchoris hauing this answere from the Oracle, he called togither, the Priestes and sacrificers, and hauing gathered lepers and vncleane people togither, he deliuered them to souldiers to be conducted into the desert, and that then they should be lapt in lead and cast into the sea. Moreouer they being [Page 781] drowned, other diseased people there gathered together, and were carried into the wildernesse to A be destroyed, and that they taking counsell one of another what to doe, the night following they made great fiers and lights, wherwith they terrified and draue away the souldiers that kept them, and that they fasted the day following, requesting God to bee mercifull vnto them, and th [...] the next day, one Moyses councelled them to goe all one way, as thicke together as they could, till such time as they came to some place inhabited, and that he then commanded them neuer hereafter to bee friendly to any man, but alwayes rather to giue bad councell then good, and to destroy all Temples, and Altars of the gods they came by, vnto which councell they all agreeing, iournyed together through the wildernesse, and after much sorrow came to places inhabited: Vsing men by whom they past iniuriously, fiting Temples and robbing them: at last in this manner, they came vnto that place which they now call Iudaea, and there building a Citie, they began to When the Iews got Iudaea and built Ierusalem B dwell, and of this fact called the Citie Hierosyla, and shortly after growing more potent, they for auoiding shame, chaunged the name thereof, and called it Ierusalem, and themselues the inhabitants of Ierusalem.
This fellow found not that king, which the two former speake of, but hee ioyned a more new name, and leauing the dreame and the Prophet, he goeth to Ammon, to know an answere of the old, touching the scabbed and lepers, for hee saith, that a multitude was gathered together at the Temples, but hee leaueth it vncertaine, whether the Iewes onely were infected with this disease, for he saith the people of the Iewes, which people whether were they strangers or those that were borne in that Countrie? Why dost thou call thē Iewes when they were Aegyptians? If they were Lysimus his opinion confuted. straungers why dost thou not tell of whence they were? Or how came it to passe that the King hauing drowned so many of them in the Sea, and left the rest in the wildernesse, that still so many C should bee left? Or how did they passe the wildernesse, and get the Countrie wee now inhabite, and built a Citie and a Temple famous through all parts of the world? Thou shouldest not onely haue told the name of our law maker, but also what Countriman he was, and of what parents, and what moued him in his iournie to make such lawes against the gods and against men. For if they were Aegyptians, they would not so easily haue forgotten the religion where in they were brought vp, or of what place else so euer they were, they had some lawes or other, which they had beene accustomed to keepe. If they had vowed to haue borne no good-will vnto them by whom they were driuen out of their Countrie, they had had some iust occasion so to doe. But to vndertake warre against all the world; and depriue themselues from all friendship and helpe of mor [...]all D men, doth not shew their [...]ottishnesse but the foolishnes of him, who doth thus belie them. Who most impudently affirmeth, that their Citie tooke the name of Church spoyling, and afterward changed it. For what cause forsooth did they change the name thereof, marry for that the former name was ignominious to their posteritie. But the Gentleman vnderstood not, that Nothing is to be said against an impudent li [...]. Ierusalem signifieth otherwise in our language, then it doth in the Greeke. And therfore what should I stand to inueigh against a lie so impudently told? But my booke hath now beene long enough, making a new beginning and therefore I will endeuour to finish the residue of this worke.
THE SECOND BOOKE G OF THE ANTIQVITIE OF THE IEWES,
THrice Honoured and beloued Epaphroditus, I haue in my former bookes so farre forth as I was warranted by truth, both protested and approued the Antiquitie of our nation, out of the writings of the Phaenicians, Chaldies and Egiptians: and for the further confirmation thereof, I haue produced the testimonie of diuers Greeke Authors. Furthermore I haue opposed my selfe against Manethon and Cheremon, and diuers others. At this time likewise I will vndertake to contradict all the rest of those writers, that haue published any thing against vs; for in respect of Apion, who pretendeth himselfe to bee learned, I grow halfe I Apion wrote something verie coldly. suspicious, whether it be a matter answerable to my discretion and iudgement, to vouchsafe him any replie at all. For as touching the one part of that which he hath written, it seemeth to be one and the same, with that which the rest haue written, and as touching the other, it is verie cold and barren. The greater part thereof is farced with follies and detractions, and betrayeth his ignorance, approuing him to bee a man both loose in conditions, and turbulent in his life. And for as much as diuers men are so disfurnished of iudgement, that they rather suffer themselues to bee wonne by these follies, then to bee wearied and wrought by that which is written with better consideration, vainely doating on detractions, and growing discontent to giue eare to other mens well deserued praises. I haue thought it necessarie to examine such a mans labours, the rather, for that he hath written against vs, as if he intended to accuse vs before a Tribunal, and conuict vs by K a publike triall. For I see that it is an ordinarie course for the most part of men, to hug and take heartie pleasure, when as hee that beginneth to blame an other man, is himselfe conuicted and found guiltie of those defaults, which he imputeth and obiecteth against another.
Truely it is no easie matter to lay open the ambiguous and doubtfull speeches which Apion vseth, neither to vnderstand perfectly what he intendeth to expresse. But like a man that is grieuously distracted and confused in his foolish lying, he groweth almost to that point, to recapitulate that, which hath bene heretofore set out, & serched for, as touching the departure of our forefathers out of Aegypt: and afterwards he falleth to accuse the Iewes that inhabited Alexandria, and thirdly, he intermixeth his blameful blasphemies, against the ceremonies accustomed in our temple and depraueth our lawes and ordinances likewise. Now, that our predecessors haue not L taken their originall out of Aegypt, neither haue beene driuen from thence for any infirmitie or deformitie of their bodies, or for any wound, vlcer, or pollution; I suppose that I haue not onely Apion concerning Moses and the Iewes. sufficiently approued the same, but also produced far more then was requisite. I wil therfore briefly report and repeat that which Apion alleageth: For in the third booke of his Egyptian historie, he writ thus. ‘Moses as I haue heard it spoken by the most auncient Egyptians was borne at Heliopolis, who being instructed in the fashions of his Countrie, conuerted such prayers which were wont to be said in open places and abroad, and caused them to bee practised and accustomed, in priuate Cloysters such as were within the Citie, and ordained that in praying they should turne themselues towards the rising Sunne. For such is the situation of the Citie Heliopolis, and instead of Obelisques or Pyramides, he erected certaine pillers, vnder which there were certaine ingrauen M Basens, one which the shadow hapning to fall (the place wherein they stood being discouered and in open ayre) they obserued the same course that the Sunne doth in the firmament.’See here what eloquence this learned man vsed.
Now as touching this lie of his, their need no words to refute the same, since it is clearly refelled by the effects. For when Moses built that first tabernacle in honour of God, he had no such intent, [Page 783] nor fashioned any such forme, neither ordained his successours to do the like: and after this, when Apions fiction concerning the temple, and Moses is [...]. A as Salomon builded the temple in Ierusalem, he neuer thought of any such curiositie as Apion forgeth. He saith that he hath been informed by those of antiquitie, that Moses was a Heliopolitan, for you must vnderstand that Apion himselfe was young, and beleeued the relation of the aged sort of his acquaintance which conuersed familiarly with him: yet cannot this learned Gramarian iustifie where Homer was borne, neither from what countrey Pythagoras came, although in respect, they liued but yesterday: and as touching Moses who liued so many ages, and so great a number of yeeres before them, he decideth the matter so easily, and giueth credit to the reports of antiquitie so slightly, that it appeareth most manifestly that he is but a liar. As touching the time wherin he saith that Moses led awaie the blinde, Leprous, and lame, this diligent The computatiō of the time is different among the Historiographer [...] ▪ author accordeth verie vvillingly with that which he himselfe hath said. For Minethon saith, B that the Iewes departed out of Aegypt about the raigne of Tethmosis, three hundreth ninetie six yeeres before Danaus fled out of Greece. Lisimachus, he saith, that this thing hapned during king Bocchoris time, that is to say, one thousand and seuen hundreth yeers; before that time Molon also and some others haue alleadged their opinions. But Apion who pretendeth to be a man of more credit then the rest, hath precisely and exactly set downe the time, auerring that our departure was about the seuent [...] ▪ Olimpiade: nay more in the first yeere thereof, wherein as he saith Carthage was builded by the Phoenicians. Now hath he only and purposely made mention of Carthage in this place, supposing it to be an infallible argument of the truth of his allegation; yet conceiteth he not that he maketh a rodde for his owne taile, and draweth an argument against himselfe, by which himselfe may be conuinced. For if we may giue credit to the Phoenician C Croniclers as touching this Colonie, it appeareth by them that king Hiram liued more then one hundreth and fiftie yeeres before the foundations of Carthage. The truth whereof I The friendship betweene Hiram and Salomon, whereof we made mention in the first booke against Apion in the beginning. haue heretofore approued out of the records of the Phoenicians, who report that Hyr [...]m was Salomons friend, who builded the temple in Ierusalem, and that he furnished him with much timber and other matter toward the finishing of that building. Now Salomon builded the temple sixe hundreth and twelue yeeres after the departure of the Israelites out of Aegypt: and after he had inconsiderately reckened the number of those which were driuen out of Egypt in like manner as Lysimachus had done, namely of one hundred and ten thousand men, he yeeldeth a most admirable reason, and such as may be easily beleeued from whence he pretendeth that the name of Sabath was deriued. For (saith he) after they had trauailed for the space of six daies, there The Egyptians doe call a disease about the priuie parts, Sabatosis. D grew certaine inflamations in their groines, by reason whereof they rested on the seuenth day being safely arriued in the countrey which at this day is called Iudaea, because the Egyptians cal Sabatosis an Vlcer that groweth about the groine.
Who can otherwise chuse but laugh at this fopperie? or contrariwise, who would not hate such an impudent custome in writing and coyning of lies? For he reporteth as farre as a man may coniecture by his writings, that all the Iewes who were to the number of one hundred and tenne thousand persons, had these Vlcers in their secrets. Now had all of them beene haulte, lame, blinde, and sickely, as Apion reporteth, they could not haue iournied one day: but since they trauailed thorow the desart and vanquished all armies that resisted them, it is no likely matter that all of them were sicke of a disease in their priuy parts euerie seuenth day, neither E is it naturally possible, that such a disease should befall so many thousand men in their iourney, and that they euerie day should trauell a certaine space and a limited march, neither standeth it with any probabilitie, but rather a manifest absurditie that any such thing should befall them: but this admirable Apion saith, that they arriued in Iudaea within the space of sixe daies.
Againe he writeth that Moses ascending vp the mount Sinai, which is betwixt Arabia and Apions fiction of the six daies iourney is confuted. Aegypt, hid himselfe in that place for the space of fortie daies, and descending from thence, gaue lawes vnto the Iewes. But how I pray you was it possible for him to remaine fortie daies in a desart without water? or how could all the Iewes within six daies trauell from Aegypt into Iewrie? As for his Grammaticall diuination of the word Sabaoth it sauoureth too much of impudencie, F or at least of ignorance: for these words Sabbo and Sabatum doe greatly differ, for Sabatum in the Iewes language, signifieth, rest from worke; but Sabbo in the Aegyptian tongue betokeneth a disease about the priuie parts as Apion saith. See here what cauilling fictions this Aegyptian Apion vseth concerning Moses, and our departure out of Aegypt; wherein he counterfeiteth and coineth absurdities vnthought of by any others. Shall we then wonder if he belie [Page 784] our forefathers, who maketh no bones to belie himselfe, for being brone at Oasis a towne in Aegypt G this heigh vnreputed honour of the Aegyptians forsweareth both his countrey and nation, Apion denieth his countrey and origen. and counterfeiting himselfe to be an Alexandrian, he ratifieth his nations wickednesse. No maruell then though he terme them Aegyptians whom he hateth and raileth against, for if he had not been perswaded that the Aegyptians were wicked base people, he would neuer haue denied himselfe to be their countriman: for such as prowdly boast of their famous countrey, esteeme it a credit to beare the denomination thereof, and reprehend such as without iust cause make themselues of their nation. Wherefore the Aegyptians are one of these two waies affected towards vs Iewes, for either they claime vs to be their countrimen as glorying of vs and their countrey, or else for that they and their countrey being infamous, they desire that we should be partakers of their ignominie. But indeed this worthy Apion seemeth so to inueigh against vs, as thereby H Apion raileth against the Iewes, as therby rewarding the Alexandrians. The sea coast of Alexandria. rewarding the Alexandrians for bestowing their Cities vpon him, and knowing them to be at variance with the Iewes of Alexandria, he as it were casteth a bone betweene them, and raileth not onely on the Iewes of that Citie, but of all wheresoeuer: but he belieth both of them most impudently. But let vs examine those hainous and enormous matters, and (as he saith) such as are not to be suffered, of which he accuseth the Alexandrian Iewes. ‘Comming (quoth he) out of Syria, they seated themselues neere the sea coast, where there was no hauen neere vnto the surges of the water.’
Now if this place which they inhabited were ignominious, yet it followeth not that the Iewes owne countrey was so also: yet herein Apion raileth against Alexandria, which he maketh his owne countrey, for the sea coast is part of Alexandria, and as all men iudge the best place thereof I to dwell in. Now if the Iewes by force of armes so vanquished this place, that they could neuer since be driuen out of it, it is no discredit to them, but rather an argument of the valour. But Alexander gaue them that place to inhabite, and the Macedonians did allot them as great priuiledges as the Alexandrians had. I know not what Apion would haue said, if the Iewes had dwelt about Necropolis, and not about the kings seate: their tribes being euen at this time called Macedonians. If therefore Apion haue read the Epistles of king Alexander, and Ptolomaeus Lagus, or others their successors kings of Egypt, or seene the pillars that are erected in Alexandria, containing The liberties and priuiledges granted vnto the Iewes the priuiledges that Caesar the great granted vnto the Iewes; if I say he knew of these, and yet did presume to write the contrarie, then he was a bad fellow: but if he was ignorant hereof, he was then an vnlearned person. The like ignorance also discouereth he, where he wonders K that the Iewes that were in Alexandria were called Alexandrians. For all that are on Colonie, though verie different people, yet doe they all beare the name of their founder: and that I may shun prolixitie, the Iewes of Antioch are called Antiochians; for Seleucus the founder made them also Citizens, the like may also be said of the Iewes of Ephesus, and at the other Ionia, who by the kings gifts enioy the same priuiledges with the rest of the Citizens. The Romans also of their clemencie haue granted the name of their nation which is no small gift not only to priuate persons, but to great nations in generall. To be short, the auncient Spaniards, the Tyrrhenes, & Sabines, are called Romans; or if Apion will take away this denomination of the Citie wherein men inhabite, let him cease to call himselfe an Alexandrian, for he being borne in the hart of Aegypt, can no wise be an Alexandrian, if the priuiledge of the Citie be taken from him, as he L would haue it from vs. And the Lords of the whole world the Romans, haue amongst all other nations onely prohibited the Aegyptians from hauing the priuiledges of any Citie: and so this gallant gentleman being himselfe incapable of dignitie, endeuoreth likewise to hinder them from it, who haue true right vnto it.
For Alexander labouring with all diligence to build that Citie, did not make choice of vs for want of people to furnish the same withall, but for that he bestowed the libertie thereof vpon vs Alexander. as a reward and testimonie of our vertue and fidelitie, endeuouring indeed to honour and credit our nation thereby: for Hecataeus reporteth that Alexander for the Iewes good seruice and fidelitie, bestowed vpon them the countrey of Samaria, and freed them from paying tribute for it. The same good affection towards the Iewes of Alexandria Ptolomaeus Lagus continued after M 1 Ptolomaeus Lagus. him, for he deliuered into their hands the strong holds of Aegypt (for that he iudged that their valour and fidelitie would keepe them) and intending to make himselfe Lord of Cyren and other places in Lybia, he sent certaine Iewes to inhabite the same. After him Ptolomaeus Philadelphus did not onely release and set free all captiues, of our nation in his countrey, but also did many 2 Ptolomaeus Philadelphus. times remit their paiments of money, and (which was the principall point of all) he desired to be [Page 785] instructed in our lawes and holy scriptures, & for this cause sent vnto vs, requesting that we would A send him some learned men to interpret them vnto him, and that this might be performed with The seuentie interpreters. more diligence, he committed the care hereof not to any but Demetrius Phalerius, Andreas & Aristeus, Demetrius being the onely mirror of learning in his age, the other two being Esquires of his own body, neither would he haue euer desired to haue bin instructed in our lawes and customes, if he had despised vs & had not rather admired vs. But Apion know that almost all the Macedonian kings his successors in order, did peculiarly affect our nation. For Ptolomaeus the third which was also called Euergetes, cōquering Syria by force, did no sacrifice vnto the gods of Egypt for his victory, but came to Ierusalē & there after our maner sacrificed many hosts vnto our God 3. Ptolomaeus Euergetes. & to him dedicated gifts worthy of such a victory. Ptolomaeus also surnamed Philometor & his wife Cleopatra, cōmitted the rule of his whole kingdom vnto the Iews, & Onias & Dositheus both Iews, B were generals of his army, whose credit Apion detractes, wheras he rather ought to haue admired them, & haue thanked them for deliuering Alexandria whereof he maketh himselfe a citizen.
For when there was a rebellion in Cleopatras kingdome, and all was in perill to be destroyed, 4. Ptolomaeus Philometor. these two men deliuered Alexandria from ciuill warres: But Apion saith that after this, Onias came and brought a little armie into the citie, at such time as Thermus, the Roman Embassadour was there present. True it is, and that fact of his was most iust. For Ptolomaeus Physcon after the death of his father Ptolomaeus Philometor, comming out of Cyrene, endeuored to expell the Queene Cleopatra, and the kings sonnes, to the ende that he (contrary to all iustice) might possesse the kingdome, and this was the cause why Onias tooke armes against him in Cleopatras behalfe, not forsaking his fidelitie vnto kinges in the time of necessitie: yet God himselfe did manifestly witnesse his iustice in this actiom. For when Ptolomaeus Physcon presumed C to fight against Onias his armie, and tooke all the Iewes their wiues and childrenthat 5. Ptolomaeus Physcon ceased to to persecute the Iewes. were in the Citie (and bound them, and stripping them naked, cast them before Elephants to be destroyed, and to the intent that the Elephants might the rather treade vpon them, made the said beasts dronken) all things fell out contrarie to his expectation, for the Elephants forsaking the Iewes which were cast before them did fall vpon Ptolomaeus his friends that stood by, and slew many of them, which done, there appeared vnto Ptolomaeus a most horrible vision forbidding him to harme the Iewes, and his chiefest best beloued concubine also (whom some cal Ithaca; other Herene) came vnto him & besought him to abstaine from such impietie, wherrupon he being sorie, did penance for that he had alreadie committed, and that D which he thought to commit; so that the Iewes of Alexandria celebrate this day in remembrance that vpon it God did manifestly deliuer them; yet Apion (who speaketh well of no man) accuseth the lewes of impietie for bearing armes against Physcon, whereas indeed he ought rather to haue commended them for it: But Apion extolleth Cleopatra the last Queene of Alexandria, onely for that she was vniust, and ingratefull vnto vs, when he rather ought to haue reproued Of Cleopatra the last queene of Alexandria. her, in whom all impietie and wickednes raigned, both concerning her owne kinred, and her husbands who loued her, and also generally against all the Romans and the Emperours his bene factors, who killed her owne sister Arsinoe in the temple who had not any wife offended her: shealso trecherously slew her owne brother, and destroyed her auncestors Gods, and sepulchers, and receiuing the kingdome from the first Caesars gift, she ingratefully rebelled against his son E and successor, and infecting Antonie with her poisoned drinks, and amorous enchauntments, she made him rebell against his countrey, and to be vnconstant to his own friends, depriuing some of kingly dignitie, and compelling others to be instruments of her impietie. And what else shall Anthonie the husband of Cleopatra. we say of her, who in the battaile by sea sorced Antonius her owne husband (who also had many children by her) to yeeld himselfe, the Empire, and armie vnto her, and become one of her followers? Lastly when Alexandria was taken by Caesar, she was so cruelly minded, that not remembring her owne estate, she accounted this her safetie, if with her owne hand she might kill the Iewes, that she might be cruell and trothlesse to euery bodie.
Is it not a glorie thinke you to vs that (as Apion reporteth) in the time of dearth and famine, wheat was so plentiful in Iury, that it was not solde by measure? But Cleopatra was punished as she F deserued. And we call great Caesar himselfe to witnesse of our fidelitie, and the seruice we did him against the Aegyptians, the Senate also and their decrees, and the writings of Augustus Caesar, wherein our deserts are testified. These letters Apion ought to haue read, and to haue examined all testimonies of vs, which were left first by Alexander, and then by all the Ptolomees, and what the Senate of Rome decreed, and the mightie Emperours. And if so be Germanicus could not [Page 786] get corne to suffice all the inhabitants of Alexandria, that was a token of scarcitie and dearth, and G not the Iewes fault. For what all Emperours thought of the Alexandrian Iewes it is manifest enough, for the Iewes want of corne was not onely left vnsupplied, but also the want of other Alexandrians. But they haue alwaies kept that wherewith the auncient Princes did put them in The Iewes haue beene alwaies trustie to their princes. trust, to wit, the keeping of the riuer, and whole countey, as not being thought vnfit for their purposes. But Apion thus vrgeth vs; if (quoth he) the Iewes be citizens how hap they worship not the same God, nor haue not the same religion that they rest of the Alexandrians haue? To whom I thus answere, how hapneth that you Aegyptians do so eōtend and warre against one another onely for diuersitie of religion? shall we hereupon conclude that you are all Aegyptians, or The Egyptians do worship beasts not agreeable to mans nature. not all men? because you worship and with great diligence nourish beasts against nature? yet our nation seemeth one and the same. If therefore amongst you Aegyptians such difference of H opinions be, why dost thou so maruell of this that we in a straunge place, to wit, at Alexandria, do constantly perseuer in our first religion? But he saith that we are the cause of all sedition, which suppose he speake true of the lewes of Alexandria, yet are not all Iewes in all places the The discord of the Iewes and the Alexandrians in religion. cause of sedition, for we are knowne to be peaceable amongst our selues. But indeed as euerie one may perceiue, the people like Apion himselfe are authors of sedition in Alexandria. For whilest the Greekes and Macedonians held Alexandria, they and we liued peaceably to gether, and they permitted vsquietly to vse our owne solemnities, but when the number of The cause of discord betweene the Iewes and Alexandrians. Aegyptians encreased, by confusion of time, sedition also by their meanes encreased. But our nation remained vnpermixted. They therefore were authors of those troubles, not ha uing the gouernment of the Macedonians, nor the wisedome of the Greeks; but vsing their Aegyptian manners, and renuing their olde hatred against vs. And that wherewith all they I Apions fiction touching the Iewes being authors o [...] sedition at Alexandria is confuted. hit vs in the teeth befalleth them, for most of them not hauing the priuiledges of the citie themselues, call vs straungers that haue them. For none of the ancient kings bestowed the libertie of the citie vpon the Aegyptians, neither haue any of the Emperours of Rome bestowed the priuiledge. But Alexander himselfe brought vs into the citie, the kings after him encreased more priuiledges, and it hath pleased the Roman Emperors to ratifie and confirme them. But Apion detracteth vs for not erecting statues to the Emperours, as though the Emperours knew not hereof, or that they needed Apion to speake for them, whereas he should rather admire the Romans magnanimitie, and modestie, who compell not their subiects to violate their auncient lawes and The Romans magnanimitie towards the Iewes. The Iewes may haue no Images. religion, but content themselues with such honours as the giuer may with pietie and equitie giue K them. For they account not of forced honours which come of compulsion.
The Greekes and diuers other thinke it not amisse to erect statues, for they delight to haue the pictures of their ancestors, wiues and children, and some of the beloued seruants also, what maruaile then if they accord to yeeld the like honour to Princes and Emperours? But our sawmaker not as prophecying the Romans power not to be reuerenced: but foreseeing that it was neither profitable to God nor man, forbad vs make an Image of any liuing creature, much more of a not liuing God (as we will proue hereafter). But he permitted vsto reuerence all good men, with any honour else not due to God, and all those we giue vnto the Emperours, and people of Rome, and make our continual sacrifice for them, and not onely vpon worke daies do this, at the How Emperours and magistrates ought to be honored. The lye of Possidonius and Apollonius concerning the Iewesis confuted. proper cost of all the Iewes, but vpon such daies as we offer no other sacrifice, no not for our own L children, we then sacrifice for the Roman Emperour, yeelding that honour to the Roman Emperour which we do to none else: And let this suffice to answere that which Apion alleageth against the Iewes of Alexandria: yet can I not but admire at them who gaue him this occasion namely Possidonius and Apollonius Molon who a ccuse vs for not worshipping the same Gods that others do, although they lie all alike, slaundering our temple most absurdly, and yet for all this they doe not beleeue that they herein commit any impietie: whereas it is a most ignominious thing for any free man to lie vpon any occasion, much more of a temple famous ouer all the world for sanctitie. For Apion affirmeth that the Iewes in that sacred temple placed the head of an Asse and worshipped it most religiously. And this (quoth he) was manifestly An answere to the objection of the Asses head. knowne at such time as Antiochus Epiphanes spoyled that Temple, who found that Asses head M being of massie gold, and great value. To this first slaunder I first answere, that were that true which he reporteth, yet an Aegyptian ought not to haue spoken against vs for it: seeing that an Asse is of no lesse worth then a Goate, and other bruite beasts that they honour for gods. Was it possible that hee knew not the contrarie of his owne affirmations, by our deedes and Scriptures? For we vse the same lawes that at the first wee did, and remaine in them without change, and for [Page 787] all that our Citie (as others also haue) hath by the variable euent of warre, bene vexed and troubled, A and that Antiochus surnamed the god, and Pompey the great, and Licinius Crassus, and now lastly Titus Caesar, haue all vanquished our Temple, yet did they neuer find in it any thing as Apion affirmeth, but sincere pietie, not lawfull for vs to disclose to strangers. And as touching Antiochus, many writers of good credite report, that hee neuer had any iust cause to spoyle our Temple, but that he was drawne vnto this fact for want of money. Not for that hee was our enemie, but for that as from his friends and fellowes, hee sought supplie, and found nothing in that place that was worthie of derision, and thus doe Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo the Cappadocian, Nicholas Damascene, Timagenes Castor the Chronicler, and Apollodorus avow, who all doe witnesse that Antiochus wanting money, brake the league hee had with the Iewes, and robbed and spoyled their Temple being full of gold and siluer. Apion ought to haue considered this, had he B not had an Asses heart, and a dogges impudencie, which hee and his Countriemen worship for gods. As for vs we doe neither honour nor reuerence Asses, though the Egyptians doe their Crocodiles and Aspes, esteeming them that are bitten by Aspes, and deuoured by Crocodiles, to be happie and fit for God.
But we esteeme those to be Asses which all our wisemen doe, to wit, them who beare burdens imposed vpon them, and if comming into a field they fall to eate, and doe not that which they ought to doe, we vse to beate them with many stripes, and force them to till the ground, and doe Who are accounted Asses amongst the Iewes and other wisemen. other drudgerie. But Apion was either the greatest Asse that euer was in telling alie, or else hauing begun to doe it, he could not compasse his enterprises, in that hee found not any iust cause of detraction against vs. He addeth an other fable of the Greekes detracting vs, to the which I will C make only this replie, that it is more commendable and agreeing to pietie and lesse vncleannesse, to passe thorowe the Temple, then for priestes to come and feigne impious words and speeches: which they not respecting, laboured rather to excuse the sacrilegious Kings, then to write the Certaine Histo riographers endeuour to couer and hide Antiochus hi [...] periutie and sacriledge. truth of vs and our Temple: endeuouring to currie fauour with Antiochus, and to couer and hide his sacriledge, vsed against our nation, for that hee wanted money, beleeuing vs euen in things that are to come. ‘And Apion as prophecying of the rest, saith that Antiochus found a bed in our Temple, and in it a man lying, and a table set before him, furnished with all foules that vse either sea or land, and that the man was hereat astonished. And that so soone as Antiochus came into the Temple, hee adored him as though hee hoped for great helpe from the King, falling downe at his feete, and with a stretched out arme, crauing licence to speake: which the King D graunting, and willing him to declare what hee was, and why hee dwelt in the Temple, and the cause of his meates before him, the man with sighes and teares bewayled vnto Antiochus his calamitie, saying: He was a Grecian, and that trauailing in the Countrie to get his liuing, he was suddenly seazed vpon by certaine Out-landishmen, and brought vnto the Temple, and shut vp therein, and that no man might see him, and that he was there fed or fatted with all dainties that could be prouided, and that at first this daintie fare made him ioyfull, but afterward he began to suspect it, and lastly he was hereat amazed, and then demaunding of a Iewe that administred vnto him, for what cause he was therekept, he vnderstoode the Iewes purpose, and law not to bee reuealed, for the fulfilling whereof hee was there nourished, and that the lewes were wont to doe the like euerie yeere vpon a day appointed: and to take a Grecian stranger and feede him a yeere, and That the Iewes ought once a yeare to sacrifice a Grecian. E then to carrie him to a wood; and there to kill him, and sacrifice him according to their rites and ceremonies, and to taste and eate of his entrailes, and in the sacrificing of the Grecian, to sweare to bee enemies vnto the Greekes, and the residue of the murdered man they cast into a certaine pit. And that then this Greeke reported vnto Antiochus, that the time allotted vnto him by the Iewes to liue, was now almost expired, and therefore requested for the reuerence hee bare to the Grecian gods, to saue his bloud from being spilt by the Iewes, and to free him out of that iminent calamitie.’
This fable is not only stuffed ful of al tragical crueltie, but also mingled with cruel impudencie, yet for all this the first deuisers hereof doe not free Antiochus from sacriledge, as they hoped hereby to doe, who writ it purposely to flatter him. For that which they report of the Greeke found F in a bed, did not moue him to come and sacke our Temple, he not knowing of it before he came and found it so (as they say.) Antiochus therefore was most impious, and not assisted by Gods fauour in that enterprise, (whatsoeuer these lyers mutter) as it is easie to learne of the fact of him committed. For wee doe not onely differ from the Greekes in religion, but a great deale more from the Egyptians and other nations, and what nation in the world is there, that somtime doth [Page 788] not trauaile through our Countrie? Is it then probable that wee onely renue that conspiracie against G the Greekes? Or how is it possible that so many thousand people as are of our owne nation, should all eate of the entrailes of one man as Apion reporteth? Or why did hee not name this man whosoeuer he was? Or why did not the king carrie him with trumpets into his Countrie? Seeing that in so doing he might haue bene esteemed full of pietie, & a great fauorer of the Greeks, & greatly strengthen himselfe against the hatred of the Iewes by their aide? But I omit to speake more of this, for vnsensible people voide of all reason, must not be reprehended in word, but by deedes: for all men that haue seene the building of our Temple, can testifie what it was and the vndefiled puritie thereof. For it had foure porches about, and euerie one of them by our lawes The description of the Temple & porches. had seuerall keepers, and into the outward porch all people, yea straungers might enter without breach of our lawes, (women onely excepted that haue their monethly course.) Into the second H porch it was lawfull for onely Iewes to come, and all Iewes might goe into it, and their wiues also when they were free from pollution of their flowers. Into the third porch, they onely of our nation that were purified and sanctified might come. Into the fourth might onely Priests enter, who were cloathed with priestly Stoles, and into the secret part of the Temple might onely ehe high Priest come, attired with a Stole proper to him onely, yea wee are in all things so carefull of pietie, that our Priests are appointed howers when to enter into the Temple.
For in the morning when the Temple was opened, the Priests that were to sacrifice the hostes which were giuen them, entered into the Temple; and at no one againe when it was shut, yea it was not lawfull to carrie any vessell into the Temple: but therewas onely there an Altar, a What was in the temple. Table, a Censer, and a Candlesticke, as is in our law mentioned, and there is no other secret I or hidden mysteries done, neither is there in that place any eating, and all the people can testifie this which I haue here set downe, and our writings doe the like. For notwithstanding that there are fowre rites of Priests, and euerie Priests tribe containeth aboue fiue thousand men: yet euerie Foure Tribes of Priests and of euerie tribe more then fiue thousand men. one waiteth on certaine appointed dayes in their turne, and their time of waiting being expired, others succeede them in sacrificing, and the day before they are to finish their waiting, they deliuer vp vnto their successours the keyes of the Temple, and all vessels belonging thereto, in the full number that they receiued them: and nothing is brought into our Temple, pertaining either to meate or drinke: yea, and are forbidden to bee offered at our Altar, those things onely excepted, whereof we make our sacrifice. What then shall we say of Apion, who examining nothing of all these, hath raised such incredible reports of vs? How ignominious a thing it is for a Grammarian, K not to bee able to deliuer the truth of a Historie? Well, hee knew the pietie vsed in our Temple, but hee purposely omitted it: yet could hee remember to tell a feigned tale of the sacrificing of the Greeke, his daintie faire and that hidden foode, that all men also that would, passed through our Temple, whereas the most noble amongst our whole nation, are not permitted to come there, except they be priests.
This therefore is great impietie, and a voluntarie forged lie, to seduce them that will not examine the truth. For they haue attempted to slaunder vs by those impieties before mentioned, not to bee spoken of. And againe, like one full of all pietie, he derideth the vanitie of these fables, and reporteth that at such time as the Iewes for a long time together, warred against the Idumaeans, Zabidus departing out of a Citie of Idumaea where Apollo was worshipped, came L vnto the Iewes, promising them to deliuer vnto them Apollo the Dorians god, and bring him Another fable deuised by Apion of Zabidus. vnto their Temple, if so bee that all of them would there assemble themselues together, and that afterwards Zabidus did make a most excellent kind of wooden instrument, and placed in it three ranckes of Candles, and put it vpon him, and so walked like a starre gliding on the ground (for that shape he resembled to them that were a farre off from him.) And that the Iewes hereat (seeing this straunge vision) admired and were astonished, and standing a farre off, they were all silent, and how by this shift Zabidus easily got into their Temple, and tooke away the golden Asses head, (for so hee writeth plainely) and so to haue returned speedily to Dora. Wherefore we may say that Apion leadeth an Asse, to wit, himselfe with fooleries and lies, for hee nameth places that are not, and setteth downe Cities to himselfe vnknowne, for Idumaea is a Prouince M neere vnto vs, and bordering vpon Gara, and there is no Citie in it called Dora, but in Phaenicia neere vnto the hill Carmelus, there is a Citie of that name, yet nothing consonant to ApionsDora is a Citie of Phaenicia and not of Idumaea.slaunders, for it is foure dayes iourney from Iudaea.
Why therefore doth he so rashly accuse vs for not worshipping the same gods that other nations doe, seeing (as he saith) our predecessors did so easily beleeue that Apollo would come vnto [Page 789] them, and that he walked vpon the earth, with starres vpon his backe? Perhaps indeed they had A neuer before seene a candle or lampe themselues hauing so many: or is it likely that he walking thus quite through our countrie, where so many thousand men are, no one of them al met him? Did he in time of warre finde the townes and villages, by which he past without any watchmen? Well, I omit the rest. The gates of our temple were three score cubites high, twentie cubites broad, all couered with gold, yea almost all of cleane gold, and these gates euerie day were shut The gates of the temple. by two hundreth men, and it was too impious a thing to leaue them open; is it then credible that this candlebearer could easily open them, who alone was iudged to haue the asses head? So that now it remaineth doubtfull whether Zabidus did bring backe againe the asses head, or els Apion tooke it of him and brought it againe to our temple, that there Antiochus might finde it, and so Apion might haue another occasion of lying. He also belieth vs concerning the oath which he B saith we Iewes doe take, swearing by the God of heauen and earth, and sea, neuer to fauour any stranger, and especially the Greekes. This liar might better haue said, not to fauour any stranger, Apions lie concerning the oath is confuted. and especially the Aegyptians, and so his former lies and these should haue had better correspondence with the beginning, if our auncestors had been expelled by their predecessors out of Aegypt, not for their wickednesse, but for their owne calamitie. But we are so far from the Greeks that we scarcely euer thinke of them: so that no man can say that there is any enmitie betweene vs and the Greekes. But contrariwise many of them haue embraced our religion, and some of them therein perseuered, others againe haue forsaken it; yet none of them will say that he heard this oath spoken amongst vs, but it should seeme that onely Apion heard of it, in that he himselfe indeed forged it. Truely his great wisedome and prouidence is woorthy to be admired (as shall C hereafter appeare:) for he to prooue these his lies to be true, saith, that it is a certaine testimonie that the lawes we obserue are most vniust, and that we worship not God as we ought to do in that we were subiect to diuers nations, and our Citie endured many calamities: Where as touching themselues they are of a Citie that flourisheth in absolute authoritie, accustomed to gouerne Apion vpbraided the Iewes with captiuitie. from the foundation thereof, and not to serue the Romans. In effect who can resist their valour? Truely no man but Apion would euer haue flowted vs herewith, seeing that few Cities so flourish and raigne ouer other, that they againe at no one time haue been brought into subiection. For many nations are subiect to others, onely the Aegyptians are freed from the captiuitie of such as rule Europe and Asia, for that (as they say) the gods flying into their countrey, were saued by entring into the bodies of beasts. Yet haue they not indeed had any one daies libertie since D the beginning of the world, neither vnder the gouernment of their owne princes, nor vnder strangers.
I will not stand to recken how often the Persians haue wasted their Citie, destroied their temples, and slaine their supposed gods. For it is not decent that I should imitate herein Apions foolishnesse, neither am I calling to memorie what befell the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, the last of which, are recorded to haue beene most valiant, and the first to haue beene most deuout and religious: neither will I recken vp those most godly kings, amongst whom Craesus was one, who notwithstanding fell into great calamities. Moreouer I will not recount how the Castle of Athens was set on fire, and the temples of Ephesus and Delphos likewise and many others. There is now one Apion a new accuser of the Iewes, who vpbraideth them with their calamities, forgetting E quite all miserie that hath befallen his countrimen the Aegyptians, but he was blinded with the fable of Sesostris, whom (he saith to haue been king of Aegypt.) We could report and boast of our kings, Dauid, and Salomon, who subdued many nations vnto them: but it is not fit Dauids and Salomons power. here to speake of them. But Apion was ignorant of that which all the world knoweth, to wit, that the Aegyptians haue serued first to the Persians, and afterwards to the Macedonians, and that as bondslaues: where we remaining in free libertie raigned ouer all Cities round about vs 120. yeeres, euen vnto the time of Pompey the great; and when all the other kings were subdued by the Romans, onely our kings for their fidelitie and friendship towards them were deare vnto them. Oh but this sticketh vpon Apions stomacke, that we haue not had any famous men of our nation, who haue inuented artes and sciences, and been excellent in wisedome, such as Socrates, F Zeno, Cleanthes and others, whom he setteth downe were: and which is most to be admired, Apion putteth himselfe in the number of these famous men, and saith that Alexandria is blessed and happy, that hath deserued to haue such a Citizen as he is: and great reason that he himselfe Apion praiseth himselfe. should testifie that of himselfe, which all men else perceiue in him, to wit, that hee is an impudent deceitefull fellow, both of corrupt life, and manners. So that any Alexandrians had iust [Page 790] cause to be sorie that they euer had any better opinion of him. But that our nation had men G equall at least vnto those whom he mentioneth, all men may know that please to reade the booke of our Antiquitie. The rest that his accusation containeth, it is not amisse to let passe without answere, for that it rather impeacheth the Egyptians his owne countrimen, then vs: for he doth complaine of vs for sacrificing ordinarie beastes, and for abstaining to eate swines flesh, and greatly laughed at circumcision. Touching the sacrificing of these beasts, we doe as all nations else doe: And Apion inueighing against our sacrificing, sheweth himselfe to be an Aegyptian; Why the Iewes doe sacrifice cōmon beasts, and do not eat swines flesh. for were he either a Graecian, or a Macedonian, he would be herewith offended: for both Greekes and Macedonians doe vow, to sacrifice Hecatombes to their gods, and vse priests in the banquets; and yet for all this, the world is not desolate of liuing creatures, as Apion feareth. H
But were all men so mad as the Egyptians, it would indeede be desolate of men, and filled with cruell beasts, which they (supposing them to be gods) doe diligently nourish. If any man should aske Apion whom of all the Egyptians he iudged to be a wiseman and most religious towards their gods, no doubt he would answere that the priests are. For they say that their first kings in the beginning gaue them these two commandements in charge, first to seeke wisedome, and next to worshippe the gods: they also are all of them circumcised, and abstaine from swines flesh, and no other Egyptian sacrificeth with them vnto their gods. Apion therefore was surely blinde, when in steed of detracting vs, he speaketh ill of them, to gratifie whom, he tooke all this paines. For the Egyptians doe not onely vse those customes which Apion in vs disalloweth The Egyptian priests circumcised, and eate no swines flesh. but also doe teach others to circumcise themselues as Herodotus reporteth. So that I verily I thinke, that Apion was iustly punished for blaspheming his countrey lawes, and religion. For being forced to circumcise himselfe to auoide a great disease, he was hereby nothing helped, but for all this his priuie members rotting, he in extreame griefe and miserie gaue vp the ghost. For Apions death. wise men ought to perseuer in their countrey lawes in all pietie, and not to deride and detract others: but Apion forsooke his owne religion, and slaundered and belied ours. And this was Apions ende, and here also should end this booke; but that Apolonius, Molon and Bysimachus, and certaine others, partly for ignorance, partly for madnesse, haue most iniuriously belied our law-maker Moses, and the lawes he made, detracting him as a deceitfull Magician, and then as The defence of Moses against Apolonius and Lysimachus. the author of all malice and impietie amongst vs, and for such as teach no vertue nor goodnesse at all. I will therefore as farre as in me lieth declare both our conuersation in general, and in particular. K for if my iudgement be any thing, our lawes are most forcible both to pietie, and to all humanitie in generall, as also to iustice, paines-taking, and contempt of death. I onely request this fauour of the Reader, that hee vvill not vvith a preiudicate or malicious opinion, peruse these writings: for I doe not write this as a praise and vaine ostentation of our nation, but as a iust Apologie, refuting the slaunderous reportes that some haue vsed against vs.
Apolonius doth not continually inueigh against vs as Apion doth, but onely here and there; sometime affirming vs to be somewhiles hated both of God and man, sometime to be cowards; othersometimes contrariwise complaining of our nations boldnesse. Saying moreouer, that Wherein Apolonius accuseth the Iewes. we are more sottish then any barbarous nation, and that therefore we onely haue had none of L our nation founders of artes or sciences, which are profitable for mans life, all which obiections are easily refuted, if we shew the contrarie to all these by him reported, both that we haue obayed our lawes, and liued in all integritie. If therefore I be forced to shew that other nations haue made contrarie lawes, not I, but they are to be blamed, who comparing ours with them of other nations, affirme ours to be the worse, neither of which can charge vs, either that these laws which I will briefly set downe are not ours, or els that we haue not persisted in them as we ought. Making therefore this beginning, I affirme that they who haue framed themselues to liue togither The louers of order & common lawes are excellent in meeknesse and vertue. vnder certaine rules and ordinances, and kept them inuiolate, and were the first founders of them, were more to be commended for humanitie and vertue, then they who liue vnder no rule nor ordinance at all, and euerie law-maker endeuoureth so to challenge antiquitie for their owne ordinances, M as that they may not be thought to imitate others, but to be themselues the first authors thereof, and guides to direct other mens liues. Which being so, it is the duetie of a good law-maker to make choice of that which is best, and most conuenient for them, who are to obey their lawes, and to satisfie them as much as may, in proouing their lawes to be good and right, and both in wealth and woe, calamitie and felicitie, to remaine in them neuer changing nor altering [Page 791] them. I therefore auerre that our lawmaker is more auncient then any lawmaker mentioned. For A Lycurgus, and Solon, and Seleucus of Locris, and those the Greekes admire, are moderne, of late Moses more ancient then all other lawmakers, [...]. This word law is not in Homer. times in respect of him, as it is well knowne. For the Greekes themselues confesse, that in times past they wanted the name of law. This Homer can witnesse who in his whole works neuer mentioneth this word, law, for the people of those times were not gouerned by lawes, but by indefinite sentences, and the princes pleasure, vsing customes but not written, and all tearing and chaunging them also as occasion serued.
But our lawmaker being very auncient (for this is euerie way manifest, euen by our aduersaries own confessions) shewed himselfe both a good prince and connceller vnto his people for making lawes to direct and gouerne mens liues, he perswaded them voluntarily to embrace them, The life of Moses. and firmely to persist in them with all wisedome. And first of all let vs consider the works of his B greatnesse. For he vndertaking the conduct of many thousand of our forefathers out of Aegypt into our owne countrey, deliuered them from many calamities, almost impossible to be auoided, for they being to passe through a place wherein in was no water, and a verie sandie ground, being also to warre and to keepe their wiues and children, and goods for the variable euent of wars, he in all these shewed himselfe a most wise and prudent counceller, and a true patron and guide vnto them all: For he made all the multitude so to depend vpon him, that he might perswade them whatsoeuer he pleased, and yet in none of all these did he vsurpe any authoritie ouer them, and in that time and place wherein all men of authoritie assume power vnto themselus, and vse tyrannie, at such time as the people do oftententimes offend and liue in all manner of impietie; he then being in authoritie did contrariwise vse all lenitie, and mildnesse, to the entent that he might be C a patterne of vertue and iustice to all the rest, giuing all those that willingly followed him most assured saferie, vsing in all accidents most straunge works. And for this cause he rightly deemed God to be his captaine & counceller, and first examining himselfe, and finding that all the Moses maketh God his guide and counceller lawes he had set down were agreeable to the wil & pleasure of God, the chiefest care he now had was how to perswade his people the same, which he himselfe now knew, for they who direct their liues according to the will of God, auoid all sinne as our lawmaker did, being neither Magician nor deceiuer as his enemies iniuriously report, but such a one as the Greeks do boast Minos and others after him to haue beene, for some of them affirmed their lawes to be made by Iupiter, others by Apollo and Delphos Oracle, either so beleeuing themselues, or else thinking that the people would be easily so perswaded. Now who of all the lawmakers made the best lawes, & who D did most rightly thinke of God, he that compareth all their lawes together may easily know; for The Origen of lawes amongst the Greeks now occasion is offered to speake of them: there are therefore an infinite companie of nations and lawes amongst men, and some nations are ruled by Monarches, othersome by the common consent of the people. But our lawmaker doing neither of these, did as one should say therein declare his common wealth to be diuine, chiefely assigning all power and principalitie ouer vs to God, causing all men to fixe their minds and cogitations on him, as the onely giuer and author of all goodnesse, giuing them to vnderstand, that whatso euer in their necessitie they entreate him for, hee heareth their praiers, and vnderstandeth what euerie man doth in priuate, yea his verie cogitations, and that hee is one, vnbegotten, and in all times immutable and eternall, differing in a most excellent shape from all mortall creatures, and this we E knowe, but wee are altogether ignoraunt what God is as touching his substance and essence.
And thus the wisest Greeks that euer were, iudged of God, who how learned they were (he giuing the ground of all their knowledge) I now omit to rehearse, & that these things afore rehearsed are best and most agreeable to the nature and magnificence of God, many do witnesse, as The opinion of the wisest Greeks cōcerning, God. Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, and Plato, and after them the Soicks, and almost all other Philosophers haue so thought of the diuine nature. But they deliuering this their Philosophie in short speech, durst not publish the truth of their doctrine among the people, alreadie seazed vpon by Moses compared with other lawmakers. superstitious opinions. But our lawmakers works and words so agreed, that he satisfied at large al his people, and they that euer were to be borne of them, and their successors, inspiring as it were F a certaine constancie into them to perseuer in the same, stil referring the cause of his lawes to their profit and commoditie. For he did not affirme the worship of God onely to be part of vertue; but he assigned other parts thereof, to wit, fortitude, iustice, and mutuall concord of all his citizens. Two methods of moralitie and discipline. For all our actions, speeches, and what else soeuer, are all referred to diuine pietie. Which he left not touched without any more discourse of it. For these two are the methods of all discipline [Page 792] and moralitie, whereof one frameth and directeth the speech, the other the manners and actions; G which being so, other lawmakers were indeed wise in aduice and counsaile, and yet they made choice of one of these methods, & left the other: For the Lacedemoniās were instructed in manners, and not in words, as also they of Creete were, but the Athenians and almost all the Greeks were directed and trained vp by lawes in euerie thing, they were to doe, yet neuer could they put their written lawes in practise, but our lawmaker verie industriously did conioyne both these togither, for he neither omitted the training them vp in manners and good exercises, neither did he surcease to leaue them written lawes. And first of al, making his entrance from the verie meats, and prescribing to euerie one a conuenient diet, he left no man libertie amongst vs to direct himselfe in the lest matter concerning his meat, but he by lawes defined, both from what meats we were to abstaine, and what to eate, and what ought to be our ordinarie diet, as also when we H ought to labour, and when to cease from worke, so that we as it were vnder the gouernment of a father or master, might neither sinne willingly, nor for ignorance: for he did not appoint punishment for them that were ignorant of it, but by law enacted a most necessarie and milde chasticement for the voluntarie offendors, and for this cause he did not onely will, that we should once or twise or often heare the lawes, but that once euerie weeke we al omitting other buisines, should come to heare the lawes, and so learne them perfectly, which things all other lawmakers as it is well knowne omitted: All with lawdable customes all other lawmakers haue neglected, and the most part of most men are so farre from liuing according to their owne lawes, that they are altogether ignorant of them, and hauing offended their lawes through ignorance, they then learne by other mens meanes, that they haue more breach of their lawes, yea the chiefest and most I Moses commaunded all the Iewes to come & heare the law. emminent men amongst them, doe professe herein that they are ignorant, causing those that are learned and skilfull in their lawes, to sit as it were in commission with them to direct them. Whereas euerie one of our nation being demaunded of our lawes, can answere as readily as he can tell his owne name, for euerie one of vs learning them as it were so soone as wee come to the vse of reason, vvee haue them as it were written and printed in our mindes, and by this meanes both wee offend more seldome, and when we offend, wee are sure to be punished.
And this especially is that which hath caused such an vnitie and concord amongst vs. For to worship one God all after the same manner, and nothing to differ in manner and conuersation The concord of the Iewes in religion. one from another, is the onely way to establish amitie and concord in a commonwealth. For K onely amongst vs no man shal heare any different speeches and opinions concerning God, which thing amongst all nations else is most frequent and ordinarie, for amongst them not onely euerie one of the cōmon people doth speake his pleasure in this point, but diuers Philosophers also presume to do it, some of them with their blasphemous speeches altogither destroying the nature of God, and others with the like impudencie denying him to haue any care of men: neither is here any difference amongst vs of affaires appertaining to mans life, but al men with vs follow one cō mon expresse labour, and we all ioyntly affirme the sonne of God, and that he hath care of humane affaires, and all our actions and exercises: yea any one may learne of our women and children, that all things whatsoeuer, are to be reduced to pietie. Hence it groweth that some detract our nation, for that amongst vs were no men inuentors of new matters and actes, to whom we wil L thus answere, that other nations account it a glory not to persist in any thing that their forefathers vsed, and hould them of most account amongst them, that can best transgresse their forefathers wisedome. But we contrariewise do account it the chiefest point of wisedome and vertue, neither to do, nor thinke any thing contrarie to that which our auncestors haue decreed, which is a token that our law was established by as good aduice as was possible. For those lawes that in all points are not as they ought to be, are often by experience found faultie. But amongst vs who beleeue that our law was first established by the will & pleasure of Almightie God, nothing is pious and vertuous which may any wise impugne the same. For who can take away any tittle thereof, or add better in the stead? or who is he that can transferre and carie vs from the obseruance of them, and ordaine for vs better lawes to gouerne our common wealth? Or what law can be more iust M and better, then that which the wisedome of God (who is the Lord of all things) hath established? He first of all permitted the disposing of all principall affaires to the priests in general, and most wisely constituted a high priest as their head, neither were they chosen to this dignitie by our lawmaker, who either excelled in nobilitie of birth, or riches; but he appointed such to sacrifice vnto God, who were knowne to excell others in wisedom and sanctitie: and these do both [Page 793] keepe our lawes, and obserue all other things belonging to their office withall integritie: for our A priests are appointed ouer-seers of all things, and to iudge all strifes and controuersies, and to What sort of people are to be made priests punish the offenders. What monarchie then or kingdome can be more holy then this? Or how can God bee better honoured then amongst vs, where all the people are prepared to pietie, and the priests commaunded so to rule and gouerne the Commonwealth, as if they were celebrating some festiuitie? And whereas other nations cannot celebrate their mysteries, which they terme sacrifices, in a few dayes, we with ioy and pleasure and immutable wils, do celebrate our sacrifice continually without intermission: It resteth now that I set downe our precepts and laws, as arguments Of God and of the diuine prouidence. of that which I haue said. The first is of God of whome our law saith, God hath all things, he is most perfect, most blessed, he is sufficient both for himselfe and all things else, hee is the beginning, middest, and ending, famous amongst all things for his workes, and benefits, more manifest B then any thing else, but his shape and greatnesse is to vs vnspeakable, all matters (how precious so euer) being compared with his excellent beautie is nothing worth, and all Art compared with his inuention is vnartificial, we can neither see, conceiue, nor imagine any thing like him. He The workes of God. is holy, for we see his workes, the light, the heauen and the earth: the Sunne, the moone, riuers, and sea, so many different shapes of liuing creatures, and increase of fruites: All these God himselfe made, not with hands or worke, nor as one needing any to helpe him, but hee seeing them to be good, they were presently made. Hee is to be followed of all men, who ought to worship him by the exercising of vertue; for this is the most holy way to please him. We haue one Temple, as also one God, which Temple is common to all men, as he is the common God of all men. For similitude alwayes pleaseth, him doe all our priests honour with sacrifice, and hee amongst them hath the first place, who by birth is the chiefest and hee first sacrificeth to God, seeth the C lawes obserued, iudgeth controuersies, and punisheth those that are conuicted by the law: whosoeuer disobeyeth him, shall be punished as one that rebelleth against God himselfe; hee offereth The sacrifices of the old testament. sacrifices not pertaining to gluttonie or drunkennesse, for God is not pleased with such sacrifices, but is rather iniured, and superfluous expences are thereby made.
But God loueth them that are temperate, and orderly, and of good behauiour, and especially requireth in vs that sacrifice, an inuiolable chastitie. In our sacrifices offered for our common good, we first of all pray in common, and then euerie one for himselfe, because we are all fellows, and he that delighteth herein more then in his owne life, hee is most acceptable to God. Wee pray and vowe vnto God, not requesting riches of him, for hee of his owne accord bestoweth D them vpon euerie one, and left them amongst vs, but we pray that we may haue part of them, and hauing gotten them may keepe them. Our law hath also appointed purifications both from our Chamber bed and carnall copulation, and many other things, which are to long to rehearse. Purifications vsed in sacrifice And this is our speech and opinion of God, who himselfe is our law. And what concerning marriage? Our law onely alloweth naturall copulation betweene man and wife, done to the intent to get children. But that men should abuse one another against nature, it altogether disalloweth and punisheth such offenders with death. It commandeth vs to marrie, not respecting Of marriage. the dowrie, neither must we take women violently & by force, nor allure them by deceitfull perswasions, but that wee rather obtaine his good-will, who may graunt & vse ordinarie meanes to perswade. It also appointeth that a woman shall be in all things inferiour to the man, neither E is she to obey in committing wickednes, but as one vnder gouernment. For it is God that gaue The punishment for him that doth rauish a virgine. man this authoritie. With her the husband only may lawfully accompanie, and it is abhomination for her to make triall of another man, and who so attempteth this, can no wise auoide death, the like penaltie attendeth him, if hee offer violence to a virgine despowsed vnto an other man, or if he by perswasions doe ouercome a married woman or other, that hath children vnder her, and all this our law commaundeth: It hath also interdicted all women from concealing their children being borne, or otherwise to destroy them, for so shee should be a child killer. destroy soules and mankind: Who so therefore vseth carnall copulation and corruption is vncleane by our lawes, and women after lawfull copulation must wash themselues, iudging that a part of their soule was by this act defiled, and shee being puffed vp was wounded in her bodie, and therefore The purification for the bodie. F our law ordained water of purification for them. Neither is it lawfull for them to feast and banquet at their child-birth, wherby an occasion of drunkennesse may grow, but that their beginning should be temperate, they are likewise commaunded to traine vp their children in learning, that they may learne the law, and actions of their forefathers, and imitate them that so being trained vp in the law, they may not sinne nor transgresse them by ignorance.
[Page 794] Our law hath also prouided for the buriall of the dead, that our funerals should neither bee G pompeous, nor our sepulchres gorgious, commaunding euerie houshold to performe all necessaries Of the funerals of the dead touching the buriall of their dead, permitting all men at any ones death to assemble themselues together, and bewaile the dead: It also commaundeth euerie one (yea euen the dead mans owne family) to purifie themselues after the buriall, and to goe a farreoff, as seeming to bee vncleane. It also appointeth punishment for them that haue committed murder, either wilfully or against their will. It bindeth euerie man to obey his parents next after God, and commaundeth that those children that doe not shewe themselues gratefull vnto them: or in any thing, doe, The honour due to parents. grieue them, that they should be stoned to death: It also commandeth all yong men to reuerence olde men, because God is elder to vs all. It permitteth not friends to councell any impietie; for God is not their friend who doth not disclose them: and if friends fall out that doe know one anothers H secrets, yet they are commaunded not to bewray them. If any Iudge take a bribe, he is to be punished with death for omitting iustice, and assisting the guiltie. No man must take any thing Against these and vsurie. away that he himselfe placed not, and no man must take that which is not his owne. No man for lending must take vsurie; and many such like things our law commaundeth, concerning cause of communion betweene vs and others.
It is also not amisse to recount how our law maker prouided for the entertaining of strangers amongst vs: For he seemeth so to haue prouided, that to our knowledge wee neither corrupt our owne lawes, nor denie to impart them to others: but hee entertaineth all liberally that will come and liue vnder our lawes, iudging the communitie of mans life, not so much to consist in the nation whereof we come, as in the vnitie of our minds and conuersation. He forbiddeth others that I are strangers, and come not with that intent to be admitted to our solemnities, yet he commanded vs to exhibite vnto them, all other things necessarie: and that wee should giue vnto all men, fire, water, meate, and burie them being dead. He hath also most mildly determined how we ought How we ought to vse our enemies. to deale with our enemies, that wee neither destroy their Countrie with fire, nor out downe their fruit trees. Wee are also forbidden to rob and spoyle those that are slaine in fight, and deale iniuriously with our captiues; and especially if they be women: yea hee so endeuoured to teach vs humanitie & mildnes, that he prouided, that we vse euen vnreasonable beasts courteously, & only imploy them to serue our lawfull need and no further: for he forbiddeth vs to kill any tame thing bred in our houses, and that we should not kill the olde beasts and their young together, and although many wilde beasts enemies to mankind doe assist vs in our labours, yet he commaunded K to spare them also. And that in euerie point hee established humanitie and mildnesse amongst vs, vsing (as is before said) lawes to direct vs therein, enacting also other, how they who infringe the foresaid laws, may be with al seueritie punished: for the punishment allotted to the violaters hereof, A repetition of the precepts of the law. is for the most part death: as if any man commit adulterie, rauish a virgine, vse the sinne against nature with another, or suffer himselfe to bee so abused. We also haue lawes concerning our seruants, & our measures, and weights, and vnlawfull bargaines and sales, or deceite, if either one take any thing that is an other mans, or which is not his owne; all these are to be punished not as other nations punish them, but much more grieuously. But whosoeuer either iniurieth his parents, or committeth impietie against God, he shall presently bee destroyed: but they that obserue this law are rewarded not with gold or siluer, nor with a crowne beset with precious stone, but euerie one L hauing his conscience to witnesse, doth greatly profit and gaine eternitie, as both our law-maker prophecieth, and God himselfe doth most assuredly promise to them that obserue them. And if it chance that we bee forced to suffer death for them, yet doe we ioyfully goe to execution, nothing doubting but that we shall so exchange this life for a better: I should bee loth to report this, if our The reward of such as keepe the law. deedes did not make it manifest, for many of our forefathers, onely for that they refused to speake against our lawes, or otherwise then our lawes permitted, haue most manfully and constantly indured all torments and death it selfe. If our nation were vnknowne to all the world, and that this our voluntarie obseruation of our lawes, were not manifest to all people, if any man should report vnto the Greekes, that either hee had read this which I haue declared, or else that hee had The continuance of the lawes amongst the Iewes. found people in a straunge land, such as we bee, hauing so pius and honest opinions concerning M God, and who had for many ages perseuered therein; I doubt not but they would all admire and wonder hereat, considering the great mutabilitie amongst themselues. To bee short, their are some who sticke not to deride them who haue lately written of the gouernement of Commonwealthes and lawes, as though they had written thinges fabulous and altogether impossible. And that I speake nothing of other Philosophers that haue written of this argument, [Page 795] That diuine Plato amongst the Greekes, a man who in honest life, vertuous speech, and Plato admired amongst the Greekes. A sound Philosophie, excelled all others. This man is almost continually scoffed at by them, who in their owne conceit are skilfull in ciuill affaires, and brought in as a vice in a comedy. Whereas whosoeuer considereth his writings with diligence, shall often and easily finde matter agreeable with most mens manners: yea this Plato himselfe confesseth, that he dare not by reason of the common peoples ignorance set downe the true opinion of God. But many thinke Platoes words full of varietie, and licentiousnesse, and admire Lycurgus; and euerie one commendeth the Citie Lycurgus the law-maker amongst the Lacedemonians. of Sparta, for that it so long time perseuered in his lawes. It is therefore an euident demonstration of vertue to remaine in their lawes. But if those who so admire the Lacedemonians doe compare them with vs, and the time during the which their lawes were in force, with the time of our common wealth: they shall finde that ours hath continued more then two thousand B weeres. They shall also finde that the Lacedemonians did onely perfectly obserue their lawes, during such time as they were in prosperitie and libertie, and that when their fortune chaunged, that then they became vnmindefull of their lawes.
But we, who haue felt many thousand mishaps by reason of the often chaunge of princes in Asia; haue not in these our last miseries and euils forsaken our lawe. Neither can any man say, that libertie and licentious life is the cause, why we so diligently obserue them, seeing that who so please may see sufficient proofe, that they tie vs to more strict life and laborious, then those of the Lacedemonians did them. For they neither tilled the earth, nor vsed any The Iewes compared with the Lacedemonians. handy craft, but ceasing from all labours and paines taking, liued in their Citie far and faireliking, hauing both their meate and all other necessaries prouided and prepared for them by C others, and esteemed that onely their felicitie to doe or endure any thing, so that they might preuaile against those against whom they enterprised warres: and that they failed also herein, I omit to rehearse. For not onely one or two of them at once, but oftentimes whole companies of them, forgetting their owne lawes yeelded themselues to their enemies. And can anie one tell of (I say not so many) but of one or two of vs that euer was treacherous to his own lawes, or that feared to die for them, I meane not a common death, such as souldiers are subiect vnto, but such a death as is effected by all torments and tortures that can be deuised. Which I think those that preuailed against vs imposed vpon vs, not for hatred, but that they desired to see so admirable a matter, and to see if we being but men, and such who esteemed it the greatest impietie possible to doe it, could be compelled by them to speake or doe any thing contrarie to our The streit laws of the lewes. D lawes. Yet it is no wonder that we for our law doe die with such constancie, rather then any other nation: for other nations cannot abide to endure that which we account a triflle, to wit, labour, and simple fare, and that no man eate whatsoeuer, or what he desireth, or lie with them whom he ought not, or be idle (except he be of noble birth) or go gallantly attired: and we are alwaies carefull that when we fight against our enemy, we obserue our lawes concerning our meats. And thus we take pleasure to obserue and keepe our lawes, and to exercise fortitude in obeying them.
Let now Lysimachus or Molonus passe, and such as they be, wicked, lying writers, and Sophisters, deceiuers of young men, and detracters of our owne nation, as though we were the wickedest people liuing. As for me, I will not examine the lawes of other nations: for it is our custome E to keepe and obserue our owne, not to detract others, yea and our law-maker openly prohibited Moses forbiddeth to deride and blaspheme false gods only for the name of God impured vnto them. The number of Gods amongst the gentle infinit. vs from blaspheming such, as other nations hold for gods, onely for the name of God attributed vnto them: yet may we not leaue the obiections of our accusers vnanswered, seeing that which wee are to speake against them, is not our owne deuice, but many before vs haue spoken it. Who then of all the wise Greekes will not condemne the most famous Poets, and especially the law-makers, who at first brought and setled such vaine opinions of the gods amongst the cōmon people? affirming the number of them to be so many as they thought good, and to be borne at diuers times one of another; allotting to euerie one his proper place, as vnto other liuing creatures, some to be vnder the earth, others in the sea, and the ancientest amongst them in Hell, fettered and bound, and those whom they place in heauen, in words, they do terme F him a father, but in deeds they shew him to be a tyrant, and for this cause they report that his wife, his brother, and his daughter, whom they affirme to haue been borne of his braine, conspired against him to binde him, and hang him, as they report him also, to haue dealt by his father. The fable of Iupiter and Pallas. Against these vanities all excellent and wise men doe worthily inueigh, who beside this already rehearsed too in derision, adde, how some of the gods are young, and some olde, and some [Page 796] infants, others are gods of artes and sciences, and one is a Smith, another a Weauer, another G a Pilgrime, and is at variance with mortall men, others delight in musicke, others in shooting: moreouer that they are at variance one with another amongst themselues, and that they fall our one with another in mens behalfe, and that not onely one of them laieth violent hands vpon the other, but that also they are wounded by mortall men, and sorrow, & feele griefe for the wounds; and that which is most abominable of all, do vse carnall copulation with mankind, and that most vndecently, that their vnbridled lust is extended both to men and women. Then that their chiefe Iupiter. God of all, whom they call father; contemned and drowned certaine women whom he himselfe had deceiued and gotten with childe, and that he could not deliuer the children borne of these women from calamitie, for that destinie had obliged him, not see their deaths without teares. This is all good stuffe, as also is that which followeth, to wit, adulteries committed in heauen, so H openly, and impudently amongst the gods, that some professe themselues to enuie their fellow gods and goddesses tied togither in such filthinesse. And what should the rest of them doe, when as their king and the most auncientest amongst them, could not refraine his lustfull licentiosnesse from the company of women? Moreouer, some of them became seruants vnto men, and some built houses for money, and others became shepheards, others like malefactors were chained in hell. What man then that euer was accounted wise, would not blush at these follies, and reprooue the inuentors thereof, and the foolish beleeuers also? Others presumed to feigne both terror, and feare, and madnes, and such simplicitie, as that they might be deceiued, and all other naughty passions to be found in the nature of their gods, & haue perswaded whole cities to offer sacrifices to the most noble amongst them. And they are in great perplexitie, thinking that I some of the gods are the giuers of all good things, others again to be their enemies, and so seeke to please them with gifts as they would doe wicked men; and they are verily perswaded, that they shall sustaine great domage by their meanes, except they doe daily pacifie their wrath by frequent gifts. What is the cause of this shamefull ignorance, and erronious iniquitie concerning What is the cause of such error concerning God. God? Truely I am perswaded, for that their first law-makers were themselues herein to seeke, and ignorant of the nature of God, and that they did not faithfully deliuer vnto their common wealth, so much as themselues knew concerning this point: but as thought it had bin a thing of least moment, did wilfully let it passe, giuing licence to Poets, and permitting them to deifie and make gods whom they pleased, and that the Orators should write of the common wealths affaires, and tell what them liked of strange gods. Moreouer, the painters and image-makers amongst Poets and pain ters cause the multitude of gods: K the Greeks, had a great hand in making of gods, it being lawfull for them euerie one to frame what shape he list, and how he list, some of earth, others in colours: and the chiefest godmakers amongst them vse iuorie and gold to make their gods of; a true argument of their mutable noueltie. And then the auncient gods whom they first so honoured and reuerenced as they could possibly deuise, being now withered with age, are out of credit, and other youngsters possesse their places and honours: their temples also some are desolate, others newly erected, as men pleased. Whereas contrariwise they ought most constantly to keepe their opinion of God, and his religion.
Appolonius Molon was one of these prowd fooles, but those Grecians that followed true Philosophie, knew all that is already said, and the colde reasons of this allegorie, and therefore L did iustly despise them, and agreed with vs in the true and decent opinion of gods nature. Which Plato well seeing, affirmeth that Poets are not to be permitted in a common wealth, and sendeth Plato decreed that no poet should be permitted in a comon wealth. Homer away verie honourably crowned and annointed, least that he with fables should destroy or depraue the true opinion of God. For Plato of all others especially imitated our law-maker, as he did herein also, commanding all his Citizens that all of them should perfectly learne his lawes, and that for no casualtie, any strange forraine custome should be admitted into their Citie, but that their common wealth should be pure, and they persist in the obseruation of their lawes. But Appolonius Molon not respecting this, inueigheth against vs, for not receiuing into our societie men of strange opinions or religion, whereas not onely we doe so, but commonly all Greekes, yea and the most prudent amongst them. The Lacedemonians did expell all strangers, M and did not permit their Citizens to trauell into other countries, fearing that by both these waies their lawes might be corrupted. They therefore are to be spoken against rather then we, seeing they neither admit strangers to conuerse with them, nor to inhabite amongst them, no The Lacedemonians did expell al strangers. nor impart their religion vnto them, but we though not desirous to learne other nations religigion, yet doe we not denie to impart ours to strangers that desire to embrace it, which if I be [Page 797] not deceiued is a token of magnanimitie, and clemencle in vs, but this shall suffice concerning A the Lacedemonians. Apollonius was ignorant how matters stood with the Athenians, who boast The Atheniās manners. that their citie is free for all nations, for they did most seuerely and without all mercy punish those that did but speak any word against their God. For what was the cause of Socrates his death? he neither betraied the city to enemies, nor destroyed their temples, but onely swore by a strange oath, which as he said (whether in iest or in earnest) a diuell taught him, and for this offence was Socrates a citizen of Athens. he put to death, by drinking hemlocke: his accusers alledging, that he corrupted young men, and contemned the lawes, and religion of his countrey. And this Socrates sustained being a citizen of Athens.
Anaxagoras was of Clazomenia, and for that he affirmed the sunne which the Athenians worshipped for God, to be a fierie stone, he was by the sentence of some few condemned to die. They Anaxagoras. B also proclaimed, that whosoeuer would kill Diagoras of Melus should be rewarded with a talent for his labour, onely for that this Diagoras was said to deride their misteries: Protagoras also had beene by them taken and put to death, had he not made quicke escape, onely for that they supposed him to haue written certaine doubts of the Athenian Gods. And what wonder is it that they A talent is 600 crownes. so vsed these famous men, who spared not to vse the like crueltie vpon women? For they killed a priest, for that some accused her to worship straunge Gods, and their law appointed, that who so did introduce straunge Gods into their citie, should be punished with death. It is therefore euident, that they who enacted such streight lawes, did not beleeue the Gods of other nations to be Gods, for had they beleeued in them, they would not haue depriued themselues of the benefit of many Gods. The verie Scithians (who delight in manslaughter, so that they verie little differ from bruit beasts) yet do they thinke themselues bound to maintaine their owne lawes, as best, The Scithians. C so that they slew Anacharsis a famous Greeke, that came vnto them, onely for that he seemed to attribute too much vnto the Grecian Gods, yea thou maist find many amongst the Persians, who for this cause haue beene tortured: And it is euident that Appolonius approued the Persian lawes, for when the Greeks admited their fortitude and concord of opinions concerning God, The Persians manners. I meane the fortitude they shewed in the burning of their temples, this Appolonius in all things imitated the Persians, violating other mens wiues, and putting out their childrens eies. Whereas our lawes adiudge him to death that so vseth vnreasonable beasts: And neither the feare and terrour of potentates, nor the fauour of them whom all men reuerence, could euer cause vs to The Iewes cō stancy in their lawes. forsake or abandon these lawes, neither do we exercise fortitude, to the end to depriue other men D of their goods and fortunes by warre, but to keepe our owne lawes, and we who patiently put vp all other iniurie, yet if any man do in our religion prouoke vs, we presently seeke reuenge, not respecting our owne abilitie, yea though thereby we worke our owne vtter ruine and calamitie. What therfore should moue vs to imitate the lawes of other nations, when they that made those lawes (yea euen the lawmakers themselues) did transgresse them? Or how can the Lacedemonians Against the lawmakers of the Gentiles. auoid reproch for their inhospitalitie, & neglecting mariage? Or the Elians and Thebans for accompaning with men, contrarie to the law of nature, which fact most shamefull, they deemed good & necessary. Yea not content to do so themselues, they also ascribed the like vnto their gods to be done by them (which the Greeks also now of late haue done) & for this cause they refused to The iniustice of lawmakers. marry with their own women, iudging their satisfaction to be contrarie to the prescript of nature: E But I wil speak no more of punishment, neither how great malefactors those first lawmakers freed from punishment, being bribed with mony, & how vniust they were in the lawes appertaining to wedlock. It is long to examine how great occasions of impietie they gaue. For many haue alreadie long ago forsaken their lawes, which cannot be said of vs, who for our lawes haue suffered losse of our cities, fortunes and liues, we keeping and persisting in our lawes euen vnto death, & if any Iew The Iewes strict obseruation of the law. be in a straunge countrey where there is a tyrant king, yet doth not he so feare him that he would for his commaund any iot transgresse our lawes; if therefore we do valorously endure thus much for our lawes, all men must needs grant our lawes to be verie good, but if they say we suffer all these calamities for to maintaine wicked or naughtie lawes, what punishment are they not worthie of, who hauing (as they say) better lawes then we, do so easily forsake them, whereas we do F maintaine ours euen with our owne liues? But seeing antiquitie of lawesis the greatest argument to prone their goodnes, I will set downe of what antiquitie our lawes are, together with our lawmakers opinion of the Dietie; if therefore any one compare our lawes with the lawes of all nations, The Iewes lawes are of great antiquitie. he shall find that ours are of more antiquitie then theirs by many ages. For our lawes established amongst vs haue beene imitated of all other nations: For though the first Greekes did colourably [Page 798] obserue lawes, yet all their Philosophers did imitate ours, and our opinions of God, and G The lawes of the Gentiles. in humilitie taught others communion of life, and conuersation, yea the common people did long since imitate our pietie, neither is there any nation either Greekes or Barbarians, who haue not after some manner obserued a Sabaoth as we do, and fasting daies, and candlestickes with light, all which they learned of vs, yea many do also obserue our customes concerning their meats, and our vnitie and concord, wherein we excell all other nations, our communitie also and industrie in arts and labours, and sufferance for our lawes. And which is most to be admired, our law, not hauing any to force vs to obserue it, hath so obliged our hearts, that as God is of all the world honoured without compulsion, so are our lawes amongst vs all, we not forced therevnto: And whosoeuer doth diligently consider his owne nation and family, shall find that which I haue reported, to be true: I will now generally reprehend the voluntarie malice of all men, for H either they meane that we hauing these good lawes do yet little esteeme them, and follow worse, The Epilogue of this booke. or if they do not so meane, let thē hold their malitious tongue from any further calumniatiation: For I doe not take vpon me the defence of this cause, for that I beare any hatred to any man, but for that I and all Iewes do honour and reuerence our lawmaker, and beleeue that whatsoeuer he prophecied proceeded from God, yea although our selues did not know the goodnesse of our lawes yet the multitude of them that imitate them were a sufficient motiue to enduce vs thereunto. But I haue at large and with all sinceritie discoursed our lawes, and commonwealth in my bookes of our antiquitie. And I now againe haue made mention of them neither in contumely of other nations, nor in praise of our own, but only to reproue such as haue most maliciously The cause why Ioseph writ these bookes against Apion. A briefe rehearsall of all that is aboue. said. and impudently belied vs, contrarie to the knowne truth: And I thinke I haue alreadie fully performed I th [...] which I promised. For I haue shewed our nation (contrarie to their affirmations) to be most ancient, which I haue proued by the testimonie of many ancient writers, who in their works haue mentioned vs.
Our aduersaries affirme vs to haue come of Aegyptians, I haue shewed that our forefathers came into Aegypt out of some other place. They alledge that we were expelled Aegypt for The intention of the Iewes lawes. their miserie, in that they were infected with disease; I haue proued that they came from thence to their owne countrey, by meanes of their owne prowesse and force, of their owne accord: Others labour to defame our lawmaker as a wicked person, whose vertue many of ancient times, & so long time as hath beene since him, do witnesse. It is not needful to speake more largely of our lawes: for they by themselues appeare pious and good, & such as do not inuite or incite vs to the K hatred of other nations, but rather to communion and friendshp, being both enemies to iniquitie, and commaunders of iustice, banishers of luxuriousnes, and teachers of frugalitie and labour: forbidding all wars enterprised for auarice, and preparing the people to shew fortitude in them, and for them, inflicting ineuitable punishment vpon their transgressors, not easily to be deceiued by gloasings speeches, and executing in action, all that they in word commaund: yea amongst vs the execution of them & obseruation is more readie then the words of them: I therefore confidently affirme that we do teach more pious and vertuous manners then other nations The origen of the Iewes lawes. doe. For what can be better then inuiolate pietie? What more iust then to obey the law? what more profitable and commodious, then to be at vnitie and peace amongst ourselues, and neither to forsake one another in calamity, nor iniurie one another in prosperitie, to contemne and dispise L death in time of warre, and in peace to labour and till our grounds, & to vse other arts and works, and alwaies to thinke and beleeue, that God beholdeth all our actions, and ruleth and disposeth all things? If this be either written or reserued by any one before this time, we are then to thanke them as being their schollers, but if they are knowne neuer before to haue beene extant, then we are knowne to be the first authors and inuentors of it. Let therefore all Apions and Moions go, and all others that with them are conuicted of lying and slaundering. And this bookeis written to the Epaphroditus who louest the truth, and to others who by thee wil, or are desirous to know the same.
DESIDERIVS ERASMVS A B ROTERODAMVS TO THE MOST VERTVOVS AND LEARNED FATHER, HELIAS MARCEVS, THE MACHABAETAN RVLER OF THE RENOWMED COLLEDGE OF THE MACHABAES.
I Haue not grudged vertuous Father, to dedicate vnto thee a dayes labour, C wherein I haue perused and what in me lyeth amended, the booke which Ioseph writ of the seuen Machabees, brethren: And would it had lyen in my power more aboundantly, to haue answered your expectation: I haue now (for that I counted the Greeke copie) by the Latine coniectured the Greeke, and altered some things, yet but verie few. Ioseph doth not falfely boast himselfe to haue attained to the excellencie of the Greeke tongue, and this booke will sufficiently witnesse the same, wherein he shewed both great vanitie, and Emphasis, in so much as hee seemeth to haue handled that famous worke with eloquent stile and ornament of discourse. Saint Ierome for this cause entitleth this booke great eloquence, Suidas [...] out of them both wee amend D the corrupted title & cal it [...] that is of the rule of reason, for the scope of this booke tendeth all to proue, that reason is of no force in man; except it beare soueraigntie ouer all our inordinate appetites. This is most euidently proued by the bookes of the Machabees, in the Scripture, which books the Iewes doe not receiue as Canonicall, yet doe they account it amongst their sacred writ. I cannot but congratulate this worthy Colledge (which though famous for many other things yet is more happie) for that it is so blessed, as to inioy so worthie and vnspeakable a treasure. Or rather all Colonia Agrippina, that happie and fortunate Citie, yet in nothing more happie, then for that it alone doth in her bosome shrine so many, so sacred, and excellent pledges of pietie, yet should it be more happie if it could expresse their vertues, whose sacred reliques it so religiously keepeth, and imitate their manners whose E bodies it possesseth, to wit, if in sinceritie of religion it imitated the pietie of three Kings, and the sacred puritie of the eleuen Virgins, if it resembled the most valiant yong men the Machabes, and the inuincible courage of that woman, whose valorous constancie no miserie could conquer. And this best portion and part of her felicitie, this worthie Citie might bestow vpon her selfe, yea and double the same. Doe thou goe forward in that which thou hast in hand, to wit, in spreading the praise of those Martyrs, making that vertuous example more commendable, and your Citie more famous.
Farewell
FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS G H OF THE RVLE OF REASON, A MOST ELOQVENT BOOKE,
I Am vpon the instant request of Polybius of Megalopolis, to commit I to writing the constant suffering of the Machabees, worthie all admiration, not in a Rhetoricall and pleasing stile, but rather after our owne Countrie fashion, thereby to exhort our nation patience in their calamities. But first of all, it is necessary for vs to speake something of reason, and assigne vnto it the power & vertue to deliberate. For he who hath once fully determined to suffer all miserie for Gods sake, is in my opinion alreadie a Martyr: it is therefore a great merite once to haue so determined, and therefore as is aboue said, reason beareth the rule of all inferiour passions, and then if destinie denie vs opportunitie to suffer, yet K haue we suffered all because we purposed to suffer all. Who so therefore wil renownee the world, Reason hath dominion ouer our passions. and aspire onely to celestiall things, hee must first exercise sobrietie, banish gluttonie, with his page lasciuiousnesse, and all other such like vices as may possesse and captiue the mind, hee must likewise mount-vp vnto the top of vertues towre, that after he may from thence warre against the vices of this body, feare, and griefe, the first whereof assaulteth vs when wee begin, and the last when we haue begunne. There are many examples of the valiant souldiers of God, which I would vse, but that the ornaments sprung from the wombe of one woman may suffice me, which shee brought forth not at one birth, but with the same pietie and zeale. And first I will speake of Eleazer, the cause and example of their passion, and then I wil relate what tortures and torments their The death of the seuen brethren and their mother. mother indured, yet cannot man but onely God determine, who amongst them was first, and L who last in this noble agonie. They therefore being all setled in one opinion, resembling one an other more in mind then they did in body, duely considered the frailtie of this life, and therefore neither delighted in the flatteries of this world, nor any alluring inchauntments thereof. They shewed themselues not to esteeme of torments, fetters, nor no other sort of tortures imposed vpon them, and to returne to our first saying, they premeditated patience, to indure whatsoeuer the iudges crueltie could deuise. I will there in what I may, prayse the fortitude of these brethren, or rather I will with all truth rehearse the most worthie agonie of these holy men, which deserueth all commendations, and setting all adulation a part, prosecute with a bare Historicall narration the manner of their martyrdome.
But before I begin to declare the death of nobilitie, I will a little entreate of reason, which as I haue affirmed is no smal motiue to martyrdome. Reason it is, that maketh vs obserue fasts and vse M abstinence, it is reason that maketh vs despise money, and by it wee are taught not to account of The description of reason and wisedome. dignities and honours, which all men generally ayme at, yea reasons gift it is that we doe resist the heat of lustfull desires. Hence commeth it, that hauing once ouercome such things as the flesh delighteth in, we find our selues a little able to resist, we also learne to despise paines & torments, and [Page 801] so resolue to suffer all things that shall be imposed vpon vs. Which that it may more plainly appeare, A let vs search out the cause of this order, and we shall finde wisedome to be the cause hereof. For no man can determine and distinguish good from euill that is not endued with wisedome, this wisedome is alwaies accompanied with iustice, and iustice is still ioyned with vertue, and vertue and temperance cannot be seperated; so that this wisedome consisteth vpon foure parts. Besides these, there are two things that either do cause or hinder passion, to wit, paine and pleasure, Griefe and paine cause or hinder passion. one of the which we doe alwaies refuse, and the other we alwaies desire; yet where pleasure ariseth and is presently by reasons rule put away, the minde is there strengthened; and paine compared with glorie is through hope of a greater reward contemned before it come, and being come, our minde is ashamed not to suffer that which it was before resolued to doe, for reason therefore is the guide of all our actions, and by it we despise torments and detest vice, which like B a skilfull [...]usbandman pruneth and cutteth away superfluous branches, and killeth the heate Reason resembleth a skilfull gardener. of all corrupt and hurtfull humors, onely leauing that to remaine in vse, which may someway be profitable vnto vs.
Thus reason purifieth vs by passion, encouraging to suffer, and in our suffering and agonie strengthening vs. Who is not desirous to eate of the flesh of wilde beasts and fishes? And who lusteth not to eate of feathered soules? nay, doe not the daintie dishes gotten either in Sea or land inuite vs to eate of them? What then causeth vs to abstaine from them? that all men desire them, yet no man eateth them? Euen in this thing the minde is taught to ouercome it selfe in delightfull obiects, and so to bridle all pleasure, that when occasion of martyrdome is offered, the minde setting aside all vanities, will not for a little pleasure forget his accustomed vertue. For this An instance of Iosephs chastitie. C cause was Ioseph iustly praised in that he was not ouercome by lust, which raigneth in a youthfull body, this reason so worketh with sound aduise and mature counsell, that it againe recouereth lost friendship and getteth new, and suffereth no crueltie to be committed. Of this we haue also the example of Moses who had he not iust occasion to be angrie against Dathan and Abiram, reason (no doubt) would haue caused him to haue smothered all griefe of minde. Did not our father Iacob with great vehemencie reproue his sonnes Simon and Leui, that without reason they had vsed such crueltie, saying, cursed be your anger? which anger and wrath of theirs, had it been bridled with reason, neither had they been cursed, nor the other had perished. For this cause God the maker of mankinde, when he fashioned vs and our manners, hauing finished all lineaments of the body, he now placed the minde to be in it, and to rule it, leauing it certaine precepts D to obserue and keepe, to wit, temperance, and to embrace and follow that which is good and cleaue vnto iustice, and rule and bridle all passions in the body subiect vnto it, and obserue the precepts of God.
But some will aske me wherefore we offer to commit wickednesse, seeing that reason ruleth our passion? But it is a ridiculous thing to thinke that reason so ruleth, for reasons rule cannot hinder the appetite from desire, but onely correct desire and so preuaile that it suffer with patience the losse or abstinence from such things as it desired. For example sake, reason cannot hinder thee from being angrie, but it can so worke that thou commit no impietie when thou art angrie, in like manner it cannot hinder thee from desiring filthy pleasure, yet can it cause thee not to yeeld vnto it. E
Reason therefore cannot vtterly extinguish vice, but onely bridleth it. Witnesse in this the An instance of Dauids chirst. example of holy Dauid, who fighting against strangers with great successe and being at euening wearie and faint, he came vnto his princely tabernacle, that was guarded by his souldiers, where Samuel. 2. 28. he found them all at meate, yet himselfe being thirstie, durst not drinke, notwithstanding water was hard by, onely for that religion disswaded him, for he had vowed not to drinke before he had conquered his enemies. He also forbad his men to drinke, so that they might fight more couragiously, if not for that they were valiant, at least for that they might so haue drinke. Whilest thus his thirst encreased, three young men of strong bodies armed themselues, and taking with them a vessell to put water in, they went vnto the enemies campe, and there assaulted the watchmen, who for feare of death fled, and so they past thorow the campe till such time as they came F where the water was, and taking some from thence, they brought it to the king. But holy Dauid Dauid in his thirst refused to drinke the water he so desired. so bridled his humane appetite, that by reason he quenched his desire, and shewed an excellent token of patience, teaching how the feare of God was to be preferred before all things. For taking the water he had much wished for, and which had been gotten with such danger, he presently powred it on the ground, as a sacrifice to God, chusing rather to die for thirst, then to [Page 802] offend the diuine maiestie: yet reason is not so forcible, that it is able without due consideration G to represse the inordinate motions of the minde, and mitigate the griefe of the bodie. But it is now time to come to our historie, yet is not this former discourse to be thought impertinent, for that it is somewhat appertaining to the matter ensuing. Such was the wisedome and fidelitie Seleucus and Nicanor. of our forefathers, that Seleucus king of Asia enriched our priests, and being a man of another religion did ascribe all his actions and worthy deedes, to the religion and faith of our auncestors. But wicked mens madnesse could not herewith be satisfied. For one Simon hating the Simon a traitor to his countrey. high priest Onias, and finding no waies or meanes to be reuenged of him in his owne countrey, he went vnto Appolonius Gouernour of Syria, Phoenicia, and Cilicia, and before him in a publike assembly tolde him, that he could helpe the king to an infinite treasure, for (quoth he) there is hidden in Ierusalem an infinite deale of golde and siluer, which by right belongeth vnto king H Seleucus: Appolonius hearing this, praised and commended Simon, and confiscated the golde and siluer to the treasure house of Seleucus, and hauing authoritie from the king to get it, he leuied Appolonius captaine of Syria came with an army to Ierusalem. an army, and so accompanied with Simon came vnto our country, purposing if any violence were offered, to vse the defence of his souldiers. When the treasure house of our temple was now a sacking, Onias wept bitterly and said, that it was a heauy sight to them to whom this treasure was committed, to see it, or any part of it taken away. But Appolonius neither respecting the teares and entreaties of the olde men, women, nor children, pressed into the temple, they all praying God to punish him and to defend their temple. Being now with a great guard of armed men entred into the holy temple, there appeared certaine angels on horsebacke with weapons in Angels vpon horses shining with fierie brightnesse. their hands, and shining with a fierie flame about them, and they daunted the courage of this I infidell Appolonius, who presently fell downe flat vpon his face, and lying so a great while, at last he came a little to himselfe, and rising vp he leaned vpon his shoulder who kept the temple, not being able to stand alone, he was so terrified with the vision he had seene. When he came a little to himselfe and was in some hope of recouerie, he stretched both his hands towards heauen, and himselfe despairing to obtaine pardon for his offence committed, hee besought the Hebrewes (to spoile whose temple he came) to make intercession for him, himselfe with teares crauing pardon for his offence, and not onely acknowledging his fault, but also confessing himselfe to haue deserued death, and all punishment possible. Holy Onias seeing this, and fearing Onias by prayers obtained Appolonius his life. also that if Appolonius should then die, the Hebrewes would be suspected to haue made him away, he made prayers to God for him, and so obtained his enemies life. Appolonius presently K hasted to Seleucus to let him vnderstand what had happened, but when he came he found Seleucus dead, and Antiochus raigning in his steed, a man of tyrannous nature, who bare an auncient grudge to Onias the high priest, and therefore made Iason his brother high priest in his steed. Iason promising Antiochus in lieu of this good turne to pay him three thousand six hundreth and Antiochus his rage against the Iewes. threescore talents of siluer euerie yeere.
This Iason being now made high priest and chiefe amongst all the nation of the Iewes, hee presently forced all the people to impietie, and to forsake religion; so that to build bathes he hindred the defence and building of the temple, and all Doctors of our nation conspired with him in this iniquitie. But hereat God was presently wroth, who being displeased, it was not needfull to seeke forraine enemies, for Antiochus himselfe was incited to rage against them. Who warring L against Ptolomaeus king of Aegypt, he heard it reported that the Iewes did deeme him to be dead, yet was he verie gallantly entertained by the inhabitants of Ierusalem, and presently after the fight, he made an edict, that who so amongst the Iewes refused to offer sacrifice to the gods, that he should presently die vpon the wheele. But the godly minded of our nation did little esteeme this edict, yea the women circumcising their infants (as our lawe requireth) did afterward cast themselues downe headlong, to the end that they might so obtain a present death without longer delay. Antiochus perceiuing that the seueritie of his edict could not compell the Hebrewes to forsake their religion, but that men voluntarily did chuse death; he sitting in an eminent place from whence all the Iewes might behold him, calling all of them togither he caused swines flesh to be sacrificed vpon the altar, and to be offered to euerie Hebrew to eate. Amongst M this whole multitude assembled from all places, was one Eleazar a priest well instructed Eleazar is brought vnto Antiochus. [...] Macch. 6. Antiochus his exhortation to Eleazar. in learning and the feare of God, a man of aged yeeres, and of a verie reuerent countenaunce, one that was knowne to all men and famous for his vertue. To this man Antiochus said thus: ‘Be aduised by me holy olde man, to eschew those torments prepared for such as are obstinate, preserue thy reuerent age and contemne not the benefit of this life, take the sacrifice and eate of the [Page 803] swines flesh: for it is contrarie to all wise mens aduice to credit the Iewes opinions, and to refuse A that meate, which nature hath as well ordained for mankind as any other. Wee shew our selues vngratefull for Gods benefits, who contemne his graces and make difference where nature hath made none, or what reason is there to shew that this beast is more abhominable then others? Either all beasts are to be eaten or else all to be eschewed, it is superstition and idlenesse to barre our selues from any thing by a law, when we haue no other for it but our will. Set apart those vaine and sottish opinions, and at least in this venerable age chaunge thy opinion into better. Or suppose your lawes are forcible and to be obserued, yet will they excuse thee, seeing thou dost not sinne voluntarily but by compulsion.’
Eleazar being permitted to speake, thus replied to Antiochus, who both exhorted and forced him to breach of his lawes. ‘Wee Antiochus do not follow a vaine report, but we obserue Eleazars answere to Antiochus. B the veritie of religion which our fathers kept, and feare of torments cannot make vs embrace an other religion, and forsake our owne, yea suppose our religion deliuered to vs by our forefathers had no firme grounds, yet would I in nothing, no not compelled by torments, forsake it. Do not esteeme it a small matter to eate impious meat, and to taste of that which is sacrificed to the Idols, for it is a prophane thing to touch things that are prophane. Our law condemneth your philosophie wherein he is most ignorant that thinketh himselfe most wise. We are taught to embrace sobrietie, to subdue in vs all inordinate appetite, to keepe our bodies chast, and to suffer with patience whatsoeuer for Gods sake is inflicted vpon vs, and not to denie the truth, iustice or pietie, or God who alone is true: and thefore I refuse this prophane meat, well knowing what I ought to eate, as warranted therein by the precept of Almightie God, whose lawes I haue learned C to obey, and eschew all meats sacrificed vnto Idols, and embrace with all my force that which is expedient for the soule, it is open tyranny to compell any one to that which religion forbiddeth, and to commaunde that which is contrarie to iustice. Doe what thou wilt, mocke at thy pleasure, yet shalt thou be more derided then thou thy selfe deridest. I will persist in the holy steps of my forefathers; notwithstanding thou therefore with tyrannous hands plucke out mine eies, and with a sharpe knife rip vp my entrailes, thou shalt neuer conquer me. I will die safe and sound, and patient in the loue of God, neither flatter thy selfe for that I am aged, and that my bodie is now feeble: if need be that I must be sacrificed for Gods sake, thou shald finde me in these yeeres as lustie as a child, as constant as a young man, yea & most ioyful in torments and prepare an extraordinarie fire for me, or what else soeuer, thou shalt find me more constant D midst torments, then now I am before I came to them. O sacred religion I will neuer violate thee Eleazar constancie. the foundation of my saluation, the defence of the beleeuer, the ground of faith, neuer will I lift vp my hands contrarie to thy precepts; neuer will I beleeue any thing to be iust, which is repugnant to that which thou hast taught me, I wil not loose the merit of so many yeers, nor relinquish the faith I haue hitherto embraced. The chast, pure, & deuout company of fathers shall receiue me into their number where I shall not feare (O impious king) thy threats. But thou hast changed the name of king to tyrāt, yet thou shalt neuer alleage against me my deed, my consent, my word.’
Whilst Eleazar full of constancie and libertie spake thus, the souldiers that stood there about hailed him to be tortured, and stripping him naked, they hanged him vp, and whipped him, and Eleazar cruelly whipped. whilst on either side he was beaten, a crier with an impious voice still cried vnto him, obey the E kings pleasure and commaund. But worthie Eleazar was not ouercome by torment, but suffered all tortures, as though he had beene in rest and sleepe, and did manfully and without feare endure all torments, and fixing his venerable eies vpon heauen, he knew in whom he beleeued, and to whom he sacrificed his soule, and beholding the flesh on each side rent and torne from his bodie, and the bloud issuing out in great aboundance, he admired his owne patience, and thanked God the author thereof. At last feeling in himselfe the frailtie of all flesh (which is scarcely able to endure so sharpe torments.) he fell vpon his face, which with stripes was all rent and torne, still glorifying God, as he did before his fall. Then one of the souldiers to gratifie the king, did like a mad man spurne and tread vpon him, thereby to increase his torments more. But Eleazar both strong in bodie and mind, did like a right champion of the true God, neuer shrinke at those paines, F but this patient olde man did by patience ouercome the crueltie of his tormentors, so that euen the torturers thēselnes admired that he endured so many torments. Then the kings officers comming vnto him said, how long Eleazar wilt thou neglect to obey the king, & to free thy selfe from torments? eate of the flesh of swine, & redeeme thy selfe from all thou endurest. Eleazar although in this martyrdome he had beene silent, yet could he not without answering endure to heare so [Page 804] prophane counsaile, but as tormented with this speach, he cried out. ‘We sonnes of the Hebrewes G are not so effeminate as to forsake the way of our saluation, wherein we haue walked euen vntil our olde age, neither are we taught for the auoiding of contumelie which will not long continue, to giue others example and occasion to sinne, it is but a while that this life is to continue, so that we forsake but a smal trifle, yet hope we for that which is of great moment. Wilt thou tyrant esteeme of vs if we should yeeld vnto thee? nay thou mightest iustly reprooue our inconstancie. We will therefore die and resigne our soules (O venerable father Abraham) into thy bosome.’
The souldiers seeing his constancie, did by the kings commaund cast him into the fire, and powred stincking and loathsome liquors into his nostrils. All which this reuerent olde man did Eleazars last words in the fire. most willingly suffer, and so was consumed with the flame: yet when nature began to faile, hee spake after this manner, lifting vp his daseled eies to heauen. ‘Thou art he O God, from whom H life and saluation proceedeth, behold I die for obseruing thy lawes, be mercifull vnto this thy nation, and do not forsake them whom thou hast hitherto protected, euen in thy bosome, and vnder the shadow of the wings of thy clemencie, let my death ende all miserie, and pacifie thy wrath bent against our whole nation for their offences, receiue me for them all, and bestow them all vpon me. And amidst these speeches he ioyfully yeelded vp the Ghost. It is most true therefore which we at first affirmed, to wit, that the enduring of paines and torments is wrought by our reasons lore, which once determined and resolued, maketh a prosperous suffering of paines with all patience, who wisely aduising men to that which is best, doth settle & confirme our opinions Reasons victorie. to follow it.’ If therefore reason and the inferiour powers be at variance, we must subiect them to reason if we will make a perfect victorie. With this guide of reason our father Eleazar was I most safely directed, neither to be ouercome with paines, nor to giue place vnto vnlawfull enticements and allurements, he saued the ship of his bodie, from all shipwracke that might arise by the tempestuous stormes of vanitie, and suffered himselfe with no contrarie winde to be driuen from the right course: yea though it was tossed vpon the waues of tyrannie, yet did it remaine sound and vnbroken, and keeping a direct course, arriued in the hauen of saluation. Neuer any man did seeke so valiantly to defend his Citie from an enemie, as this holy olde man did his soule, who amongst stripes, crosses and flames, was still the same man he was before. For as the toppe of a high rocke standeth sase, and resisteth the waue without any domage vnto it selfe; euen so did the rocke of reason in this man beat backe the rage of those tempestuous waues that did beat against his bodie, not permitting them to breake in and pierce K the celestiall and diuine power of the soule. O happie olde man, more blessed then all of thy age, A similitude taken from the rocke. O priest more sacred then all other priests, who didst not pollute thy sacred lips with prophane meats, impietie found no entrance that way, from whence so many praiers to God had proceeded. The tyrants cruelty could not preuaile against thee, thou therfore art made an example Eleazars praise. for all priests of God to imitate. Such a one behooued it a priest to be, more strong then torments, more able to suffer then the torturers to inflict punishment, more forcible then princes commands, yea and more potent then the fire, wherein thou didst perish: and finally thou wast ordained to be crowned with the lawrell of martyrdome for thy sufferance. Thou hast surpassed all antiquitie, thou shalt be an example to all posterity. If then feeble olde age wherein al strength and heat of bodie was extinguished, now vnfit to suffer torments (as being alreadie broken with L age) could by the aduice of reason endure so many torments, so many miseries, who dare denie reason to be the chiefe cause of our sufferance? We haue seene that all cruelty hath beene ouercome by a determination to persist in the seruice and feare of God, yet many affirme that not all men who vse the aduice of reason are able to vndergoe such agonies, but their assertion is vaine, and of no force: for most euident it is that he onely is ouercome by paine, whom wisedome hath not armed with patience. And no maruaile if he who rashly enterprise so waightie a matter, and with due consideration, do at last forsake and repent himselfe of that which he so vnaduisedly vndertooke. But if we with due aduice and deliberation arme ourselues; it is not an easie matter to remoue vs by any misfortune from our determination; when we make account that misfortune will betide vs, we are not easily dismaied thereat when it doth beride, for that nothing M befell vs that we expected not.
Therefore he that is wise and valiant is able to conquer his passions; for that he doth well deli berate, and when he commeth to his agony can put his determination in execution. Neither is the wisedome of this olde man so much to be admired, seeing children and as it were infants haue so deserued commendations in this point, that they did worke astonishment in their tormentors; [Page 805] for the courage and crueltie of Antiochus, being ouercome by the wisedome of old age, was Antiochus caused seuē noble young men of the Hebrews and their mother to bee brought to Antioch. 2. Macch. 7. A now the more increased, and by wicked counsell caused seuen worthie children of the Hebrews to be brought vnto Antioch, out of their Castle Sosandrum, who being young in yeeres, and so as hee thought, weake and vnable to suffer torments, his hope was that either by perswasions or terror of tortures, he might force them to renounce their religion. He therefore commaunded these seuen, together with their mother Salomona who now grew well in yeeres, to bee brought before him: so they according to his commaund were brought, being of excellent beautie and worthie children of so vertuous a mother; yea they resembled angels, their faces shining like the cleare light of the Sunne, their eyes sparkled in most comely and decent maner, as testifying that they surpassed in vertue al other of humane race and condition. Shee was descended of most vertuous and noble parentage, and so shee her selfe had continued and liued; but that excellent feature B of body, enriched with nobilitie of bloud and dignitie, was now also made more noble by vertue and fortitude, wherein shee passed all other things that could bee said in her commendations. The tyrant beholding them and their mother amongst them, with merrie and gladsome countenance, hee thus craftily spake vnto the children. ‘I wish your good (O admirable youngmen) The kings exhortation to the seuen brethren. for so both your beautie of body and noble parentage perswade me: doe not therefore like mad men resist my commaund, auoide not onely torments, but death also. For I desire not onely to exalt you vnto honour, but also to increase your riches and possessions; contemne the superstitious and superfluous beliefe of your Countrimen, and imbrace our religion: Which if you refuse to doe (as I hope you will not) I will deuise all torments, whereby I may by a lingering and paineful death consume you.’And to the end to terrifie them the more, he commaunded C all instruments of torment to bee presented vnto their view and eye-sight: So wheeles, roddes, hookes, rakes, rackes, caudrons, cag [...], gridirons, were brought forth; and engines to torment the fingers and hands, gauntlets, awles, bellowes, brazen pots, and frying pans: for these are the names which we find. For that which I terme bellowes, was a thinne plate of yron to kindle or blow the fire with like a fanne, and farre more horrible deuises of torments were shewed vnto them too long to rehearse, whereof they hauing had a sight, Antiochus said.
Consent vnto me, O prudent young men: for if that I commaund you to commit a sinne; yet doe you not offend in doing it, seeing you commit it onely vpon compulsion. But the young The young mens constancie. youthes inflamed with a diuine spirit and sense, contemned so many kinds of torments, and despised the tyrants threates and flatteries, and most godly (for they gaue him no iust occasion) D they did driue the tyrant into a greater rage. And by this it is euident how reason is maister ouer passion: for if any slouthful man not before trained vp to it, should of a sodaine come to such a push, at the verie sight of such torments his mind would haue beene troubled, and his countenance appalled, his legs vnder him would haue trembled, and he with feare cōfounded: so that he wold haue presētly stept back frō such an agonie, & would forthwith haue alleadged himselfe vnable to beare so many & so grieuous torments saying. ‘My selfe being vnwise, what should I haue made choyce of? Whether to endure those torments, or accept of the promised benefits? Whether should I haue beene moued to pittie mine owne age, or to compassionate my mother? God would not haue denied pardon for this deede I being forced thereunto, and by doing it though against my will, I shall get the Kings fauour. But where reason and aduise taketh place, and hath E well trained the mind to perfection, the other consequently followeth: As by the example of The seuen brethren reply vnto Antiochus. these brethren I will declare, who as it were all with one voice denied to eate of the sacrificed swines flesh, as they were commaunded. Wherefore (said they) O tyrant dost thou persecute vs that are innocent? We both desire and wish to die, and will vntill such time as death expelleth life, firmely keepe that which God commaunded and Moyses taught vs. And thou tyrant, do not seeke to seduce vs by protesting feined loue towards vs: thou louer of iniustice, master of crueltie, deuiser of iniquitie, the pardon which thou doest offer is to vs more painefull then punishment: we are armed with contempt of death, and esteeme not thy words, as being by our late master Eleazar taught to despise thē. Why then dost thou esteeme such pusillanimitie to be in vs young mē, seeing of late thou foundest such courage in an old man? We follow him, thou canst F not trie and know our minds, except by tearing our bodies, thou search them out: wee will safely and securely suffer for our God any thing, and leauing this earth we shall be entertained into heauen; and thou for so tyrannizing most cruelly vpon innocent soules shalt bee reserued to eternall fire.’
The tyrant greatly mooued, to see that hee could neither preuaile by faire promises nor by [Page 806] threatnings, he caused them to be beaten with buls peasels: & first of all he commanded Macchabeus G the eldest of the seuen brethren to be stripped, and stretched out vpon a racke, and his hands to bee bound behind him, and then to bee most cruelly beaten, who wearied his tormentors by Antiochus cō manded Macchabeus to bee racked. suffering (so great the force of vertue is) so that they desired more to leaue beating him, then he requested they should leaue. This done, he was put vpon a wheele, and a weight hanged at his feete, and so stretched round about it, that his sinewes and entrailes brake, and so his paines increased: yet he being ouercome with paine, his mouth was not for all this stopped or hindred from calling vpon God, who beheld all; and reprouing the tyrant who deuised those torments for the innocents, and taking strength, he is said to haue cried out after this manner. ‘Bloudie tyrant, who persecutest the maiestie of God, I whome thou thus tormentest, am no Witch, nor one who haue murdered and killed another man, but one who dyes for iustice obseruing the law, H & for charitie. Then whē the torturers ouercome with compassion, willed him to submit himselfe vnto the Kings pleasure, he answered: O ye wicked ministers of tyrannie! your wheeles are not so sharpe and cruell, that I thereby will be forced to forsake heauen, whereon my mind is fixed: teare my flesh; yea if so you please, rost it at the fire: torture and torment each parcell of my bodie with seuerall crueltie; you shall for all this finde your selues vnable to force vs young men to impietie.’
As he thus spake a fire was kindled, and hee as hee was vppon the wheele racked, was so throwne into the fire: and thus hee was by flames and torments so burned, that his bowels appeared; his mind nothing moued when his flesh yeelded ouercome with paines, who amidst his The death of the elder brother. pangs cried thus vnto his brethren: ‘(O beloued brethren) learne of me an example of vertue, I consider the strength of an inuincible courage, contemne and despise the alluring baites of this world, and rather obey God then the tyrant, who can if hee please humble the proud and mightie, and exalt the lowly and deiected.’As thus he spake, hee was taken out of the flame, and fleane aliue, his tongue was pulled out of his mouth, and he put into a frying pan, and so hee departed out of this life to the great admiration of all that beheld him; and the ioy of his brethren and mother; and went before them to heauen, there to prepare a kingdome for himselfe and them. The second brother bought
After him the second brother called Aber was hailed by the souldiers, and before the tyrant asked him whether he would relent, hee caused all those torm ents to be shewed him, thereby to terrifie him: but hee nothing thereat moued, and denying to eate of that foresaid sacrifice, K his hands were bound with yron chaines, and hee being hanged vp by them, the skinne of his bodie was fleane from the crowne of his head vnto his knees: so that the entrailes in his brest appeared naked; yet in such manner, as yet he might abide greater torments. For hee was cast before a cruell Libarde thirsting most extremely after bloud, to the intent that hee might deuour with his teeth the rest on his bodie, but the beast smelling of him (no doubt by the great handie worke of Almightie God) forgot his crueltie, and turning away his face, hee did no hurt to the martyr.
‘But hereat the tyrants rage increased, and the Martyr by suffering such torments, was made more constant, crying alowde: O how pleasant is that death vnto me, which is caused by all sorts of torments for Gods sake; yea so much the more pleasant, for that I assuredly hope to finde reward L for it in heauen. Let these torments inflicted vpon me (O tyrant) satisfie thy crueltie, for my paine is not by thy tortures increased, but rather my pleasure: as thou shalt finde by my patience in this agonie. More willing am I to suffer then thou to punish, yea my paine in suffering, is lesse then thine by inflicting the same vpon me. I am tormented for vertue and obseruing the law, and the iustice of God shall banish thee from thy regall seate: thou by tormenting art tormēted, & almost consumed, thy wrath and furie being almost spent vpon me in vaine, thou shalt not escape the day of iudgement: eternall paines are there prepared for thee, which neither thy prophane minde is able to endure, nor thy crueltie of power to decline, thy sinful soule being condemned to eternall punishments.’Thus hee remaining constantly in his faith, and animated by his brothers example, departed vnto heauen. M
Then Michir the third sonne was brought, whom all men now pittied for the death of his two Machir the third brother is brought. brethren, and many exhorted him by his brothers examples to desist from his opinion, & so auoid punishment: but he being hereat angrie, thus replied. ‘One father begot vs, one mother bore vs, one master instructed vs, we are all of one mind, and all alike affected, doe therefore no longer prolōg the time in vaine, I came hither for to suffer & not to speake, vse all your tyrannie possible against [Page 807] this bodie: for you haue no power at all ouer my soule.’The tyrant hereat moued to see this third A nothing relent by his brothers death, he deuised more crueltie thē humane wit alone could inuēt. Wherefore he commaunded a globe to be brought, and tied the holy martyr about it in such sort, that all his bones were set out of ioynt, and displaced: whereat the holy martyr was nothing dismaid. The skin also of his head and face was pulled off, and then he was put vpon the wheele: but he could not be racked any worse; for that all his bones were displaced and did hang one separated from an other in most pitifull manner: and when bloud issuing from him aboundantly he was depriued of the vse of his hands; and feete; but perceiuing his life to be spent he spake thus and died. We (O tyrant) endure this torment for the loue of God, and thou the author of such iniust crueltie shalt suffer euerlasting paine. Then his tongue being cut out of his mouth he was put into a frying panne, and so amidst those torments yeelded vp the Ghost. B
Next after followed Iudas the fourth brother, whom all the people perswaded and entreated to obey the king: but he contemning their praiers and exhortations, said thus with all constancie: Iudas the fourth brother is brought. Your fire shall neither separate nor seuer me from the law of God, nor from my brethren, who in steed of this mortall life enioy life euerlasting. I denounce vnto thee, O tyrant, destruction and ouerthrow, but to such as beleeue saluation: make triall of me therefore thou cruell wretch, and see if God will forsake me, who hath with open and stretched out armes, receiued my three brethren that are gone before me, and whom the wombe of so holy a mother at seuerall times brought forth vnto glorie. The cruell tyrant hearing this, was much moued, and lept downe from his chaire to torment this martyr himselfe, that so he might ouercome him, and in his furie commaunded his tongue to be cut forth: but he hereat not terrified said vnto Antiochus. ‘This crueltie C will nothing auaile thee, neither shalt thou hereby tyrannt, as thou supposest, conquer me. Our God needs not by voice to be awakened, but rather by secret cogitation to be praied vnto to helpe his seruants: he prouideth for them that hold their peace, and heareth the praiers of such as doe call vpon him if they deserue to be heard, and onely requireth puritie of soule. For our God knoweth all things before we aske; and before we our selues enter into cogitation thereof, he vnderstādeth our necessitie: cut out my toong, thou canst not cut out my mind while my life remaineth. Those praiers which by it I haue vttered to Almightie God, haue taught it to suffer: would God thou wouldest so sanctifie all parts of my body by punishing them, for thou therein inflictest punishment vpon thy selfe and reward vpon me, & thinke not that thou shalt thus escape long vnpunished.’ When he had thus spoken, his tongue was cut out of his mouth, and he bound to a D stake, and there he was beaten with ropes ends: and he did patiently endure this, notwithstanding the colour of his face became dead and wanne. Being loosed from thence he was put vpon the wheele, and then praying for his countriemen, he by death went vnto the rest of his brethren.
Then Achas the fifth brother before he was haled to torments, spake in this manner. ‘Behold The death of the fourth brother Achas. The fifth brother presecnted himselfe to torments before he was called. (thou tyrant) I come to be punished before thou commaund me, hope not therefore any iot to alter his mind, who as thou seest desireth to be tormented. The bloud of my foure innocent brethren which thou hast shed, hath condemned thee to hell fire: I am to make them vp the number of fiue, that by it thy paines may be encreased. Tell me (bloudie wretch) for what offence by vs committed dost thou thus punish vs? for what impietie dost thou so persecute vs? what villany E haue we committed? what wickednesse? what naughtinesse haue we attempted? This is all thou canst alleage against vs, that we honour God our creator, & liue iustly in obedience of his lawes, and therefore do not esteeme thy punishments, but they are to vs honour and saluation, and not punishment: we shall be greatly rewarded by God if no part of vs be left free from torment.’ Whilest thus he spake, his executioners by the kings commaund tooke him and cast him into a brasen pot, and was prest downe in it, his head to his feet: and afterward he suffered all other torments, which his brethren had indured; yet not amazed hereat, he sodainly started vp and thus bitterly inueighed against the tyrant: ‘Cruel tyrant, how great benefits dost thou against thy will bestow vpō vs; yea the more thou art incensed against vs, the more acceptable to God shalt thou make vs: yea I should be sory if thou shouldest shew mercie vpon me. This short affliction gaineth F vs life euerlasting, if this tēporall death should not beride me, euerlasting life could not befall me.’ And thus he finished his agonie and died.
When the tormentors laid hands vpon the sixt brother who was called Areth, whom the tyrant permitted either to chuse honour or else punishment: but he agrieued at this offer, said. ‘Although tyrant I be younger in yeeres then my martyred brethren, yet my constancie of minde to [Page 808] theirs is not inferiour, for we were all nourished vp togetheraltoger, her instructed, and we will all G The valour of the sixt brother die together in the feare of God. Hasten therfore to thy deuised torments, & that time which thou couldest spend in exhorting me, spend it in deuising tortures for me.’ Antiochus hereat confounded, commaunded him to be bound to a pillar with his head hanging downe, in such wise as humours running into it might cause ach, and this done, he caused a fire to be made so far: Off him, that it could not burne him, but rost him. He also commaunded as he hung to be pricked with awles, that so the heat might pierce into the holes that they made in his flesh. Whilest thus he was tormented, much bloud like froth gathered about his head and face, and he then spake in this manner. ‘O noble fight, O valiant war! O strife betweene pietie and impietie. These men haue past their agonies, whose crowne of martyrdome is the punishment of their persecutors: I do most willingly follow my brethren, that as by bloud I am conioyned vnto them, so by death H I may not be separated from them. Deuise, O tyrant, some new torment, for these which thou hast alreadie deuised are alreadie ouercome. O master of crueltie, enemie of pietie, persecutor of iustice! we sixe worthie young men haue conquered the kings power, & what his kingdome or the whole world could offorde. Thy fire is cold and heateth not, and the kings weapons are bended and blunted in our bodies, our God giueth vs more courage to suffer, then thou hast to punish: The sixt brother sharpely reproueth Antiochus. and so the precept of God remaineth firme in vs.’ And as he thus spake, one tooke holde of his tongue with a hot paire of tongs, and he suffering the same torments that his brethren had done, and fried in a frying pan, he gaue vp the Ghost.
Sixe of the brethren being now dead by diuersitie of torments, onely one of the seuen remained aliue with his mother, named Iacob, younger in yeeres (but not in constancie of minde) I then the rest of his brethren: hee presenting himselfe before the tyrant, moued him to compassion, both for that he was left alone, and the last of his brethren, and also that he was to perish: Iacob the seuenth brother brought to torments. wherefore he called the child vnto him, and into a place where no instruments of torment were, and taking him by the hand he said thus vnto him, hoping to winne him by faire speeches. ‘By thy brethrens calamitie thou now well hast learned what is prepared for thee if thou disobey me, deliuer thy selfe therfore from these torments, & I will giue thee what honour my kingdome can affoord: thou shalt be a Magistrate and generall of my armie, and one of my councellors.’ But perceiuing himselfe not to preuaile, he caused the young mans mother to be called vnto him: who comming and standing neere her sonne, the tyrant said thus vnto her. ‘Where are now O worthie woman all thy children? Behold of such a number, if thou please, the destinie affoords K thee one: aduise therefore thy child, and mollifie his obstinate minde by wholesome corunsell’ The mother hauing heard what the king said, she enclined her selfe vnto the king: which done, that the king might not vnderstand her, she spake in Hebrew to her child as followeth.‘Pitie thy mother O sonne, and comfort thy sorrowfull mother, who bare thee nine moneths in my wombe, and gaue thee sucke three yeeres, and with great industrie haue brought thee vpto this age. I pray thee, deare sonne, consider the heauen and earth, and al that in them is, and know that God created them all of nothing, who also of nothing made mankind. Feare not this Ethnicks paines and torments, but imitate thy brethren, and contemne death, that in the day of mercie I may receiue thee and thy brethren againe in heauen. ’As his mother thus admonished him, he in the Hebrew tongue requested to be vnbound, for that he had a secret to disclose vnto the king, L who being vnlettered, he presently ranne to the torments prepared, for there was a frying pan red hot, that was prepared for such as were to suffer, vnto the which the child comming, remembring his brethren, beholding also the king, he said vnto him. ‘Cruell tyrant & I now know thee not onely to haue beene cruell against my brethren, but euen crueltie itselfe. Wretch that thou art, who gaue thee this purple? and who exalted thee to this kingdom & dignitie? euen he whom thou in vs dost persecute, whose seruants and worshippers thou killest and tormentest, for which thy wickednes thy selfe shall suffer eternal fire and torments which shall haue no end. Thou art of higher dignitie & authority in this world then other men, yet he that made other men made thee also of the same nature that they are of al men are borne & must die alike. He that killeth another sheweth that himselfe may bee killed: thou tearest and tormentest thy owne picture, and image M all in vaine: thou in thy furie killest him whom not long since God created like thy selfe, and according to the same law: thou thinkest all lawfull which thy kingly power can commaund, thou pullest out our tongues and tearest our bodies with fleshhookes, and consumest vs with All men are borne and must die alike. fire, but they who haue alreadie suffered this, haue receiued euerlasting ioy for their reward; and thou shalt anuswere for all the punishment inflicted vpon them. Thinke not that I [Page 809] expect any fauour at thy hands, I will follow my brethren, and remaine constant in our A law.’ The tyrant hearing thi swas wroth, and caused him to be tormented: but his mother in torment comforted him, and with her kind hands held his head, when with violence of the tortures bloud issued out of his mouth, nose and priuie parts, the tormentors not ceasing till life in him was almost spent, but they (by Gods appointment) gaue ouer, and so he tooke strength againe to endure more then any of his brethren had done; at last his hands and armes being cut off, he lifted vp his eies to heauen, and cried. O Adonai, O Sabaor be mercifull vnto me, The death of the youngest brother. and receiue me into the companie of my brethren, let thy wrath now cease and grant them mercie, who by vs doe make intercession to thee, hauing said thus, his tongue being pulled out, he of his owne accord went into the fierie frying pan, and so to the great admiration of Antiochus died. B
Behold how euident it is, that reason can rule our affections, seeing that children hereby, Reason mistres of our affection. shewed more constancie then the tyrant could shew crueltie. For it was reasons force that wrought in them that determination to suffer all torments, rather then to forsake the way of saluation. These constant young men doe fitly resemble inexpugnable towers, and them, who after a great tempest and shipwracke, doe safely enter the harbour of saluation, who guiding their course amidst the boysterous waues, at last obtaine the wished shoare. For euerie one of them A similitude of the waues. The seuen brethren exhort one another to suffer death manfully. strengthened the other by aduice and good counsaile, and none of them was like an effeminate person, loath to suffer martyrdome. None vsed delay herein, but one followed an others example. Let vs therefore die for our law, and imitate the three children, whom the Assyrians fury condemned to the fierie furnace, whose patience spread their fame euen vnto heauen. Whilst thus one of them exhorted the other, it came to passe, that none of them offended, but each C one resolute in his religion, tooke example of the vertue, courage, and constancie of their forefather Isaac, who vnderstanding that it was Gods will he should be sacrificed, he refused not to submit his bodie to his fathers sword. Let vs (quoth they) yeeld our soules to him, of whom we receiued both soule and bodie: It is a small matter for vs to suffer losse of these members, seeing that we shall in lieue of them receiue euerlasting blisse. Abraham, Isaac and Iacob doe ioyfully expect vs, as coheires of their kingdome, let vs glorifie that wombe wherein we were for ten moneths space, let none of vs be more coward then the other, nor none of vs degenerate from the other. Wee that were all begotten of one father, and sucked of one milke, must in all things resemble one another, wee had one teacher, and one law inuiolate. And in this D golden bond of concord were these brethren linked togither, and none of them mourned to see True brotherhood. the other tormented, but all reioyced at the others death. O children whose dignitie farre surpasseth the royaltie of Kings and Princes, whose glory and vertue is vnspeakable! None of you were terrefied with feare, but you so hastened to your deaths, as though you had onely beene to go to blisse and felicitie, you were truely brethren, who euen by death were linked together. God hath greatly in you magnified our nation, and in you shewed vs all an example of fortitude: A pledge and signe of brotherly amitie. whom therefore I thinke he caused to be so many in number, as were the daies wherein he created the world, so that seuen brethren may resemble the seuen daies, wherein in all things were made. And why should we so admire this fortitude in these young men, when a woman armed her selfe with contempt of death? who indeed is not to be called a mother, but to be E honoured with a higher title then humane frailtie can afford, who bare into this world so many triumphs.
For the mother seeing her children dead, was with a kind and godly zeale inflamed also to suffer, and no maruaile, seeing that the verie bruit beasts, if they perceiue violence offred to their The mothers griefe. young, do oppose themselues to perils in their defence, and protect them with their wings, teeth, and talents: yea and euerie one that is any way able to make resistance, opposeth her selfe to the enemie to defend her young. And not onely bruit beasts doe this, but euen Bees doe defend not onely their young, but also their honie, threatning their sting to them that offer to taste thereof, and more esteeming the good of their young then their owne liues. But this zealous mother directed by the spirit of God, and reasons loare, hasted that her children might die before F her; who not being to liue depriued of her children, chose rather to see them die ioyfully then to perish in care and sorrow. Therefore when al her family had suffered, she then the last & glorie of them al, came to her agony, despising the tyrants threats, and offering her motherly breast to those torments which her children had suffered. O blessed stocke, and blessed encrease of the selfesame wombe. Why should I not affirme that in all lineaments and feature of the bodie you are like [Page 810] your mother, and if this be a commendation in them that beside the shape of bodie receiue nothing G else of their mother, I will say more of you, that you are like your mother in fortitude, vertue, and religion, and that you so in all things resemble her, that you are euerie way equall vnto; her, saue onely herein, that she with her eies beheld the immanitie of your torments, being also as constant in her owne martyrdome as you in yours. She therefore herein excelled you, that she suffered seuen torments before she came to suffer in her owne person, and feared in euerie one of them least she should be ouercome. But O thou example of all women I cannot tel, whether thou bare these children in thy wombe, or created them, who could with drie eies looke vpon them The mother suffered seuen torments before she was tormented. whilst they were torne in peeces: yea I say little, affirming that thou with patience didst behold these sights, for euen thou thy selfe didst exhort them thereunto, thou reioycedst to see one of them torne in peeces with fleshhookes, the other to be racked vpon the wheele, and the third to be H bound and beaten, thou ioyfully admiredst the others burning, and exhortedst the rest not to be terrified herewith, and although whilest thou beheldest their torments, thy griefe was greater then that which thou hadst in childbirth, yet didst thou frame a lightsome and merry countenance, as though it had beene one trumphing. While they were a killing thou didst laugh, and seeing onely one of all thy children left, hereat thou didst nothing relent. Can I describe how euerie one perished, seeing thou their mother didst laugh at their deaths, & when their sinewes were cut in two, their heads fleane, their tongues pulled forth by the roots, their hands broken, their bodies in the fire, and cast vpon yron plates red hotte, and vpon wheeles, and their ribs pulled in sunder, and many other torments for the which we want names? Neuer was any swanne which by the report of antiquitie sung so sweet a note before her death, sweeter then the most melodious I harmonie, and the most pleasant voice, was the funerall verses of those thy children that perished.
You children were not ouercome by the fabulous Syrens enchauntments, who to honour God doubted not to leaue your mother without children: And she sprung of noble stocke, chose rather to want you all for a short time, then to incurre eternall damnation, wishing rather that the bodies of her children should be tormented then their soules. Well she knew, that nothing was more fraile & infirme then our bodies, which though persecutiō be wanting, are often killed with agues, and aboundance of blould or fluxes: And who is ignorant of shipwracke incident to sailers, hazard of life vnto them that trauaile, and sodaine death to those that liue in ease? Sodaine casualtie by fire, and by the hands of theeues, and a thousand other waies to dispatch our liues? K seeing then that our morrall bodies are subiect to so many miseries to bring vs to our ende, who would not make choise of a quicke dispatch, whereby we loose the goods of this world, and gaine life euerlasting? O thou most reuerent of all women the credit of thy nation, and honour of our religion, who like the Arke of Noe didst persist inuiolate amongst such stormie waues: for as it A similitude from the Deluge. withstood the force of the Deluge, and being built strongly with firme bords, did not suffer any thing within it to perish: so thou sufferedst not the tyrant to ouercome the holy Ghost which thou hadst receiued in thy heart.
Behold of what force and efficacie reason is, which often time maketh vs men inferiour to women. For neither was Daniel so terrified at the sight of the Lions, nor the three children with the firie furnace, as this woman was grieued at the death of euery one of her children before she came L to her owne agonie. What would another woman & mother haue done in this case, but wept & with pitiful lamentations haue cried: Ah wretch that I am, most vnhappie, and miserable of all that breath, who therefore bare so many children into this world, that their seueral deaths might be so many seueral occasions of my griefe and sorrow? she would haue iterated her frequent births, and her toyle in her ten moneths bearing them, she would haue bewailed her haplesse fortune who brought forth so many deaths and daungers, she would haue recounted the milke wherewith she fed them, and their meat she had prepared for them, the paines she had taken with them, how she had caried them in her armes, and sung to them and taught them to speake, her cares, her watchings, her feare, least any mishap should betide them. And with weeping teares would haue said, shall I a grandmother embrace your children? who a while agoe was a too fruitfull mother, and M am now depriued of you all? If this day I die I haue none to burie me. But this handmaide of God forgot all these laments that another mother would haue had, and with an adamant sense The mothers speech exhorting her seuen sons to suffer. stouter then the neuer yeelding rocks, did neither forsake her children in their torments, nor in their death, but in a manner compelled them to perish, and neuer sorrowed thereat. For being apprehended together with her seuen sonnes, she considering Eleazars martyrdome, did thus [Page 811] exhort them in the Hebrew tongue.‘O my most deare and louing children, let vs hasten to that A agonie wherein we may bee a credite to our nation, and gaine of God an euerlasting reward, let vs without feare present our selues vnto those torments, which Eleazars aged bodie endured, call to mind our father Abraham of worthie memorie, who hauing but one onely sonne, did sacrifice him being willed by God so to doe, and feared not to bring him to the Altar whome he scarcely in his age obtained. Isaak also was willing to bee sacrificed by his father, knowing that God was to be obeyed in all things, the like may be said of Daniel and the three children: beleeue me wee are rather tried then tormented. For whatsoeuer this world affordeth, is mortall and like a shadowe.’
Thus did this mother arme her childrens minds with fortitude, and shee a woman wrought A golden saying of the mother of her seuen children in men manlike minds. Last of all, her children being all dead, shee a worthie mother of so manie B champions, kneeling downe in the place of torment, besought of God an end of this life, protesting that shee had not for loue of life so long deferred to die, but onely for her childrens sake, and that now shee had seene them all seuen triumphing. The furie of Antiochus now waxed hot, and he commanded this worthie mother to be tormented, who was as the tyrant willed stripped naked, and hanged vp by the hands, and most cruelly whipped, her dugges and paps were pulled off, and shee put into the red hot frying pan, being most willing to follow her childrens The mother followed her sonnes in torments. steps in torment, and lifting vp her eyes and hands to heauen, shee praied for all women with child, and so yeelded her chast soule to God. But Antiochus was strucken with fire from heauen. O mistris of iustice, who followed thy triumphing children, O conquerour of tyrants, and a looking glasse for all Martyrs: O example of patience, not onely to women but to all men, that C shall bee after thee reuerenced of them that now are, and to bee worshipped of them that are to come, and to be admited not onely of our nation, but of all other people. Thy light obscureth the bright shining Moone, and though shee fill the world with her brightnesse, yet is shee not comparable to thy shining light. Seuen lights enuiron thee about, daseling the brightnesse of the seuen planets, could any Painter expresse; or any hand in writing declare the torments of The light of the iust. 1. Cor. 15. your passions, none could with drie eye read or behold them, all people would flocke about to see it, all people would praise and esteeme him to haue offered a great gift, who to Gods glorie had painted that noble stratageme. And if any skilfull workman should engraue this Tragedie vpon a sepulchre or in his house, doubtlesse he should bee freed from all plague and misfortune. But where could a stone bee found able to containe so many torments? Therefore the olde man D Eleazar, the mother and her seuen sonnes; are for their nobilitie graced with a sepulchre, and great reuerence is done vnto them of all men, yea euen by men that are not of our religion: and there is a constellation of eight starres ordained as an argument of their iustice, and Angels did execute their funerals. The tyrant himselfe was astonished to see the constancie of such godly minds. And thus haue they found such fauour in the sight of God, that they haue obtained remission of the sinnes of our nation: for presently after, the tyrant was destroyed, and Israell there was freed from his tyrannie.
But Antiochus seeing the greatnesse of their faith and their contempt of death, gathered an armie of footemen out of the Hebrewes, by whose helpe he terrified his enemies, and got great Antiochus leuied an armie of footemen from amongst the Hebrewes. renowne. O blessed seede of Abraham! behold what benefit the agonie of the mother, and her E seuen sonnes brought vnto vs their Countrimen, let vs persist in this pietie, that so we may bee like our forefathers, behold the death of a few, did end all the miseries and sinnes of our whole nation, and you by your Countrimens hands, vanquished your persecutors enemies, and after that victorie our sinnes were remitted, and last of all, Antiochus being mad and his entrailes deuoured Antiochus dyed stinking exceedingly. 2. Mach. 9. with wormes, hee smelling most like carrion, gaue vp the ghost: and was euer after death punished for his offence. For when he could not make the Citizens of Ierusalem to forsake their law, he made warre against the Persians, and there receiued that which he deserued.
It now remaineth that we briefely repeate all that is before said. For in her agonie, this sacred An Epitome of the life of the seuen sonnes and their mother. mother said thus vnto the standers by. ‘Whilest it was lawful for me, I kept my selfe a virgine, and then I married and liued a chast wife, and forsooke not my owne house, I brought forth such F sonnes as I need not be ashamed of, and though daunted with my husbands death, yet I did not forsake my faith:’this, and many things else shee recounted. And what more? Shee set before her childrens eyes the example of the Prophets, how Abel by his brother was slain, Isaak to be offered insteade of a sacrifice, how Iacob was banished, Ioseph kept in prison, Daniel cast before the Lyons, the three children into the fierie furnace, she rehearsed also vnto them the booke of Esaias, where [Page 812] it is said: Although thou doe goe through the fire, the flame shall not burne thee. That of Dauid; G The iust shall haue much tribulation and Salomon, who proposeth the tree of life to such as doe the will of God, not omitting that of Ezechiel, These drie and withered bones shall liue againe: Also that of Moses Canticle, I will kill and restore to life, and the length of your dayes is in my hand. Vnhappie tyrant what did thy caudrons red hot, and thy torments profit thee, what auailed it thee to cut away their eye lids, and to pul out their tongues, thou thy selfe for so doing dost now endure farre worse then all these. And they whome thou killedst (beleeue The ioy of the blessed in euerlasting life. me) enioy euerlasting comfort, & are now secure of blisse & reuenge. For they who suffer for Gods sake shall haue happie successe, when God the Father of all things shall reward them with life euerlasting that follow him. Thus haue I consecrated these worthie memorials, which H I find in the holy Scriptures of the sacred Machabees, to the reading of all men, that shall liue in any age heereafter.
A Tahle of the chiefest and most memorable things, which are handled in this Worke.
- AAron Moses brother 47. a. commeth to meet him, ibid. a. holdeth vp Moses hands, 57. a. elected high priest, 65. c. his sonnes, 66. a. high priesthood confirmed to him, 80. g, h, i. giueth his stoole to Eleazar, 82. h. his death, ibid. h.
- Aarons rod fructifieth, 81. a.
- Abdon Iudge of Israel, 120. k. renowmed for his issue, ibid. k.
- Abel second son of Adam, 5. a. is commended, ibid. a, b. is stain by his brother, and why, ibid, b, c.
- Abias leuieth an army, 211, b. ouercommeth Ieroboam, 211. f. dieth, 212. g. his issue, ibid.
- Abiathar escapes Sauls hands, 149. d. telleth Dauid of his families slaughter, 150. g. asketh counsell of God. 157. b. dispossessed of the priesthood, 191. d. holpe Adonias, 186. l.
- Abigal pacifieth Dauid, 152 k, l, m. after married to Dauid, 153. b.
- Abihu Aarons son burned, 67. a. and why, ibid, a.
- Abimelech king of Gerar enamoured of Sara, 16, i. plagued for taking her, ibid, i. made a couenant with Abraham, ibid, l. expelleth Isaac his countrey, 21. b. after maketh a league with him, ibid. c. d.
- Abimelech Gedeons bastard sonne, 117. c. killeth, 69. of his brethren, and vsurpeth, ibid. e, f. practiseth against the Sichemites, 118. i, k. slaieth them, and sacketh their Citie, ib. l. burned the Sichemites, fled to the rock, 118. l, m. taketh Tebez, 119. a. is wounded and slaine, ibid.
- Abiram rebellious, 79. a, b. he and those that were with him swallowed vp, 80. g.
- Abisai ouercommeth the Idumaeans, 167. c. sent against the Ammonites, 169. a.
- Abisai, 183. c.
- Abisace nourisheth Dauid, 186. i.
- Abner Sauls vncle, 132. l. questioneth with Saul, ibid. m. Generall of his army, 147. c. maketh Isboseth king, 160. g. reuolteth from Isboseth, 161. a. killeth Azael, 160. perswadeth the Gouernours to create Dauid king, 161. c, d. is slaine, 162. g.
- Abraham son of Thares, 11. c. tenth from Noe, ib. e. taught the Aegyptians religion & artes, 13. b, c. first preacher of the word, 12. i. his wisedome, ib. an Astronomer, 12. k. & 13. c. an Arithmetitian, ibid. c. his house, 12. l. oppressed by famine, ibid. m. deuided the land with Lot, 13. c. rescueth Lot and the Sodomites, 14. h. A son promised him, 14. k. & 15. b. foretolde his progenie to be euill intreated, 14. k, l. circumcised himselfe and Ismael, 15. b. entertaineth Angels, and entreateth for the Sodomites, ib. d, e. intended to offer his son, 18. h. k. marrieth Chetura, 19. prouideth a wife for his son, ib. d. dieth, 20. l. is commended, ibid.
- Absence of Dauid excused, 147. c, d.
- Absolon killeth Amnon, 173. a. fled to Gessur, 173. c. reuoked from banishment, and how, ibid. d, e. affecteth the kingdome, 174. k. proclaimed king, ibid. l. passeth ouer Iordan, 177. d. his ouerthrow, 178. h. slaine by Ioab, ib. i.
- Abundance foretold, 40. l.
- Abundance of siluer, 204. h.
- Abundance of victuals foreshewed, 228. i, k. effected, 229. d.
- Abundance of victuall shewed, 722. g, h.
- Acclamation of the people, 451. c.
- Accusation of Laban against Iacob, 25. b. of Iacob against him, ib. d, e. of Putifars wife against Ioseph, 32. g. of Doeg against Achimelech, 149. a. of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, 353. b, c. of Antipater against his brethren, 595. f. of Herod and Nicholaus, 602. m. 603. a. 604. h. of Antipater against Archelaus 609. d. of the Iewes, 612. k.
- Achab son of Amri king of Israel, 214. h. followeth impieties, ibid. tooke to wife Iesabell, ibid. seeketh Elias, 215. c. coueteth Naboths vineyard, 217. b. his repentance, ibid. f. twise ouercommeth the Syrians, 219. a, b, d. reprooued for dismissing Adad, 220. h, i. imprisoneth Micheas, and why, 220. i. 221. b. reiected his aduice, 221. e. f. wounded, dieth, 222. g, h. Achabs 70. sons, 232.
- Achar stole the spoiles dedicated to God, 102 m. hid them in his tent, 103. a. found guiltie, and put to death, ibid. c. d.
- Achaz of Iuda sacrificeth his son, 241. a. serueth Idols, ib. a, b. 242. g. ouerthrown in battell, 241. c. hireth Theglaphalasar, 241. f. shutteth the temple gates, 242. h. dieth, ibid.
- Achias reprooued Salomon, 204. l. foretold Ieroboam to be king ouer 10. tribes, 205. c.
- Achis a king of the Philistines, 148. h. leadeth out Dauid against the Hebrewes, 156. k. dismisseth him, and why, ibid. l, m.
- Achitophels counsell against Dauid, 176. a. hangeth himselfe, 177. b.
- Acmes letter to Antipater, 446. m. 447. a. executed, 450. g.
- Acquaintance of Rebecca with Abrahams seruant, 20. g.
- Act of Saul most malicious, 149. d.
- an Action how said to be good, 140. h.
- Action of Saul and his people, 139. e.
- Acts of the Israelites, 109. b, c, d, e, f.
- Acts of Simon against the Zelous, 692. h. &c.
- Act most cruell, 723. c. d.
- Actian warre, 584, h.
- Adad king of Damasco ouercome, 167. a.
- Adad king of Syria proposeth conditions to Achab, 218. h, i. k. ouerthrowne, 217. a. his second expedition, ibid. c. taken prisoner, is dismissed, ibid. d, e. discomfiteth and slaieth Achab, 222. g. h. asketh counsell of Elizaeus, 229. c. his death foretold, 229. f.
- Adam created, and how, 3. f. placed in paradice, 4. g. forbidden the tree of knowledge onely, 4. h. transgresseth, ibid. i. cast out of Paradice, 5. a. begot Cain and Abel, ibid. a and other children also, 6. g. his age and death, ibid. g, h. & 7. b. prophecied of a twofold destruction, ibid. h.
- Adar a moneth of the Hebrewes, 99. e.
- Ader enemie to Salomon, 205. a. spoiled the landes of the Israelites, 205. c.
- Adoni-bezec taken, 109. c. punished, confesseth Gods iustice, ibid. c.
- Adonias affecteth the kingdome, 186. i. flieth to the Altar, 187. d. requireth Abisace, 291. a, c. slaine, ibid. c.
- Aduersities befell the Israelites, 113. c. and why, ibid. c.
- Aduice of Raguel allowed, 58. i. of the Elders reiected, 206. i. of young men accepted, ibid. l.
- Adulteresse her policie, 32. g, h.
- Adulterie, 71. b. punished, 94. h.
- Adulterie of Elies sonnes, 125. b.
- Adulterie of Dauid, 169. d.
- Affaires of Ioseph, 639 b.
- Affection of Ioseph toward his brethren, 38. l. of Ionathan to Dauid, 144 m.
- Affinitie of Iacob with Rachel, 23. b. of Saul and Ionathan with Dauid, 144. i. 145. b. of Demetrius with Ptolemey, 326. h.
- Affliction of the Hebrewes, with the causes thereof, 41, b, c, d. 46. g. l. 47. e.
- Africa from whence it tooke his name, 19. c.
- Agag king of the Amalechites taken, 139. c. spared, and why, ibid, c. put to death, 140. l, m. and why, ibid.
- Agar Saraes handmaid, 14. m. contemned her mistris, and why, ibid. m. fled, commanded to returne, 14. m. & 15. a. promised happines, 17. c. brought forth Ismael, ibid. a. cast out with her sonne, 17. b. comforted, ibid, c.
- Age of Isaac at his offring, 18. g. when he died, 27. d.
- Age of the fathers before the floud, 7. a, b, c.
- Age of Abraham, 20. l. of Iacob, 40. m.
- Aggaeus the prophet encourageth the Iewes, 271. b.
- Agreement of the seditious, 700. m. 710. h.
- Agrippa offereth 100. fat Oxen, 413. c. reconciled to the Ilyensians. 414. g. confirmeth the Iewes priuiledges, 415. c. writeth to the Ephesians, 422. h.
- Agrippa becommeth poore, 472. i. k. borroweth money, 473. b, c, e, admitted to Caesars presence, d. accused by Eutichus, 474 h, m. 475. a. b. imprisoned, ibid. hateth Tiberius, 618. h. getteth Caius friendship, ibid. his happy fortune foretold, [Page] 476. g. h. certified of Tiberius death, 498. g. departeth to his kingdome, ibid. l. his request of Caius, 482. i. his speech to the Senate, 504. h. 619. f, 620. g. hangeth vp his golden chaine, 507. d. his acts, 509. a, b, c, &c. 510. 511. c. saluted for a God, 510. in his death, 511. c. 610 k. his children, ibid. d.
- Agrippas request to the Empresse. 5 ac. m. obtaineth Philips tetrarchie. 52 [...]. a. getteth a portion of Galilee, 522. g. deposeth Ioseph. 524. i inlargeth the citie of Caesarea, 525. a. his kindnes to the Berytians, &c. f 525. b. &c. his Epistles to Ioseph, 550 m.
- Agrippa excuseth Caesar, &c 628. h. his oration, 627. c. 628. 629. 630. driuen out of the citie, 631. b.
- And that came to the Romans. 6, 7 c, f.
- Aid of the Idumaeans, 677. a, b, c.
- Ainan or Aitaken and burnt, 103. e. f.
- Ainites discomfit three thousand Israelites, and slew 36. 103. a. after put to flight and slaine by Iosuah. ibid. c.
- Aire temperate, 688 i.
- Albirius gouernour of Iudaea, 524 i. full of wickednes, 623. d. pacifieth the countrey, 524. l. executeth malefactors. 525. c.
- Alcimus high Priest, 313. accuseth Iudas and his brethren, ibid. c. his popularitie, 314. g, h. killeth of all Iudas faction, ibid. h. dieth sodainly, 315. d.
- Alexander Polyhistor, 19. c.
- Alexander King of Macedonia, 284. i. ouerthroweth Darius armie, ibid. subdueth Darius, 285. a. marcheth toward Ierusalem, ibid. e, f. honourably receiued by the high Priest and the rest, 2 [...]5: f. 286. g. his sacrifice in the temple, ibid. h. i. adoreth the high Priest, 286. g. his death and successors, 287, e, f.
- Alexander warreth against Demetrius, 320. g. laboureth to win Ionathan, ibid. l, m. slaieth Demetrius, 321. f. marieth Ptolomies daughter, 323. d. sendeth presents to Ionathan, 325, a. discomfited and slaine, 326 g.
- Alexander Zebina obtaineth the kingdome, 337. b. slaine, ibi. b.
- Alexander king of the Iewes, 341. a. 563. a. besiegeth Ptolemais ibid. c. his ouerthrow, 342. k. besiegeth Gaza, 343. c. sedition raised against him, 563. c. 344 h. ouercome, ibid l. 563. f. citions cast at him, 341. h. crucifieth 800. Iewes. 345. a. 564. b. his sicknes and aduise to his wife, 346. i, k, l. 564. l. his death and funerall, 347. a, b.
- Alexander sonne of Aristobulus, 356. i. ouercome, ibid. l. 668. l. beheaded, 359. b.
- Alexander Herodes sonne, 413. b. marrieth Glaphyra, ibidem. his defence, 418. k. 419. a, b, c, &c. reconciled to his father, 419. e. 427. f. bribeth the Eunuches. 593. b. imprisoned, 427, a. 593. b. accused of treason, ibid. 431. g, h, &c. writeth bookes 593. c. condemned, 434. h. 596. m. strangled, 435. c. 597. d.
- false Alexander, &c. 460 g. 613. d. condemned to tug at an oare, 460. g. 614. f. g.
- Alexander exerciseth crueltie, 261. d.
- Alexandra gouerneth the kingdome, 347. f. imprisoneth Aristobulus wife and children, 564. l. committeth charge to the Iewes, 348. g. her embassage to Tigranes, 348. h. her death, ibid. 565. d.
- Alexandra solliciteth Antonius, and why, 384. h. excuseth her selfe, ibid. suspected by Herode &c. 385. b. pretending to flie is betraied, ibid. c. certifieth Cleopatra of Herodes trechery, 387. b. striueth to acquit her selfe, 398 m 399. a. seeketh to get Herods castles, 399 c. put to death, 400. g.
- Alexas marrieth Salome, 437. c. dismisseth the Nobles. 450. m.
- Alliance of Abraham with his wife, 16. l. of lacob with Laban, 23. c. 25. f. of Saul and Ionathan with Dauid, 145. b, of Iuda with the Israelites. 241. d.
- Allowance of Micheas, 221. f.
- Allusion of Ionathan, 147. f.
- Alacritie of the Romans. 702. m.
- Alleageance renounced, 748. l.
- Altar of incense, 63. b.
- Altars of Idolators to be destroyed, 90. h.
- one Altar to be erected, &c. and why, 90. l.
- Altar builded by Iosuah, 102. g.
- Altar erected by the two tribes and halfe, 107. c. & why. 108. i.
- Altar of gold, and of brasse where placed, 198. g. h.
- Altar in Bethel. 207. claue in twaine, ibid, f.
- Altar erected by Dauid, 185. b.
- Amalechites warre against the Israelites, 56. gh. ouercome by the Israelites, 57. b, c spoiled, and their vtter ruine foretold, ibid, d, & 98. g. ouercome the Israelites, 115. f. are destroyed, 139. b, c. d. burne Siceleg, 157. a.
- Aman honoured by all but the Iewes, 278. h, i. his petition for the Iewes ruine, ibid. k. his hatred against Mardoche, 282. k. his trecherie discouered, 281. e, f. iudged to the gallowes, ibid, f. his goods bestowed on Mardoche, 282. g.
- Amarames Moses father, see Amram.
- Amasias king of Iuda, 236. h. reuengeth his fathers death, 237. c. ouercommeth the Amalechites; ibid. c, d. reproued, and why, 237. d, e. commaundeth Ioas to yeelde him homage ibi. f. his armie flies, and he taken prisoner, 283. g. is slaine, ibid. h.
- Amaza slaine, 181. c.
- Amazement of the seditious, 743. a, b.
- Ambition, 162. h. of Adonias, 185. i. of Iohn, 685: a. of Eleazar, 697. c. f.
- An Ambush laid for the Ainites, 103. e.
- Abushes of Saul for Dauid, 144. g, h, &c. 145. d, e, f. 146. g. h. of Adad for Ioram, 227. a.
- Ammon Lots sonne, 16. h.
- Amnon deflowreth Thamar, 172. i, k.
- Ammonites oppresse the Israelites, 119. b, c. and are ouercome, ibid. f. iniute Dauids Embassadours, 168. k. reuenge wrought on them, 169. b, c, d. warre against Iosaphat, 223. e. kill one another, 224. h.
- Amorites ouercome, 82. l. their countrey possessed by the Hebrewes, 83. b.
- Amos a wicked King, 248. i. is slaine, ibid.
- Amphitheater built by Herode, 401. c. 406. h.
- Amram Moses father, 41. m. praieth to God, 42. g. casteth Moses into the riuer, 42. k, l. and why, ibid.
- Amri King of Israel, 214. g. slew Thaman, ibid. his impictie and death, ibid.
- Ananias death, 633. a.
- Ananus high Priest, 524, i. had fiue sons his successors, ibid.
- Ananias high Priest, 524. l.
- Ananias high priest slaine, 722. i.
- Ananus stoneth Iames, 524. k.
- Ananus gouernor of Ierusalem, 639. d. his iruectiue against the Zealous, 674. h. disposeth this soldiers, &c. 675 c, d. slain, 680. l.
- Ananus a cruel souldier, 722. k.
- Achimelech entertaineth Dauid, 148. g, h. deliuereth him Goliahs sword, ibid. h. accused to Saul, 149. a. and slaine, ibid. c.
- Ancestors conceale not honest things, [...]. h.
- Angels guarded Elizeus, 227. c.
- Angels (i. sonnes) of God, &c. 6. k.
- Angell resisteth Balaam, 84. g.
- Angels promise Abraham a sonne, 13. d. e. enter Lots house ibid. f. foretell the destruction of Sodome, 15. e.
- Angell appeared to Agar, 14. m. 17. b, c, d. to Iacob, 22. k. l. 26. g, h, i, k. to Manoach his wife, 120. m. foretelleth hir Sampsons birth, ibid. m. worketh a miracle, 121. c. 227. c.
- Angersee wrath.
- Anilaeus receiueth charge from Artabanus, 485. c, d. killeth a noble man, 486. h. reproued and accused, ibid. h, i. taketh Mithridates prisoner, 487. a
- Anna wife of Elcana praied to God for a sonne, 125. d. bare Samuel and consecrated him to God, ibid. d, e.
- Annius taketh Gerasa, 689. b.
- Answere of Simon to Iesus oration, 679. a.
- Answere of Isaac, 18. i. of Balaam to Balac, 83. m. of God to Iosuah, 103. c. of Achab to the Syrians, 218. k. of Caesar to Herode, 586. g, of Antipater to Herode, 603. d, e. of Iohn 671. b, c. of Eleazar to Antiochus, 803. b. of Alexander, 286. g.
- Antaeus against whom Hercules made warre, 19. c.
- Antigonus copartner in the kingdome, 339. d. his death complotted, ibid. e. effected, 340. g. 562. h, i.
- Antigonus accuseth Hyrcanus and Antipater, 360 i. 571. a. promiseth the Parthians money, and why, 370. l. restored to the kingdome. 373. a. cutteth off Hyrcanus eares, ibid. a. 570. l. declared an enemie to the Romans, 374. i. k. 577. e. vpbraideth Herode, 375. e. getteth Massada, 578. g. repulseth Herods power, ibid. f. surpriseth Herods victualers, 376. h, i. cruelly handleth Iosephs careas, 580. m. submitteth himselfe to Sosius, 381. a. put to death, 382. d. 383. a.
- Antiochus the great vexeth the Iewes, 296. g, h. recouereth cities of Caelesyria, ibid. i. his Epistle to Ptolomey, 296. his Edict in honour of the Temple, 297. b. his Epistle to Zeuxis, ibid. c, h.
- Antiochus Epiphanes departeth Egypt, 303. c. spoileth the temple of Ierusalem, ibid. d. 558. m. abrogateth Gods lawes, 304. g. 559. a. inforceth the Iewes to Idolatrie, ibid. g. h. tortureth Eleazar, 803. d, e. [...]slayeth him, 804. h. forbiddeth the Iewes to vse their lawes, 304. m. 305. a, &c. inuadeth [Page] Iudaea againe, 507. a. departeth into Persia, ibid. b. besiegeth Elymais, 311. a. falleth sicke and dieth, ibid. b. 559. c.
- Antiochus Eupator created king, 311. e. marcheth into Iudaea; 312. g. 559. e. fighteth with Iudas Machabees, 312. i. marcheth against Philip, ibid. l. entreth a league with Iudas, 313. a. slaieth Philip, ib. c. displaceth Onias, 526. i. is slaine, ibid. d.
- Antiochus sonne of Alexander, 327. a. crowned king, ibid, f. discomfiteth Demetrius, 328. g. fauoureth Ionathan, ibid.
- Antiochus marrieth Cleopatra, 333. d. putteth Tryphon to flight, ibid. e. warreth against Hyrcanus, 335. a, b. c. permitteth a truce, ibid. slaine, 336. g.
- Antiochus Gryphus ouercommeth Alexander, 337. b. his war against his brother, ibid. b. slaine. 344. g.
- Antiochus Cyzicenus warreth against his brother, 337. b. 341. d. put to flight, 337. e. slaine, 344. g.
- Antiochus Eusebius putteth Seleucus to flight, 344. h. slaieth Seleucus brother, ibid, dieth, ibid. l. m.
- Antiochus Seleucus slaieth his vncle, 344. g. burned, ibid.
- Antiochus Dionysius king, 345. e. thrust out of his kingdome, ibid. slaine, 346. g.
- Antiochus perfidious to his Citizens, 747. c, d. e.
- Antiochus king of Comegena accused, 754. his choise, &c. ibid. k. l. reconciled to Caesar. 755. a, b.
- Antipas Herods sonne, 449. d. claimeth the kingdome, 608. m. accuseth Archelaus, 609. a, b. hath part of the kingd. with Archelaus, 459. d.
- Antipater the Idumean, 350. m. incenseth the princes against Aristobulus, 351. a. relieueth Gabinius, 357. d. his wife and children, 359. a, &c. gathereth souldiers for Caesars seruice, ibid. d. made a Citizen of Rome, and Gouernour ouer Iudaea, 360. h, i, k, l. 570. l. maketh his sons gouernours, 361. f. perswadeth Hyrcanus to flie, 565. f. 666. a. his exploits, 570. k. poisoned. 367. a. 577. c.
- Antipater banished, 589. b. aduaneed, 416. l. enciteth his father against his brothers, 417. a, d. his congratulation, 419. f. plotteth against his brethren, 423. e. 591. e, d. cause of mischiefe, 426. k. gouerneth the kingdome, &c. 436. l. practiseth his fathers death, ibid. m. 601. e. could not deceiue his Aunt, 437. b. hateth his brothers children, 437. c. his treasons, 601. d. accuseth Syllaeus, 601. e. 440. i. studieth to winne fauour, 547. e, f. conspireth against his father, 597. e. accused by Herod, 443. e. &c. 602. m. answereth his fathers obiections, 444. g. hated of all, 602. h. 446. g. hath libertie to iustifie himselfe, ibid. h. 603. d. put to death. 450. g, h. 606. h.
- Antipater accuseth Antipater, 441. e.
- Antipater accuseth Archelaus, 453. e. 609. b. c.
- Antipatris built, 420. m. burned, 637. a, b.
- Antiphilus letter to Antipater, 446. l. blamed. 447. c.
- Antiquitie of the Iewes prooued, 768. l. m. 769. a. &c. see Arguments.
- Antiquities when written, 528. h.
- Antonia described, 708. h, i. not vnlike a Citie, ibid. i.
- Antonius writeth to Hyrcanus, 368. l. m. writeth in the Iewes behalfe, 369. c. maketh Tetrarchs, 370. h. loueth Herod, 374. maketh Herod king, ibid. k. requireth Aristobulus. 384. i. giueth Cleopatra a portion of Iudaea and Arabia, 389. b. conquereth Armenia, ibid. e.
- Aphrica, once called Lybia, [...]9. b, c.
- Apollonius accuseth the Iewes, 790. l.
- Apollonius sent to rob the temple, 802. h. acknowledged his offence, ibid. i. Generall of Antiochus army, 306. k. discomfited and slaine, ibid. k.
- Apollonius Darius put to flight, 324. h. i.
- Apologie of Achimelech, 149. b. of Aristobulus, 353. d.
- Apostasie of the priests, 284. l.
- Apostates from the Iewish religion. 303. a, b.
- Apparell, 615. c.
- Appion wrote coldly. 782. i. of Moses and the Iewes, ibid. his fiction refuted, 783. a. b. &c. denieth his countrey, 784. g. raileth against the Iewes, ibid h. his obiection of the Asses head answered, 786. m. vpbraideth the Iewes, 789. c. praiseth himselfe, ibid. accuseth the Iewes, 480. g.
- Apples of Mandragora, 24. [...].
- Apprehension of Iohn and Simon. 744. m.
- Apsan gouerned Israel, 120. i. his children, ibid. i.
- Arabians Ismaels posteritie. 17. a. c. slay Herods souldiers 390. m. kill the Iewes embassadours. 391. c. ouercome, 393. b. receiue theeues, 429. a. brake the league made, 577. a. defeate Herods army, 584. g. are ouercome, 585. c.
- an Arbiter betwixt the Senate and Claudius, 619. f.
- Archelaus accused, 442. i, k. promiseth his subiects fauour, 608. g. appointed k. 451. a, b. 606. k. &c. lamenteth, 607. f. suppresseth the sedition, 452. l. m. 453. a. repaires to Rome, ib, b. approoued; &c. 455. a. accused, 458. k. excused, 459. b. accused and banished, 461. a. &c. 614. h. his dreame, ibid. i.
- Archelaus k. of Cappadocia, 427. c. his ingenious speech, 593. e. f. conferreth with Herod, 594. g. reconcileth Alexander to his father, 428. g. made Herod and Pheroras friends, 428 h. 594. h. i. excuseth himselfe, 432. h.
- Aretas king of Arabia. 342. e. ouerthroweth Alexander, 346. g. putteth Aristobulus to flight, 351. e. furnisheth Hyrcanus with 50000. souldiers, 556. g.
- Aretas accuseth Syllaeus, 440. f. discomfiteth Herods army, 470. k. l.
- Arguments for the Iewes Antiquitie, 768. l, m. 769. a. &c. 770. g. &c. 771. a. &c. 772. g. &c. 773. a. &c. 774. g. &c. 775. a.
- Arioch a captaine of the Assyrians, 13. c.
- Aristaeus obtaineth the Iewes libertie, 289. b, c.
- Aristobulus first king, &c. 339. c. imprisoneth his brethren, famisheth his mother, ib. 561. f. his punishment, 340. i, k. 562. m. compelleth the Ituraeans to be circumcised, ibid. l. slayeth Antigonus, 340. g. his miserable end, 340. l. 563. a.
- Aristobulus accuseth the Pharisees, 347. d. his attempt, 348. i. seaseth the Castles, ibid. k. striueth for the kingdome with Hyrcanus, 350. k. agreed. ibid. k. his warre against Aretas and Hyrcanus, 352. l. his presents to Pompey, 352. m. promiseth Pompey money. 354. i. led to Rome, 3 [...]6. g. poysoned, 359. c.
- Aristobulus, why not sent to Antonius, 384. i, k. his death contriued, 385. f. drowned, 386. i.
- Aristobulus Herods sonne, 413. b. accused, 417. e. &c. reconciled, 419. e. obiected to his wife her birth, 592. i. condemned, 434. h. 596. m. strangled. 435. c. 597. d.
- Aristobulus hateth Agrippa, 473. a, b. entreateth Petronius, 481. b.
- Aristobulus' gouerneth Armenia, 522. g. his subtiltie, 546. h.
- Aristocracie the best kind of gouernment, 92. h.
- Arithmeticke, 13. c.
- Arius king of Lacedaemon, 302. h. sendeth letters to Onias, ibid.
- Arke of Noah, 6. l. the length and breadth thereof, ibid. l, m. where it rested 7. d.
- Arke of God surprised, 126. l. carried into the temple of Dagon, 127. c. carried to Bethsama, 128. m. brought to Ierusalem, 165. c. f.
- Arke transferred into Ceriathiarim. 129. b.
- Arke carried into the temple, 197. e. f. placed in the sanctuarie, and so it the tables of stone, 198. g.
- 100000. [...]med men against Ioseph, 641. c.
- Armes of the Aegyptians, &c. 52. h.
- Armour of Goliah, 142. h.
- Armour of Saul, 143. a.
- Armour of the Roman footmen. 648. k.
- the Armies order when the tabernacle remooued, 72. l, m.
- an Army sent against the Madianites, 87. b.
- Army of Senacherib destroied, 246, k.
- an huge Army of the Canaanites, 105. a.
- Army of Susac 209. d. of Iosaphar, 220. l. of Ozias, 239. c.
- Army of the Romans, 647. e. f.
- Army of Herod ouerthrowne, and why, 470. l. m.
- Arnon a riuer, &c. 82. h.
- Arriuall of the Israelites at Raphidim, 55. c, d. of Raguel in Sinai, 57. e. of the Arke at Bethsama. 128. m
- Arrogancie of Amasias, 237. e. of Ozias, 239. d. e. of the Iewes, 74 [...] c.
- Arsaces k. of Parthia, 330. l. taketh Demetrius, ibid. slaieth Antiochus, 336. g.
- Asprenas gowne defiled. 494. h. he is cut pieces, 496. h.
- Art of forging, who first inuented 5. f.
- Artabanus king of Media, 465. c. obtaineth Parthia, ibid. restored to his kingdome, 469. e.
- Artabanus requireth Izates assistance, 516. g, h. recouereth his kingdome, ib. k.
- Artaxerxes k. of Persia, 266. l. no man to approch his throne, vnlesse he were called, 277. g honoureth Mardoche, 281. b, c. hangeth Ainan, ibid. [...]. sendeth letters for the Iewes safetie, 282. i.
- [Page] Artorius saueth himselfe, 733. c. his promise to L [...]ius, ibid.
- Aruntius signifieth the Emperours death, 497. c.
- Asa king of Iuda, 212. g. his pietie, ibid. 1. hi [...] victory, ibid. k. inciteth the king o [...] D [...]masco against Basa, 213. d. dieth, 214. h
- Ascalonits punished, and why, 299. d.
- Aser the sonne of Iacob, 24. k. what it signifies, ibid. k. his sonnes, 40. g.
- Asinaeus beset by the gouernour. of Babylon, 484. i, k. his friendship sought, 485. a, b. receiueth charge f [...]om Artabanus ibid. c, d. poisoned. 486. l.
- Asphaltite lake, 688. l. admirable propertie thereof, ibid.
- Assault of Ieru [...]lem, 726. l. of Antonia, 728. [...].
- Assault for how much sold, 75. b.
- Asses head sold, 227.
- Asse speaketh to Baalam, 84. g. Asses how many taken at one bootie, 87. e.
- Asses of Cis lost, 131. f. 132. g. found, ibid. l.
- Asses he [...]d obiected, 786. l. m.
- Assemblie of the Hebrewes thrice in the yeere, 90. m.
- Assembly of Samaritans on mount Garizim, 657. b.
- Assurance of Ioseph, &c. 658. i. k.
- Assistance of God promised, 89. c, d. of Saul to the men of Iabes, 134. i.
- Assyrians Lords ouer Asia, 13. d. ouerthrew the Sodomites, ibid. f. of whom tooke their name, 19. c. ouercame the Israelites, 240 i. 242. g. 243. c. transported them, 240. i. 242. g. 243. c. vanquished the Syrians and them of Damasco, 241. f. & 242. g. their destruction foretold, 240. l. effected, 247. b.
- Astrologicall predictions, 477. c.
- an Astronomer, who, 12. [...]k, & 13. c. 6. h.
- Astronomie inuented, 6. h, & 12. k. & 13 c.
- Athali [...] rooteth out the royall bloud, 233, e, f. and put to death, 234. k.
- Athni [...]la Iudge of Israel, 113. e, f. ouercommeth Schisar, ibid. f. recouereth the Israelites libertie, ibid. f.
- Athrong [...]s [...]surpeth the kingdome, 456. m. 611. c. taken, 457. b. c.
- Attendance on Saul, 133. e.
- Attire of Vespasian and T [...]us, 750. i.
- Aua [...]ice, 162. h. of Antiochus, 333. f. of Sabinus, 455. c. not terrified with pu [...]ishment, 723. c.
- Authoritie how purchased. 40. k, l.
- Authoritie of Moses, 74. m.
- Authoritie of Mardocheus, 283. c. of the Pharisees, 346. l.
- Authors of the sedition punished, 80. g. h.
- Authors of iui [...]es punished, 659. c.
- Azarias the prophet exhorteth to vertue, 212. l.
- Azarias the high Priest, 239. c.
- Azael king of the Assyrians, 217. a.
- Azaels tyranny f [...]retold, 219. f. 230. g. inuadeth Iudaea, 236. g. hired to depart, ibid. [...]deth the Israelites, 235. b. destroyeth their countrey, ibid. b.
- Azotians plagued, and why, 127. e, f.
- Baal God of the Tyr [...], 233. d. his priests slaine, ibid.
- Baaras a root, 752. k. his propertie. ibid.
- Baasa king of Israel, 212. h. rooteth out Ier [...]boams race, ibid. his i [...]pietie, 213. a. a prophecy against him, ibid. surpriseth Ramath, ibid. dieth. 213. d.
- Pabas sonnes preserued, 400. l. accused, 401. [...], b. slaine, ibid.
- Babylon, the place where tongues were confounded, 9. d. what it signifies, [...]bid. e. bes [...]eged and taken, 262. h.
- Babylonians require Anilaeus, 487. e, f. stay, the Iewes, 488. g, h, i.
- Babylonian veile, 707. a.
- Bacchides sent ag [...]inst Iudas, 313. e. vseth tyrannie and trecherie, 314. g. fighteth with Iudas, 316. h, i. is slaine, ibid. murthereth those of Iudas faction, 318. g. practiseth against Ionathan, ibid. i. reuengeth himselfe on the fugitiues, 319. d. maketh peace with Ionathan, ibid. e.
- Bagoses generall of Artaxerxes armie, 283. f. offe [...] outrage to the Iewes. ibid.
- Bakers dreame expounded, 33. a, b. hanged. ibid. b.
- Bala Rachel [...] handmaide, 24, h, i. bare Nep [...]halim and Dan, ibid. i, k.
- Baalam a diuiner or prophet, 83. e. denieth to go with Balacks embassadours, ibid. e, f. com [...]eth to Balac, 84. i. prophecyeth good to befall the Israelites, 84. i, k. his counsell to Balac and the Madianites, 85. b, c.
- Balac sendeth an embassage to the Madianites, 83. e. also to Balaam, ibid. e. r [...]proueth him, and why, 84. l. followeth Balaams counsell, 85. d.
- Balin a king of Syria, 13. e.
- Ballas a king of Assyria, 13. e.
- Balme, 203, b. 223. e.
- Balthasar his pride, 261. his vision of the hand, ibid. slaine, 262. h.
- Banaia slaieth an Egyptian, 183. f. killeth a Lion, 184. g. substituted in Ioabs place, 191. f.
- Banishment of Gain, 5. d. of the diuiners, 154. l. of Absalon, 173. d. of Antipater, 589. b. of Doris, 441. c. of Pheroras, 599. c.
- Banquet of Laban & Iacob, 25. f. of Samuel to Saul, 132. i. and of him to Dauid, 141. c. of Saul, 147. c. of Dauid to the people, 165. f. of Artaxerxes, 277. a, b. of Ptolemey. 294. g. of Archelaus, 451. c. of Herode, 469. c.
- Barak appointed generall, 115. b. putteth Sisara to flight, ibid. c, d. flew Iabin, and gouerned Israel fortie yeeres, 115. e. f.
- Bareas one of the fiue kings of Assyria, 13. c.
- Baruch Ieremies secretarie, 252. c. dismissed, 256. h.
- Barzapharnes seased vpon Syria, 575. a. instateth Antigonus, ibidem.
- Barzillais excuse to Dauid, 180. l.
- Battaile between Iosuah & the Chananites, 105. b. betweene the Beniamites and Israelites, 111. e. betweene Saul and the Philistin [...]s, 157. e, f. betweene Ioab and Absalom, 177. f.
- Battell of Herod, 390. i, k.
- Battell betweene the Romans and Iewes, 455. e, f.
- Batterie of Iotapata, 653. c, d, e. of Ierusalem, 709. b. 710. g.
- Bathes, 752. l.
- Bathes of Calliroes, 449. 605. e.
- Bathuel sonne of Nathor, 12. g. f [...]ther [...]f. Rebecca and Laban, ibid. g.
- Beame of gold, 358. h.
- Bearing of armes inhibited, 136. i.
- Beasts venemous, a plague of Egypt, 48. [...].
- Beautie of superiour bodies. 6. h.
- Beautie of bodie not to be respected, 141. b.
- Beautie of Sa [...], 13. [...]. of Rachel, 23. b. of Ioseph, 31. a. of Dauid and his brethren, 141. a, b, c. of Bethsabe, 169. d.
- B [...]d of Iron. 83. c.
- Beginning of the warre of the Iewes, 624. h.
- Behauiour of Rachel toward Iacob, 23. b.
- Bellies of the Iewes ripped for gold, 723, d.
- Beneficence of Xerxes, 272. l. m.
- Benefits of God recited, 54. i. k. l.
- Benefits of Herode, 588. i. k. l.
- Benia [...]in Iacobs sonne by Rachel, 27. e, goeth into Egypt, 3 [...]. g. what hapned to him there, 36. m. attached and imprisoned, 37. a, b.
- Beniamites expert in shooting, 111. e. ouerthrew the other tribes twice, ibid. d. e. 25. thousand slaine, and why, 112. g. onely sixe hundreth escape, ibid. g. take them wiues by force ibid. l. m.
- Berenice her request to Florus, 625. e.
- Berosus, a Chaldaean writer, 771. d.
- Berosus, 12. k. his testimonie of Abraham ibid. of Senacherib, 246. k. of Nabuchodonosor, 260. i.
- Bersabe the pit of swearing, 16. b.
- Beseleel a workemaster of the Tabernacle, 60. l. 66. i.
- Bethel, what it signifies, 23. a.
- Bethsabe defiled by Dauid, 169. d. bare him a sonne, 170. l. brought forth Salomon, 171. e. certifieth Dauid of Adonias &c. 186. k.
- Birth-day of Vespasian celebrated, 744. a. of P [...]rao, 33. b.
- Birthright of Esau sold, 28. [...].
- Birth of Mose [...], 42: k. l.
- Birth of Sampson, 121. c.
- B [...]nesse of th [...] wat [...]rs, 53. d, e. chaunged, ibid. [...].
- B [...]phemie agains [...] God, 90. l.
- Blasphemer of God to be stoned, ibid. l.
- Blaspheming of Goliah, 142. h, i, k.
- Blessings of God vpon the Israelites, 54. h, i, k.
- Blessing of Isaac on Iacob, 22. g. h. of Iacob on his sons, 40, l. m.
- Blessing of Moses to the Israel [...]es, 97. f.
- Blindnes of the ene [...], and how, 226. h. 227. d.
- Blindnes of the Iewes. 7 [...]2. h. 738. i.
- [Page] Bloud royall destroied, 223. f.
- Bodies celestiall, their beautie and order, 6. h.
- Bodie of Iacob translated into Hebron, 40. m. of [...]is sonnes brought thither also, 41. a.
- Bodies of Saul and his sonnes hung vp, 158. i.
- Boldnesse of the Iewes, 711. c.
- Bondage of the Israelites, see seruitude.
- Bones of Ioseph translated, 41. b. 50. g.
- Booke of Moses lawes, 90. h. when to be read, 96. b. holy book, 98. a. found and read, 249. a, b.
- Bookes of holy writ, how many, 766. m.
- Booke of Ieremie, 251. c. burnt, ibid. d.
- Boos friend to Naomie and Ruth, 124. h. exhorts his kinsman to marrie Ruth, ibid. m. espouseth Ruth, 125. a. begetteth Obed, ibid. a.
- Bootie of Oxen and Camels, 154. i. of sheepe, &c. 686. m.
- Borders of Galilee, 646. k. l. of Iudaea, 647. b. of the possession of the nine tribes and an halfe, 106. h. &c.
- Borrowed things must be repaied, 95. c, d.
- Botches, a plague of Aegypt, 48. m.
- Bounds of land not to be remooued, 92. i.
- Bounds of the nine tribes and halfes possessions, 106. h, &c.
- Bounds of Aegypt, 694. i.
- Boules or ewers, 197. b.
- Bountie requited, 203. c.
- Bountie of Ezechias, 243. a, b.
- Bountie of Alexander to the Iewes, 286. i.
- Bountie of Herod to all men, 588. i, k, l. of Caesar to Archelaus, 609. f. of Titus, 714. h.
- Brazen Altar, 197. a. vessels pertaining to the same, 197, a.
- Brazen gate of the temple openeth of it selfe, 738. k.
- Breach of Gods law, losse of his fauour, 690. i, k.
- Breach of oath, 245. b, c. 358. h. of faith, 352. h.
- Breadth of the Arke of Noah, 6. l, m.
- Bread of proposition; or shew bread, 70. g.
- Brethren, Cain and Abel, 5. a.
- Brethren of Ioseph hate him, and complot his death, 28. l. 29. f, e. sell him, ibid, c. and 30. h, i. perswade their father that he was deuoured of beasts, ibid, l. repent of the euill they did to Ioseph, 35. c. returne out of Aegypt, ibid. d. go thither againe; 36. g, h. staied in their iourney, and accused of theft, ibid. k; l. died, 41. a.
- 7. Brethren tormented & put to death, 806. g. 807. b. 808. g, &c.
- Briberie of Elies sonnes, 12 [...]. b. of Antonius, 381. d. of Ventidius, 374. m. 578. h. of Silo, ibid. 578. l. of Antipater, 597. e. f.
- Brothers of Abraham, 11. f. of Ioseph, 28. k. of Antipater, 591. d. see brethren.
- Brothers bewaile their mother, 592. k. excuse themselues, ibid. k. l.
- Broile at Caesare [...], 5 [...]3. a. at Ierusalem, 610. h.
- B [...]ilding of the temple, 195. c. inhibited, 266. i. permitted. 268. m. 269. a.
- Bulwarkes builded by the Romans, 719. d.
- Buriall of Sara, 19. a. of Abraham, 20. l. of Isaac, 27. d. of Iacob, 40. m. of Samuel, 151. f. of Iadon, 208. i. of Herod, 45 [...]Word. d, c.
- Burning of the temple; 255. c. 463. b. 736. h.
- Burthen required to be eased, 206. g.
- Bush of fire about Moses, 46. g.
- Bushell of corne sold for a talent, 724. k.
- Businesse of Moses, 57. f.
- Butlers dreame expo [...]ded, 32. l.
- Bu [...]cherie of the theeues, 522. i, k.
- Caecinna perswadeth▪ the souldiers to reuolt, 695. e, f. apprehended, 696. g. fre [...]d and honoured. ibid. h.
- Caerealis conquereth the Samaritans, 657. b, c.
- Cae [...] confirmeth Hyrcanus in the priesthood, 360. h. departeth out of Syria, 361. d. his testimonie of the Iewes, 363. e. slaine, 572. l. 366. h. deliuereth Aristobulus, 570. g.
- Caesar slaieth Cassius, 368. k. Herods friend, 374. i. ouercommeth Antonius, 393. [...]. confirmeth Herod in the kingdome, 396. h. giueth him, 800. talents, ibid. k. Lord of Aegypt, 397. e. enlargeth Herods dominions, ibid. 406. h. 407. d. 586. i, k. made Pheroras Te [...]arch, 407. d. gaue Herod re [...]nues, 420. g. offended with Herod, 430. g. alloweth Herod to punish malefactors, 433. d. maketh Archelaus king, 455. a. confirmeth Herods [...]estament, 459. d. [...]als a councell, 609. b. makes Archelaus an Ethnarke, 613. a.
- Caesarea built by Herod, 405. c, d. was called Stratons tower, 588. g. a great Citie, 661. i.
- Cain Adams first sonne, 5. a. slew his brother, ibid. b. nor bettered by Gods chastisement, ibid. d. builded a Citie, 5. b. inuented the vse of the plough, ibid. b. father of hypocrites, 6. g.
- Caius succeedeth Tiberius, 471. c. certi [...]eth the Senate of Tiberius death, 478. i. maketh Agrippa king, ibid. k. 618. i. banisheth Herod, 479. d. vsurpeth diuine honor, 479. f. 480. g. 618. k. his statue, &c. ib. k. writeth letters to Petronius, 483. c. calleth himselfe Iupiters brother, &c. 489. a. b. &c. causeth many to be murthered, 490. k. sacrificeth, 494. h. builded a hauen, 501. e. slaine, 495. b. 501. e.
- Caleb and Iosuah appease the people, 74. h.
- Callimander slaine, 338. g.
- Calling of Moses, 46. g, h. of Elizaeus, 217. a.
- Cal [...]tie of the Israelites, 41. c. 53. a, e, f. 54. g. 111. d. &c. m. 112. g. 126. g. foretold, 251. c. & 252. k.
- Calamitie of Herod, 584. h. of Syria, 634. i, k.
- Calamitie in Ierusalem. 698. l, m. 724. h, i, k. &c.
- Calamitie of the Romans, 733. b, c. of the Iewes recounted [...] the Romans, 734. l, m.
- Calamitie of the Iewes at Antioch, 747. b, c, e.
- Calamitie of the Iewes taken by the Romans, 760. g, h.
- Calumniation, 425. b.
- Calues of Ieroboam, 207. b.
- Cambyses inhibiteth the building of the temple, 266. l, m.
- Campe of the enemies spoiled, 229. c.
- Campe of the Romans how ordered, 648. h, i.
- 3. Campes of the Iewes, 610. i.
- Candlesticke of gold, 63. a. 198. g.
- Capharis submits to Caerealis, 692. g.
- Captaine ouer a thousand, 143. f.
- Captaines of Salomon, 193. d, e.
- 2. Captaines of Ochozias destroied, and why, 224. f. 225. [...]. the 3. preserued, ibid. a.
- Captaine troden to death, 229. d.
- Captiuitie of Babylon foreprophesied, 247. c. 150. i, k. effected, 255. c, d. 715. d.
- Carcases hinder the passages, 581. e.
- Carcases innumerable, 87. e.
- Carcases cast out of the Citie, how many, 724. i, k.
- Care of God for the Israelites safetie, 47. a. for his seruants, 216. l, m.
- Carthage built, 771. c.
- Carelesnesse of Abner touching Sauls safetie, 153. e.
- Carpenters how imployed, 195. b.
- Cassius resisteth the Parthians, 358. m. exacteth of the Iewe [...], 700. talents of siluer, 366. i.
- Cassius Longinus gouernour of Syria, 512. m.
- Castle fortified, 318. l. 356. k. rased, ibid.
- Castle of Dauid, 763. f.
- Castor a subtill Iew, 7 [...]2. g.
- Catalogue of Iacobs sonnes and nephewes, 39. e, f. 40. g.
- Catalogue of Gods benefits on Israel, 54. i, k, l.
- Catalogue of the commandements, 59. f. 60. g.
- Cattell gotten in warre, 87. e. 103. f. 106. l.
- Catullus slaieth 3000. Iewes, 763. b, c.
- Cause of errour concerning God, 796. i.
- Causes of discord, 765. e. 766. g.
- Causes of malice betweene Egyptians and Iewes, 776. h, i.
- Causes of the Israelites ruine, 41. c.
- Causes of the warres of the Iewes, 624. i, m.
- Causes of Vespasians election, 694. g.
- Causes of writing the Antiquities, 1. d. e.
- Caues of the theeues described, 579. e.
- Ceasing of Manna, 102. h.
- Celebration of the passeouer, 249. f. 272.
- Celles about the temple, 195. e.
- Cendebaeus put to flight, 334. g. 560. i.
- Cenizus deliuereth the Israelites, 113. e. vanquisheth [...], ibid. f. iudged Israel fo [...]ie yeeres, ibid, f.
- Censors affixed to the brazen Altar, 80. i. and why, ibid.
- Censors of gold, 197. b.
- Centu [...]ion of Florus, 625. a.
- Cesennius president of Sy [...]ia, 754. accused Antiochus, ibid.
- Cesterne digged to be inclosed, 96. k.
- Cestius G [...]ppeaseth the people, &c. [...]24. g. i. burnt Zabulon & Ioppe, 636. k, l. consulteth with the princes, &c. 627. a. his siege against Ierusalem, 636. m. 637. b, d.
- [Page] Chaereas and his complices conspire Caius death, 490. g. h. why incited against Caius, ibid. k conferreth with Clement, &c. 491. c. 492. g. intends to kill Caius, ibid. expecteth occasion to assaile Caius, 493. b. slaieth Caius, 495. b. honoured, 500. h. sendeth Lupus to kill Caius wife, ibid. k, l. executed, 505. f. 505 g.
- Challenge of a single cumbate, 142. h.
- Chaldaeans mutine against Abraham, 12. k.
- Cham Noah [...] sonne, 9. a. his progenie, 10. l. discouereth his fathers nakednes, 11. c.
- Chambers of pleasure, 200. k.
- Champions of Dauid, 183. c. &c.
- Chanaan Iacobs inheritance, 28. g.
- Chanaanites put the Israelites to flight, 76. k. wholy to be extinguished, 97. f. 106. k. ten thousand slaine, 109. b. made tributaries, 202. l.
- Charges of the temple to be supplied, 272. k.
- Chariots of labin, 115. a. of Salomon, 199. f.
- Chariots armed seene in the ayre, 738.
- Chartisement bettered not Cain, 5. d, e.
- Chastitie of Ioseph, 3 [...]. a, b. 801, c.
- Chaunce medley, 88. k.
- Chaunge of the Iewes gouernment, 569. a, b.
- Chaunge of names w [...]nce, 10. k.
- Cherubim, 62. k. in the temple, 196. h.
- Chetura Abrahams second wife, 19. b. bare to Abraham sixe children, ibid. b, c.
- Chieftaines of Achis, 15 [...]. l. cause Dauid to be dismissed, ibid. l. of Salomon, 193. d, c.
- Children are to learne the law. 91. c.
- 70. Children of Achab slaine, 232. m.
- Children of Herode, 598 i, k.
- Children not to be punished for the fathers offence, 96. m.
- Children male done to death, 41. d, e.
- Children of Chanaan, 11. b.
- Children of Abraham, 17. d. 19. b, c of Iacob, 24. i, k, l. 27. c.
- Children of Roboam, 209. b.
- Children vnlike their fathers, 130. k. 247. c. 230, i. k.
- Chodollogomor an Assyrian Captaine, 13. c. ouerthrew the Sodomites. ibid.
- Choice of the Esseans in compassion and helping, 615. d.
- Chore mutineth against Moses, 77. b. affecteth the office of high Priest, ibid. d. 80. h. he and his companie consumed with fire, ibid. l.
- Chosby a daughter of Madian, 86. h. enticed Zambrias to Idolatrie, ibid. h. i. slaine with him. 87. a.
- Christ crucified, 466. l. m.
- Chronicles of the Tyrians, 244. g.
- Churlishnes of Nabal, 152. i.
- Chusais opposition to Achitophel, 176. i. his counsel accepted, 176. l. certified Dauid of the victorie, 178. l.
- Chuthites remoued vnto Samaria, 243. c. plagued, and why, 244. h. i. claime kinred of the Iewes, ibid. i. k.
- Circumcision commaunded and instituted, 15. b.
- one sacred Citie in Canaan, 90. l. and why, ibid.
- Cities of refuge, 88. i. k. 90. l. 106. [...]l.
- Citie of of Dauid, 164. i.
- Cities of the Beniamites burnt. 112. h.
- Citie of the Priests burnt, 149. d.
- Cities builded of Salomon. 201. d, e.
- Cities vnder Archelaus subiection, 613. b.
- Cities taken from the Iewes. 345. c.
- chiefe Cities of Galilee. 549. c.
- Cities in armes against the Iewes, 635. b.
- 4. Cities of Galilee reuolt from Ioseph, 643. 2.
- Citizens of Iabes burie Saul and his sons bodies, 158. i, k.
- Citizens taken prisoners, 252. c.
- Citizens of Giscala entertaine Titus. 671. [...].
- Citizens resort to Vespasian. 684: i.
- Ciuill wars of the Israelites. 111. d.
- Ciuill wars of the Romans. 691. f.
- Claudius chosen Emperour, 498. l, m. vnwillingly accepted it, 502. [...]carried on mens shoulders, 503. denieth to giue ouer the dignitie, ibid. f. confirmed by Agrippa. 504. g. perswaded to vse the Senators mildly, 500. g. 620. i. giueth Agrippa Iudaea, &c. 506. i. his edict in fauour of the Iewes, ibid. 507. a. commaundeth Agrippa to desist from building, 509. c. grants the Iewes custodie of the high Priests vestment, 5 [...]3. b. c. findeth the Samaritanes guiltie, 520. m. 521. a. 622. g. his wiues, 52 [...]. d, e. his death, 521, d. 62 [...]. h.
- Clemencie becommeth a king, 152. l.
- Clemencie of Ioseph. 534. i. of Archelaus, 608. h. of vaiu [...]. 612. h.
- Cleopatra Demetrius wife, 333. d. obtaineth Tryphons army ibid. rebelleth against Ptolomy, 338. h. prepareth an armie against her sonne, 342. m. taketh Ptolemais, 343. a. commeth to Antonius, 370 g. murthereth her brother and sister, 388. l. 389. a. her corrupt dealing, ibid. m. beggeth Iudaea and Arabia, 389. a, b. her chieftaine ouerthroweth Herode, 390. l. her treason against Herode, [...]83. f.
- Cloud on the Tabernacle, 72. k. in the Sanctuarie, 198. h.
- a Clowne made high Priest, 673. c.
- Clytus author of sedition, 539. d. cutteth off his owne hand, ibid. 643. d.
- Colonie of Nemrode, 11. a.
- Colonies established by Abraham, 19. b. & 20. k.
- Combate betwixt Dauid and Goliah, 143. c, d.
- Combate of Saul against the Ammonites, 134. l.
- Combate chalenged, 732. l.
- Comet like a sword, 738. i.
- Comfort of Ionathan to Dauid, 173. c.
- Commaund of Saul for warre, 134. k.
- Commaundement of God transgressed, 4. i, k. 208. g, h.
- Commaundement for the Arke, &c. 186. g, h.
- ten Commaundements, 59. f.
- Commendation of Abraham, 20. l: of Iacob, 40. m. of Ioseph, 41. a. of Iosaphat 204. c.
- Commination against the Israelites, 199. f. against Iezabel.
- Commiseration of the Galaadites, 134. h.
- Commotion of the Iewes, 483. f
- Companies of the Romans, 636. i.
- Companions of Daniel cast into the furnace, 259. f. preserued, ibidem.
- Companions of Ionathan slaine, 763. a.
- Comparison of Moses with other lawmakers, 791. e.
- Comparison of the Roman forces with the Iewes, 628. m.
- Comparison of the Romans and Iewes, &c. 674. m.
- Computation of time different, 783. a, b.
- Compassion of Ioseph, 38. l. of Thermuthis, 42. m. of the people, 134 h. of the three kings, 226. i. of Elizaeus, 226. l. 230. g. of Caesar, &c. 418. i. of the people, 537. c. of Antonius, 577. d. of Tyroes sonne, 597. c. of Titus, 670. m. 733. c.
- Complaint of Dauid to Ionathan, 146. k. l.
- Complotting of Iosephs death, 29. b.
- Concord in wickednes. 718. g, h. 621. c.
- Concord of the Iewes in religion, 792. k.
- Concubine of Gedeon, 117. c. of Saul, 161. a. of Salomon 204. k. of Roboam, 209. b.
- Conditions of peace vniust, 133. g.
- Conduct of Moses, 50. g, h, i.
- Conduit vnder ground from Antonia, 411. d.
- Confederacie, 11 [...]. e, f. 16 [...]. a. 167. l. m. 223. e. 230. m. 29 [...]. [...].
- Conference, 353. d. 577. d.
- Confession of Achar 103. d. of the women, 600. g.
- Confidence of Adad, 228. l. of Ioram, 227. f. of Ochozias, 224. l.
- Confirmation of Moses, 46. i. of Saul. 132. l.
- Conflict of the Iewes with the Caesareans, 624. k, l. of Placidus with the fugitiues, 686. i. of the Iewes with the Romans 711. c. 753. a.
- Confusion of tongues, 9. d.
- Confutation of Manethons words, 778. m. of Lysimachus, 781. b, c. of Apion, 783. e. of Posidonius and of Apollonius, 786. k, l.
- Congratulation, 419. f. 451. c.
- Conquest of Ganaan made difficult, 73. effected, 105. b. &c.
- Consent of parents, &c. asked in mariage, 20. i, k. & 24. m.
- Conspiracie of Chore and his followers, 77. c.
- Conspiracie, 236. g. 238. h. 232. k. 248. i. 402. h, i. 489. f. 597. d.
- Conspiracie in robberie, 621. e.
- Conspirators punished, 458. g.
- Constancie of the Esseans, 616. k. of the Iewes, 619. b. 727. b. 774. k. l. 797. c. of Eleazar, 803. d.
- Consultation about the Arke, 128. h.
- Consultation against Ioseph, 543. c. of Herode with Archelaus, 594. g. of Cestius with the princes, 627. a. of Titus, 720. l. of Vespasian, 693. d. of Iudas, 722. l.
- Contempt of religion see pietie coutemned.
- Contempt of Saul, 133. e.
- [Page] Contempt of God wherein it consisteth, 1 [...]0. h. l.
- Contempt of death, 4 [...]8. g.
- Contempt of God, losse of a kingdome, 140. i.
- Contents of Ieremies booke, 251. c, d.
- Contents of the Antiquities, 1. c. 3. c.
- Contention of the Samatitanes and Iewes, 322. m. 323. a.
- Contention betweene Abrahams and Lots shepheards, 13. c.
- Contention, whence, 591. b.
- Continuance of the lawes among the Iewes, 794. k, l.
- Core a certaine measure, 75. b.
- Corne of the Philistines spoiled, 122. h.
- Corne prouided by Herod, 403. f.
- Corne burnt in Ierusalem, 698. l.
- Corruption of Ventidius, 374. m. of Scaurus, 566. h. 578. h. of Silo, 578. l. of Antipater, 591. c, f. of Alexander, 593. b. 130. l.
- Corruptions among the Greeks, 765. a.
- Cost of Agrippa in building the wall, 704. i.
- Costabarus vsurpeth, 400. h. preserued by his wiues intercession, ibid. k.
- Coūenant of God with Noah, 8. i, k.
- Couenants of the Esseans, 615. f.
- Couenant of Abraham with Abimelech, 16. l. of Laban with Iacob, 25. c. f.
- Couetousnesse of Cleopatra, 583. d. of Iohn, 533. f. of Florus, 623. f.
- Councell called, 596. l. 609. b.
- Councell held against Ioseph, 547. f.
- Counsell to be sought at Gods hands, 20. m.
- Counsell of Rebecca to Iacob, 23. c. of Ioseph to king Phar [...]o, 34. g, h. of Raguel to Moses, 58. g, h. of Balaam to Balac, 85. c. e. of Achirophel, 176. i of Chusai. 176. l. of the Elders, 206. i. of the young men, ibid. l. of Salome, 596. k.
- Counterfaiting of Euricles, 595. b.
- Counterfaiters of letters feed, 601. d.
- Countrey of the Amorites possessed by the Hebrewes, 83. b.
- Countrey beyond the floud described, 646. m.
- Countries inhabited, 10. g. 11. a. &c.
- Courage of the Iewes, 713. b, c. 653. d. of Eleazar, 654. f. of Iohn, &c. 672: i. k.
- Courtesie of Rebecca to Abrahams seruant, 19. f. & 20. g, h. of Rachel to Iacob, 23. b. of Raguel to Moses, 45. c, d. of Abigal to Dauid, 152. k, l. of the Witch to Saul, 1 [...]. c.
- Court of the Tabernacle, 61: a, b. &c.
- Court of Ieroboam, 207. a.
- Courtiers of Saul sound Dauid, 144. h.
- Cowardize of Vonones, 466. of the Iewes, 726. k.
- a Cow brings foorth a lambe, 738. k.
- Cow dung the Iewes food, 724. k.
- Craft of a boy, 739. d, e.
- Crassus warreth against the Parthians, 358. m. robbeth the treasurie in Ierusalem, ibid. h. 569. e. slaine, 358. m. 569. c.
- Creation of the world, 3. c.
- Creatures made, 3. d, c. and first named, ibid. f.
- Crie of seditious Chore and his accomplices, 77. e.
- Cries of women and children, 655. d. of the Iewes, 737. d.
- Crowne of Gold, 368. l.
- Crowes feed Elias, 214. k.
- Crueltie of Azael foretold, 230. g. effected, 236. g, i. of Athalia, 233. e. of Manahem, 240. h. of Manasses, 247. c, f. of Nabuchadnezzar, 251. c. of Bacchides, 559. b. of Alexander, 564. g. of Antigonus, 580. m. of Cleopatra, 583. c. of Herod, 612. l. of the Damascens, 639. c, d. of the theeues, 674. i. of the Idumaeans and Zelous, 682. g. of the seditious, 699. b. of the theeues, 721. e, f. of Simon, 722. i.
- Cumanus spoileth villages, 519. a. feareth the peoples rage, 621. a. corrupted, 520. i. banisned 521. a.
- Cunning of Dauid in playing on the haipe, 141. e.
- Cups of gold, 197. b.
- Curse against him that builds Iericho, 102. l.
- Custome of the countrey, 24. g.
- Custome obserued in sacrifices, 68. l, m.
- Custome of warre, 97. c, d.
- Custome in Samaria, 228. l.
- Custome laudable in a king, 280. l.
- Custome to punish slaiers of themselues, 659. f.
- Custome of the Romans, 711. d.
- Custome of the Priests, 766. i, l. &c.
- Cutthroates among the Iewes, 523. c.
- Cyprus a Castle, 588. g.
- Cyrenaeus taxeth Iudaea, 462. l.
- Cyrus lung of Persia, 26 [...]. b. ouerthroweth Balthazar, and ta [...]th Babylon, 262. h. dismisseth the Iewes, 265. a, b, &c. permitteth to build C [...]e and Temple, 265. b, c. his decree touching the temple, 271. c, d.
- Cyzicenus king of Syria, see Antiochus.
- Dagon fell downe, 127. c.
- Dares of creasion six, 3. d, e. the seuenth sanctified, ibid. e. the day lengthened, 104. m.
- Dalila foundeth Sampson, 123. a. betraieth him, ibid. b, c.
- Dar [...]aseens kill 10000. Iewes, 639. c, d.
- N. Damascenus testimonie of Abraham, 12. k.
- Damasco, countrey of Abraham, [...]2. k.
- Damsels intice the Hebrewes to idolatrie, 8 [...]9. d. & 86. g.
- Dan the sonne of Iacob, 24. k. what it signiseth, ibid. k. his issue, 40. g.
- Daniels austere life, 258. g, h. expounds Nauchodonosors dreame, 259. c, d. aduaunced to honour, ibid. 262. g, f, e. his fellowes cast into the furnace, 259. f. interpreteth the writing, 262. g. cast into the Lyons dentie, 262. l. his vision of the Ram and Goat, 263. d, [...]. his predictions of the Roman Empire, 264. h
- Datius king of the Medes, 261. b. surpriseth Babylon, 262. h. causeth Daniels enemi [...] to be cast to the Lyons, 263. a.
- Darius son of Hystaspis maketh a vow. 263. a. performeth it, 268. l, m. propoundeth three questions, 267. b. his letters for building the temple, &c. 268. m. 269. a. he restoreth the vessels, &c. ibid. b. his Epistle to the prefects of Syria, 171. c.
- Darius king of Persia ouerthrowne; 285. 2.
- Darknesse separated, &c. 3. d.
- Darknesse of Aegypt, 49. a, b.
- Dart of Saul, 153. c, d.
- Darts profit not the Iewes. 709. d.
- Dathan rebellious, 79. a. he with his companio were swallowed vp, 80. g.
- Daughters of Salpades inheritance, 88. c.
- Daughters of the Madianites, 85. d. allure the Hebrewes to Idolatrie, 86. g.
- Dauid annointed king, 141. b, c. seased with Gods spirit. 141. d. caseth Sauls vexation, ibid. d, e, f. killeth a Lyon and a Beare, 142. k. m. ouercommeth Goliab, 143. c, d. killeth six hundreth l'hilistines, and marrieth Michol, 144. k. l. vanquisheth the Palestines, 145. d. discouereth Sauls affection towards him, 146. h. complaineth to Ionathan, 146. k, l. receieth Goliahs sword, 148, g, h. counterfaiteth madnesse, and why, 148. i. his care of his parents, ibid. k. defendeth Cilla, 150. h. flieth to the Ziphians, 150. k. escapeth Sauls hands, and how. 151. a. twise saueth Sauls life, 151. b, c. & 153. c, d. testifieth his innocencie, ibid. c. & 154. g. spareth Nabals flocks, 152. g. incensed against Nabal, and why, ib. i. is appeased, ibid. l. m. vpbraideth Abner, 153. d, e. dwelleth at Siceleg, and spoilet the Satrites, &c. 154. i. recouereth his vites, and slaieth the Amalechites, 157. b, c. lamenteth Saul and Ionathan, &c. 159. c, f. chosen king by one tribe, &c. 160. g. requireth Michol, 161. b, c. purgeth himselfe of Abners death, 162. i. k, l. surpriseth Ierusalem, 164. h, i. vanquisheth the Palestines, 165, b, c. transporteth the Arke, and how, ibid. c, e. intended to build a temple, 166. h. gaue God thankes, ibid. k. reuengeth his Embassadours, 169. b, c, d. marrieth Bethsabe, 170. l. repenteth his sinne, 171. b. mourneth for his sonne, 171. ibid. c, d. expelled his kingdome, 177. b. his entertainment at Mahanaim, 177. c. commandeth to spare his sonne, 177. f. bewaileth Absalons death, 179. a. granteth Amasa pardon, 179. c. his concubines sequestred, 181. c. distributeth offices, 182. b. deliuered out of perill, ibid. l. perswaded to abstaine from warre, ibid. lus 38. champions, 183. c. &c. sendeth Ioab to muster the people, 184. h. of three punishments offered, chooseth the plague, 184. k. prayeth for the innocent people, ibid. l. commanded to build an Altar, ibid. m. gathereth store of yron, &c. 185. d. counselled Salomon to honour God, ibid. f. groweth olde and numbe, 186. h. numbreth the Leuites, 187. e. confirmeth the kingdome of Salomon, ibid. commendeth Salomon to the tribes, 188. h. his counsell to Salomon, 189. c. willeth Salomon to punish Ioab, 189. d. commendeth Berzillais sonnes to Salomon, 189. his age, raigne, and vertues, ib. f.
- Dauncing of the maidens of Israel, 243. e. of Dauids before the Arke, 165. e, f.
- [Page] Daunger of the Israelites, 50. i, k, l. 51. d. c. of Dauid, 144. m. 145. c, f. 150. i, k, l, m. 151. a, b. of the Sephorites▪ 534. a. of [...]cims sonne, 532. g. of Ioseph. 537. c. 538. g. 539. a. 641. c, d. of Herode, 577. c. of Titus, 700. h.
- Dead [...]e vnburied, 721. d. c.
- Dead bodie raised, 236. m.
- Dealing of Laban with Iacob, 25. d, c.
- Dealing of Saul with Dauid colourable, 144. g, h, i.
- Death of the fathers, 6. k. 7. a, &c.
- Death of the seuen brethren, 800, k, l. 801. a. 802. g. 803. &c.
- Death of Abraham, 20. l. of Isaac, 27. d. of Rachel, ibid. c. of Iacob, 40. m. of Ioseph, 41. a. of Moses, 99. b, c. of Samuel, 151. f. of Salomon, 206. g.
- Death of the first begotten, 49. d.
- Death of the leader discomfort to the souldier, 222. h.
- Dearth of victuals prophecied, 214. k.
- Debate comp [...]itted, 157. d. c.
- Debate of the Iewes and Samaritanes, 322. m. 323. 2.
- Debate of Herode with his sonnes, 590. b.
- Debate betwixt the Ladies, 598. m.
- Debora a prophetesse, 115. a. encouraged Barac, ibid. c.
- Decease of Herode, 605, i, k.
- Declamation of Sentius, 499. a, b.
- Deceit of Florus, 624. k. of Iohn, 676. g. of the Iewes, 702. l, m.
- Deciding of hard controuersies referred to Moses, 58. i.
- Decree of the Romans, 315. c. of Cyrus, 271. c, d.
- Decree of destinie, 714. g.
- Dedication of the Tabernacle and Priests, 66. l.
- Defence of Moses, &c. 790. i, k.
- Defence of Nicholaus, 609. c. 613. a. 459. b.
- Defie of the enemie, 142. i. 145. b.
- Deflouring of Dina, 26. m. of Thamar, 172. i. k.
- Deflouring of a Virgine, 94. i.
- Deliuerance of the Israelites out of Egypt, 50. g. l. from danger, 51. d, e. f.
- Deluge or floud, 6. i. the cause thereof, ibid. when it hapned, 7. a, b. destroyed all saue those in the Arke, 6. decreased, 7. d.
- Demetrius exhortatorie letter, 290. g.
- Demetrius Seleucus slaieth Lysias and Antiochus, 313. d. maketh himselfe king ib. d. sendeth Nicanor against Iudas, 314. i. sendeth Bacchides against Ionathan, 319. b. maketh peace with Ionathan, 320. i. 321. b. fighteth with Alexander, and is slame, 321. c.
- Demetrius Nicanor ouercommeth Alexander, 326. g. obtaineth the kingdome, ibid. incurreth the [...]tred of his souldiers, ibid. l. discomfited, 328. g. taken prisoner, 330. l. put to flight, refused by his wife dieth, 337. 2.
- Demetrius Eucaerus king of Damasco, 344. ouercommeth Alexander, ibid. l. m. besiegeth his brother Philip. 335. c.
- Departure of Israel from Egypt, 49. d, c. & 50. g. of Cestius, &c. 638. h, i.
- Depulsion of the Iewes libertie, &c. 628. i.
- Description of tho theeues caues, 579. c. of Prolemais, 618. l. of Galilee, 646. k. of the countrey beyond the floud, 646. m. of Samaria. 647, a. of Iurie, 647. b. of the lake Genezar, 665. c. of Ierusalem, 703. e, f. of Iericho, 687. d, &c. of Antonia, 708. h. of the Temple and Porches, 788. g, h.
- good Deserts of Dauid, 145. b, c. not to be forgotten, ibid. d. 577. a.
- Desire of gold, 423. b.
- Desolation through Ierusalem, 685. c.
- Desolation lamented, 750. g.
- Destinie, 714. g.
- Destruction of Sodom, 16. g. of Senacheribs host, 246. k.
- Destruction of all things foretold, 6. h.
- Destruction of Iudaea, 245. b.
- Destruction of the Iewes, 666. k.
- Destruction of Ierusalem, 715. c. see Ierusalem.
- Determination of God, 730. h.
- Detractions of writers concerning the Iewes, 776. g, &c. 777. f. &c. 778. i, k. 779. a. &c.
- Deuise of Ioseph against the Ram, 653. e, f. of Artorius, 733. c.
- Deuotion of the Israelites, 129. b.
- a Dew descended from heauen, 55. a. called Manna. ibid. a.
- Diadem of Asia refused, 325. c.
- Difficulties of the Hebrewes, see daungers.
- Dignitie royall concealed, 133. a.
- Diligence of the Romans. 648. g.
- Dina the daughter of Iacob, 24. l. rauished by Sichem; 26, m. desired in marriage by [...] but denied, ibid. m. & 27. a.
- Diophantus counterfaiteth letters, 596. g.
- Discipline of the Roma [...] 6 [...]8. g, &c.
- Discomfiture of Sauls armie. 157. f.
- Discontents renued, 626. g.
- Discord in Iurie, 672. h.
- Discord domesticall, [...]73. b, c, d, e. 416. h, i. 423. d.
- Discord whence ariseth, 591. b.
- Discord betweene the Idumaeans and Zealous, 692. k.
- Discord of the Iewes and Alexandrians, 786.
- Discourtesie shewed, 19. [...].
- Discretion of Gedeon, 117. c, of the Roman souldiers, 669. a.
- Disease called by the Egyptians Sabatosis, 783. d.
- Diseases of Herode, 605. d.
- Dismission of the Israelites, 237. c.
- Disobedience of Saul, 139. c, d. of the Israelites, ibid. c, d, c. f. Iadon, 208. h. of Ionas, 238. l.
- Disobedience, 94. m. 95. a. cause of calamitie. 110. g, &c. 111. a. &c 113. d. 114. g. ibid. m. 125. b. 126. g. &c.
- Displeasure of God against Baalam, 84. g, h. against Saul and his people, 139. c. against the Chuthites, 245. i. against Senacherib, 246. k.
- Displeasure of Titus, 723. c. d. of Balac against Baalam, 84. l. of Saul against Dauid, 144. m pacified, 145, c. of Florus against the Iewes, 625. c. of the Israelites, 130. m.
- Disposition of the armie, 72. i.
- Disproofe of the Zealous fiction, 677. c, of Apions, 783. d, c. 786. h, i.
- a Dissembler, 640. l.
- Dissension at Tarichea, 664. k. between Iohn and Simon, 718, g.
- Distinction of the Hebrewes gouernment, 135. b.
- Distribution of the Iewes, 744. h.
- Distribution of the spoiles and pray, 57. b, c. 87. c. 103. f▪ 104. g.
- Distribution of Herodes kingdome. 459. d.
- Distresse of the Israelites, 53. d, e, f.
- Diuision of the land of Canaan, 106. h.
- Diuision of the land betweene Abraham and Lot, 13. i.
- Diuision of the Tabernacle, 62. i. of the Temple, 196. g. of Iudaea, 647. b. of the priests, 187. f.
- Diuiners banished, 154. l.
- Diuell seeketh to abolish the Bible, 304. h.
- Doctrine of Elias confirmed, 216. h, i.
- Doctrine of the Esseans, 614. m.
- Doeg master of the kings mules, 148. h. 149. a. accuseth Achimelech, and why, ibid. a. slaieth the priests, ibid. c, d.
- Dogs lick Achabs bloud, 222. h. deuoure Iezabels carcas. 232. k
- Domitian subdueth the Germans, 749. b.
- Doris Herods wife, 368 i. thrust out of the pallace, 441. i. spoiled of her Iewels, 600. k.
- Dorites place Caesars statue in the synagogue, 407. f.
- Dortus crucified, 520. k.
- Dowrie of Salpades daughter, 88. l.
- Dreame of Ioseph, 28. l, m. & 29. a, b. of the Butler, 32, k. of the Baker. 33, a. of Pharao, ibid. b, c. of a Madianite, 116. k, l. of Nabuchodonosor, 258. k. of Herod, 581. a. of Archelaus, 614. i. of Glaphyra, ibid. k.
- Drowfinesse of Abner and his souldiers, 153. c.
- Dutie of a king. 141. c.
- Eagle of gold, 447. f. pulled downe, 448. h. 604. m. 605. a, b.
- Eagle the ensigne of the Romans, 640. k. 650. g. a signe of victorie, ibid. g.
- 7. full Eares of come, 7. thinne or withered, what, 33. c. f.
- Earth created, 3. c, d. richly endowed, ibid. couered with darknesse, 3. c. cursed for mans sake, 4. l. called a virgine, and why, 3. f. swallowed vp Dathan and Abiram, 80. g.
- Earthquake, 239. c. 130. g.
- Earthquake killeth 10000. men. 391. b, c. 584. i.
- Easter or the Paschall solmnized, 102. h.
- Ebutius against Ioseph, 536. h.
- Eclipse, 448. m.
- Edict in behalfe of the Iewes, 365. c.
- Edict of king Pharao, 41. d. of Cyrus, 265. b.
- Edict of restraint, 60. l.
- Edict of Saul broken, 137. f. of Nabuchodonosor, 259. c.
- Edom, a name giuen to Esau, 28. h. his countrey, ibid. h.
- Education of Iacob and Esau, 20. m. 21. a. of Moses, 43. c.
- [Page] Effects of Gods spirit, 141. d.
- Effects of the euill spirit, 141. d.
- Aegypt described, 694. i, k. length and breadth thereof, ibid. of whom so called, 770. h.
- an Aegyptian Prophet gathers 30000. 622. l, m.
- Aegyptian priests circumcised, 790. h, i.
- Aegyptians pay the fift part of their profits, 40. l. solde their possessions, &c. ibid. i, k. to what things addicted, 41. b. war against the Aethiopians, 43. e, f. require Moses for their captaine, 44. h. afflicted with plagues, 48. & 49. weepe at the departure of the Hebrewes, 49. e. pursue them, 50. h. drowned in the red sea, 51. f. worship beasts, 786. g. h.
- Eglon subdueth the Israelites, 114. g. killed by Ehud. ibid. k.
- Eliud killeth Eglon, 114. i. putteth the Moabites to flight, ib. k, l.
- Eie of God discouereth sin, 563.
- Eies pulled out, 123. c. 255. a.
- Ela son of Basa, 213. d. slaine by Zamri, ibid.
- Elcana father of Samuel, 125. c. loued Anna, ibid. c.
- Elders resolued to make Dauid king, 161. d.
- Elders counsell reiected, 206. i.
- [...]0. Elders rule Galilee, 639. e, f.
- Eleazar high priest praised, 2. h.
- Eleazar Moses sonne, 46. m.
- Eleazar Aarons sonne, 80. i. affixed his censor to the Altar, and why, ib. i. succeedeth his father, 82. [...]dieth, 108. m.
- Eleazar killeth an Elephant, 312. i. slaine, 559. c.
- Eleazar vpbraideth Hyrcanus, 338. k.
- Eleazar an archtheese surprised, 622. i.
- Eleazar exerciseth crueltie, 621.
- Eleazar one of the Zelous, 676. m. caused the Idumaeans to be sent for, ibid. m. 677. a.
- Eleazar kils himselfe, 690. l.
- Eleazar taken, 753. b, c. whipt, ibid. exhorteth the Iewes to submit. 753. c.
- Eleazar captaine of the Sicarians, 755. d. besieged in Massada, 756. i. sheweth the Romans tyrannie, 760. k.
- Eleazar brought vnto Antiochus, 802. m. whipped, 833. d. his answere to Antiochus, 804. g. his death, ibid. h.
- Election of a king, 92. h, i.
- Eli high priest, 123. c. had wicked sonnes. 125. b. his and their end foretold, 126. g. hearing of the Arke lost, died, 1 [...]6. l. his Genealogie, 127. a.
- Eliab a workman of the Tabernacle, 60. l. 66. i.
- Elias fed by crowes, 214. k. entertained by the widow of Sareptha, ibid. l. restoreth the widowes sonne, 215. a. prophecieth raine to Achab, ibid. b, c. 216. i, k. reprooueth the superstition of the people, 215. f. confirmeth his doctrine, and slaieth Baals priests, 216. g, h, i. flieth from Iezabel, ib. l. prophecieth reuenge to Achab and Iezabel, 217. c. reprooueth Ochozias messengers, 224. k. praieth, that fire consume his captaines, ibid. m. 225. a. and foreshewes his death, ibid. b. is taken from men, 225. c.
- Elimele [...]h goeth to Moab, and why, 123. c. his, and his sonnes death, 123. c, f. his heritage seased. 124. l, m.
- Elizaeus calling, 217. a. foretelleth of water, and of victorie, 225. f. relieueth a poore widow, and how, 226. m. aduiseth Ioram to beware of Adad. 227. a, b. discouereth his ambush, ibid. b. leadeth the Syrians into Samaria, 227. c, d. fore [...]els plentie of victuals, 228. i. also Adads death, and Azaels crueltie, 229. f. 230. g. visited by Ioas, 236. k. foresheweth his treble victorie, ibid. k, l. his death and euent thereof, 236. l, m.
- Eloquence of Moses, 46. i. 54. h.
- Embassadors of Dauid abused, 1 [...]8. k. of Ezechias ill intreated, 242. l, m. of Ionathan to Demetrius, 327. b. of Herod, 605. f.
- Embassadours to Pompey, 353. b.
- Embassadours sent to Ioseph, 541. a, 543. a. hope to get Tiberias, 545. d. their false accusations, 546. i.
- Embassage of Moses to the Idumaeans, 81. c. to Sehon, 82. l. Balacs to the Madianites, 83. c. his and their first and second to Balaam, ibid. c. & 84. g. Embassage of the nine tribes to the two other, 107. c. of the Galaadites to Saul. 134. i. of the Syrians to Achab, 218. g. Embassage of Balad, 247. b. of the Iewes. 272. k. of the Iewes to Rome, 458. i.
- Emmor king of the Sichemtes slaine▪ 27. 2.
- Emperours of Rome, why called Caesars, 202. g.
- Emperours strife to be at peace: with the Iewes, 714. m. 715. a.
- Empire of Rome in an vprore, 691: c.
- Empire of the Persians, 773. a.
- End of captinitie, 265. a.
- End of Antiochus Epi. miserable, 311. b.
- End of the Iewes answerable to their liues, 756. h.
- Engines, 239. d. fired, 312. g. 719. f. 726. i.
- Enemies of the Israelites to be destroied, 90. g. and why, ibid.
- Enemies how to be vsed, 794. i.
- Enemies to be buried, 95. c.
- Endeuour of Agrippa, &c. 627. f.
- Enlargement of the kingdome of Israel, 238. k.
- Ennerus Abrahams friend, 14 k.
- Enoch sonne of Iared, 7. b. taken vp to God, ibid. c. 225. c.
- Enos Cains first sonne, 5. c.
- Enosa first Citie builded, 5. c.
- Enquirie for Ionathans kinred, 168. h.
- Ensigne of the Romans, 649. f. 650. g.
- Entertainment giuen to Antipater, 502. k. to Vespasian, 663. a.
- Enumeration of the coūtries subiected to the Romans, 628. k. &c. 629. a. &c. 630. g.
- Enuie of the serpent, 4. h. of Abimelech, 21. b. of Leas to Rachel, 24 i. and of her to Leas, ibid. i, k. of Iosephs brethren, 28. l. of the Aegyptians towards the Israelites, 41. b. of Saul against Dauid, 143. c, f. of Herodias, 478. m. of Iohn, 642. h.
- Ephod, 64. a.
- Ephraim sonne of Ioseph, 34. i.
- Ephraimites get Bethel, 109. c. displeased with Gedeon, are appeased, 116. c. slaine by Ieptha, 120. h, 1.
- Epicrates selleth Scythopolis, &c 33 [...]. g.
- Epilogue of the Antiquities, 527. f.
- Epitaphs, 159. f. & 162. k. 250. i.
- Erection of the tabernacle, 61. [...].
- Error of Epicures confuted, 264. i.
- Esay the Prophet, 245. f. comforteth Ezechias, 246. g. foretold Senacheribs ouerthrow, and death, ibid. g. assureth Ezechias of life, 247. a, b. foresheweth the captiuitie, ibid. c.
- Esau sonne of Isaac, 20. m. called Seir, and why, 21. a. foretold to be author of a nation. 20. m. his wiues, 21. d. went a hunting, ibid. e. denied the blessing, and why, 22. h. foretold to be mightie, yet his brothers vassal, ibid. h. wept for losse of the blessing, 22. h. selleth his birth-right, 28. h.
- Eschol Abrahams friend, 14. k.
- Esdras the lawyer, 271 k. assembleth the Iewes in Babylon, 273. c. repaireth to Ierusalem, &c. ibid. d. his prayer for the Leuites, 274. g. reads the law, ibid. l. m.
- Esseans a sect, 229. c. 463. f. 614. l. sweare not, 615. e. haue their goods common, 614. m. their religion and labour, 615. d. in compassion and helping their choice, 615. d. obserue the Sabboth, 616. i. liue long, ibid. i. they prophecie, 617. a. their opinion of the soule, 616. l. beleeue not the resurrection, ibid.
- Essen, what it is, 64. h, i.
- Esther made Queene, 277. f. resorteth to the king, and why, 279. f. 280. g. accuseth Aman, and why. 281. c, f.
- Estate of Salomon declined, and why, 204. i.
- Ethnarch a gouernor, 612. i.
- Ethnickes punished, and why, 294. m. 295. a.
- Eue created, 4. g. tempted, transgresseth, ibid. i. her punishment, 4. m. cast out of Paradise, 5. a. her children, ibid. a.
- Euening, what, 3. d.
- Euent of the battell, foretold, 155. c, d.
- Euent of battell changeth, 731. c.
- Euilmerodach releaseth Iechonias, 261. dieth, ibid.
- Euidence against Antipater, 601. c.
- Eunuches of what gift depriued. 97. a.
- Euphrates a riuer of Paradise, 4. h. called also Phora, ibid.
- Euricles winneth Herods fauour, 430. i, k. relateth Alexanders words to Herod, 430. m. 594. l, m. getteth money by craft, 430. m. 431. a. 594. m. 595. a. playeth the Amphidexter, 595. a, b. c. 596. g, h.
- of Exactions a mitigation craued, 490. i, l▪ denied, ibid.
- Example to doe euill, 139. c. 209. b.
- Example of the Athenians, &c. 628. k.
- Excursions, see incursions.
- Excuse, of Dauids absence, 147. d. of Malchus, 577. a. of the two brethren, 592. l. of Antipater, 603. d. c.
- Execration of Saul, 137. c, f.
- Exercise of the Romans, 648. g, h.
- Exhortation of Moses to the people, 50. m.
- Exhortation to maintaine libertie, 500. g. to contemne death, [...]9. d.
- Exhortation to be obedient to Gods will, 89. c.
- [Page] Exhortation of Saul to warre, 134. k.
- Exhortation of Salomon to the people, 199. c. of Azarias, 212. l. of Iosaphatto his subiects, 223. c▪ of Ezechias to the Priests 242. i, k. of Matthias to his sons, 305. f. of the princes to the people, 626. i. of Samuel to the people, 129. c. of Titus, 727. a, b. of Antiochus. 802. [...]. 803. a. 805. b
- Expedition of the Palestines against the Hebrewes, 136. i. 142 g of Iosaphat against the Syrians, 220. l, m. of the Arabians against Ioram, 230. m. of Amasias against Ioas, 238. g. of Ozias, 239. b.
- Expences of Salomon, 193 e, f.
- Explication of the names of Iacobs sons, 24. i, k, l.
- Exploits of Titus, 664. k, l. of Domitian, 748. l, m. 749. 2.
- Exposition of dreames see interpretition.
- Expostulation of Samuel with the people, 135. c, d.
- Expostulation against Ioseph, 659. 2.
- Extremitie of the Iewes, 75. b.
- Ezechias king of Iuda praised, and why, 242. i. his embassadours to the Israelites, 242. l. offereth a solemne sacrifice, 243. 2, b. reformeth Gods seruice, bid. subdueth the Philistines, 243. c. hath his recourse to God, 245. f. praieth, and is heard, 246. g. h. fell sicke, ibid. m. his life prolonged, 247. a. entertaineth Balads embassadors. ibid. b. his death, 247. d.
- Ezechiel prophecieth of captiuitie, 250. k. taken prisoner, 251. c. foreprophecieth the destruction of the Temple, &c. 252. k.
- Fable deuised by Apion, 788. l, m.
- Fable of Iupiter and Pallace, 795. f.
- Fact of Herode deuised, 605. f.
- Faction in Tiberias, 531. b.
- Faction of Chore, 77. e. of the people, 214. g.
- Facultie of perswasion, 46. i.
- Factious flie from Ioh, 685. b.
- Fadus gouernour of Iudaea, 512. i. slew Tholomaeus, 513. a. killeth Theudas, 518. i.
- Fall of Adam and Eue, 4. i.
- Fall of the wals of Iericho, 102. i.
- Fall of Ochozias, 224. k.
- Fall of a tower. 710. l. m.
- False prophets, 252. i. k. 253. a. suborned. 758. h.
- Fame of Salomons vertues, 203. c. of Iosaphats, 224. i.
- Fame of Herode, 588. i. k.
- Familie of the priests destroyed, 149. c. d.
- Famine of Canaan; 12. m. & 21. a. 34 k. & 35. e. of Egypt, 34. i. encreased, and why, 40. i. of the Iewes 75. a, b. in the daies daies of Eli▪ 123. c. inflicted on the Israelites, and why, 182. i. of [...], 227. f. & 228, g, h. 253. c. in Iudaea, 403. c. in Ierusalem, 714. l. 717. b. 724. i, k. 734. g.
- Fasting of the Israelites, 129. d, e. of the Iewes. 279. d.
- Father of Iosephus taken, 722. k.
- Fathers before floud, 7. a, b, c. trained vp their sons in vertue, 6. h. & 7. a, b, c. their age before the floud, 7. a, b. c. their death ibid. why liued longer then we now, 8. l.
- Fathers after the floud, 11. e. f.
- Fauour of God to Isaac, 21. b. of the keeper to Ioseph, 32. i. of Pharaoh to Ioseph, 34. h, i. of God to Iacob, 39 d. of God to Moses, 42. m. to the Israelites, 50. m. & 51. a. & 84. k. to Dauid, 141. b, c. 144. l. of Xerxes to the Iewes, 242. l. of Antiochus to Ionathan, 318. g.
- Feare surprising the Madianites, 116. l. 117. a, b. 137. d. 224. h.
- Feare of Saul touching Dauid, 144. l. 148. k.
- Feare of the Iewes. 618. k. 743. f.
- Feare giueth confidence. 392. k, l.
- Feast of Pascha instituted and celebrated, 49. e, c, d. 69. [...]. 519. a.
- Feast of Azymes, 49. [...]. 243. b. 608. i.
- Feast of Tabernacles, 69. c. 199. e.
- Feast of Penticost, 69. f.
- Feast of Dauid to the people, 155. m. of Ezechias, 243. a.
- Feast of Lots, 283. [...].
- Feature of Dauid, 141. [...].
- Felicitie of Salomon, 203. [...].
- Felix gouernour of Iudaea, 521. a. punisheth theeues, &c. 522. f. surpriseth Eleazar. 622. i. ouerthroweth the Aegyptian, ibid. m. accused, 503. d, e.
- Fellowes of Ioseph, 660. i. cast lots, ibid.
- Fertilitie of Gablee, [...]46. l. of Genezar, 665. c. d.
- Festiuall solemnized, and why, 309. 2.
- Festus discomfiteth a deceiuer, &c 523. [...].
- Fiction of the Zealous disprooued, 677. e.
- Fiction of Apion refuted, 783. a, e. 786. i.
- Field of God. 26. g.
- the great Field, 687. f.
- Fight by sea, 665. f.
- Fight of the Hebrewes with the Chanaanites, 76. a. of the Syrians with the Iewes, 623. b. betwixt the Romans and Iewes 652. b. 658. g. of Vespasian with the Iewes, 668. i, k. of the Citizens with the Zealous, 675. [...]. betweene [...]imon and the Zealous, 690. i, k. betweene Iohn and Eleazar, 698, h. at the feast of vnleuened bread, 702. g, h, &c. in the temple, 728. l. of the Iewes and Romans, 732. h, i.
- Finishing of the Temple, 271. f.
- Fire from heauen kindleth the sacrifice, 66. m. consumeth Salomons sacrifice, 199. c. and Elias, 226. f. also the two Captaines and their souldi [...]s, 224. m. 225. a.
- First begotten among the Aegyptians slaine, 49. d.
- First fruits, 69. f. 93. d.
- First begotten his right, 94. g.
- Fiue kings of Sodome, 12. e.
- Flaccus disfauoreth Agrippa, 473. b.
- Flight of the Hebrewes, 76. k. 157. f. of the Palestines, 165. b. of the Syrians, 228. m. of the Philistines, 130. h.
- Flockes of Nabal spared, 152. g.
- Florus occasion of the Iewes reuolt, 464. h. 624. g, h, i. k. 625. [...]. 464. h. succeedeth Albinus, 525. c. 623. e. worser then Albinus, ibid. [...]. cause of the warres, 527. e. 624. l, m. imprisoneth 12. of the chiefest Iewes, 624. l. his deceit, ibid. i. scorneth the Iewes gratulation, 625. a. requireth his obtractors to be yeelded, ibid. b. his subtiltie and treason, 626. taketh the spoile, &c. 626. l. derided. 624. m.
- Floud see Deluge.
- Flouds of Paradice, 4. h.
- Food of Manna, 55. a, b, c. descended from heauen, ibid. a. ceased, and when, 102. h.
- Footmen of the Romans, 648. l. m.
- Force of the Romans darts, 654. k.
- Forces of the Romans, to the Iewes, 628. l.
- Force of enemie, 262. i. of slaunder, 340. h.
- Forces weakned, and restored, 236. i.
- Forces against the Madianites, 87. b.
- Forces of Susac, 209. d.
- Forgetting of religion, cause of calamitie, 109. b. 110. h. 111. a, b, &c. 112. a, b. &c. 113. d. 114. g. m.
- Forme of the Iewes commonwealth, 272. h.
- Fortitude of Dauid, 144. i, k. of Vespasian, 660. i. of Iulian. 729. a.
- Fortresse of the Citie, 674. k.
- Fortune fauoreth the Romans, 714. k.
- Foundations of the Temple, 195. c.
- Fountaine of couenant, 39. c.
- Fountaine head of Iordan, 587. b. 665. b. 667. b, c.
- Fountaine neere Iericho. 687. f.
- Fountaine of Siloa, 704. g.
- Fountaines flowed to Titus, 716. k.
- Fraud of the false Prophet, 208. h.
- Fraud paid with fraud, 669. d, e.
- Freemen not to marrie seruants, 93. e.
- Fained friendship of Eurycles, 595. a, b.
- Friendship betweene Isaac and Abimelech, [...]. c, d.
- Friendship betwixt Ionathan and Dauid, 146. l. confirmed with an oth, 147. a, b. of Antiochus with Ptolomy, 247. c. of the Romans with Iudas, 315. d. of Hiram with Salomon. 770, l. 783. c.
- Frogs, a plague of Aegypt, 48. i.
- Fruit forbidden tasted, 4. i. k.
- Fruit of the Aegyptians spoyled, 49. 2.
- Fruits of trees vnder foure yeeres grouth, 92. i, k.
- Fruits fall into ashes, 689. a.
- Fruit kept vncorrupt 100. yeeres, 757. b.
- Fugitiue Iewes flie to Antiochus, 311. f.
- a Fugitiue discloseth the state of Iotapata, 657.
- Fugitiues request to Vespasian, 685. f.
- Fuluia Saturninus wife deceiued, 468. h.
- Funerall of Iacob, 40. m. of Samuel, 151. f. of Abner, 162, i, k. of Herode, 451. a. 606. k.
- Funerals of the dead, 794. g.
- Furniture of the Roman horsemen, 648. l. m.
- Furie of Florus souldiers, 625. f.
- [Page]Gabaens lust and villanie, 110. l. & 111. a. would not deliuer the authors therof, ibid. c. destroyed, and their Citie burnt, 112. h.
- Gabeonites send embassadours to Iosuah, 104. g. perswade Iosuah to make a league with them ibid. h, i. appointed to publike ministeries, ibid: i, k.
- Gabinius ouercommeth Alexander, 356. l. 569. c, d. repaireth Cities in Iurie, ibid. taketh Aristobulus, c. 357. ouercommeth the Nabathaeans, ibid. f. 569. e.
- Gad the sonne of Iacob, 24. k. what it signifies, ibid. k, his children, 40. g.
- Gadara besieged and taken, 650. i.
- Gadareans accuse Herode, 407, a. entertaine Vespasian, 686. h.
- Gaal assisted the Sichemites to gather their fruits, 118. h, i. banished out of Sichem, ibid. k.
- Galaad a pillar, 25. f.
- Galaadites besieged by Naas, 134. g, h. & succoured by Saul, ibid. i, k, l.
- Galba foretold to be emperour, 477. c, slaine, 691. c.
- a Galilean slaine, 221. c. his death cause of a tumult, ibid. c.
- Galilaeans murthered, 519. f. reuenge themselues, 520 g. theirfaith and loue toward Ioseph, 534. k. desire to inuade Tiberias, 535. b. entreat Ioseph to stay, 541. e. their testimonie of Ioseph, 544. flocke to Ioseph, 642. k.
- Galilee described, 646. k. the length and breadth thereof, ibid. l.
- Galley built by Herode, 577. c.
- Gamala faithfull to Rome. 532. g. 533. a. how situated, 667. c. inexpugnable, ibid. c, d. taken, 670. g, h.
- Games Circensian, 490. i.
- Ganges, called also Phison. 4. h.
- Gardens, &c. about Iericho, 688. h.
- Garden of pleasure, 4. d. Adam placed th [...]in, ibid. g.
- Garment of Ioseph, 32. h.
- Garment of linnen and woollen, 91. b.
- Garment of the Priests, 197 c.
- Garment of the high Priest, 707. e, f.
- Garrison of the Philistines wonne, 136. h.
- Garrison placed in Syria, 167. d. in Idumaea, ibid. c.
- Gedeon called and encouraged, 116. h, i, k. his men and meanes, ibid. k, l, m. obtaineth the victorie and how, 117. a. killeth Oreb and Zeb, and pacifieth Ephraim, ibid. b, c.
- Gehon a riuer of Paradice, 4. h. called also Nilus, ibid. h.
- Germans Caesars guard, 496. g. resort to the Theatre, 497. c. their furie pacified, ibid.
- Germanicus poisoned, 466. h.
- Genealogie of Noah, 6. m. of Abraham, 11. e. of Eli, 127. a, of Sadoc, 191. d, e. of Alexander and Aristobulus, 620. l.
- Generals of armies, 100. k. 147. c, 160. h. 191. f, 245, c. 255. b. 283. f.
- Genezar the lake described, 665. c. the length and breadth therof. ibid. d, e.
- Gerson Moses sonne, 46. m.
- Ghost of Samuel, 155. b. certifieth Saul of his end, ibid. c.
- Giants ingendred, 6. k. horrible to looke on. 109. c.
- Giants extinguished, 13. e.
- Gifts of the princes of the Tribes, 67. f. of the kings to Salomon, 199. f.
- Gifts of Herode, 588. i, k. 594. m. of Antipater, 597. e. f. 601. d, e.
- Gimona Prophet, 213. a. foretelleth the miseries of Basa and his race, ibid. b.
- Gischala burned, 531. f.
- Gladnes of Anna, 125. e.
- Glaphyra wife of Alexander, 424. k. Archelaus daughter, ibid. increaseth suspition, 592. h. examined, 431. f. sent backe to her father, 437. c, d. 597. e. her dreame, 461. c.
- Gleanings to be left for the poore, 92. m.
- Gluttonie of Vitellius. 696. i.
- God created the world, 3. c. resteth the seuenth day, ibid. [...], speaketh to Adam, 4. k. punisheth him, Euah, and the Serpent, 4. l. m. sendeth the Deluge, 6. k. & 8. h, i. willeth the Earth to be inhabited, g, h. appeareth to Iacob, 39. d. his prouidence in sauing Moses, 42. l. m. & 43. a, b: appeared to Moses, 46. a. feedeth the Israelites, &c. 55. a. comforteth Samuel, 131. a. certifieth him whom to create king, 132. i. sendeth him to Bethlem, 140. m. appeareth twice to Salomon, 198. h. 199. c. speaketh to Elias, 226. l.
- Gods fauour to the Romans, 630. h. 714. k. knoweth when to reuenge, 716. i. k.
- Godlines of Ancestors remembred, 42. g.
- Gods of Laban digged vp. 27. b.
- Gods of other countries, 91. b.
- Godolias Captaine of the fugitiues, 256. g. slaine, 256. k.
- Gold in great quantitie, 57. b. 87. e, f. 102. m. 103. f. 106. sold for halfe the price, 734. d.
- Golden statue erected, 259. c.
- Golden Eagle, 447. f.
- Golden chaine, 507. e.
- Goliah the Philistine, 142. h. chalengeth a single combat, ibid. h, i. encountred and slaine, 143. c, d.
- Gomar Iaphets sonne, 10. h. his progenie, ibid. h. i.
- Gonorrhaea a running of the raines, 70. k.
- Good deserts not to be forgotten, 145. c.
- Goodlines of personage not respected, 141. a. b.
- Goods that are found, 95. f.
- Goods of mind, bodie, and fortune, 199. a, b, & 200, g, h. 589. a.
- Goods of Archelaus confiscate, 614. h. i. common, 614. m. of Aman, 282. g.
- Go [...]ons death, &c. 683. c.
- Gouernment of the Romans how farre, &c. 649. a, b.
- Gouernment of the tribe of Iuda, 109. a.
- of Gouernments the best kind, 92. h.
- Gouernments of the Hebrewes distinct, 135. b.
- Gouernment of the Iewes chaunged, 569. a, b.
- what Gouernours to be chosen, 58. h. 91. d.
- the Gouernour Moses commended, 99. e. f.
- Gouernours of Salomon, 193. d, e.
- Gouernour of both Galilees, who, 639. c.
- Grapes not to be forbidden the gatherers, 93. a.
- Grashoppers one of the plagues of Egypt, 48. m.
- Gratuitie of Salomon, 201. a.
- Gratulation of the Iewes scorned, 625. a.
- Gratulation of the Bethsamites, 128. m. of Herode, 586. i. of the people, 451. c.
- Gratus conflict. 456. l. see fight.
- Graues of concupiscence, 73. c.
- Griefe causeth or hindreth passion, 801. a.
- Ground about Iericho fruitfull, 688. i.
- Habit or forme of Elias, 224. l.
- Habitations of Isaacs sons, 28. g.
- Haile, one of the plagues of Egppt, 48. m.
- Hall for assemblies, 290. i.
- Hand of Moses, 46. k.
- Hand of Ieroboam withered, 207. e. restored, ibid. f.
- Handmaids of Iacobs wiues, 24. h, i. m.
- Harbours, 405. d.
- ill Haruest of the Egyptians destroyed, 49. a.
- Hatred of Iosephs brethren, 28. l. of the Egyptians to the Hebrewes, 41. b. of Saul against Dauid, 143. [...]. of Absalon against Amnon, 172. m. of the souldiers against Demetrius, 326. l. of sonnes to the father. 425. f.
- Hauen of Caius, 501. c.
- Hauen described, 517. d.
- Heauen created, 3. c, d. and how placed, ibid.
- Hebrew slaue when to be freed, 95. e.
- Hebrewes Originall, 11. [...]. of whom so called, ibid. e. their insupportable seruitude, 41. c. 46. g. l. 47. e. chiefest of them meet Moses, 47. a. perswaded to obey, ibid. a, b. celebrated their Passeouer, 49. c, d. departed out of Egypt, ibid. d. & 50. g. go thorow the red sea, 51. d. sing songs of praise, 52; g. h. fight with the Chanaanites, 76. a, i, k. ouerthrow the Amorites, 8 [...] l. m. possesse their land, 83. b. reuok from the lawes of their fathers, 86. g. ouercome the Madianites, 87. b. bound by oth to keepe the law, 98. k. ouerthrow the Canaanites, 105. b. bring the Arke into battell, 126. i. feed on bloudie flesh. 138. g. see Israelites.
- Hebron a place of buriall, 19. a. 20, l. 27. d. 28. g. 40. m.
- Hebron the citie taken, 109. c. Dauids royall fear, 164. i.
- Hecataeus, 12. k. writ a volume of Abraham, ibid. k.
- Height of the mountaine Itaburium, 669. c, d.
- Heires of Dauid, 166. i.
- Helena Queene of Adiabena, 513. f. repaireth to Ierusalem, 515. c.
- [Page] Heliopolis appointed for Iacob, 40. i.
- Helpe of God, when most readie, 51. a.
- Helpe of God to be sought for, 54. l.
- Heraulds, 97. c.
- Hercules his warre, 19. c.
- Herod made Gouernour of Galilee, 361. f. executeth Ezechias, 362. f. called in question, ib. k. 571. g. faueth himselfe by flight, 363. b. killeth Malichus, 367. e. 577. f. expelleth Antigonus out of Iewrie, 368. h. [...]. 574. h. marrieth Mariamme, ibid. accused, made Tetrarch, 370. g, h. 574. l. assailed by the Parthians, 372. k. flieth to Malchus, 373. c. made king, 374. k. leadeth his army against Antigonus, 375. b. 574. [...]. his proclamation, 375. b, c. 578. l. ouercommeth the Galileans, 376. k. 378. m. subdueth the theeues, 377. a, b. 579. d. repaireth to Antonius, 378. g. wounded, 379. b. besiegeth Ierusalem, 379. e. hindreth the spoile of the Citie, 381. b. bribeth Antonius, ibid. d. preferreth his fauorites, 382. k. l. honoureth Hyrcanus, 383. f. maketh Ananel high priest, 384. g. taketh the priesthood from Ananel, 385. b. contriueth Aristobulus death, 385. f. his counterfait sorrow, 386. l. goeth to Antonie, 387. c committeth his wife to Ioseph, &c. ibid. c, d, e. instateth Cleopatra, &c 389. c. leuieth an army, 390. h. ouercommeth the Arabians. 393. b. 585. c. dismaied at Antonies ouerthrow, 393. f. practiseth Hyrcanus death, 394. g. banisheth Antipater, 589. b. repaireth to Caesar, 395. d. his speech to Caesar, ibid. entertaineth Caesar and his army, 396. l. incensed against Mariamme, 397. d. against Phaeroras, 594. b. commeth to Iericho, 579. b. taketh Sephoris, 578. c. his buildings and workes, as Theaters, 401. Castles, 402. l. 404. k. 405. b, c. 405. c, d. 406. h 407. e. 420. l, m. 438. h. 586. m. 588. g, h. distributeth come among the people, 403. e, f. remits the third part of tribute, 407. [...]. sweareth the people, 408. g. reedifieth the temple, 409. a, b, &c. saileth into Italy, 412. m. giueth wiues to his sons, 413. b. his liberalitie, 413 d 414 g. openeth Dauids Sepulchre, 423. a. crediteth all tales, 426. h. wearie of his life, and why, 427. d. fortunate abroad. and vnfortunate at home, 416. l. beheadeth Pappus, 582. g. accuseth his sens before Caesar, 417. c. 418. g, h. 590. k. giueth [...]are to accusers, 431. a, b. accuseth his sons, 433. e, f. 596. l. strangleth them, 597. d. accuseth Phaeroras wife; 439. e. sendeth Antipater to Caesar, 440. h. tortureth the bondwomen, 441. b. putteth away his wife, 442 i. calleth Antipater from Rome, 442. m. 601. f. bringeth him in question, 443. d. imprisoneth Antipater, 446. l. maketh his will, 447. d, e. 450. k. certified of his brothers death, 581. a. commandeth the nobles to be slain, 449. c. his liberalitie, 449. b. 583. b. bemoneth his sons, 598. g. betrotheth his nephewes, ibid. g. 599. b. loued Antipater aboue the rest, 603. a, b. blotteth him out of his testament, 604. l. putteth him to death, 606. g. his owne death and buriall, 450 k. &c. 606. h.
- Herod fortifeth Cities, 464. i. buildeth Tiberias, 495. a.
- Herod dismisseth Aretas daughter. 470. i. marrieth Herodias, ibid k. repaireth to Rome, 479. c. accused and banished, ibid. d, e. 618. i.
- Herod created king of Chaleis, 506. k. killeth Silas, 511. d. his authoritie to create the high priest, 513. e.
- Herodias enu [...]eth Agrippa, 478. m. banished. 479. e, f.
- Herodium, a Castle, 588 h.
- High priests ornaments, 63. f. 64. e, &c. garment, 707. f.
- High priests since Sadoc. 255. [...].
- Hill of witnesse, 25. f.
- Hiram his league, 164. i. his Embassadours to Salomon, 194. l. promiseth him wood, ibid. l. receiueth great quantitie of wheat, &c. 195. a. proposeth hard questions, 201. a.
- Hircanus high priest, 334. i. besiegeth Ptolomey, ibid. maketh peace with Antiochus, 335. d, e. taketh money out of Dauids monument, ibid. f. surpriseth Cities of Syria, 336. h. conquereth the Idumaeans, ibid. i. besiegeth Samaria, 337. d, e. takes it, 338. g. 561. a. discontented with the Pharisees, 338. i. followeth the Sadduces, 339. a, b. his death, ibid.
- Hircanus Iosephs sonne, 300. g. treason intended against him, ibid. l. accused, and why, 301. a. his apologie, ibid. h. his iests, ibid. c. assailed by his brethren, 301. f. afflicteth the Arabians, 302. i. his buildings, ib. i, k. killeth himselfe, ib. l.
- Hircanus high priest, 566. a. 347. c. content to liue a priuate life, 3 [...]0. k. his Embassage to Scaurus, 352. k. repaireth the wals of Ierusalem, 360. l. honoured by the Athenians, 361. a. foretold of his death, 362. m. his Embassadours brought into the Senate, 365. d. taken prisoner, 371. f. highly hon [...] red, 383. c. his death, 394. l, m.
- Hire of an harlot, 91. a.
- Hire not to be detained, 96. m.
- Historie of Dina, 26. m.
- Histories recited, 715. a, b.
- Historie of Antiquities, 764. i.
- Historiographers refuted, 776. k, l. 777. f. 778. i, m. 780. g, [...] 781. b. hide Antiochus periurie, 787. c.
- Holy ointment, 66. b.
- Holocaust or burnt sacrifice, 68. i.
- Homer, auncientest Greeke writer, 765. b.
- Homicide committed, 91. f. & 92. g.
- Honorable drawne bef [...] tyrants, 718. g.
- Honouring of strange gods, looke Idolatrie.
- Honours of Ioseph, 34. g, h. & 39. b.
- Honour of the Magistrate, 91. e. 628. g.
- Honours change manners, 149. d.
- Honour of Mardocheus, 281. b, c.
- Honour due to parents, 794. g, h.
- Horses taken, 106. l.
- Horsemen of Salomon, 193. f.
- Horseman brought letters to Ioseph, 542. [...].
- Horsemen of the Romans, 648. l, m.
- Hospitalitie of the Esseans, 615. b.
- Host, looke armie.
- Houshold-stuffe, 106.
- Houses full of dead men, 721. d. 743. d.
- Humanitie becommeth a king, 152. l.
- Humanitie of Balaam, 83. e, f. of the three kings, 226. i. of Caesar, 609. f. of Titus, 730. k.
- Humanitie of Titus counted cowardice, 713. e.
- Humanitie of the Romans incited the Iewes against them, 740. h.
- Hunger killeth many, 713. c.
- Hurt of the Generall dismaieth the souldiers, 222. h.
- Hymnes sung to God, 243. a.
- Iabasites besieged, 134. g. promised assistance, ibid, i. burie the bodies of Saul and his sons, 158. i, k. praised, 160. g.
- Iabin a king of Chanaan, 114. m. subdueth the Israelites, ib. m. his army put to flight, 115. c.
- Iacob the sonne of Isaac, 20. m. his greatnesse foretold, ib. m. held his brothers heele, 21. a. stealeth the blessing, 21. f. flying to Laban, seeth a vision, 22. k, l. voweth a sacrifice to God, ibid. k, l, m. arriueth at Charran, 23. a. talketh with Rachel and Laban, ibid. b. &c. requireth Rachel, &c. 23. f. deceiued, 24. h. departeth priuily from Laban, &c. ibid. m. accuseth Laban of ill dealing, 25. d, e. maketh a couenant with him, ibid. e, f. sendeth messengers to his brother Esau, 26. g. is reconciled to him, and how, ibid. i, k, l. wrastleth with an Angel, ibid. i, k. sacrificeth, 27. b. bewaileth Ioseph, 31. l. sendeth his sonnes into Aegypt, &c. 34. k. & 35. e. would not depart with Beniamin, 35. e, f. reloiceth at Iosephs prosperitie, 39. b. his iourney into Aegypt, ibid. e, f. meeteth Ioseph, and talketh with Pharao, 40. h, i. blesseth his sonnes, and dieth, ibid. l, m.
- Iaddus high priest, 284. h. meeteth Alexander, 285. e. and in what manner, ibid. sheweth him Daniels prophecie, 286. h.
- Iadon prophecieth against the Altar at Bethel, 207. e. restoreth Ieroboams hand, ibid. f. breaketh Gods commaundement, 208. h. slaine of a Lyon, ib. i. his prophecie detracted, 208. l.
- Iael killeth Sifara, 115. d.
- Iair gouerneth Israel, 119. b. was rich and had thirtie sonnes, ibid. b.
- Iames accused and stoned, 524. k.
- Iames, &c. betraies his countrey, 690. m.
- Iapha taken, 656. i.
- Iaphet Noahs eldest sonne, 9. [...]. his issue, 10. g, h. couered his fathers shame, 11. c.
- Iason warreth against Onias, 303. a.
- Iauan and his progenie, 10. i.
- Iauelin of Saul. 153. d.
- I [...]ziel a prophet, 223. f. assureth Iosaphat of victorie, ibid. f.
- Ibes, enemies vnto Serpents, 44. i, k.
- Ichabod when borne, 126. m. and why so called, ibid. m.
- Idolaters plagued, 87. a, b.
- Idolatrie of the Israelites, 86. h, i. 207. d. of Salomon, 204. i.
- [Page] of Ioram. 230. h. of Iezabel and Achab, 214. i. of Amasias, 237. d. & 238. h. of Acha [...] 241. a. of Ieroboam, 207. b, c. of the Egyptians, 776. i.
- Idols to be destroyed, 90. h.
- Idumaea the countrey of Esau, 28. g.
- Id [...]maeans reuolt, 230. i. admit circumcision, 336. i. pardoned by Varus, 612. h. 20000. come to Ierusalem, 677. c. shut out of the citie, 670. a. obiect reproches against the citizens, ibid. pitch their tents neere the wals, ibid. d. enter the citie by night, 680. h. depart out of Ierusalem, 683. b. consult of their submission, 742. i.
- Iealousie, 71. b.
- Iealousie of Herode, 590. g.
- Iebusites expelled, 164. i.
- Iechonias made king of Iuda, 251. reuolteth, 252. h. taken prisoner, ibid. released, 261. a.
- Iehu king of Israel, 217. a. 231. b. slaieth Ioram and Ochozias; 232. h, i. despiseth Gods lawes, 235. b. dieth, ibid.
- Iehu the Prophet, 223. b. reprooueth Iosaphat, and why, ibid. b.
- Ieptha Iudge of Israel made a vow, 119. d, e: ouercommeth the Ammonites, ibid. f. sacrificeth his daughter, 120. g. killeth 40000. of the Ephranites, ibid. h, i.
- Ieremie foretelleth the captiuitie, 250. i, k. keepeth at Ierusalem, ibid. k. prophecieth the destruction thereof, 251. b, c. admonisheth Ioachim, ibid. a. perswadeth the Iewes to yeeld, 253. c. imprisoned in a pit, ibid. his counsell to the king, 254, a. set at libertie, 256. g.
- Iericho the citie surueyed, 100. m. the wals thereof fell downe, 102. k. destroyed, ibid. l. neuer to be reedified. ibid. l.
- Ieroboam rebelleth, 205. c. foreshewed to raigne ouer tenne tribes, ibid. d. fled into Egypt, ibid. e. recalled, 206. h. proclaimed king, 207. a. perswaded the people to Idolatrie, ibid. b, c. his hand withered and was restored, 207. e, f. his impietie, 210. [...]. his punishment foreprophecied, ibid. k. his expedition against Abias, 211. [...]. dieth. 212. g.
- Ieroboam the sonne of Ioas, 238. i. warred against the Syrians and enlarged his kingdome, 238. k. dieth, 239. a.
- Ierusalem taken, 164, h. Dauids royall citie, ibid. i. surprised, 209. e. besieged, 245. c. 253. c. 254. k. 582. g. taken and burned, 2 [...]5. b, c. surprised, 288. g. tributarie to Rome, 355. e. taken by Sosius, 380. l, m. 582. k. described, 703. e, f. 704. g, &c. second time burned, 741. b. sixe times spoyled, 745. a, b.
- Iesse begat Dauid, 125. a.
- Iesus high Priest, 269. e.
- Iesus high Priest, 302. m. depose, 303. a.
- Iesus captaine of theeues, 535. c.
- Iesus conspireth against Ioseph, 537. c. his talke with him, 547. a.
- Iesus exhortation to the Idumaeans, 677. c. 680. l.
- Iesus his exclamation against Ierusalem, &c. 738. m. 7 [...]9. a. b. his death, ibid.
- Iewels of great price, 20. g.
- Iewes more ancient then the Greekes, 768. l, m. arguments thereof, ibid. came not of the Egyptians, 779. b, c. when got Iudaea and built Ierusalem, 781. b. trustie to their princes, 786. g. why eate not swines flesh, 790. g.
- Iewes impietie reproued, 209. e. their captiuitie, 255. b, c. 257. d. depart from Babylon, 269. c. in daunger to be exterminated, 276. l. lament, 279. a. fast & pray, ibid. c, d. reuenge them on their enemies, 283. b. led away captiue. 288. g. set at libertie, 289. c. tormented, 304. h. slaine on the Saboth, 3 [...]5. d. brought out of Galaad, 310. i. discharged of tribute 332. l, m. terrified, 342. e. l. Lords of Syria, &c. 346. h, i. shut their gates against the Romans, 354. h. honored by kings of Europe & Asia, 363. e. slain, 371. i. fauor Herod for his bounty, 444 i. complain to Agrippa, 414. i. Iewes embassage to Caesar, 421. e. 50000. slaine, 488. i. cause of the wars, 512. g. Iewes slaine about the Temple, 519. a, b. plagued, 530. k. constrained to make to war, ib. m. reuolt frō the Romans, 540. h, i. valiantly de end themselues 582. i. 3000. slaine, 608. k. call Archelaus in question, 612. i. will not consent to Pilate to alter their lawes, 617. e. their fight with the Samaritanes, 623. b. sedition and slaughter among them, 623. b. their request to Agrippa, 627. d. refuie Caesars sacrifices, 631. i. take Antonia, 632. i, k. spoile the villages and cities of Syria. 634. g. Iewes against Iewes. ibid. k. slaine, 634. 635. 636. g, &c. ouercome the Romans. 637. c. besiege Askalon, 645. d. 10000. slaine, 645. f. 8000. slaine, 646. g. repulsed, 653. [...]. powre scalding oile vpon the Romans, 655. e, f. 12000. slaine, 656. l. 40000. perisht at Iotapata, 658. h. flie into the citie, 664. i. 9000. slaine, 670. i, k. turne their weapons against themselues, 672. k, l. driue the Romans from their campe. 701 b. shewed the tortures of the fugitiues, 718. l. m. curse Caesar, 715. a. embowelled for gold 723. c, d. vpbraid God. 726. g. afraid, ibid, h. surprise the Romans horses, 732. h. burne the porch of the temple, ibi. eate their girdles, shoes, &c. 734. h. ouercome the Romans, 733. c. arrogant in calamitie, 741. e. refuse to submit themselues, ibid. f. 40000. saued, an infinite number sold 742. l. slaine in Syria & Egypt, 760. g. burne their goods, 761. a, b. the number of captiues and slaine, 744. i.
- Iezabel builded a temple to Bel, 214. i. ordained Priests and Prophets, ibid. i. killed the true Prophets, 215. c. complotted Naboths death, 217. c, d. persecuted Elias, 216. l. her death foreshewed, 217. [...]. deuoured by dogs, 23 [...]. k. l.
- Image of a godly prince, 249. c, d.
- Image of Gold, 259. [...].
- Imitation in sinne, 139. c. 207. d. 209 b. 240. i. 248. i.
- Immanitie of the Idumaeans and Zealous, 680. k. of Simon, 691. d.
- Immunitie granted to the Iewes, 295. d.
- Impietie of Elies sons, 125. b. of Basa, 213. a. of Achab and Iezabel, 214. i. 216. k. l. of Amri and his predecessors, ibid. g, h. of Achaz, 241. a. 242. g, h. of Ochozias, 224. k. of Ozias, 239. d. of Phace [...]as, 240. [...]. of Oseas, 242. h. of Manasses, 247. e. of Ioaz, 250. k. of Ioachim, ibid. l.
- Impietie cause of calamitie, 113. c. d. 114. g. m. 126. g. 209. b. 210. k. 212. h. 213. f. 214. g. h. 217. c. 231. c. 239. e. f. 240. g. 121. c. 242. h. i. 248. g. 250. k. l. 251. c, d, e. 252. k, l. m. 253. a, b, &c. 254. g, h, &c. 255 a. &c.
- Imprecation for building Iericho, 10 [...]. l.
- Imprecation of Saul, 137. e.
- Incest 71. b. of Lot, 16. h. of Ammon. 172. i, k.
- Inchanters banished, 154. l.
- Inclosure before the temple, 197. d.
- Inconstantie of fortune, 668. l. m.
- Inconueniences vnder a king, 131. c. d.
- Incouragement of Moses, 46. [...]. of Iosua, h. 98. m.
- Incredulitie punished, 229. k. d.
- Incursions of the Amalechites, 115. f. of the Philistines, 150. h. of Ader, 205. c.
- Indebteds acts and deuices, 748. g.
- Indulgence cause of sinne, 139. f.
- Industrie of the Romans, 648. g, h.
- Ingratitude of the Sichemites, 117. f. of the Israelites, 135. d. of Nabal, 152. i. m. of Demetrius, 326. g. of Malchus, 577. a.
- Inhabitants of Nob slaine, 149. d.
- Inhabitants of countries, 10. g, &c. and 11. a, &c.
- Inheritance of Iacob and Esau, 28. g, of Salpades danghters, 88. l.
- Inhibition of Cambyses, 226. l, m.
- Iniquitie, 580. h. of the Iewes, 726. l.
- Iniuries of Florus, 464. h.
- Iniurie to Dauids Embassadours, 168. k. to Thamar, 172. k, l.
- Iniustice of lawmakers, 797. d, e.
- Innocencie of Dauid, 151. d. 153. d, e.
- Insolence. 237. c. 239. d, e. 240. h. 719. c.
- Institution of circumcision, 15. b. of the Passeouer, 49. c, d.
- Instruments of Musicke, 197. c.
- Interpretation of Iosephs dreames, 24. a, b. of the Butlers, 32. l. of the Bakers, 33. a, b. of Pharaohs, ibid. e, f. of Nabuchodonosors, 259, c, d. of the hand writing, 262. g, h.
- Interpreters royally entertained, 293. b.
- Intent of Florus inanifested, 626. k.
- Intention of Saul against Dauid, 144. h. l. 145. f. 146. l.
- Intestine discord, 672. k.
- Inuectiue against murtherers 163. c. against the Zealous, 674. h of Ioseph against the Iewes, 715. f.
- Inuentor of Musicke, who, 5. f.
- Inuentor of the art of forging, ibid.
- first Inuentors of letters, 765. a.
- Inuocation of God in trouble, 54. l.
- Ioab generall of Dauids armie, 160. discomfiteth Abner, ibid. i. slaieth Abner, 162. g. discomfiteth the Syrians, 169. a. reconcileth Absalon to his father, 174. h. i.
- Ioab and the armie enter the citie mournfully, 179. [...]. his Oration vnto Dauid &c. ibid. c. sent out against Siba, 181. d. killeth Amaza. ib. e. rebuked, proposeth conditions of peace, 181. g, h. one of Adonias coadiutors, 186. i, k. slaine, 191. f.
- Ioachas king of Israel subdued, 236. h, i. and why, ibid. his repentance and praier, ibid.
- [Page] Ioachim king of Iuda, 250. l. paid tribute, ibid. 251. a. reuolteth, and is slaine, 251. a, b, not buried, ibid. c.
- Ioachin king of Iuda, 251. c. see Iechonias.
- Ioas king of Israel, 236. k. called Elizaeus his father, ibid. k. his treble victorie, 236. m. 237. a.
- Ioas saued, and how, 233. f. created king of Iuda, 234. g. his pietie during Ioiadas time, 234. m. repaireth the temple, 235. c, d. his impietie after Ioiadas decease, ibid. e. stoneth Zacharias, ibid. e, f. bought his peace, 236. g. dieth, ib.
- Ioatham his workes about the temple, 240. k. actes of warre, ibid. k. 241. a.
- Ioaz king of Iuda taken prisoner, 250. k. his impictie & death, ibid. k, l.
- Iobel a maker of tents, 5. f.
- Iochabel Moses mother, 42. i. secretly hid him three moneths, ibid. k. appointed to be his nurse by Pharaohs daughter, 43. b.
- Iodes killeth Eglon, 114. k. subdueth the Moabites, and ruleth Israel, ibid. k, l.
- Ioel and Abia gouerne the common weale, 130. k.
- Ioiada high priest, 233. m. creāteth Ioas king, 234. g. sweareth king and people to serue God, ibid. l. deceaseth, 235. d.
- Iohn releaseth Ismaels captiues, 257. b. refused counsell, ib. c.
- Iohn high priest slaieth his brother, 283. f. punished, 284. g.
- Iohn Ionathans brother slaine, 318. i.
- Iohn Baprist slaine, 471. a.
- Iohns actes in Gischalis, 533. c, f. his treason, 534. l. secketh to murther Ioseph, 535. a. he and the Embasladours resort to Iesus, 544. g. his followers forsake him, 551. b. a trecher and murderer, 640. k. flieth into Gischala, 642. k. perswadeth the Tiberians to reuolt, ibid. h, i. mooueth to rebellicu, 670. k, l. reserued to be at the siege of Ierusalem, 671. d. sweareth to the people, &c. 676. h. breaketh his oath, ibid. i. assaulted on both sides, 698. k, l. putteth the Zealous to flight, 702. g. seaseth the temple, ibid. raileth vpon Ioseph, 729. c. apprehended, 744. m. is condemned to perpetual prison, ibid.
- Iohn captaine of the Idumaeans, 710. l. slaine, ibid. l.
- Ionas cause of a tempest, and why, 238. k, l, m. deuoured of a Whale, and cast out, 239. a. preacheth to the Niniuites, ib. 2.
- Ionathan Sauls sonne, 136. h. entred the enemies campe, and slew them, 137. b, c. breaketh the edict, ibid. f. counselleth Dauid to flie, 144. m. pacifieth Sauls displeasure, and certifieth Dauid thereof, 145. b, c. discouereth Sauls hatred to Dauid, and how, 147. d, e, f. renueth his couenant, 150. k.
- Ionathan gouernour of the Iewes, 318. g, h. reuengeth his brothers death, 318. l. assaileth Bacchides by night, 319. c. putteth Apollonius to flight, 324. h, i. appeaseth Demetrius, 326. i. putteth Demetrius to flight, 329. a. renneth friendship with the Romans, &c. 329. b, c. &c. fighteth with Demetrius, 330. g. repaireth Ierusalem, &c. ibid. i, l. taken by Tryphon, 331. b. 560. h. slaine, 332. k. 560, h.
- Ionathans letters to Ioseph, 542. h. m.
- Ionathan challengeth a Combate, 732. l, m. slaieth Pudens, 733. a.
- Ioppe a retreat for theeues, 661. c. taken, ibid. e, f.
- Ioram king of Iuda, 226. l. serued Idols, 230. h. murthereth his brethren, ib. k. dieth miserably, 230. m.
- Ioram king of Israel, an impious man, 225. c. asketh aide, ibid. c. in distresse with two other kings, ibid. e, f. relieued, and how, 225. f. 226. g. ouercame the Moabites, ibid. h. besieged, 227. f. threatneth Elizaeus, 228. h. certified of the enemies flight, 229. b. his expedition to recouer Ramath, 231, a, b.
- Iordan yeeldeth the Israelites passage, 161. e, f. his fountaine, 667. b.
- Iosaphat king of Iuda his pietie, 220. i, k. his expedition with Achab, 220. l, m. reprooued, 223. b. renueth the true seruice of God, ibid. c. prayeth, and why, 223. c. obtaineth victorie, and how, 224. g, h, i. his ships cast away, ib. i. aydeth Ioram, 225. c. dieth, 226. k.
- Ioseph sonne of Iacob, 24. l. enuied of his brethren, 28. l. dreamed a dreame, ibid. l, m. sold by his brethren, 29. c. & 30. h, i. resisted his mistris twofold temptation, 31. a, b. & c, accused and cast into prison, 32. g, h, i. expounded dreames, 32. l. 33. b, e, f. counselled the king how to preuent famine, 34. g, h. aduanced to honour, and married a wife, ibid. h, i. sounded his brethren, and why, ibid. l. sent them away but detained Simeon, 35. d, e. banquetteth them and Beniamin, 36. h, i. staieth their iourney and accuseth them, ibid. i, k, l. attacheth Beniamin, 37. a, b. maketh himselfe, known to his brethren, 38. l, m. resorteth to Pharao with his brethren, &c. 40. burieth his father, ibid. m, giueth charge concerning his bones, 41. a. dieth, ibid.
- Ioseph preuenteth calamitie, and how, 298. g, &c. Embassador to Ptolomey, ibid. i. tributes of Coelesyria cōmitted to him, 299. b. his wealth and children, ibid, e. sendeth his sonne Hyrcanus to Ptolomey, 300. k. his death, 304. g.
- Ioseph Herods brother slaine, a, b. 378, k.
- Ioseph Herods vncle, 387. b. slaine, and why, 388. i, k, l.
- Iosephus of the priestly line, 423. d. 529. b. studious from his infancie, ibid. d. expert in the Greeke and Hebrew tongues, 528. g. a Pharisee, 529. f. his shipwracke, 530. g. dehorteth the Iewes from sedition, ibid. remaineth in Galilee, 533. b. procureth the safetie of the kings goods, ibid. would not be bribed, 534. h, i. surpriseth Iesus, 535. f. his care of religion, 536. g. transporteth corne into Galilee, 536. k. laboureth to restore Ptolomies goods, 537. b. moueth the people to compassion, 537. d. his Oration, ibid. f. escapeth from daunger, 558. g. dismisseth the Tarichaeans, 538. k. politikely taketh Tiberias, 539. b. dismisseth the Tiberians, ibid. e. his dreame, 541. d. his answere to Ionathan, 542. l. besetteth the waies of Gulilee, 543. d. obiecteth treacherie to the Embassadours, 544. k. pacifieth sedition, 545. b. sends 100. Embassadours to Ierusalem, ibid. b. certifieth the Galileans of Ionathans treacherie, 547. d. taketh Simon, 548. i. surpriseth Tiberias, ib. m. 549. a. prosecuteth his Historie, 551. 2. assaileth the wals of Sephoris, 552. k. putteth the kings souldiers to flight, 552. m. his accident, 553. a. dischargeth captiues, ibid. f. entertained by Vespasian, 554. g. enuied, &c. ib. maketh seuentie Elders rulers in Galilee, 639. e, f. fortifieth the Cities with wals, 640. g. instructeth the Galileans in war, ibid. commeth to Iotapata, 650. l. defendeth Iotapata, 651. f. 653. e. f. 656. g. burneth the engines, 654. g. leapt into a trench, 658. i. consenteth to Nicanor, ib. m. his speech to his fellowes, 659. b. resorteth to Vespasian, 660. k. foretelleth Vespasian of his future honours; 660. l. rewarded by Vespasian, 661. a. imprisoned, ibid. deliuered, 695. c. wounded in the head, 723 a. his speech to the people, 729. f. 730. g. present at the warres of the Iewes, 767. c. solde his bookes to many, ibid.
- Iosias restored Gods seruice, 248. k, l. rooteth out Idolatrie, ibid. l. causeth the booke of the lawe to be read, 249. d. burneth false prophets bones, ibid. c. celebrateth the passeouer, 249. f. & 250. g. is slaine, ib. i.
- Iosuah captaine ouer the Israelites, 56. l. with Caleb appeaseth the people, 74. h. appointed the successour of Moses, 88. g. passeth ouer Iordan, 101. e, f. buildeth an Altar, 102. g. compassed about the Citie of Iericho, 102. h, i. burneth the City, ibid. k, l. pronounceth them accursed that reedifie it, ibid. l. prayeth vnto God, 103. b. taketh and burneth Ainan, ibid. e. maketh a couenant with the Gabeonites, 104. i. slayeth fiue kings, ibid. l, m. slaieth the kings of Chanaan and their army, 105. b. sendeth men to measure the land, ibid. e, f. deuideth it by lots, 106. h. &c. his Oration to the two tribes and halfe, 106. m. exhorteth the people to keepe the law, 108. l. dieth, ibid. m.
- Iotapata besieged, 650. l, m. 651. d. valiantly defended, 651. c, f. 652. g. &c. 653. a. &c. 654. g. 655. a, b. &c. 656. g. taken, 657. f. 658. g.
- Iothan sonne of Gedeon, 117. e. vpbraideth the Sichemites, ib: e, f. aduiseth them to reiect Abimelech, 118. g.
- Iourney of the Hebrewes, 49. e. 50. i. 51. d. 52. h. 53. a, e.
- Ioy of Iacob, 39. b. 40. g. of the Aegyptians, 40. l. of Anna, 125. e. of the Iewes, 269. a. &c.
- Iron bed of Og, 83. c.
- Iron worke forbidden, 136. i.
- Isaac promised, 14. k. & 15. b, e. is borne, 16. l. why he was called Isaac, ibid. l. legitimate sonne of Abraham, 17. d. maketh a couenant with Abimelech, 21. c. should haue beene offered, 18. k. married Rebecca, 19. d. & 20. k. dieth, 27. d.
- Isachar, sonne of Iacob, 24. l. what it signifies, ibid. l. his sons, 39. f.
- Isboseth Sauls sonne proclaimed king, 160. g. his army discomfited, ibid. i, k. reprooued Abner, and why, 163. a, b. traiterously slaine, 163. a.
- Isha, what it signifies, 4. g.
- Isis priests hanged, 467. f. 468. g.
- Islands, &c. called Cethim▪ 10. k.
- [Page] Ismael slew, Godolias, 256. k. taketh many prisoners, 257. a.
- Ismael Abrahams sonne, 15. a. circumcifed: ibid. c, c. 17. a. his state and progenie foretold, 15. b. his name, what, 15. a. banished, and why, 17. b. his sons. 17. c.
- Israel, a name giuen to Iacob, and why, 26. k.
- Israelites seruitude, 41. c. their male children done to death, 41. d. grieuously afflicted. 46. g, l. & 47. c. celebrated the Passeouer, 49. c. d. departed our of Egypt, ibid. d, c. 50. g. are exhorted to put their trust in God, ibid. k, l, m. go through the red sea, 51 d. sing songs of praise to God, 52. g. h. distressed in the desert. 53. a. murmur, and why, ibid. e, f. fed with Manna fortie yeeres, 55: c. incensed against Moses, and why, ibid. c. d. wander in the wildernes fortie yeeres, 74 k. assaile the enemies, 76. g. warre against the Amalechites, 56. h. and get great spoiles 57 h. i. come to Sinai, ibid. d. heare God speaking to them, 59. c. builded the Tabernacle, 60. l. assaile their enemies and are ouercome, 70. g, h, i, k. put the Amorites to slight, 82. l, m. slea Sehon and Og, 83. a, b, c. serue straunge Gods, 86. h. commaunded to destroy their enemies, 90. g. h bound to keepe the law, 98. k. enioyed the fruites of the earth, 102. h. tooke Iericho, 102. l. also Ainan, 103. c. ouercame the Canaanites, 105. b. deuided their land amongst them, 106. h, &c. reproued for sparing the Chanaanites, 110. g. twice ouerthrowne, 111. d, c. s [...]ay all the Beniamites saue 600. 112. g. giue them 400 virgins for wiues, ibid. l. their punishment, praiers, and fast, 129. b, c, d, e. their report to Samuel of his sons, 130. m. [...]e fire a king, ibid. rescue Ionathan, 138. k. spare the cattell of the Amalechites, 139. c, d. reuolt from Roboam, 206. l. the godly returne to him, 209. a. their translation, 240. i. 242. g. dispossessed of their countrey, and why, 243. e, f. 247. e.
- Issue of Isaac fore told, 15. b. what should effect, ibid. b. of Abraham by Chetura, 19. b. of Iacob, 24. i, k, l.
- Issue of the warre, 611. c.
- Ittan a place of recreation, 204. g.
- Iubal inuentor of Musicke▪ 5. f.
- Iuda the sonne of Iacob, 24. i. his counsell to sell Ioseph, 30. h, i. vrgeth his father to send Beniamin, 35. s. maketh a speech before Ioseph, 37. c. &c. & 38. g. his children, 39. f.
- Iudaea made tributarie, 250. k. described, 647. a, b. length and breadth thereof, ibid. b. desolated, 726. g.
- Iudas Machabaeus, 306. i. slaieth Apollonius and discomsiteth the Syrians, ibid. k. m. his oration to his souldiers, 307. twise discomfiteth Lysias, 308. g, h, k. purged the Temple, 308. l. 309. a. warreth with the neighbouring nations, 309. c. b. succoureth the Iewes in Galaad, 309. f. 310. g. his admirable victorie, ibid. k. besiegeth the Castle in Ierusalem, 312. c. and why, ibid. his league with Antiochus, 313. a. slaieth Alcimus partakers, 374. h. putteth Nican [...]o flight, 315. a. couenanteth peace with the Romans. 315. c. abandoned of his men, ibid. f. is slaine, 316. i. 560. g.
- Iudas the Essean a Prophet, 340. h: 562. l.
- Iudas the Archtheefe, 456. i.
- Iudas Galilaeus sect, 464. g.
- Iudge corrupted with money, 368. k, l.
- Iudges [...]ualities, 91. d. their office, 223. c, d. placed in euerie citie of Iuda, ibid. c.
- Iudgement Teat in seuer [...]ll cities, 130. k.
- Iulian his valour and death, 729. a, b, &c.
- Iulius Ant. for the Iewes, 422. k.
- Iupiter Enyelius reliques, 9. e.
- Iustice is Gods power, 91. e.
- Iustice of God, 244. m [...] leaues nothing vnpunished, 601. 2.
- Iustice oppressed, 130. l.
- Iustice neglected, 566. h.
- Iustice of the Esseans, 616. g.
- Iustification of Samuel, 135. c.
- Iustus incitoth the people to rebellion, 531. c, d. reproued, 549. b. his countrey Tiberias, ibid. accused, 553. c. condemned to death, 550. i. his booke when published, 150. k. desireth to commaund Galilee, 552. i.
- Izates king of Adiabena [...] 514. i. learneth the service of God, ibid. disswaded from circu [...]cision, 515. a, b. writeth [...] the Parthians, &c. 516. i. calleth vpon God, 517. f. deliuereth the kingdome to his brother, 518. [...]. h. dieth, ibid.
- Keeper of the prisons entreatie of Ioseph, 3 [...]. i.
- Kind of liuing most miserable, 717. c, d.
- Kindnes of Agrippa, 544. g.
- kinds of sacrifice, two, 68. h. i.
- Kindnes pretended, 601. f.
- Kindnes of Herode, 603. a.
- sat Kine and leane, what they signifie, 33. d, e, f.
- [...] King desited, 130 m.
- Kings field, 14. i. 33. e, f.
- 5. Kings of the Madianites slaine. 87. e.
- of a King to be elected, what things are required, 92. h. i.
- the Kings of Canaan warre against the Hebrewes, 105. a. they and their whole [...] put to the sword, ibid. b.
- 31. Kings ouercome by the Hebrewes, 105. c.
- Kings of Egypt why called Pharaohs, 201. f. & 102. g.
- Kings of Alexandria called Ptolomies, 202. g.
- King of Moab sacrificeth his sonne, 226. i.
- King inioyned by oath to serue God, 234. l.
- Kingdome of Salomon rent, 204. m. 205. d.
- a Kingdome how continued, 141. c.
- Kingdome promised to Iehues posteritie, 233. e.
- Kingdome of Herode deuided, 459. d.
- Kingdome not giuen, but the honours thereof, 591. b.
- Kingdome of Agrippa, 620. k.
- Kinred, 20. i. 23. e.
- Kinsman, 25. c.
- Knowledge of celestiall bodies, 6. h.
- Knowledge of good and euill, 4. i.
- Laban Bethuels sonne, 21. g. consenteth to Rebeccaes mariage, 20. k. entertaineth lacob, 23. d, c. appointeth him master of his shepheards, ibid. f. deceiueth him, 24. h. 25. d. pursueth after him, 25. a. maketh a couenant with him, ibid. b, e, f. his goods, 24. m. 25. e.
- Labour of the Esseans, 615. d. of the Roman souldiers, 648. g. ceaslesse, 721. a, b.
- Ladder of Iacob, 22. k. l.
- Ladies at variance, 598. m.
- Lake Asphaltites, 13. f. described, 687. c. the propertie therof, ib.
- Lake of Genezar, 665. a.
- Lakes Asphaltites and Teberias, 687. e, f.
- Lamech his wiues and issue, 5. f.
- Lamech Methusalas sonne, 6. m. 7. a.
- Lamentation of Esau, and why, 22. l.
- Lamentation of Iacob, 30. l of the Hebrewes, 99. c.
- Lamentation of thirtie daies, 94. l. m.
- Lamentation for Abner, 16 [...] i. for Aristobulus, 381. l.
- Land of the Amorites possessed, 83. b.
- Land markes not to be remoued, 92. i.
- Land of Canaan deuided by Lots, 106. h. &c.
- Land of Sodome where, 688. m.
- Lap of Sauls garment, 151. b.
- Largesse of Titus to his souldiers, 746. g.
- Largenesse of Iurie, 774. l.
- Lauer how sustained, 196. k. round lauers, ibid. m.
- a Law most cruell, 41. c.
- Lawes made by Moses, 90. i.
- Lawes of adulterie and iealoufie, 71. b. of the seuenth yeere, 71. c, f. of the fathers forsaken, 86. h. of the plough, 92. k. of like for like, 96. i. of violence, ibid. h. of warre, 72. h. i. 97. c, d. against wal-breakers, 412. l. against forsakers of their places, 720. h.
- Lawes of the Iewes of great antiquitie, 798. f.
- Lawmakets of the Gentiles, 797. d.
- Lawes of the Gentiles, 798. g.
- Lea Labans daughter, 24. g. substituted in Rachels place, ibid, h hare to Iacob foure sons, ibid. i. k.
- League of Isaac with Abimelech, 21. c. of Dauid with Hiram, 164. i. of him with Salomon, 195. a. of Hyreanus with the Romans, 336. i, k.
- Learning of Daniel, 258. g. of Ioseph, 529. d.
- Legacies of Herode, 450. k, l.
- Legions of the Romans, 647. e. 699. c, d.
- Lending vpon vsurie vnlawfull. 9 [...]. c.
- Length of the Arke of Noah, 6, l. m.
- Length of the Temple, 195. c.
- Lenitie of Saul, 135. a.
- Lenitie of Magistrates, 139. f.
- Leapers driuen out of the Citie, 70. k. l. 229. b. 239. f. & 240. g.
- Leprosie of Ozias. 239. f.
- [Page] Letters of Dauid, 170. g. of Senacherib, 246. g. of Artaxerxes for the securitie of the Iewes, 282. i. of Ptolemy, 290. m, of Eleazar. 291. b. of Demetrius, 326. k.
- Leui sonne of Iacob, 24. i. slew the Siche [...]ites, 27. a. his sons, 39. f.
- Leuites wife, 110. h, i. abused, dieth, &c. 111. a. b.
- tribe of Leui sacred to God. 70. h.
- Leuites sing hymnes, 224. g. numbred, 187. e.
- Liberalitie of the enchantresse, 155. c. of Herod, 588. k. of Helena, 515. e, f. of Izates, ibid.
- Liberue of the Israelites, 50. g. l. restored, 113. c.
- Libertie of speech, 220. h, i. 585. e, d.
- Libertie a precions thing, 499. b.
- Liberties granted to the Iewes, 784. i, k, l, m.
- Librarie of Ptol. Philadelphus, 288. k.
- Lice a plague of Aegypt, 48. k
- Lic of Posido [...]us, &c. confuted, 786. l.
- Li [...] of Appion concerning our oath, 789. b.
- Life of Moses. 791. a. b.
- Life of subiects like to their princes, 209. b, c.
- Light created, 3. d. called day, ib. d.
- Lightnings horrible, when. 59. a.
- Lightnings on the enemies, 130. g.
- Limits of the nine tribes and halfes possession, 106. h, &c.
- Limits of a kingdome enlarged, 238. k.
- Line of Achab rooted out, 233. a.
- Line of Ioseph, 529. b.
- Linnen and woollen garment, 91. b.
- Logion or rational of the high priest, 64. h.
- Longinus breaketh into the Iewes army, 711. [...].
- Losse of the Arke, 126. l. and why, ib.
- Losse of Sauls kingdome foretolde, 140. i. and why, ib. of the Empire of Asia, 239. a.
- Losse of the Generall dismaies the souldiers, 222. h.
- Lot sonne of Aram, 11. f. had choise of the land, 13. c. led away captiue, ibid. f. rescued, 14. h. receiueth Angels, 15. e, f. fled to Zoar, 16. g. committed incest, ib. h.
- Lots wife, 16. g.
- Lots cast, 103. d. 106. h, &c. 133. c. 238. l, m.
- Lots cast to kill one another, 660. h, i. 761. a, b.
- Loue of women blindeth, 86. g. and causeth to serue strange gods, ib. g, h. 204. i. 205. d.
- Loue of Ionathan toward Dauid, 144. m. 146. l. 147. a, b. of Ioseph to his countrey, 717. a.
- Louers of Order, &c. 790. l, m.
- Lust of Putifars wife, 31. a, c, of the Gabaens, 110. l, m. 111. a. of Caius, 50 [...]. e. of the Aegyptians, 13. a.
- Lustie Iewes reserued, 744. h.
- Lybia of whom called Africa, 19. b, c.
- Lycurgus among the Lacedaemonians, 795. a.
- Lysias Generall of Antiochus army, 307. b. inuadeth Iudaea, ibid. i. ouercome, 308. h. once againe inuadeth Iudaea, ibid. i, k.
- Lysimachus killeth Apollodotus, 343. c. betrayeth Gaza, ib.
- Machaeras killeth many Iewes, 377. e. fortifieth Geth, 378. l. his iniquitie, 580. h.
- Madnesse counterfaited, 148. i.
- Madianites Embassage to Baalam, 83. & 84. g. their daughters seduce the Hebrewes, 85. d. put to flight and slaine, 87. c. subdue the Israelites, 115. f. kill one another, 117. a.
- Madus and his progenie, 10. h.
- Magicians could not expound the dreame, 258. k, l. 259. g.
- Magicians deceiue many, 522. l. worke much mischiefe, 622.
- Magistrates to be obeyed, 89. d, e. to be honoured and reuerenced. 91. d. 628. g. 786. l. their duetie, 223. c. d.
- Magog author of the Scythians, 10. h.
- Magnanimitie of Herod, 420. l. of the Romans, 786. i, k.
- Magnificence of Salomon, 202, m. 204. h. of Ezechias, 243. a, b. of Herod, 588. i, k. of Vespasians triumph, 750. l.
- Maidens of Israel sing and daunce, 143. e.
- Malchus king of Arabia, 577. a. repelled Herod, ib. a. repented him of that dealing, 578. g.
- Male children done to death, and why, 41. d, c.
- Maledictions of Moses, 97. f. & 98. a.
- Malefactors executed. 525. c.
- Malice of Pharao, 49. a. of Doeg and Saul, 149. c, d. of the Ziphians, 150. l, m. of the Aegyptians to the Iewes, 776. [...]
- Malichus laieth waite for Antipater, 366. k. poisoneth him, 367. a. slaine, ibid. e.
- Mambres Abrahams friend, k.
- Man created, 3. f. called Adam, and why, ib. f. imposed names on the creatures, ibid. f. placed in Paradice, 4. g. transgresseth, ibid. i. cast out of Paradice, 5. a. author of his owne death, 8. h, g.
- Manahem foretels Herods raigne, 408. i.
- Manahem king of Israels actes, 240. h. bought his peace, ib. h. dieth, 240. i.
- Manahemus chiefe of the rebels, 632. m. slaine, 633. e.
- Manasses marrieth Sanabalats daughter, 284. h. retaineth his wife, ibid. k, l. enioyeth his desire, 285. d.
- Manasses Iosephs sonne, 34. i.
- king Manasses impietie, 247. c, f. sed away prisoner, 248. g. repenting is restored, ibid. g. his actes. 248. h, i. dieth, ib.
- Mandate of Cyrus. 265. c.
- Manethon an Aegyptian writer, 768. m. sheweth the comming and departure of the Iewes, &c. 779. i. his fabulous reports, 776. k. his lies confuted, 777. f. his words repeated, 778. i.
- Manna, what, 55. e. food of the Israelites, 55. c. how much to be gathered, ibid. b. when it ceased, 102. h.
- Manner of purification, 81. f. 82. g.
- Manners of the Aegyptians, 41. b, c. of the Esseans, 614. m. 615. e. of the Idumaeans, 677. b, c. of the Athenians, 797. a. of the Persians, 797. c.
- Manoachs wife saw an Angell, 120. m. foretolde of a sonne, and instructed, ibid. m. 121. a. is seene of both, 121. b, c.
- Manslaughter, 88. k.
- Mara, what, 53. c.
- March of the Romans, 649. e, f.
- Mariam Moses sister, 42. l. watcht him, ibid. k, l. fetched his mother, 43 a. her death, 81. f.
- Mardochaeus Esthera vncle, 277. d. discouereth the traytors, 278. g, h. his lamenting, and why, 279. a, b. [...]red, 281. c. d.
- Marriage, when to be contracted, 93. e.
- Marriage with an harlot forbidden, ibid. e.
- Marriage with a bondwoman, 94. l.
- Marriages made, 598. g, h. broken, ibid. k.
- Mariamme wife of Herod, 384. l. committed to Ioseph, 387. c. accused, excused her selfe, 388. i, k. displeased with Herod, 396. l. coldly entertained Herod, 397. b, c. vpbraided Herod, 589. d. accused, and put to death, 399. a. 589. c. 590. g.
- Marphad sacked Syria, 13. e. killed Giants, ibid. e.
- Marsus Gouernour of Syria, 510. k. displeased, ibid.
- Mar [...]iall discipline, 640. h. 648. g.
- Masons, how imployed, 195. b, c.
- Massacre of the Iewes, 634. g, &c. 635. a, &c. 636. b, &c. 722. i, k, &c.
- Massada a strong Castle, 755. d. for what occasion builded, 757. c. battered with the Ram, 757. d.
- Matter for the building of the tabernacle, 60. k, l.
- Matter committed in trust, 96. k, l.
- Matthias refuseth to commit Idolatrie, 305. b. slaieth an Apostata, ib. rooteth out Idolatrie, 305. e. his death, 306. h. maketh warre against Antiochus, 559. b.
- Matthias raiseth sedition, 448. g; &c. burned, ibid. [...].
- Matthias cruelly handled, 722. i.
- Measures found out, and by whom, 5. e.
- Medimnus, a certaine measure, 75. b.
- Meeting of the Hebrewes thrise a yeere, 90. m.
- Melancholie of Herod, 605. e.
- Melchisedech king of Solyma, 14. h, i. entertaineth Abraham, &c. ibid. i. prayseth God, and receiueth the tenths, 14. i.
- Men thronged to death, 621. a, b.
- Menelaus high priest, 303. warreth against Iason, ibid.
- Mephiboseth obtaines the possessions of Saul, 168. h. purgeth himselfe of Sibas slaunders, 180. [...]. restored to the halfe of his possessions, ib. l.
- Merchandise brought to Salomon, 203. e.
- Merchants of Arabia buy Ioseph, 30. h. sold him to [...], ib. m. of Tharsis, [...]24. i.
- Mercie hurtfull in warre, 712. k.
- Mercie of Varus, 612. h. of Titus towards Ioseph, 660. m. to his enemies, 672. g.
- Meroe a strong Citie of Ethiopia, 44. l.
- Messengers sent to Dauid, 146. g. to Nabal, 152. h.
- Mesopotamia troublesome to trauellers, 19. d.
- [Page] Mesopotamians submit themselues, 169. c.
- Method of moralitie and discipline, 791. f. 792. g.
- Methusala Enochs sonne, 6. m. 7. a. how long he liued, 7, c.
- Mice deuoure the fruit, &c. 127. f.
- Micheas reproueth Achab, and why, 220. h. how rewarded, ibid. i. foretelleth Achabs death, and Sedechias punishment, 22 [...], c. d. his allowance, ibid. f.
- Michol daughter of Saul, 144. g. giuen to Dauid in mariage, ibid. l. conueieth Dauid away, 145. f. deceiueth Sauls messengers, 146 g. h. restored to Dauid 261. b. mocked at him, 165. f.
- Midwiues of Egypt. 41. c.
- Mildnes of Dauid, 151. d.
- Militarie discipline, 640. h. 648. g.
- a Mind furnished with vertues. 141. b.
- Ministeries of the Gabeonites, 104. k.
- Miracles, 46. g k, l. 207. c, f. 216, i. 214. l, m. 121. c 226 l, m.
- Miracle of the Suns going backe, 247. b.
- Miracle of Helizaeus, 688. g.
- Misa king of Moab, 225. d. put to [...]ight, 226. h, i. sacrificeth his sonne, ibid. i.
- Misdemeancur of the wicked, 6. k. of Samuels sonnes, 130. m. of a souldier. 621. a.
- Miserie of the Israelites, 41. e, 42. k. 47. c. 54. l. foreprophecied, 210. k. of the Iewes foretold, 249. b. of Iudaea, 463. b, c. of the Iewes prophecied, 630. l of the people, 718. i. k. 725. [...].
- three Miseries assaile Ierusalem, 685. c.
- Mithridates king of Parthia, 345. d.
- Mithridates king of Pontus slaine, 354 h.
- Mithridates warreth with the Egyptians. 360. g. commendeth Antipater to Caesar, ibid.
- Moabites put to flight, 114. k, l. warre against Iosaphat, 223. c. kill one another, 224. h.
- Modle of the Temple, 188. k.
- Modle of the Tabenacle proposed to Moses, 60. m.
- Moderation of Saul, 133. c. of Dauid, 151. d.
- Moderation in abundance hardly kept, 237. e, f.
- Monarchie of the Assyrians destroyed, 247. b.
- Money taken out of Dauids tombe, 290. g. 335. f. distributed, 713. e.
- Monobazus king of Adiabena, 513. f.
- Moone made, 3. e. her end and motion, ibid. c.
- Monument of the priesthood confirmed, 80 i.
- Monument of Rachel, 132. l. of Ionathan, 332. l. of Dauid; 335. e. of Iohn the high Priest, 709. b. orning, what, 3, d.
- Moses the sonne of Amram, 42. i, k. foretold to afflict the Egyptians estate, and aduance the Israelites, 41. d. cast into the floud, 42. k, l. taken out thereof, ibid. m. called Moses, 43. b. adopted by Pharaohs daughter, spurned the crowne, ibid. b, c, d. conducted the Egyptians against the Ethiopians, 44. g. &c. his victory, 44. the Iewes lawmaker, 2. k, l. more ancient then other lawmakers, 791. a. flieth to Raguel, and why, 45. b. c. marieth his daughter, ibid. d. sent to deliuer the Israelites, 46. k, l. confirmed in his calling, ibid. g. h, i, k. perswadeth Pharao to dismisse the Israelites, 47. b, &c. worketh miracles, ibid, c, d, e. instituteth the Passeouer, 49. c, d. conducteth the Israelites, 50. g, i. exhorteth them, ibid. m. praieth to God, 51. c. leadeth them through the red sea, 51. d. praiseth God, 52. g, h. sacrificed to God in Sinai, ibid. h. beseecheth God to sweeten the waters, 53. d. putteth the people in mind of Gods benefits, 54. h, i. imploreth Gods helpe, ibid. l. striking the rocke bringeth out water, 55. e. encourageth the Israelites, 56. i, k. lifting vp his hands, &c. 57. a. ascendeth Sinai, 58. l. how long remaineth there, 60. h. fasted ib. asketh counsell of God, &c. 68. h. numbreth the people, 72. h, i. sendeth spies to search the land, 73. e. retireth the people into the desart. 76. l. sendeth forces against the Madianites, [...]7. b. appointeth Iosuah his successor, ibid. f. exhorteth the people to obedience, 89. a, b, &c. sweareth them to keepe the lawe, 98. k. 99. a. exhorteth Iosuah, 98. m. commaundeth the Iewes to heare the lawe, 792. h, i. dieth, 99. e.
- Mother eateth her child, 228, g, h. 734. i, k.
- Mother of the seuen brethren, 805. a. 808. k. 810. g. &c.
- Moueables of all sorts, 103. f.
- Mourning of Ruben for Ioseph, 30. i. of the Romans, 638. l, m. of them in Ierusalem, 699. a.
- Mourning for thirtie daies, 94. l, m.
- Mourning for Moses death, 99. b, c. for Saul & his sons, 158. k. for Abners, 162. i. for Herods, 451. c.
- Mountaine of Sinai, 45. f. 47. f.
- Mounts builded, lost, 719. e, f.
- Mounts raised neere the Temple, 732. g.
- Multiplication of Iacobs posteritie, 42. h.
- Multitude of busines, 57. f. of dead carcasses, 725. f.
- Mundus defileth Paulina, 467. a, &c. banished, ibid.
- Murmur of the Israelites, 53. f. 74. g.
- Murther of Simeon and Leui, 27. a.
- Murther of Azael, 160. k. of Abner, 162. g. of Iorams brethren, 230. k. of infants foretold, 230. g.
- Murther of Saul punished, 159 f. of Isboseth, 163. d.
- Musicke by whom inuented, 5. f.
- Mutabilitie of fortune, 668. l. m.
- Mutinie of Chore and his complices, 77. b, c, &c.
- Mutinie about the golden Eagle, 448. h.
- Mutinie against Archelaus, 452. g, h, &c.
- Naas king of the Ammonites. 133. c. his outrages offred the Israelites, ibid. e, f. proposeth hard conditions of peace, 134. g. granteth to the inhabitants of Iabes a truce, ibid. h. is slaine, 134. l.
- Nabals flocks spared, 152. g. his currish answere to Dauids men, ibid. i, died for griefe, 153. a.
- Nabathaea the countrey of Ismaels posteritie, 17. c.
- Nabathaeans spoiled, 330. i.
- Naboth falsely accused, 217. d. stoned to death, ibid. d.
- Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, 250. m. vanquisheth Nechao, ibid. 251. a. exacteth tribute and slaieth Ioachim, 251. a. establish Ioachin king, ibid. e. besiegeth and destroyeth Ierusalem, 254. i. 255. a. dreameth a dreame, 258. k. erecreth an Idol, 259. c, conuersed with beasts, 260. g, h. conquereth the rebels, 771. e. builded a pallace, 772. g, h. besiegeth Tyre, 773. b. his death, 260. h.
- Nadab, Aarons sonne, burned, and why, 67. a.
- Nadab Ieroboams sonne, 212. g. his impietie and death. ibid. g.
- Name of Saul famous, 134. l.
- Naming of the creatures, 3. f.
- Names of Regions and Nations, 10. g.
- Noami her sorrow, 123. e, f. returneth into her countrey, 124. g. her counsell to Ruth, ibid. i, k.
- Norbanus for the Iewes, 422. k.
- Narration of the Arabian wars, 432. l.
- Nathan the Prophet, 166. h. forbiddeth Dauid to build the Temple, ibid. h. reprooued Dauid, 170. m 171. a, b.
- Natiuitie of Iacob and Esau, 20 m. two nations proceed of them ibid. m.
- Nation of the Iewes mixed with all people, 747. b.
- Nations whence descended, 10. g, &c. & 11. a. &c.
- Nature forbids a man to kill himselfe, 659. c. f.
- Nature of the Idumaeans, 677. b.
- Nauie of Salomon, 202. k.
- Naum the Prophet, 240. l. foretelleth the ouerthrow of the Assyrians. ibid. l.
- Nazarites, 81. d.
- Nechao his exploits, 250, h. is ouercome, ibid. m. 251. a. 252. l, m.
- Necessitie, a sharpe weapon, 651. a.
- Neglect of Gods seruice cause of all euill, 207. e, f.
- Negligence of Sauls guard, 153. c. d, e.
- Nehemias his sadnes and why, 275. c, d. inciteth the people to build the wals, &c. ibid. e. his ardent care in building them 276. h. his death. ibid. k.
- Nemrod, 9. b, c. Sonne of Chus, 11. a.
- Nephanus and Sabach Dauids captaines, 182. m. 183. a.
- Nephewes of Iacob, 39. e. of Herode, 598. g, h.
- Nepthalim the sonne of Iacob, 24 k. his sonnes, 40. g.
- Nero proclaimed Emperour, 521. e. his murders, ibid. e, f. 622. h. amased at the actes of the Iewes. 645. a. sendeth Vespasian to gouerne Syria, 745. b.
- Nicanor labereth to surprise Iudas, 314. g. slaine, 315. a.
- Nicanor knowne to Ioseph. 658. k.
- Nicanor wounded, 709. b.
- Nicaule Queene of Ethiopia, 202. h. resorteth to Salomon ibid. l. wondreth and praiseth Salomons wisedome. 202. m. & 203. a. giueth him presents, ibid b.
- Nicholaus Oration. 414. i. &c.
- Nicholaus the Historiographer reproued, 423. c.
- Nicholaus accuseth Syllaeus. excuseth Herode, 432. i. k. prosecuteth [Page] the kings accusation, 444. k. 445. a, &c. excuseth Archelaus, 454. k. 609. c. defendeth Herod and Archelaus, 459. b. 613. a.
- Nicon, the Romans great Ram, 711. a.
- Niger slaine, &c. 683. c, d.
- Nilus, 4. h. maketh Aegypt fertile, 40. i. how farre nauigable, 694. k.
- Niniue admonished, 239. a. her destruction prophecied, 240. l. effected, 247. b.
- Nisan a moneth with the Hebrewes, 49. c.
- Noah the sonne of Lamech, 6. m. admonisheth the wicked, ibid. k, l. buildeth the Arke, 6. l. saued with all his houshold, ibid. m. sendeth out a Crowe and a Doue, 7. d, [...] the tenth from Adam, 6. m. sacrificeth to God, 7. c. praieth to God, 8. g is heard, ibid. h. Gods couenant with him, ibid. i, k. his age, 7. c. his three sonnes, 9. a. his kinde of life, 11. c. was dru [...]ken and derided, ibid. c.
- Nob a Citie of the priests burnt, 149. c, d.
- Nobilitie slaine by the theeues, 673. a. 12000. slaine, 682. i.
- Nobilitie of the Iewes flie to the Romans, 730. i.
- Nobles repaire to Dauid, 163. d.
- Nobles shut vp by Herod, 449. c. 605. c, f. released, 450. m. 606. h.
- Nothing attempted by the Romans rashly, 648. l, m. 669. a.
- Number of the children of Israel, 49. f. from twentie to fiftie yeeres of age, 66. b. of Dauids souldiers, 163. c, f. of workmen, 195. b, c. of Iewes that returned from captiuitie, 266. g. 269. d. of high priests, 526. g. 527. a. of the captiues and slaine in Ierusalem, 744. i, k, &c.
- Nuptiall feast, 24. g.
- Obed Edoms felicitie, 165. c.
- Obed begat Iesse, 125. a.
- Obeda king of Arabia, 344. k. discomsits Alexander, ibid.
- Obediah, hideth the prophets, 215. d.
- Obedience of Abraham, 17. c.
- Obedience to magistrates, 89. d, c.
- Obedience of the Roman souldier, 648. i, k. 649. a, b.
- Obimes Ieroboams sonne, 210. i. falleth sicke, and dieth, ibid. i, k.
- Obodas king of Arabia, 425. c. giuen to idlenesse, ibid. c. 428. m.
- Obsequies of Herod, 451. a.
- Obseruers of Gods lawes rewarded, 2. i, k.
- Occasion of the Iewes warres, 625. a.
- Occasion of victorie, what, 649. a, b.
- Occasion of violences, 674. g.
- Occurrences of kingdomes, and common weales, 2. g. & 85. a.
- Occurrences of Ieremy, 250. k.
- Ochozias king of Israel, reprooued, and why, 224. k, l. his souldiers consumed, ibid. m. 225. a. his death foretolde, ibid. b.
- Ochozias king of Iuda, 231. a. visiteth Ioram, 232. g. slaine, ibid. i.
- Ode of praise, 52. g.
- Office of Iudges, 91. d, e. of an Historiographer, 390. h, i. of the priests, 693. a.
- Ofspring of Noah, Abraham, &c. looke progenie.
- Og king of Galadine, 83. b. is slaine with his ar [...]y, ibid. c. his high stature and great strength, ibid. c.
- Oile in the pot multiplied, 214. l, m. 226. l, m.
- scalding Oile throwne on the Romans, 655. c, f.
- Olda the prophetesse, 249. b.
- Olde man killeth his wife, &c. 377. c.
- Olde and weake Iewes slaine, 744. g. h.
- One sacred Citie, one temple, and one Altar, 90. l.
- Onias high priest, 286. m.
- Onias high priest, 297. paid not his tribute, ibid.
- Onias high priests sonne, 313. c. wins the fauour of Ptolomey, 322. m. buildeth a temple in Aegypt, ib. l, m. 559. a.
- Onias stoned to death, 351. f. 352. g.
- Ophni sonne of Eli, 125. b. his impietie and wickednesse, ib. b. is slaine, 126. k.
- Opinion of the Esseans and Grecians, of the soule, 616. l, m.
- Opinion of the Pharisees and Sadduces, 617. b, c.
- Opinion of the wisest Greekes, &c. 791. c.
- Oppression of the Israelites, 113. d. 114. g. ibid. m. 115. e, f. 119. c, d. 120. l. of the Iewes, 623. e, f. 624. g, h. &c. 625. a, b. &c.
- Oracle of God to Iosuah, 103. c, d.
- Oracles of the Prophets to be r [...]uerenced, 222▪ i.
- Oration of Abraham, 18. h. of Ruben. 34. m. & 35. a. of Iuda, 37. c. &c. and 38. g, h. of Ioseph, 37. a, b. of M [...] to the people, 59. b. to the seditious, 77. f. 78. g. &c. of Zambrias, 86. k. of Moses before his death, 89. a. &c. of the Gabeonites, 104. h. of Iosuah, &c. 106. m. of Phinces, 107. c. of Samuel; 129. c. 133. b. of Saul, 148. l, m. of Abias, 211. c. of Herod, 391. c. 392. g, &c. 584 i. 585. c. of Nicholaus, 414. i. 415. 444. k. 590. m. of Agrippa, 627. c. of Ioseph. 641. c. 659. b. &c. of Titus, 663. d. 671. a. of Ananus, 674. g. &c. of Iesus, 677. c. of Caesar, &c. 703. d. of Ioseph to the Iewes, 714. i. 715. a. &c. 716. g. of Titus to the Iewe [...], 740. g, &c. of Eleazar, 758. h.
- Orchards, 688. h.
- Order of the Romans, 648. h.
- Order of superiour bodies, 6. h.
- Order of the Army, &c. 72. l, m.
- Order of Carpenters, Masons, &c. 195. b, c.
- Order of the Cities of Galilee, 640. i, k.
- Order of Titus army, 699. c, e, f.
- Ordinance of Artaxerxes, 278. g. 280. g, h.
- Ordinances of the fathers transgressed, 86. h.
- Oreb slaine, 117. b.
- Original of the Hebrewes, 11. c.
- Original of the Troglodytes, 19. b.
- Original of the Israelites mischiefes, 243. f.
- Original of the Grecian lawes, 791. c, d.
- Original of the Iewes lawes, 798. k, l.
- Ornaments of the high priest, 63. f. 64. g, h, &c.
- Ornaments of Salomons pallace, 200. k.
- Oronna or Orphona a Iebusite spared, 164. k, l. giueth Dauid his floore, 185. a, b.
- Oseas king of Israel ouercome, 24 [...]. h. made tributarie, ibid. i. taken prisoner, 243. c. his subiects transported, and why, ibid. e, f.
- Oth how in time past taken, 19. d.
- Oth taken to obserue the law, 98. k. 249. d.
- Oth when and how to be kept, 112. k.
- Oth of Ionathan to Dauid, 147, a, b.
- Oth of Senacherib falsified, 245. b.
- Oth obserued, 440. l,
- Otho Emperour, 691. f. slaine, ibid.
- Ouerthrow of the Sodomites, 13. d, e. of the Amorites, 82. m, l. of the Hebrewes, 76. g, k. & 157. f. of Antonie, 393. f.
- Outrages of Elies sonnes, 125. b. of Naas offered the Israelites, 133. e, f. of Azael, 235. b. 236. g, h, i. of Florus souldiers, 625. c.
- Outward court of the temple, &c. 707. c.
- Oxen seuen, what doe signifie, 33. f. how many taken at once, 87. c. not to be muzled, 93. a. oxe that striketh; 96. i.
- Oza sodainly stroken dead, 165. d. and why, ibid.
- Ozias king of Iudaes warlike exploits, 239. b, c. acts and studies, ibid. c, d. striken with a leprosie, and why, 239. e, f. enioyned to depart the Citie, ibid. & 240. g. his death and buriall, 240. g.
- Pacorus sendeth horsemen to Antigonus, 370. l. 575. a. his perswasion to Phasaelus, 371. his treason and subtiltie, ibid. b, c, d. 575. d.
- Pageants built, 751. a.
- Painters cause multitude of gods, 796. k.
- Palestine, whence tooke his name, 11. a.
- Palestines ouercome the Israelites, 120. l. 126. h. inuade the Israelites, 136. i. are ouercome, 137. d, e. 143. d, e. 16 [...]. b, c▪
- Pallace in Tiberias burned, 533. c.
- Pallace built in Ierusalem, 404. k. [...]
- Pallace of Salomon, 200. h.
- Pallace of the king, 705. c. burned, ibid. c.
- Palme trees, 687. f. 688. h.
- Pamphilian sea deuided it selfe, 52. h.
- Pappus beheaded, 582. g.
- Paradice, 4. g. where scituate, ibid. g. h. adorned with all sortes of plants, ibid. g.
- Parents compelled to murther their children, 41. [...].
- Paricid a publike iniurie, 445. l.
- [Page] Parricides, 246. k.
- Parthians restore Antigonus, 379. l. 576. complot trecherie against Phasaelus, 371. c. surprise him and Hyr [...]anus, ibid. f. lay a plot for Herode, 372. g. lose Armenia, 469. d.
- Parts of the Temple, 196. g.
- Pascha or passcouer of the Hebrewes, 49. c, d. celebrated, 243. b. 249. f. 272. g.
- Passage of the Israelites ouer Iordan, 102. g.
- Passages stopped vp from the Hebrewes, 50. k.
- Patience of Ioseph, 32. i.
- Paulina deceiued and defiled, 467. a. &c.
- Peace bought, 236. g. 240. h.
- Peace of the Israelites, 193. c. of the Iewes, 220. k.
- Peace better then death, 678. g.
- the Peeres gouernment best, 92. h.
- a Penaltie most cruell, 41. e. &c.
- Penaltie of a woman maried for a virgine, &c. 93. f
- Penaltie published; 134. k. what it wrought, ibid.
- Pencioner to Saul, Dauid, 141. c.
- Penitent obtaine mercie, 716. l.
- Penurie of water, 585. c. see want.
- People of Israel afflicted, 41. c, d. 42. g, h. 46. g, h. 47. d, e. departed out of Egypt, 50. g. exhorted to put their trust in Go [...] ibid. l. m. and to obey the will of God, 89. a, b. &c. driue away the cattell of the Amalechites, 139. c. require mitigation of their burthen, 206. h. reuolt from Roboam, 206. l. are transported, and why, 243. e, f. flie with their mony, 717. a.
- People enioyned by oath to serue God, 234. l. 249. d.
- People of Iuda blesse God, 224. h, i. and why, ibid. h.
- Peoples loue to Ioseph, 547. b.
- People permit not Pilate to alter their lawes, 617. c.
- People exclaime against Florus, 625. s, die for want, &c. 713. c.
- Perfection of mind respected, 141. b.
- Periurie of Florus, 624. i.
- Peroration of Herode, 585. a.
- Perplexitie of the Israelites, 50. k, l.
- Perswasion of Ieroboam to Idolatrie, 207. c.
- Perswasion of false Prophets dangerous, 222. k.
- Perswasion of Rapsaces, 245. d, e.
- Pestilence one of the plagues of Egypt, 48. l.
- Pestilence destroyeth Senacheribs army, 24. k.
- Pestilence a great affliction, 253. c.
- Petra a Citie of Arabia, 576. i.
- Petro [...]us charge for placing Caius statue, 480. k, &c. executeth it not, and why, 480. l. 481, a. b. certifieth the Iewes of Caesars threats, 619. a, c. writeth to Caius, ibid. d. 619. c. receiueth letters of Caius death, 483. d. 609. d. his letter to the Dorites. 508. h
- Phaceias king of Israel, 240. i. his impietie and wickednes, ibid. i. slew 120000. Iewes, 241. a. tooke Achaz sonne prisoner ibid. c. was slaine, 242. h.
- Pharao enamourd of Sara, 13. a. plagued ibid. a, b.
- Pharaoh his dreames, 33. b, c. deliuereth Ioseph from bonds, ibid. d. aduanceth him to great honours, 34. h. reioyceth at the arriuall of Iosephs brethren, 39. a. inquireth of Iacobs age, 40. i. restored the profits of his subiects lands, ibid. k.
- Pharao killeth the male children, 41. d, e. would haue killed Moses, 43. e. & 45. b. his death, 46. m.
- Pharao counselled to dismisse the Hebrewes, 47. c, d. not moued with miracles, layeth heauier taskes on them, ibid. c, d. aduised once more, ibid. e, f. driueth away Moses, 49. b. dismisseth the Israelites, ibid. d▪ his host drowned, 51, c, f.
- Pharisees a sect, 329. e. 617. b. greedie of reuenge, 347. d. exempt from swearing, 408. h. would not sweare obedience, 439. c. 463. d. their opinion, 617. b.
- Pharos a tower, 692. l.
- Phasaelus his gouernment, 362. g. vanquisheth Felix, 367. m. 574. g. 36 [...] a. made Tetrarch, 370. h. 574. l. obtaineth the fauour of the people, 570. taken prisoner. 371. f. dasheth out his braines, 373. b.
- Phasaelus Tower and Citie, 588. g. h.
- Pheroras made Tetrarch, 407. d. accuseth Alexander and Aristobulus, 416. l. refuseth the kings daughter, 423. f. blamed for Alexanders offence, 428. h. pardoned, ibid. 594. c. deceiued, 438. l. refuseth to put away his wife, 440. g. banished, 599. a. falleth sicke and dieth, 440. l. m. 599. c. his wife accused, 441. a. she confesseth the poyson. 442. g.
- Philip rebelleth against Antiochus, 312. l. is slaine, 313. c.
- Philip king of Syria, 344. h. besiegeth Demetrius, 345. c.
- Philip Herodes sonne, 458. i. hath part of the kingdome, 459. d. repaireth cities, 464. k.
- Philo Iudaeus defence, &c. 480. h.
- Philistines ouercame the Israelites, 120. exacted tribute of them, ibid. l. 126. h put to flight, 130. g. muade the Israelites, 136. i. are ouercome, 137. d. e. & 143. d, e. discomfir Sauls armie, 157. e. f. ouercome by Dauid, 166. l. by Ozias 239. b. by Ezechias, 243. c.
- Phinees the sonne of Eleazar, 87. a. slaieth Zambrias & Chosbi, ibid, a. ouerthrew the Madianites, 87. e. his Oration to the two tribes and halfe, 107. e. succeeded Eleazar, 108. m. foretold the Israelites their victorie, &c. 111. f.
- Phinees Elies sonne, 125. b. his wickednes and impietie, ibid. b▪ is slaine, 126. k. his wife then bare Ichabod, ibid. m.
- Phison a floud of Paradice, 4. h. called also Ganges. ibid. h.
- Phora, 4. h.
- Phraates king of Parthia slaine, 465. b.
- Phul king of the Syrians, 240. g. for money made a peace, ibid. h.
- Pietie profitable, 213. a, b.
- Pietie of Ancestors remembred. 42. g.
- Pietie contemned cause of calamities, 113. c. 114. g. m. 126. g. &c. 135. e. 242. h, i, k.
- Pietie of Asa, 212. i. of Iosaphat, 220. k. of Iotham, 240. k. of Ezechias, 242. i. of Iosias, 248. k, l. & 249. a, b. &c. of Matthias, &c. 305. a.
- Pigeons doung sold, 227. f.
- Pilate succeedeth Gratus, 464 m. bringeth Caesars statues to Ierusalem; 466. g. i. not admitted, 617. e. crucifieth Christ, 466. l, m. putteth Samaritanes to flight, 468. i, k. accused. ibid. sendeth the statues from Ierusalem, 617. f. beateth the seditious, 618. g.
- Pillage taken, 224. h.
- Pillars raised, 6. i.
- a Pillar called Galaad, 25. f.
- Pitcher of water, 153. d.
- Pit to be fenced, 96. k.
- Pit of swearing, 16. l.
- Pits bituminous, 13. c.
- Pitie of Ioseph toward his brethren, 38. l.
- Placidus repulsed at Iotapata, 649. c. his victorie, 669. g, [...]. burneth Bethenabris, 686. l m.
- Placing of the vessels, &c. in the temple, 196. m. & 197. a, b▪ 198. g, h.
- Plagues of Egypt, 48. g, h, i, k, l, m. & 49. a.
- Plague in Dauids time. 184. l.
- Plague inuadeth Iudaea, 399. d.
- Platformes erected, 656. h.
- Plants sprang at first out of the earth, 3. d.
- Plants not of foure yeeres grouth, 92. i.
- Plato admired, 795. a. permitteth not Poets, &c. 796. k.
- Pledge to be restored to the poore, 95. d.
- Plentie foresignified, 33. c, f. 34. g, i.
- Plotting of Antipater, 423. c.
- the Plough found out, and by whom, 5. b.
- Poeme of sixe measures, 98. a.
- Poem of Homer, 675. b.
- Poets cause multitude of gods, 796.
- Poison tried, &c. 446. k, l. 604. i.
- Policie of Rebecca, &c. for her sonne, 21. e, f. of Iacob to pacific his brother, 26. g, h, i, k. of the Gabeonites, 104. h. of Ioseph, 538. h. 539. a. 542. i. of Ionathan, 545. e, f. of Ioseph, 643. d. 652. k. 655. b. 690. h.
- Politianus meets with Agrippa, &c. 627. enciteth the people to peace, ibid. d.
- Pompey gouernour of Syria, 352. m. marcheth against Aristobulus, 353. f. 354, g. 566. k. besiegeth Ierusalem, 354. i, 567. k, l committeth Aristobulus to prison, ibid. 567. c. taketh the temple, 355. a. bestoweth the Priesthood on Hyreanus ibid. 356. spoileth not the Templ [...]. ibid. d. 567. carieth Aristobulus to Rome, 568. h. headeth conspirators, ibid.
- Popedius accused, 491. 2.
- Popularitie of Alcimus, 314. g h.
- Porch of the temple 195. e. fired, 733. f.
- Port of Caesarea. 305. e.
- Port made by Herode, 587. d.
- Portion of Salpades daughters, 88. c.
- Portion of Iudaea. 647. b.
- Possession of Chanaan prophecied of, 40. l.
- [Page] Posteritie of Ismael, 17. a, c.
- Posteritie of Giants extinguished, 13. c.
- Posteritie of Iethro possessed of land. 109. d▪
- Posteritie of Noah replenished the world. 9. f.
- Posteritie of Esau, [...]8. h, i. of Iacob, 40. l.
- Poison not to be vsed, 96. h.
- Power giuen to saue, 38. h, i.
- Power of God euerie where, 219. d.
- Power of kings, wine, and women, 267. c. f. 268. h.
- Power of the soule, 759. a.
- Power of Dauid and Salomon, 789. c.
- Practise of S [...]on and Leui, 27. a.
- Pray that the Israelites goe in warre, 57. b, c. 87. e, f. 102. m. 103. f.
- Prayer of Noah, 8. g. of Amram, 42. g. of Moses, 51. c. 79. b, c, &c. of Iosuah, 103. b. of Sampson, 122. l. of Salomon, 198. i, l. of Samuel and the Israelites, 129. d. e, f.
- Prayse of Abraham. 20. l. of Iacob, 40. m. of Ioseph, 41. a. of Iosuah, 57. c. & 108. m. of Moses, 99. e. f. of Samuel, 15 [...]. f. of Saul, 156. h. of Dauid, 189. e. of Salomon, 206. g. of Iosaphat, 224. i. of Nehemias, 276. k. of Ananus, 680. m. of Eleazar, 804. k.
- Praise giuen to God, 52. g, h.
- Prediction of things to come, 98. a.
- Preparations for warre burned, 312. g.
- Presents of Abraham, 19. d. of Iacob. 36. g. of the Aegyptians, 49. d. of Abigail, 152. k. of the Mesopotamians, 168. c, d. of the Queene of Ethiopia, and of kings, 203. b, c, f. of Ptolomey to the interpreters, 295. b. of Herod, 594. l.
- Preseruation of Moses, 42. m. 43. c. of Daniel and his companions, 259. f.
- Preseruation from bloudshed, 152. l, m:
- Presidents in euerie Citie, 91. d. and what manner of men they ought to be, ibid. d.
- Pride of Amasias, 237. d, e. of Ozias; 239. d. of Senacherib, 245. c. of Nabuchodonosor, 260. g. of Balthasar, 261. c. of Iohn, 685. a.
- Priests vestures, 61. c, d. e.
- Priests abstaine from wine, 707. c. 775. a.
- Priests executed, and why, 739. c.
- high Priests number and succession. 526. g, &c. 527. a, &c.
- Priesthood confirmed to Aaron and his sonnes, 80. i.
- Priesthood to be transported, foreshewed, 126. g.
- Princes of Syria, 270. m.
- Principalitie affected by Adonias, 186. i. by Costabarus, 400. i. 685. a. 691. c. 697. f.
- Priscus slaieth Ionathan, 733. a.
- Prisoners dismissed, 241. d, c.
- Priuiledges granted to the Iewes, 295. d. 364, g. &c. 365. a, &c. 784. l, m.
- Problemes of Hiram, &c. 770. l.
- Prodigies preceding Ierusalems destruction, 738. i, k, &c. 739. a, &c.
- Professors of wisedome burne themselues, 759. c.
- Progenie of Iapheth, 10. b. of Canaan, 10. m. 11. b. of the sonnes of Sem, 11. c, d. of Cha [...]s sons. 10. l. of Iacob, 39. c. of Aaron, 526. g. of Herod, 471. d. 472. g, h, i.
- Prohibition of armes and yron-worke, 136. i.
- Profit how great redounded to king Pharao, 40. i, k.
- Promise of Gods assistance. 89. c, d.
- Promotion of Ioseph, 34. g, h. 39. b.
- Prophecie of Iacob touching his posteritie, 40. l, m. of the sacred Secretarie, 41. d. of Balaam, 85. a, b. of Samuel, 126. g. 140. i, k. of Achias, 204. l, m. 205. d. of Iadon, 207. c, f. of Olda, 249. b.
- Prophecie of the captiuitie and deliuerie, 253. a, b.
- Prophet Moses, a good gouernour, 99 e, f.
- Prophet Nathan, 166. h. 170. m. Achias, 205. c. Iadon, 207. c. Samaeas, 209. c. Azarias, 212. l. Elias, 214. k. Gimon. 213. a. Elizaeus, 225. c. Esay, 245. f. Ieremie, 250. i. Ezechiel, 251, c. Ionas. 238. l. Naum, 240. k. Aggaeus and Zacharias, 271. b. Micheas, 220. h.
- false Prophet discrediteth the true, 208. l. [...]21. d.
- false Prophet decerueth the people, 522. l.
- Prosperitie of Ioseph, 32. b. of Salomon, 202. m. 203. a, b, &c. 206. g. of Ieroboam, 239. a.
- Prosperitie maketh prowd, 237. d, c. 239. d.
- Prospect stopt vp, 524. g.
- Prouidence of God in sauing Moses, 42. k, l. m. 43. a, b. of the Israelites, 99. a.
- Prouision of victuals, 164. g. 578. m. 579. a.
- Prouision for the priests, 276. k.
- Prouision of things necessarie for warre, 648. g, h.
- Prooues against Antipater, 445. b, c, d. 604. h, i, k, l.
- Prudence of Ioseph, 33. c. 34. g. of Salomon 199. a. of Iosephus, 652. l, m.
- Ptolemais described, 618. l. besieged. 342. g. taken, ibid. l.
- Prolomey Lagus obtaineth Aegypt, 287. c. seazeth Ierusalem by a stratageme, ibid: 288: g. led the Iewes away captiue, ibid. g, h.
- Ptolomey Philadelphus caused the Iewes lawes to be translated &c. 2. h. his librarie, 288. k. his proclamation, 289: c. his liberalitie, 290. k, l. his Epistle to Eleazar, &c. 290. l, m. his gifts giuen to the temple, 291. d, c. 292. g. &c. 293. a, &c. his banquet, 294. g.
- Ptolomey Euergetes king of Aegypt, 297. f. incensed against Onias, ib.
- Ptolomey Philopater warreth against Antiochus, 296. h. his death, ibid.
- P [...]olomey Epiphanes king of Aegypt, 302. h. his children, ibid.
- Ptolomey Philometor circumuented, 303. h. succoureth Alexander, 325. b. his death complotted, ib. c. refuseth the Diademe of Asia, ibid. c. his fight and death, 3 [...]6. g.
- Ptolomey slaieth Simon, 334. h. imprisoneth Hyrcanus mother and brethren, ibid. his crueltie against them, 560. m. murthereth them, 561. a.
- Ptolomey Physcon, 337. a. the Syrians request to him, ib.
- Ptolomey Lathyrus, 337. f. aydeth Antiochus, ibid. commeth to ayde the Ptolemaidans, 341. f. besiegeth Ptolemais, and why, 342. g. ouerthroweth Alexander, ibid. k. driuen out of Aegypt, 343. a.
- Ptolomey Mennaeus fined, 353. b. adopteth Antigonus, 368. h.
- Ptolomies wife robbed, 536. m. is slaine, 580. g.
- Punishment of Adam and Eue, 4. l, m. of the Serpent, ibid. m. & 5. a. of Sodome, 15. c 16. g, h, of a false witnesse, 91. f. of Homicide committed, ib. f. & 92. h. of Saul, 140. i. of Iadon, 208. i. of Senacherib, 246. k. of Nabuchadnezzar, 260. g.
- Punishment for honouring false gods, 204. l, m. 241. b, c.
- Punishment of Aristobulus, 340. i.
- Punishment for rauishers of virgins, 793. c.
- Purgations of women, 25. c.
- of Purification the manner, 81. f. 82. g.
- Purifications vsed in the sacrifices, 793. d.
- Purification of the body, 793. e, f.
- Pursuite of Laban after Iacob, 25. a. of the Aegyptians afte [...] the Hebrewes, 50. h.
- Putifar an Aegyptian Lord bought Ioseph, 30. l, m.
- Pythonissa of Endor, 154. m.
- Quadratus Gouernour of Syria, 621. c. decideth the Iewes and Samaritanes debate, ibid. f.
- Quailes fell amidst the Hebrewes campe, 55. a. 73. c.
- Qualities of the Aegyptians described, 41. b.
- Quantitie of Gold, 203. d.
- Queenes house or pallace, 200. i, k.
- Queene of Ethiopia, looke Nicaule.
- Queene Vasti refuseth to come to the banquet, 277. a, b. deposed, ibid. c, d.
- hard Questions dissolued, 201, a, b, c.
- Questions of Artaxerxes. 267. b.
- Quintilius Varus Gouernour of Syria, 443. b. pacifieth the seditious, 455. b. deliuereth the legion, 457. c. assisteth the Romans, 611. c. taketh Cities and Castles, 611. c, f. crucifieth the seditious, 612. g.
- Rachel daughter of Laban, 23. a. bringeth Iacob to her father, ibid. b, c, d. stealeth away her fathers gods, 24. m. how she hid them, 25. c. taught by Iacob to contemne them, 24. m. dieth in childbed, 27. c.
- Race of the Chanaanites to be rooted out, 106. k.
- Race of Giants remained, 109. c.
- Race of Achimelech murthered, 149. d.
- Rage of Antiochus, 802. k.
- Raguel a priest of Madian, 45. c. father in law to Moses, ib. c. commeth to Moses in Sinai, 57. c, f.
- Rahab hid the spies, 101. b, c. requireth of them an oath, and [Page] why, ibid. c, d. her and all hers saued, 102. l.
- Raigne of Dauid, 189. c, f. of Salomon, 206. g of Iosaphat, 226. k. of Herode, 450. l. of Tiberius, 618. h. of Caius, 619. f. of Agrippa, 620. l. of Claudius, 622. g, h.
- Railing of Goliah, 142. h, i, k.
- Rainbow a signe of attonement, 8. k.
- Raine foreprophecied, 216. i. k.
- Raising of a dead man, 236. m.
- a Ram offered in Isaacs steed, 18. l. m.
- Ram, an engine, 653. d. described, ibid. shaketh the tower, 710. h.
- Rampier [...] builded by the Romans, 719. d.
- Rapines committed by day. 673. a.
- Rapsaces chiestaine of the Assyrian armie, 245. c. perswadeth lizechias to submit, ibid. d, c.
- Rasis warreth against Achaz, 241. b. seazeth Elath, ibid. b. slaine; 242. g.
- Rational, 64. k.
- Rauishment of Dina reuenged, 27. a. punished, 94. h.
- Rayment of Ioseph, 31. f. a proofe against him. 32. h.
- Rayment taken in warre, 106. l.
- Reading of the law, 274. l, m.
- Reason described, 800. m. hath dominion ouer passions, ibid. k.
- Rebecca daughter of Bathuel. 12. g. sister to Laban, ibid. g. sheweth courtesie to Abrahams seruant, 19. c. 20. g. procures his entertainement, ibid. h, i. maried to Isaac, 20. k. brought forth two twins, 21. a. her deuice for her sonne, ibid. c.
- Rebellion of Chore, 77. b. of Siba, 181. c, d. of the Antiochians, 327. c, d. of the Iewes against the Romanes, 631. b.
- Rebellion of Scythians and Sarmates, 749. c.
- Rebellious punished, 80. g.
- Rebels kill an Embassador, 637, d, c.
- Rebels conquered, 420. g.
- Reconciliation of Absalon, 147. h, i. of Herod and his sonnes, 590. k, l. of Pheroras with Herode, 428. h.
- Records of the Greekes for the Iewes antiquitie, 768. l. 769. &c.
- Reformation of Gods seruice, 243. b, c.
- Religion contemned cause of calamitie, 110. i, k, l. 111. c. 112. i. 113. c. see pietie contemned,
- Religion renued, 213. a.
- Religion of the Esseans, 615. d.
- Reliques of Iupiter taken away, 9. e.
- Remissenes in punishing cause of sinne, 139. f.
- Renowne of Salomons vertues, 202. c.
- Repairing of the Temple, 235, c, d.
- Repairing of the Citie Ierusalem. 239. b. c.
- Repentance of the people, 74. l. of Achab, 217. l. of Dauid, 171. a, b. of Ioachas, 236. i.
- Report of Iosephs death, 662. g.
- Report of the behauiour of Samuels sonnes, 130. l.
- Repose, 3. e.
- Request of Ionathan, 327. b. of the Iewes, 612. l, m. of the Romans to Caesar, 703. c.
- Requitall of courtesie, 20. g. 45. c. required. 101. c. performed, 102. l.
- Resolution of Iosephs brethren, 29. d.
- Restitution of things borrowed, 95. c.
- Restoring of God seruice, 234. l. m.
- Returne of Iacobs sons, 35. of the spies, 73. f. 101. a. of Vespasian, 746. h.
- Reuenues of Priests, 81. c. of Mephiboseths lands, 168. h, i.
- Reuenues of Agrippa, 511. c. of Archelaus, 613. b. of Pheroras, 592. l.
- Reuerence of the Sabboth, 616. i.
- Reuerence of the Roman souldier, 648. i, k.
- Reuolt from the Iawes of the fathers, 86. h.
- Reuolt of the ten Tribes, 206. l. 207. a.
- Reuolt of the Germans, 748. l.
- Reward of learned preachers, 220. i. 253. d.
- Reward of valiant men, 727. e, f.
- Reward of such as keepe the law, 794. l.
- Rewards oppresse Iustice, 130. l.
- Riches of the Madianites, 87. e, f. of the Ainites, 103. f. of Dauid, 189. f. of Salomon, 202. l, m. 203. a, b. 204. g, h, i. of Ozias, 239. c.
- Riddle of Sampson propounded to the Thamnites, 121. f. dissolued, ibid.
- Ripping of womens wombes foretold, 230. g.
- Riuer of Arnon, 82. h, i.
- Riuer Sabaticus, 749. c.
- Robbers punished, 406. l.
- Robberies in Trachona, 406. i. winked at, 623. d.
- Roboam entreated to ease the peoples burthen, 206. de [...]ied their petition, ibid. l. abandoned of ten tribes, 206. l. forbidden to make warre, 207. a. builded strong cities, 208. m. his wiues and children. 209. a, b. impietie, ibid. maketh brasen shields, [...]10. dieth, ibid. h.
- Rocke, veeldeth forth water, 55. c.
- Road of the Philistines, 150. h.
- Rod of Moses turned into a serpent, 46. i. deuoureth the Egyptians rods. 47. d.
- Rod of Aaron fructifieth, 81. a.
- the Romans gouernment how farre it extended, 649. a, b.
- Romans ouercome the Iewes, 569. b, c, e. sacke Iericho. 579. b. get a great pray, ibid. b. skirmish with the Iewes. 610. i, k. fire the porches, ibid. k. haue subdued the Athenians, &c. 628. k. l. yea the whole world, ibid. m. & 629. a, & c, flie into the kings forts, 632. m. are slaine, 633. d. burne Ioppe, &c 636. l. burne the temple gates, 638. h. ouercome the Iewes, 645. e, f. retire without their purpose, 656. g. enter Iotapata, 657. e, f. moued with no compassion, 658. g. their warlike discipline, 647. e, f. 648. g. &c. attempt nothing rashly ibid. l, m. 669. a. driue the Iewes to their ships, 663. c, d. assault Gamala, 667. f. 668 b, c. many slaine, 668. h. winne Gamala, 670. [...], i. fight with the Iewes, 701. c. their feare and trouble, ibid. c. ouercome the seditiou [...], 709, a. get the first wall, 711. b. driuen out by the Iewes, 713. a hindred by the Iewes, 714. h. plant their courts of guard, 721. c. feare the desperatenes of the Iewes, 726. h. vndermine the wall. 726. m. inuade Antonia, 728. k. set Ierusalem on fire, 741. b. enter Ierusalem, 743. d. finde treasure in the vaults, 744. l, ruinate Citie and Temple. 745. c.
- dining Roume fell downe, 581. c.
- Ruben the sonne of Iacob, 24. i. why so called, ibid. his sonnes 39. c. his disswasion, 29. d, e. and his perswasion, 30. b. intended to saue Ioseph, 30. i. pleadeth before Ioseph, 34. m. & 35. a.
- Rue of admirable greatnes, 752. k.
- Ruine of the Israelites sought, 41. c, d.
- Ruine of the Amalechites foretold, 47. d.
- Rulers of Ierusalem, 639. d.
- Rumor of Herods death, 387. d.
- Rumor of the Emperour, 478. h. 497. d.
- Ruth her loue to Naomi, 124. g. maried to Booz, ibid. l. m. 125. a.
- Saba chiefe Citie of Ethiopia, 44. l. called Meroe, and why, ibid. l.
- Sabach and Nephanus, Dauids captaines. 182. m. 183. c.
- Sabboth, 3. called a day of rest, and why, ibid. c.
- Sabinus repaireth to Ierusalem, 453. c. and why, ibid. 608. l. 610. h, i.
- Sabinus pursueth those that slue Caius, 496. h. alloweth not of Claudius▪ 505. c. killeth himselfe, 506. h.
- Sabinus tooke the Capitol, 696. h. slaine, ibid. i.
- Sabinus valiant, 728. g. slaine. ibid. h.
- Sacks of chaffe, 653. f.
- Sacred sanctuarie, 706. l.
- Sacrifice acceptable to God, 140. h.
- Sacrifice of Cain and Abel, 5. b.
- Sacrifice of Noah, 7. c. of Iacob, 27. b.
- Sacrifices of the Princes of the tribes, 67. e. f.
- Sacrifice of thanksgiuing, 68. i, k.
- Sacrifice for sinne, 68. k.
- Sacrifice of Penticost, 69. f.
- Sacrifice of Salomon at the dedication of the Temple, 199. d.
- Sacrifice of Samuel, 129. f.
- Sacrifice of Ezechias, 243. a, b.
- Sacrifice of Herode, 585. b.
- Sacrifice of the olde testament, 66. h. 793. c.
- Sacrifice consumed of it selfe, 66. m.
- Sacrilege of Achar, 102. m. punished with death, 103. d. of Crassus, 359. m. 569. c. of Iohn, 724. g.
- Sadoc sent to Dauid, 176. m. being pursued, is hidden, 177. a.
- Sadoc established high Priest, 191. f. 192. g.
- Sadduces. a sect. 329. e. 463. e. 617. c. their opinion, 617. b, c.
- Safetie of Dauid respected, 144. m.
- Sale of the Iewes, 666. k.
- [Page] Salmanasar king of Assyria, 242. h, i. ouercommeth Oseas, and why, ibid. h, i. taketh Oseas prisoner and transporteth the Israelites, 243. e, f. spoiled Syria and Phoenicia, 244. g.
- Salome accused Mariamme, 397. d. accuseth Alexander, &c. 416. k. entiseth her daughter, &c. 424. h. denied to Syllaeus in marriage, 425. c, d. excuseth her selfe, ibid. a. m [...]th Alexis, 437. c. discouereth conspiracies, 439 b. releaseth the Nobles, 450. m. 606. h. princesse of Iamnia, 613. b. dieth, 464. l.
- Salomons coronation, 189. a, b. king of Israel, 190. m. requireth wisedome of God, 192. k. marrieth a wife, ibid. i. decideth the two womens debate, 193. b, c. buildeth the temple, 195. d. prayeth to God, 198. i, k. 199. a. exhorteth the people to praise God; ibid c. builded a pallace, 200. h. dissolueth hard questions, 201. a. repaireth the wals of Ierusalem, ibid. d. buildeth Cities, 201. d, e, f. maketh the Chanaanites tributarie, 202. buildeth a nauie, ibid. k. remunerateth Nicaule the Queene, 203. c. marrieth strange wiues, 204. i. committeth Idolatrie, ibid. i. his punishment decounced, ibid. l, m. had enemies raised against him, 205. a. dieth, 206. g.
- Saltis subdued the Aegyptians, 769. a.
- Samaria besieged, 227. f. of whom so called, 214. g. taken, 243. e. described, 647. a.
- Samaritans hinder the building of the temple, 266. h, i. 270. l. their offer reiected, ibidem, k, Iewes enemies, 272. h. kinsmen to the Iewes when, 286. k, l. disdaine the Iewes, 304. i. send letters to Antiochus, ibid. k. contend with the Iewes, 322. m. 323. a. accuse the Iewes, 520. h. their strife with the Iewes, 621. f. 11000. slaine, 657. c.
- Samaeas reprooueth the Iewes impietie, 209. e. comforteth the people, ibid.
- Samaeas his admonition, 362. m. honoured, 363 a.
- Sampson killeth a Lyon, 121. d. marrieth a wife, ib. e. propoundeth a riddle, ibid. e, f. his actes against the Philistines, 12 [...]. h, i, k, l, m. prayeth, and why, 122. l. betraied by Dalila, 123. c. the slaughter of the Philistines, and of himselfe, ibid. d.
- Samuel his pa [...]ents, 125. c. consecrated to God, ibid. e. God called him t [...]ise, ibid. f. foreshewed the death of Eli, and his sonnes, 126. g. offereth sacrifice, 129. m. comforteth the people, ibid. his victorie, and recouerie of lands, 130. h, i. committeth the common weale to his sonnes, ibid. i, k. troubled, and why, 131. a, b. bidden to create a king, ibid. c. sheweth the peoples estate vnder a king, 131. c. annoinieth Saul king, 132. k. iusti [...]ieth himselfe, and why, 135. c. striueth to reconcile Saul to God, 139. e. killeth Agag, 140. l, m. telleth Saul of Gods displeasure, 140. i. annointeth Dauid king, 141. a, b, c. his death, buriall, and praise, 151. f.
- Sanabal [...]ath gouernour of the Samaritans, 284. h. followeth Alexander, 285. b. buildeth a temple, ibid.
- Sanctuarie, 62. h. 196. g. 198. h.
- Sanctuaries or places of refuge for whom, 88. k.
- Sand like glasse, 618. l.
- Sara daughter of Aram, 11. f. Abrahams wife; 12. a, m. her beautie, 13. a. king of Aegypt enamoured on her, ibid. a. bringeth Agar to Abraham, 14. m. her age when she conceiued Isaac, 15. c. preserued from Abimelech, and how, 16. i. brought foorth Isaac, ibid. caused Ismael to be expelled, &c. 17. b. affecteth. Isaac, ibid. b, d. her death, 19. a.
- Saraeus high priest tooke prisoner, 255. d.
- Saturninus president of Syria, 428. l. 429. a. permitteth Herod to enter Arabia, ibid. b. his indifferent sentence, 434. h.
- Saul seeketh the lost Asses, 132. g. annointed king by Gods commandement, ibid. i, k. confirmed therein, 132. l. hideth himselfe, 133. c, d. saluted by the people for their king, 133. d. promiseth the Iabasites assistance, 134 i, k. killeth k. Naas, 134. l. sacrificeth, and is reprooued, 136. l. ouercommeth the Philistines, 137. e. would haue slaine Ionathan, 138. i, k. alwaies a conquerour, ibid. i. taketh and spareth Agag, 139. c, d, e. slaieth the Amalechites and raseth their Cities, ib. b, c. offendeth God, ibid. d, e. loseth his kingdome, and why, 240. h, i. denied pardon renteth Samuels garment, ib. i, k. slew the Philistines, 143. d. resolueth to kill Dauid, 144. g, h, l. darteth his Iauelin at Dauid, 145. e. prophecieth, 146. i. questioneth about Dauids absence, &c. 147. c, d, e. maketh an oration to his captaines, 148. l. m. pursueth Dauid, 150. k, l. & 151. a, b. condemneth himselfe, and iustifieth Dauid, ib. d, e. pursueth Dauid againe, and his life saued, 153. c, e. banisheth diuiners, 154. l. by a sorceresse is foretold the euent of the battell, 155. a, b, c. praised, 156. h, i. is slaine, 158. g, h.
- Scarcitie foresignified, 33. e, f. how to be preuented, 34. g, h. among the Israelites, 73. a. very grea [...] in Claudius his time, 75. a, b. in Samaria, 227. f. 228. g.
- Scarcitie of corne, 744. h.
- Scaurus maketh peace with Aristobulus, 352. k. president of Coelesyria, 356. g. his warre against Aretas, ibid. h. 566. h. bribed, ibid.
- Science of the celestiall bodies, 6. h.
- Schisar king of the Assyrians, 113. d. oppressed the Israelites, ibid. d.
- Scopas generall of Ptolomies army, 296. i. discomsited, ibid. ouercommeth the Iewes, 296. k.
- Scythopolitans kill 3000. Iewes, 634. l.
- Sea of Pamphilia deuided it selfe, 52. h.
- red Sea deuided at the stroke of Moses rod, 51. d. returning to his course, drowneth the Aegyptians, ibid. e.
- brazen Sea, 196. k.
- Sebas, 183. d.
- Sebaste a hauen, 443. b.
- Secretarie of priest foretelleth Moses greatnes, 41. d, e. willeth him to be s [...]lled, 43. c.
- Securitie promised to Rahab and hers, 101. c, d.
- Sects of the Iewes, 329. e. 463. d. 614. l.
- Secrets of Syllaeus disclosed, 599. d.
- Sedechias a false prophet, 221. d. contradicteth Micheas, ibid. d, e.
- Sedechias king of Iuda, 252. h. reuolteth, ibid. seduced, 252. i. 253. a, &c. neglecteth the Prophets counsell, ibid. surprised, 154. l, m. his eies put out, 255. a. his death, ib. f.
- Sedition against Moses, 73. a. 76. m. & 80. k, l. of Chore for the priesthood, 77. b, c, d.
- Sedition against Roboam, 206. l. 243. f. of the Samaritans against the Iewes, 288. h, i. among the people, 302. i. of the Iewes, 480. g. betwixt Senat and people, 503. f.
- Sedition at the passeouer, 452. l. betweene the Iewes and Samaritans, 519. f. for the golden Eagle, 608. h. in Ierusalem, 610. h. 6 [...]3. b, [...]. betweene Greekes and Iewes, 635. c. a threefold sedition, 697. e. tooke the Citie, 709. a.
- Seditious more impious then the Sodomites, 724. h.
- Seditious. 623. b, c. beaten, 618. g. bribe Albinus, 623. d. flie to the temple, and why, 629. l. gaue not eare to those in authoritie, 631. f. put the Romans to flight, 662. l. agree among themselues, 700. l, m. 710. h. challenge the sodden childe, 734 l. summon Titus to parley, 739. f. take away the kings treasure, 741. c, d. their vtmost hope, 742. g. kept in Acra and in Vaults, 743. a.
- Seed of the woman, 4. l. shall bruise the serpents head, ib. l.
- Seeds at first grew out of the earth, 3. d.
- Seeds not to be mixed togither, 92. l.
- Sehon king of the Amorites denieth passage to the Hebrewes, 82. i. ouerthrowne by them, ibid. l, m. is slaine, 83. a.
- Seir, what it signifies, 21. a.
- Seir Esaus dwelling place, 26. l.
- Seleucus Nicanor priuiledgeth the Iewes, 295. d.
- Selecus Soter raigneth in Asia, 302. g.
- Sem Noahs third sonne, 9. a. couereth his fathers shame, 11. [...] his progenie, ibid. d.
- Semecho [...]tis a lake, 667. b.
- Semiramis built not Babylon, 772. h.
- Senaar a plaine, 9. a.
- Senabarus one of the fiue kings of Assyria, 13. e.
- Senacherib surpriseth the Cities of Iuda, 245. b. besiegeth Ierusalem, ibid b, c. his army striken with the pestilence, 246. k. himselfe slaine, ib.
- Senate perswadeth Claudius to resigne, 503. b.
- Senates decree, &c. 360. m.
- Senates answere to Agrippa, 620. g. their repaire to Claudius, 620. i.
- Sencelesnesse of Achaz, 242. g.
- Sentence against Herods sonnes, 596. m.
- Sephora Moses wife, 46. m.
- Sephoris walied, 464. i. spoyled, 551. d. entertaineth the Romans, 636. m.
- Sepulchre of Dauid, 190. g. of Memnon, 618. l.
- Serpents tempting of Eua, 4. i. his subtiltie, ibid. h. his punishment, ib. m. & 5. a. enemy to man, 4. m. wherin his strength lieth, and how easily killed, ibid. m.
- [Page] Serpents verie hurtfull destroyed, 44. i, k.
- Seruants of Elizeus 227. b.
- Seruants of Salomon happie, and why, 203. c.
- Seruant of Abraham taketh his oth, 19. d. his praier, and eare in discharge of his message, 19. c. & 20. g, h, i, k.
- Serui [...]e of God neglected, 242. h.
- Seruice of forraine Gods, 204. i, k. 237. d. 242. h.
- Seruice of Antipater, 577. c.
- Seruices of the Gabeonites, 104. k.
- Seruitude of the Egyptians great, 40. k. of the Hebrewes insupportable, 41. c. 46. g, l. & 47. c.
- Seruitude of the Israelites, 113. d. and why, ibid. e. 114. g. m. 715. a. &c.
- Seth sonne of Adam, 6. h. a vertuous man, ibid. h. left a godly issue, ibid. h. his age and death. 7. b.
- Sethosis king of Egypt, 770.
- Seuen men of Sauls kinred punished, 1 [...]2. k.
- Seuentie Iewes with Iohn and Simon sent into Italy, 750. h.
- Seuentie interpreters, 293. b. 785. a.
- Seueritie of Herode, 407. a.
- Sextus Caesar gouernour of Syria, 362. g. writeth in Herodes behalfe, ibid. l. selfeth the presidents place, 363. b. slaine, 366. g. 572. k.
- Sheepshearing of Nabal, 152. h. of Absalon, 172. m.
- Shewes at Ca [...]sarea, 746. i.
- Ships of Salomon, 203. e. of Iosaphat, &c. 224. i.
- Shipwracke of Iosephus, 530. l.
- Siba manureth Mephiboseths lands, 168. h. accuseth him & getteth his goods, 180. i, k.
- Siba sonne of Bochri, 181. incenseth the people to rebellion, 181. c. besieged by Ioab, 182. g. his punishment, ibid. h.
- Sibils prophecie of Babel, 9. c.
- Sicarians, 755. d. besieged, 756. i. authors of new calamitie, 761. e. taken, 762. g.
- Sichama Iosuahs habitation, 108. k.
- Sichem defloureth Dina, 26. m. desireth to marrie her, ibid. m. is slaine, 27. a.
- Sichemites slaine, 27. a.
- Sichemites constitute Abimelech their ruler, 116. c. banish him, 118. h. are slaine and their Citie sackt, ibid. k, l, m. &c.
- Sicknes of Ieroboams sonne, 210. i.
- Sicknes of Ochozias, 224. k.
- Sicknes of Ioram, 130. k, l.
- Sicknes of Adad, 229. f.
- Sicknes of Ezechias, 246. m.
- Sicknes of Herode, 447. d.
- Sicle. 66. g.
- Siege of Ierusalem. 164. g. 245. a, [...]. deferred, 689. d.
- Signes of the law, 91. c.
- Signe of Ezechias recouerie, 257. a, b.
- Signes before the destruction of Ierusalem. 738. i, k. &c. 739. a. &c.
- Signe of a true historie, 766. g, h.
- Signification of the golden head, 259. c.
- Silas captaine of the kings guard, 552. m.
- Silas groweth into hatred, 509. a.
- Silon corrupted with money, 376. g.
- Silua besiegeth Massada, 756. i.
- Simei pardoned. 190. g. punished. 192. g, h.
- Simeon the sonne of Iacob, 24. i. why so called, ibid. i. he and Leui slew the Sichemites, 27. a. left as a pledge with Ioseph, 35. d, e. his sonnes, 39. e, f.
- Similitude 117. f. 271. a, b 685. c.
- Simon succoureth the Galileans, 309. e. taketh Bethsura, 328. l. declared high Priest, 331. c, d. animateth the people against Tryphon. ibid. c. his authoritie, 332. m. raceth the Castle of Ierusalem, 333. a. maketh warre against Antiothus, 333. f. 334. g. traiterously slaine, 334. h. 560. k.
- Simon degraded, 442. i.
- Simon affecteth the crowne, 456. k, l. 611. b.
- Simons counsel against Ioseph, 540. k. m.
- Simon the Galilean, 614. l. deuiser of a sect, ibid.
- Simon killeth many of his countrimen, 634. l. m. his parents & wife, &c. 635. a.
- Simon the sonne of Giora committeth rapines and murders, 644. g, h.
- Simon of Garasa, 690. g. assembleth the theeues, ibid. spoyleth Idumaea, 691. b, c. assaulteth the temple, 693. a. his campe, 708. l, m. apprehended, 744. m. 746. l. kept for the triumph, ibid, drawen through Rome with a halter, 751. d.
- Singing, looke song.
- Single combate, 142. h.
- Sinne escapes not vnpunished, 153. a.
- Sinnes of the Iewes against the law, 716. g, h.
- Sinne cannot escape Gods Iustice, 746. m.
- Sisara captaine of Iabins host, 115. a. put to flight and slaine, ibid. d, e.
- Situation of the land of the Amorites, 83. b.
- Situation of the higher Calilee, 646. k.
- Situation of Iotapata, 651. c.
- Situation of Gamala, 667, c.
- Situation of Massada, 755. d.
- Sixe thousand Iewes consumed with fire, 738. g.
- Skirmish of the Romans with the Iewes, 610. i, k.
- Skirmish betweene the Galileans and Romans, 656. m.
- Skirmish of Simon and Iohn, 698. h, i.
- Slaughter one of another, 117. d. 137. d. 224. h.
- Slaughter on the Sabboth day, 633. f.
- Slauerie of the Hebrewes see seruitude.
- Slaughter of Achimelech and his familie, 149. c, d.
- Slaughter of Ochozias seruants, 233, a.
- Slaughter of Baals priests, 233. d.
- Slaughter of Azarias, 420. g.
- Slaughter of the Tapsians, 240. h. of the armie of Iuda, 241. a [...]
- Slaughter of the Moabites, 166. l of Antigonus faction, 382. of the Iewes, 623. b. in the temple. 736. m. 698. i. in the vaults, 742. g, h.
- Slaunders touching the Iewish nation answered, 776. g, &c.
- Sleepe of Abner and his souldiers reproued, 153. d, e.
- Sodome once a goodly Citie, 13. d. her destruction foretolde, 15. c, burnt, 16. g.
- Sodomites ouercome by the Syrians, 13. d, e, f. taken & rescued, ibid. f. & 14. h. their sinnes, 15. c, d. stricken with blindnes, 16. g. destroyed, ibid. g.
- Sohemus discouereth the king [...] secrets, 397. a. aduanced, ibid. a. put to death, 398. l.
- Soile of Peraea, 646. m.
- Souldiers ought to obey their captains, 664. h.
- Souldiers take meat out of the Citizens mouths, 717. d, e.
- Souldiers rewarded, 449 b. 745. d, e.
- Souldier sheweth his priuie members, 519. b.
- Souldiers require a Monarch, 504. m. repaire to Claudius, 505. c.
- Souldiers dismissed, and why, 237. c.
- Souldiers of the Romans obey their captains, 648. i. k.
- Souldiers that came vnto Dauid numbre l, 163. e. f.
- Souldiers with their captains consumed, 224. m. 225. a.
- a Souldiers filthy fact, 621. a.
- a Souldier burneth the booke of the scripture, 621. b. is punished ibid. c.
- Solemnitie of the Passeouer, 49. d. 69. e.
- Solemnitie of the new moone, 147. c.
- Solemnitie of transporting the Arke, 165. c, d, e, f.
- Solyma the place where Melchisedech was king, 14. i. after called Ierusalem, ibid. i. & 164. k.
- Song of praise, and thanksgiuing of the Israelites 52. g, h.
- Song of Moses, 97. f.
- Song of the women and maidens of Israel, 143. e.
- Sonne of Vision, 24. i.
- Sons of Noah, 9. a.
- Sons of Abraham, 16. l. 17. a. & 20. l.
- Sons of Isaac, 20. l. 28, g.
- Sons of Esau, 28. h, i.
- Sons of Iesse, 141. b, c.
- Sons of Saul slaine, 157. f.
- Sons of Dauid, 164. l.
- Sons of Iacob hate their brother Ioseph, 28. l. go into Egypt for to buie corne, 34. k, l. 36. g, h. imprisoned and accused of theft, 35. b. & 36. k, l. carie presents with them, ibid. g. depart into Egypt with their father, 39. e.
- Sorceresse of Endor, 155. a. raised Samuels ghost, ibid. b.
- three Sorts of sedition, 697. e.
- Sosius hath charge of the army, 378. k. leideth an army against Ierusalem, 380. g. taketh Antigonus, 582. m.
- Soueraignty to whom to be giuen, 141. b, c.
- Soule immortall, 659. d. 758. m. 759. a. tied to a mortall bodie, ibid.
- Speare of Goliah the Philistine, 142. h.
- Spectacle of compassion, 717. c. d.
- Spies sent into Chanaan, 73. d, e, sent to Iericho, 100, l. suruey [Page] the Citie, ibid. m. promised Rahab to saue her and all that was hers, 1 [...]1. c, d.
- Spirit of God forsaketh Saul, 141. d. and an euill spirit troubleth him, ibid. d, e.
- Spirit of God entred into Dauid, 141. d.
- Spoiles gotten in warre, 57. b, c.
- Spoiles dedicated to God, 102. in. 224. h.
- Spoile of the temple, 236. g.
- Spoiles committed in the day, 673. 2.
- Spoiles, &c. carried in triumph, 757. c, d.
- Sports of Olympus, 421. b.
- Starres made, 3. d. their end, courses and motions, ibid.
- State of Ierusalem troubled, 643. m. 644. g.
- Statue of gold erected, 259. e, f. cōmāded to be worshipped, ib. f.
- Statue of Caius 480. k, l. 618. k.
- Statue of diuers mettals, 259. c, d. beaten to powder, ibid.
- Statues of Caesar, 466. h, i. Iewes refuse to admit them, ib.
- Stature of Og, 83. c.
- Stature of Saul, 133. d.
- Stature of Goliah, 142. h.
- Sterilitie foreshewed, 33. e, f.
- Stocke of Basa destroyed, 213. f.
- Stone taken out of the mountaine, 259. c, d.
- Stole of the Priest, where kept, 410. 1.
- S [...]e of prouision, 757. 2.
- Store of all sorts of mooueables, 103. f.
- Store of corne gotten, 229. c. d.
- Store of victuals, 578. m. 579. a.
- Store of engines and arrowes, 752. f.
- Storme, 689. e.
- Stratageme of Moses, 44. i, k. of the Ephraimites, 109. e. of Ioab, 169, a. of Ptolomey, 288. g. of Ioseph, 538. h. 539. a. of Cestius, 638. m. of Ioseph, 642. g. 651. f. 652. i. 653. f. of the Iewes, 733. b.
- Stratons tower, or Caesarea, 402. l. 588. g.
- Streights of Engaddi, 151. a.
- Strength of Sampson, 121. d. & 122. m.
- Strength of Eleazar, 654. g. of Netiras, &c. ibid.
- Strife among the Priests, 523. c.
- Stripes thirtie nine, 93. c.
- Stuffe to build the Tabernacle of, 60. k. l.
- Subiection of the Israelites to the Moabites, 114. g. to the Chanaanites, ibid. m. to the Palestines, 120. l. to the Assyrians, 242. g.
- Subtiltie of the Serpent, 4. h.
- Subtiltie of Iacob, 21. f. of Lea and Rachel, 24. k. of Laban, ibid, h. of Pharao, 41. e. of king Naas, 133. f. of Michol, 146. g. of Saul, 151. c, d. of a woman, 173. d. of the false prophet, 208, h. of Silo, 578. l, m. of Florus, 626. g.
- Succession of hie priests, 526. g. h, &c.
- Successor of Moses, who, 88. g.
- Successors of Alexander, 287. e, f.
- Successors of Dauid, 166. i.
- Successors of Nabuchodonosor, 261. 2.
- Summe of the Israelites taken, 184. h.
- Summe of golde, siluer, &c. towards the building of the temple, 188. l, m.
- Sunne made, 3. d. the ende, course and motion thereof, ibid. e.
- Sunne stood still, 104. m.
- Superstition of the people reprooued, 215. f. 216. g.
- Supplication of Moses to God, 54. l.
- Supplication of Ioachas, 236. i.
- Supplication of the Iewes sent to Caius, 619. c, d.
- Supplication of the Israelites, 129. d, e.
- Supplies sent to Titus, 664. i.
- Surprisall of the Arke, 126. l. of Rabatha, 171. f.
- Susac inuadeth Iudaea, 209. d. spoileth Ierusalem and the temple, ibid. e.
- Sustenance faileth the Israelites, 53. a, e, f.
- Swearing among the auncient Iewes, 19. d. and the manner thereof, ibid. e. imposed, and why, 249. c, d.
- Sword of Goliah, 143. d. 148. h.
- Sycophants of Agrippa, 510. m.
- Syllaeus gouerneth the kings affaires, 425. c. desireth Salome to wife, 425. c, d. accuseth Herod to Caesar, 429. d. deferreth the payment of Herods money, ibid. a. condemned to die, 433. b.
- Symoborus one of the fiue kings of Assyria, 13. e.
- Syrians warre against Achab, 218. g, h. discomfited, 219. a. 228. m. 229. a. led away captiue, 24 [...]. g.
- Syrians against Dauid, 169. c.
- Tabernacle builded, 60. l. erected in the desart, 61. a, b, c, &c. dedicated. 66. l. and when, ibid. k. place [...] in Siloe, 105. c.
- Table set in the Tabernacle, 60. l.
- Tables of the ten commandements, 58. l. 59. c. 60. k. placed in the Arke, 62. i.
- Table of golde, 197. a.
- Talents of golde, 203. l, m.
- Talents, 566. h. 569. c.
- Talent how much, 797. h.
- Tales credited, 426. h.
- Talions law, or law of like for like, 96. i.
- Talke betwixt God and Cain, 5. c.
- Talke of Iacob with Rachel, 23. b, c.
- Talke of Laban with Iacob, ibid. d, e, f.
- Talke of Dauid with Goliah, 143. b.
- Tapsians put to the sword, 240. h. and why, ibid. h.
- Tarichea besieged, 663. b. taken, 664. l, m.
- Taricheans vanquished by sea, 666. g.
- Taske of the workemen of Salomon, 195. h.
- Taske more grieuous imposed, &c. 47. c.
- Taxation of the Iewes, 462. l.
- Teares of Esau, 22. h.
- Tediousnesse of the Hebrewes iourney, 53. a.
- Teglaphalassar king of Assyria, 240. i. led away the Israelites captiue, ibid i. slaieth Rasis, and taketh the Syrians prisoners, 242. g. gold and siluer giuen him, ibid. g.
- Temperance of Saul, 133. c.
- Tempest after Samuels prayer, 135. f.
- Tempest caused by Ionas, 238. l, m.
- Tempest drowned those of Ioppe, 661. d, e.
- Tempest of miseries assailes Ierusalem, 685. c.
- Temple when builded, 195. c, d. heighth, length and breadth thereof, ibid. e. with all the other things belonging thereunto, 196. 197. &c. when consecrated, 197. e. spoyled, 209. e, f. cleansed, 242. i, k, 238. h. repaired, 248. m. 249. a. burned, 255. c, d. began to be builded, 270. g. finished, 271. f. dedicated, ibid. 272. g. desolate three yeeres, 308. m. repurged, ibid. 309. a. burned, 463. b. the strongest fortresse of the Citie, 674. k. builded on a strong hill, 705. c. consumed with fire, 736. h, &c.
- one Temple to be builded, and why, 90. l.
- Temples of Idolaters to be destroied, 90. h.
- Temple on mount Garizim, 286. m. laid desolate, 336. h.
- Temple builded by Herod, 407. c.
- Temple of Apollo, 421, a.
- Temple of Isis pulled downe, 468. g. and why, 467. a, &c.
- Temple builded by Vespasian, 751. e.
- Temple of Onias shut vp, 762. i, &c.
- Tempting of the Serpent, 4. i. of Iosephs mistris, 3 [...]. a, b, &c.
- Tents, a place so called, 24. m.
- Ten commandements, 59. f.
- Tenths of the fruits, 91. a.
- Tenths for the poore, Leuites and festiuals, 93. c.
- Terme of mans life, 12. g.
- Terme of exile for chance-medlie, 88. k.
- Terror among the enemies, 137. d. 224. h. 228. l, m.
- Testament of Herod, 447. d. altered, 604. l.
- Testimonies of the Iewes antiquitie, 771. a. 772. l. 773. b, c, d, f. 774. h. 775. c.
- Thanksgiuing of the Israelites for their deliuerance, 52. g, h.
- Tharbis the kings daughter of Ethiopia, 44. m. enamoured of Moses, ib. m. 45. a. yeeldeth the Citie of Saba, and is married to Moses, ibid. 2.
- Thares Abrahams father, 11. e. went out of Chaldaea to Charran, 12. g. his age and death, ibid. g.
- Thargal a captaine of the Assyrians, 13. e. sacked Syria and extinguished the Giants, 13. e.
- Theater buil [...] by Herod, 401. b.
- Theft committed, how punished, 95. e.
- Thermuthis Pharaos daughter, 42. m. taketh Moses out of the water, ibid. m. adopteth him for her sonne, and preserueth him from death, 43. c, e.
- Theudas the Magitian, 518. l. his perswasion to the people, ibid.
- Theeues confident, 638. h, i.
- Theeues app [...]ehend Ananias kinred, 525. a.
- [Page] Theeues taken by Herode, 377. b.
- Theeues murther in the day. 622. k. work much mischief ibid. m
- Theeu [...]. spoile the countrey, 672. l. make a high priest, 673. [...].
- Thee [...]e punished, 412. l. 428. k, l.
- Things vncleane, 70. i.
- Thirst oppresseth the Israelites, 55. c, d.
- Thirst of the Arabians, 585. c.
- Thirst of Sampson, 132. k, l. of Dauid, 801. e.
- Thobel a warriour, 5 f. inuented the art of forging, ibid. f.
- Thola a Iudge of Israel, 119. b.
- Tholomaeus the Archtheefe. 513. a.
- ten Thousand thronged to death, 621. a.
- Thraldome of the Chanaanites, 202. i.
- Three admirable works, 707. b.
- Three valiant Iewes, 719. e, f.
- Threefold sedition deuided into two parts, 702. i.
- Thirce in the yeere the Hebrewes ought to meete. 90. m.
- Throne of Salomon, 200 m.
- Thucydides history, 765. e.
- Tiberians meete Ioseph, 534. m. their letters to Agrippa, 538. l. intend warre against Ioseph, 548. h. submit themselues to Vespasian 66 [...]. i. m. 663. a.
- Tiberias builded, 465. a. in daunger of ruine, 551. e. recouered, 643 b.
- Tiberius Emperour, 464. m. reiecteth Vonones suit, 466, g. punisheth Isis Priests, 467. f. thrusteth the Iewes out of Rome, 468. h his league with Artabanus, 469. c. his death, 471. c. 478. g. h. why he deferred to giue audience to Embassadors and prisoners, 474. h. &c why chaunged not gouernours, ibid. h. addicted to the Mathematickes, 476. l. 477. a. b. recommendeth the Empire to Caius, ibid. d. his funerall, 478. k.
- Tiberius a gouernour of Iudaea, 518. k. crucifieth the sonnes of Iudas, ibid. l.
- Tiberius a gouernour of Egypt, 694. l.
- Tidings of Neros death, 689. c.
- Tigranes inuadeth Syria, 348. h.
- Tigris a riuer of Paradice. 4. h. called Diglat, ibid. h.
- Tillage practised by Noah, 11. c.
- Timber precious 203. c.
- Time of the Israelires deliuerance, 50. g.
- Time of the building of the temple, 195. c.
- Time of the Iewes returne, 265. a, b. and 269. b, c, &c.
- Time of the Israelites transportation, 243. c.
- Time of the kings raigne of Dauids line 255. b.
- Time when Ieremy liued, 250. k.
- Time of the destruction of Ierusalem and Temple, 255. c, d. 736. i. k. 737. b. 742. i, &c. 743. a. &c. 744. g, &c. 745, a, b, c.
- Timotheus twice ouercome, 310. h, i.
- Titus his mightie army, 647. e. winneth Iapha, 656. m. taketh Tarichea, 664. m. entreth Gamala, 670. g. repaireth to Ierusalem, and why, 700. g. putteth his enemies to flight, ib. k. in what places besieged Ierusalem, 703. d, 3. circuiteth the wals, 709. b. commaundeth thē to be battered, 710 g. putteth the Iewes to flight, ibid, k. taketh the second wall, 712. l. 713. d. sur ceaseth the siege, and distributeth money, 713. [...]. crucifieth many Iewes, 718. k, l. accuseth the souldiers, 720. i. calleth. God to witnesse, 722. g. dareth Iohn to fight, 729. c. striueth to saue the temple, 731. a. beholdeth the souldiers, ibid. c, d. restraineth his wrath, 735. c. granteth the Iewes life vpon condition, 741. a. promiseth recompence to the souldiers. 745. f. celebrateth pastimes, 749. c. lamenteth Ierusalem, 750. g.
- Torment of Eleazar, 803. d, e, &c. 804. g, [...].
- Torment of the mother and seuen brethren, 806. g, h. &c. 807. a, &c. 808. g. &c. 809. a, &c. 810. g, &c. 811 a, &c.
- Tortures laid vpon many. 426. k.
- Touch of conscience, 340. k.
- Tower of Babel, 9. a.
- Tower of white marble, 302. k.
- Towers erected, 201. d. 239. c. 656. h.
- Tower of Antonia. 410. l.
- Towers of Herode. 704. m. 705. a, b.
- Trachonites compelled to ciuilitie, 428. i, k. rob againe, ibid. k. subdued by Herode, 429. b.
- Traiane taketh Iapha, 656. i, k, m.
- Training vp of souldiers, 640. h. 647. f. 648. g.
- Traitor apprehended, 440. k.
- Transgression of vocation punished, 239. f.
- Transgression of Saul, 139. c, d, e.
- Transgressors of Gods lawes threatned to be punished, [...]. i, k. 140. i, k, l, m.
- Translation of the Bible, 294. h, i.
- Translation of the Priesthood foreshewed, 126. g.
- Translation of the Israelites, 240. i. 242. g. 243. e, f. and when, ibid.
- Transportation of the kingdome, 140. i.
- Transportation of the Arke, 165. c.
- Trauuler to be directed in his way, 96. g.
- Trauailers not to be forbidden ripe fruit, 93. a.
- Treason intended and discouered, 278. g, h. 325. b, c.
- Treason practised, 213. d. 236. g. 238. h. 240. g. h. ibid. 235. b, c. 5 [...]3. f. 591. e, f. 601. a. 626. g. 642. h.
- Treasurie of the temple emptied, 236. g. 242. g. 245. b.
- T [...]re taken away, 456. g.
- T [...]le wall, 703. e.
- Tree of life, 4. g.
- Tree of knowledge, ibid.
- Trees fruitfull not to be cut downe, [...]7. e.
- Trembling of the earth, 239▪ e.
- Tribe of Ruben. Gad, and the halfe tribe of Manasses require the land of the Amorites, 88. a, b. promise to helpe their brethren, ibid. h, i. required to performe it, 101. l. are dismissed, 105. l. m. builded an Altar, 107. c. their answere to Phinees, 108. i.
- Tribe of Dan oppressed, 113 b. seeke a place to inhabit, ibid. b, c
- Tribe of Leui sacred to God, 70. h.
- Tribe of Iudahs accusation and excuse, &c. 181. a, b.
- ten Tribes reuolt, and why, 206. k, l, m. 207. a. transported, and why, 243. e, f.
- Tribunall of Salomon, 200. i.
- Tribune a captaine ouer a thousand, 143. f.
- Tribute exacted of the Israelits, 120. l. of the Canaanites, 202. i.
- Tribute imposed, 166. l. 167. c. e. 225. c. 240. k. 242. i. 250. k. 251, a. 754. h.
- Triple golden crowne, 64. k.
- Triumph of Titus and Vespasian, 750. i, k, &c.
- Troglodytes of whom descended, 19. b.
- Trophees of Herode, 401. f. &c.
- Trouble of mind, 141. d, e, f. 148. k.
- Trouble of the sorceresse, 155. b. of Saul, ibi. d, e.
- Troubles in France, 687. b.
- Truce breaker. 245. c. 252. h.
- Truce granted the inhabitants of Iabes, 134. h.
- two Trumpets of siluer, 72. k, l.
- Truth of Iosephs history, 195. a. 550. m.
- Truth of Gods promise, 198. i.
- Truth of Gods Oracles, 229. c, d. 249. c.
- Truth of Eliahs prophecy, 232. h.
- Truth preuaileth, 268. k, l.
- Tryphon requireth Antiochus, 327. a, b. ouercommeth Demetrius, ibid. f. breaketh couenant, 330. m. plotteth Ionathans death. 331. a, b. his demaunds of Simon, 332. h. obtaineth the kingdome, 333. b, c. slaine, ibid. c.
- Tumults in Iury, 456. i. 617. d. in the Armie, 710. m. for a. Galileanslaine, 621. c, d.
- Turpentine tree that, &c. 691. b.
- Twins brought forth at once, 20. m. & 21. a.
- Tyranny of Antiochus, 304. g, h. of Herod foretold, 38 [...]. f. effected, 407, a. 612. l. of Caius, 489. a. of Varus, 532. h, i, l. 612. g.
- Tyrannies breed mischiefe, 499. e, d.
- Tyrants enfeeble themselues, 443. c.
- Tyro imprisoned, and why, 434. k. 597. c. accused of treason, 435. a. b. 597. b, c. he and 300 captaines are slaine, ibid. b.
- Valerianus his speech, 662. i.
- Valley of benediction, 224. i.
- Valour of Sampson, 110. l. & 12 [...]. d. of Dauid, 144. g. of Dauids souldiers, 164. h. of Herode, 580. k. of Netyras and Philip, [...]54. h. of Vespasian, 6668. i. of Titus, 701. e. of the Iewes decreased, 726. i.
- Vardanes perswadeth Izates, 516. m. slaine, 519. e.
- Variance of women, 423. e.
- Varus tyrannie, 532. h, i, l. assisteth the Romans, 611. e. see Quintilius.
- Vengeance to be taken on the Amalechites, 98. g.
- Ventidius fisheth for money, 374. m. 578. h. sendeth for Silon 376. m. ouercommeth the Parthians, 377. c.
- [Page] Vertue of the minde respected of God, 141. b.
- Vertue of Abraham. 20. l.
- Vertue of Dauid, 189. c, f.
- Vertue of Salomon, 193. g. 202. l. 203. a, b, c.
- Vespasian arriueth at Tyre, 553. b. gathereth forces against the Iewes, 645. c. commeth to Ptolemais, 646. h. helpeth the Sephorites, 647. c filleth Galilee with sword and fire, ib. c. d. directeth the Romans march, 649. c. inuadeth Galilee, 650. g. besiegeth Iotapata, 651. d. wounded in the sole of the foote, 654. h. leideth his army to lotapata, 655. 2. taketh it, 657. f. taketh Ioppe, 661. c, f. commeth to Agrippa, 662. i. ouercommeth the Taricheans, 666. g. consulteth whis chieftaines about the Iewes, 666. [...]. i. besiegeth Ga [...]la, 667. d. e. comforteth his souldiers, 668. l. expecteth victorie, &c. 684. g. visiteth Iudaea, 687. c. hath tydings of Neroes death, 689. c. inuadeth Iudaea, 691. f. elected Emperour, 693. c. 694. g. 695. a. his vertues, &c. ibid. d, e, f. dischargeth Ioseph, 695. c. proclaimed Emperor. 696. k.
- Vessels of gold and siluer giuen to Salomon, 203. f.
- Vessels of gold and siluer taken, 87. [...].
- Vessels pertiming to the temple, 196. k, l, m. 197. a, b, c.
- Vessels of the temple carried away, 255. c, d sent back, 265. d, e.
- Vestments of the high priest in Antonia, 468. m.
- Vestures of the priests, 63. c, d, e, f. 197. c.
- Vexation of Saul by an euill spirit, 141. c.
- Victorie wherein it consisteth, 663. f.
- Victorie maketh proud, 237. d, e.
- Victorie of Placidus, 686. m. of the Iewes, 703. a.
- Victorie of Moses and the Aegyptians, 44. k.
- Victorie of Iosuah ouer the Canaanites, 105. b, c.
- Victorie of the Israelites ouer the Beniamites, 112. g. h.
- Victorie of Saul ouer the Ammonites, 134. l. ouer the Amalechites, 139. b, c.
- Victorie of Dauid ouer Goliah, 143. d. of him against the Palestines, 145. d. 165. b, c.
- Victorie of Ioab, 169. b.
- Victorie of Achab against the Syrians, 219. a, d.
- Victorie of Amasias, 237. d. of soas, ibid. a. 238. g. of Vespasian, 666. g of the Romans, 667. a. 670. h, i.
- Victuals failed the Israelites, 53. a, e. 227. f.
- Victuals very plentie, 229. c, d. 57 [...]. m. 579. 2.
- Villanie most horrible, 110. l. & 111. a.
- a Village called Abrahams house, 12. l.
- Villages burned, 457. e, f.
- Vine of golde, 352. m. 353. a.
- Vineyard planted by Noah, 11. c.
- Vineyard of N [...]oth, 217. b.
- Vines to be pl [...]d, 92. k.
- Violence not to be vsed, 96. g.
- Virgins of the Madianites taken, 87. e, f.
- Vision of Iacob, 22. k, l, & 26. g.
- Vision of Ioseph, [...]8. l, m.
- Vision of Pha [...], 33. b.
- Vision of Amram, 4 [...]. g.
- Vision of Nabuchodonosor, 258. k, l.
- Vision of the Goat and Ram, 263. d, e.
- Vision of Archelaus, 461. d, e.
- Vision of the hand, 261. c.
- Vitellius commeth to Ierusalem, 468. l. remitteth the tribute, ibid. maketh Ionathan high priest, 469. b. warreth against Aretas, 470. l. 471. b.
- Vitellius Emperour, 691. f. cheampeth his army in Rome, 693. c. forsaken of his soldiers, 695. e, f. 696. h, i. slaine, ib. i.
- Vlcer one of the plagues of Aegypt, 48. m.
- Vncle of Saul, 232. m.
- Vnconstancie of mans loue, 133. 2.
- Vniust death, 426. h.
- Vniustice, 149. c, d. 215. f. 216. g. 426. h.
- Voice in the inner temple. 738. l.
- Vologesus king of Parthia, 519. a. incited to kil Izates, 517. c. compelled to returne, 518. g.
- Volumnius president of Syria, 429. a. arbiter betweene Syllaeus and Herod, ibid. his sentence, &c. 434. h.
- Voluptuousaesse of the Israelites, 86. h, i.
- Vonones discomfited. 465. f. submitteth himselfe to Syllanus, [...] 466. g.
- Vow of Ieptha. 119. c.
- Vow of Anna, 125. d.
- Vowes of the Esseans, 615. f.
- Voyage of Vespasian by sea, 746. i.
- Vrias Bers [...]bes husband, 169. e. refuseth to repaire to his wife, and why, ibid. e, f. is flame, 170. 2.
- [...] M [...]iama husband, 47. [...]. holdeth vp Moses hands, ib. a.
- Vse of the plough by whom found our, 5 ib.
- Waies paued, 204. 2.
- Waight of gold brought, 203. d.
- Waights found out, and by whom, 5. e.
- Wall built about Ierusalem, 721. a.
- first Wall taken, 711. b.
- second Wall taken, 712: l.
- Walles of Ierusalem finished, 276. i, [...].
- Walles of Iericho fall downe, 102. b.
- Walles of Babylon, 772. k.
- Want of water, 657. c.
- Want of water and victuals, 53. a. 225. d. 227. f. &c. 403. 2.
- Warrantize of securitie promised Rahab, 101. c, d.
- Warre how to be vndertaken, 97. c, d.
- Warre intended for libertie, 674. m.
- Warre betweene Antonius and Augustus, 5 [...]4. h.
- Warre betweene the seditious and peaceable, 632. g.
- Warre of the Aegyptians with the Ethiopians, 43. c, f.
- Warre of the Amalechites against the Israelites, 56. li.
- Warre of the Philistines against the Israelites, 142. g. 154. l.
- Warre of Dauid▪ 165. a, b. 166. l.
- Warre of Adad against Achab, 218. g.
- ciuill Warre of the Israelites, 111. d, c. 112. g, h. 160. h, i, k. 207. [...] 211. e, f.
- Water powled on the earth, &c. 46. k.
- Water turned into bloud, 48. g. h.
- Water failed the Israelites, 53. a. changed, ibid.
- Water of Bethieems well, &c. 183. c.
- Water deliuered by measure, 652. i.
- Wearinesse of the Hebrewes 53. a.
- Whale deuoureth Ionah, 239. a.
- Witch of Endor, 155. a.
- Witch of Arabia, 600. g.
- Wicked man punished, 153. a. 230. k, l.
- Wickednesse most horrible, 110. l, m. 111. a.
- Wickednesse cause of calamitie, 111. a. & 112. g. &c. 113. [...] 114. g. m. 126. g. &c.
- Widow of Sareptha, 214. l.
- Widow of Obedias, 226. l.
- Wife of Putiphar enticeth Ioseph to lie with her, 31. a, b, c. ascuseth him to her husband, 32. g, h.
- Wife of the high priest, 71. d.
- Wife of the dead brother, 94. i, k.
- Wife of the Leuit villanously abused, 111. 2.
- Wife of Phinees, 126. k.
- Wife of Ieroboam, 210. i, k. goeth to aske counsell, and why ibid. i, k.
- Wiues of Herod, 437. e.
- Will of God to be obeyed, 8p. c, d.
- Winding staires, 196. g. h.
- Wisedome of the lawmaker, 2. l, m. of Ioseph, 33. c, d. 34. g, [...].
- Wisedome of Salomon, 193. h. 202. m. 203. a.
- Wisedome of Daniel, 258. g.
- a false Witnesse his punishment, 91. f.
- false Witnesses suborned, 217. d.
- Wiues of Salomon numbred, 204. i, k. i [...]ed him to co [...] Idolatrie, ibid. k.
- Wiues of Herod, 437. e.
- Wiues of Esau, 21. d. 22. i.
- Wiues of Iacob, 24. i, k.
- Wiues of Lamech, 5. f.
- Woman created, 4. g. tempted and fell, ibid. h, i. punished, 4. l, m.
- Woman married for a virgine, &c. 93. f.
- two Women accuse one another, 193. 2.
- Women seduce Salomon, 204. i.
- Women at discord, 423. c.
- Women care their owne children, 228. g, h. 734. i, k.
- Women sing songs, 143. c.
- Womens tearmes, 25. c.
- Word of God not without fruit, 242. m.
- Workmaisters of the Tabernacle, 60. l.
- Workmen building the Temple, 195. b, c.
- Workes of God, 793. b.
- [Page] World made in sixe daies, 3. [...].
- Wrastling of Iacob, &c. 26. i, k.
- Wrath of God against the Egyptians. 51. c, f.
- Wrath of Saul against Dauid, 144. m.
- Wrath of Dauid against Nabal, 152. i.
- Wrath of God against the Iewes, 727, b, c.
- Wrath of Florus, 625. 2.
- Wrath of Herode, 590. g. 592. k. 662. h.
- Wrath of Vitellius, 696. h.
- Wrath pacified, 552. g, h. 564. g.
- Wrath bridled, 735. c.
- Writers why they omit to speake of the Iewes, 775. c.
- Wrongs done by the Amalechites, 98. g.
- Wrongs done by the Ammonites, 168. k.
- Xantique a moneth, 69. d.
- Xerxes king of Persia fauoureth the Iewes, 272. l. m. his letters to the Princes of Syria, ibid. m. 273. a. granteth Nehemiahs request. 275. d.
- Yeare of Iubilee, 72. g.
- 7. Yeeres plentie and scarcitie, 33. d, e, f.
- great Yeere, 8. l.
- Yeeres betweene the building and destruction of the Temple, 737. b.
- Yeeres of the captiuitie of Babylon, 265. a.
- Young men pull downe the Eagle. 487. h. 605. b. put to death, ibid. d, e.
- Youthly course of Manasses, 247, e, f.
- Youthly course of Amos. 248. i.
- Zabulon burned, 636. k.
- Zabulon Iacobs sonne, 24. l. what it signifie [...], ibid. his sons, 40, g.
- Zacharias stoned to death, 235. f. and why, ibid.
- Zacharias sonne of Achaz slaine, 241. c.
- Zacharias king of Israel slaine, 240. g.
- Zacharias encourageth the people, 271. b.
- Zacharias condemned by the Zealous, 682. k. acquited, ibid. l. slaine in the Temple. 682. l.
- Zacharias one of the chiefe of the Zealous, 676. m.
- Zamaris the Babylonian Iew. 438. h.
- Zambrias marieth Chosby, 86. i. speaketh against Moses, ibid. [...] slaine together with his wife, 87. a
- Zamri king of Israel, 213. f. rooteth out Basas posteritie, ibid. burneth himselfe in the pallace, 214. g.
- Zaraeus king of Aethiopia, 212. k. ouerthrowne, ibid.
- Zeale of Phinees, 87. a, b.
- Zeale of the people, 248. m.
- Zeale of Elias, 215. f. 216. g, h, i, m.
- Zeale of Matthias and his sonnes, 305. a.
- the Zealous occasion of violences, 673. f. 674. g. why so called, ibid. fight with the Citizens, 675. c. require helpe of the Idumaeans, 677. a. their fiction disproued, ibid. d, c. tyrannize ouer the liuing and dead, 684. k. take Simons wife, 691 c. fight with the Idumaeans, 692. l.
- Zeb killed by Gedeon, 117. b.
- Zelpha Leas handmaid, 24. i. beareth to Iacob Gad. & Aser. ib.
- Zenodorus liueth by spoiles, 406. i. accused by Herod. 406. l. his countrey giuen to Herode, 428. i.
- Ziphians promise to deliuer Dauid, 150. l. m. labour againe to betray Dauid, 153. b.
- Zoilus a tyrant of Straton, 341. c.
- Zorobabel prince of the Iewes. 265. e, f. 269. c. obtaineth praise and rewards, 268. l. and why, ibid.
Printed at London by Peter Short, dwelling on Bred-streethill at the signe of the Starre.
1602.